On behalf of the people and the Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho, and on my own behalf, I have the pleasure and the honour to extend to you personally. Sir, and to the members of the Assembly, our fraternal greetings. In so doing, we take the opportunity to offer our warm congratulations upon your most befitting and deserving assumption of the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
We are in no doubt that the General Assembly will benefit enormously from your prowess and demonstrated diplomatic skills, your wisdom, and your experience, in the course of your duty to guide the deliberations of the General Assembly - a brilliant manifestation of the oneness of the wide world community of sovereign States bound together by the principles of freedom, equality, and mutual respect. You have distinguished yourself. Sir, not only by your dynamic representation of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, but also as a champion of the course of freedom and justice everywhere, more especially in the duties you discharged as Chairman of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid. Also, we cannot but pay a special tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, former Foreign Minister of the Argentine Republic, for the able and effective manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the forty-third session.
As we meet in this forty-fourth year of the existence of the United Nations, we should once more feel duty-bound to express our gratitude to the founding fathers of the Organization for their vision in having left, for humanity, the legacy of the Organisation, which has become the guarantee for humanity own continued survival.
This occasion therefore provides us with an opportunity to renew our solemn faith in the lofty Ideals and historic mission of the United Nations Charter. It is a lesson we have learned collectively that only a deep-rooted seize of commitment to the principles of the Charter will extricate our planet from the current global insecurity and mistrust and lead us all to a happier, common future.
There is, increasingly, a notable realisation among nations that the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, whenever possible, is both an imperative and a pre-condition for mutual trust, confidence and security - in fact, for our very survival. It is a manifest reality of human history that true peace, not subservience, and justice, not domination, are the positive conditions for real progress and genuine development. To us smaller nations, it is, further, a guarantee against the hegemonic tendencies of the bigger and stronger nations, which have so often fall into the temptation of using their military and economic superiority to advance their designs not only for undue influence but, worse still, for domination. We should go through the remaining decade of the twentieth century strengthened in our resolve to make the next century a century of hope, peace and co-operation among all the nations of our planet.
We are pleased to register our appreciation of the increased effectiveness of the United Nations and the ever-expanding role that it continues to play in the promotion of the peaceful settlement of disputes, sound co-operation among nations, and continuous adherence to, and observance of, the cardinal principles of the United Nations Charter.
As we stand on the threshold of the twenty-first century, the clarion call of the United Nations is for all countries to martial their collective strength in forging a common destiny for mankind, in which the worth and dignity of the human person shall take centre stage. For far too long, the world has failed to muster sufficient political will to embark on an effective strategy to reverse the ever-rising tide of inequalities among and within nations, of the alarming deterioration of our environment, and of debilitating confrontations, all of which are a threat to our common future and security. It is a sad reality of, and indeed a bad reflection on, the moral conscience of our age to see, in peace-time, conditions of extreme human suffering and deprivation which would generally be associated with the ravages of armed conflict. The economic hardships which have plagued some our countries still persist despite the general improvement in the performance of the world economy as shown in the 1989 World Economic Survey.
While there are obvious signs of economic recovery in some of the developing countries, other countries are still experiencing a continuous decline in their per capita Incomes, thus making it necessary to call for a major review of the world economic order. The developing nations have always been concerned about commodity prices, about the imbalances caused by the outward flew of capital through debt payments and the demands of the developed economies, on one side, and caused by very low investments, in real terms, by developed nations in the developing countries, on the other. Therefore, economic recovery and rehabilitation in our countries are being seriously hampered by the hostile economic environment, characterized by massive external debt which has now readied crisis proportions, by the decline in commodity prices, by the deterioration in the terms of trade, and increasing protectionist tendencies in the developed countries.
Official development assistance is not only stagnating at less than half of the internationally accepted target, but is, in real terms, declining. Monetary conditions have shown a tendency towards instability, with misaligned exchange rates. All these factors have resulted in a process of unfavourable transfer of resources from developing to developed countries, with disastrous economic consequences in the former. The external debt crisis, which has now reached serious political and economic dimensions, has emerged as one of the main obstacles to growth and development in our countries. We therefore call on the international community, particularly the creditor countries, to resolve this crisis in a spirit of shared responsibility. While calling for a substantial and timely reduction of the stock and services of the external debt, the developing countries would welcome a significant flow of new financial resources and real investments commensurate with their economic needs.
However, the response of the international community to the debt issue, has, so far, been encouraging. Ä variety of remedial actions have been initiated; these include the World Bank's special programme of assistance, the International Monetary Fund's enhanced structural adjustment facility, and the fifth replenishment of the African Development Bank.
At their ninth summit Conference in Belgrade this year, the Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries made concrete and wide-ranging proposals regarding the areas in which the international community could increase its co-operation towards combating the menace of external indebtedness. These proposals deserve our serious consideration because, in the interdependent world economy  the negative trends referred to will in the long run have adverse effects on all our countries, developed and developing alike.
The African countries, on their part, have decided to adopt a regional approach to the debt issue through the holding of an international conference on African debt. It is hoped the outcome of this conference will be a decisive strategy to resolve this problem and bring much needed relief to our burdened economies.
In a resolute determination to implement the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development for the period 1986 to 1990 designed to pull our countries out of the economic slump, our Governments have spared no effort and wasted no time in vigorously embarking on structural adjustment programmes, blended with initiatives and alternatives arising out of peculiar country situations, which have been suggested by our partners in development and supported by the International Monetary Fund and the World Sank, as one decisive step towards economic  rehabilitation. But let us be quite frank with each other: these adjustment programmes will succeed only if our partners in development are aware and realize that they, too, have to make commensurate adjustment.
While declaring our belief in structural adjustment measures, we are, however, of the opinion that to serve best the needs of our countries these externally conceived prescriptions should have been tailored in full cognisance of the peculiar circumstances prevailing in each of our different countries* Only in this way could the measures effectively cover the whole spectrum of development concerns in our countries.
Referring to these orthodox structural adjustment programmes now recommended for Africa and the developing world, the Caracas Ministerial Declaration stimulates that they should be reviewed and replaced by other more viable alternatives which would take into account the social, political and economic conditions and realities of Africa. During the mid-term review and appraisal of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, the General Assembly at its forty-third session, bearing in mind that African Governments have the central role to play in the design and implementation of their adjustment programmes, stipulated, inter alia, that these Governments should increase their efforts in the search for a viable conceptual and practical framework for economic structural adjustment programmes, in keeping with the long-term development objectives and strategies at the national, sub-regional and regional levels.
The Economic Commission for Africa acted very swiftly to embark on a search for an African alternative framework to structural adjustment programmes. The alternative framework that has new been worked out and generally accepted by African government ensures that  while adjustment programmes will be aimed at the fundamental transformation of the African economics, they will take due account of the specific economic situations and national development priorities of each country. Most of all, these programmes will be designed so as to incorporate a human dimension, with no adverse effect on vulnerable groups of our societies.
The African countries are really determined to take charge of their own development destinies. All they need is the necessary and appropriate back-up and support from their international partners in development.
The question of the environment and the need to preserve the global ecological balance has become one of the major-issues before the world community. The problem of the environment is a complex one  with political, economic, social and cultural ramifications.
In the developing countries, the environment crisis is acute. In fact, foe close to a billion people living in these countries it is a matter of survival; and yet they have so far had the least say, given their economic situation. Effective protection of the environment cannot, realistically, take place in situations of human deprivation because the already limited financial and other resources can only be channelled towards economic and social development.
There is, therefore  a need for international co-operation in order to co-ordinate all our efforts and arrest the degradation of our common heritage: the environment. Success in this urgent international effort can be realized only if the developed industrialized countries extend all the necessary assistance - financial and technical - to the developing countries, as these countries still lack the necessary means.
At the same time, we urge that these environmental problems, urgent and serious as they are, not be compounded by the imposition of unfavourable conditions in the lending and other economic co-operation policies of the developed countries. Environmental problems, it must be acknowledged, are the result not only of neglect and lack of knew-hew in the developing countries but also of careless development and pollution generated by the industrialized countries. These countries, therefore, have a primary responsibility towards solving the problem.
Dumping of hazardous wastes originating from the industrialized countries in our so-called third world countries is another issue of grave concern and an outrage which has been deplored by virtually all Governments in the developing world. It is disturbing that the industrialized com tries with the technology and other means for properly treating and disposing of wastes should deem it convenient to transport these substances end wastes to the developing countries  where the immediate and long-term consequences to the environment and human health can be immeasurable. It is a gross injustice to impose health and other hazards on the inhabitants of our countries simply because as yet they do not have laws controlling and prohibiting disposal of such harmful wastes. It is very immoral for the industrialized countries to trample on the rights of the poor peoples in the developing countries simply because, in the latter, public resentment is not as vocal as it invariably is in the former. We call on the industrialized countries to respect the right of the developing countries to a clean and healthy environment.
The United Nations is the most appropriate forum for solving these environment problems effectively. The adoption by the General Assembly at its forty-third session of the resolution entitled ,Responsibility of States for the protection of the environment, prevention of the illegal international traffic in, and the dumping and resulting accumulation of toxic and dangerous products and wastes affecting the developing countries in particular, was an acknowledgement by this world body of its role of combating the serious problems posed by environmental degradation and protecting the disadvantaged inhabitants of our common planet.
The year -1992 will mark the twentieth anniversary c f the Stockholm Conference on the environment. It is our fervent hope that the occasion will be marked appropriately by renewed international commitment to make this world a safe place for all.
We meet today against the background of an emerging global atmosphere of a serious search for peace, disarmament and elimination of international tensions - a departure from the attitudes of rivalry and East-West confrontations that have characterized international relationships during the past 40 years. The bipolar doctrines of the twentieth century are being replaced by restraint  mutual accommodation and consolidation of efforts towards universal peace and security for all nations, large and small.
The rapprochement reached by the two super-Powers and, in particular, the progress achieved in disarmament negotiations, and the influences they have brought to bear in the resolution of regional conflicts have greatly improved the international political climate. Much as we welcome the breeze of global relaxation of tensions, we remain uneasy and sceptical about the ever-present threat to the security and survival of small nations. We would wish to see increased United Nations interest in the legitimate concerns of small States and the ultimate fruition of an international regime backed up by appropriate instruments guaranteeing the rights and sovereignty of these States.
The disadvantaged situation of small States and their characteristic constraints, compounded, as in the case of Lesol 10, by unfavourable geographic location and possible isolation by a powerful neighbour, merit the special attention of this body. We call upon the international community to rally to our support and assistance in our endeavours to build viable, self-reliant and sustainable national economies. It is in this Assembly that the independence and sovereignty of small States can be guaranteed; it is here that they are able to communicate with the bigger nations on the basis of equality, freedom and mutual respect.
In southern Africa there is a growing prospect for improvement in the general political situation from the crucible of a long and bloody struggle for self-determination. The light of freedom is at long last dawning upon Namibia. Notwithstanding the tragic events of last April, when the international community, through the United Nations, set in motion the independence plan for Namibia, there is fortunately a renewed recognition that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the only road to Namibia's independence.
It is therefore absolutely necessary that there be full compliance with the previsions of the settlement plan and that all the relevant parties honour their commitments so that the people of Namibia may be able to determine their future without hindrance.
Our optimism for the success of the United Nations independence plan for Namibia has been fortified by the selfless devotion to duty and the professional integrity and impartiality with which the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) is conducting itself in pursuit of our common endeavour to bring Namibia to independence through free and fair elections in the not-too-distant future.
It is our firm belief that, because of the sheer size of the territory of Namibia and the complexity of the situation on the ground, the originally conceived UNTAG force level of 7,500 remains a viable and realistic proposition. ·The recent incidents of violence in Namibia have demonstrated clearly that the task of maintaining peace and impartiality during the transition period, particularly during the election itself, will indeed be a difficult one. It is therefore a matter of great importance that the resources put at the disposal of the Secretary-General for the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia be commensurate with the enormity of the task as well as with the Importance attached by the international community to the independence of that country, we accordingly appeal to the Security Council to reach unanimity on this issue to ensure the strengthening and necessary increase of the UNTAG force. We extend our hearty congratulations to all the countries whose initiatives have directly or indirectly facilitated the launching of the settlement process. We cannot but include in this tribute the Secretary-General, whose unflagging determination to see Namibia attain independence under the United Nations plan has been a source of strength and sustenance to the settlement plan.
In accordance with our long-standing policy of principled opposition to apartheid, the Kingdom of Lesotho continues to call for the urgent and total dismantling of that system and the creation of a just and democratic South Africa, with equal rights and opportunities for all its citizens. Let this Assembly take note that the people of the Kingdom of Lesotho and their Government feel apartheid cannot be reformed; it must be dismantled and uprooted. We owe it to our founding fathers to continue to say that there should be no discrimination between our respective citizens we owe it, as a Government, to all the black peoples, Basotho included, to join in this common cause with everything we have at our disposal.
Encouraging developments in South Africa are taking place: the growth of the internal mass democratic movement and the growing consensus, even among the white population, that apartheid is both irrelevant and detrimental to the general economy and to the development of both South Africa and southern Africa are indicators that ought to receive due support and attention. To give credence to these hopeful signs it is our fervent hope that the South African authorities will take decisive and urgent steps to restore to all South Africans their inalienable right to full participation in the social and political life of their country. In this regard the release of political prisoners and detainees and the lifting of the ban on political organizations, as well as allowing the return of exiles to their homeland, remain key prerequisites.
For far too long South African authorities have failed to heed legitimate calls for democratic change in that country. Among other things, this failure has brought in its wake not only severe hardships and irreparable loss of life but the imposition by the international community of punitive sanctions.
We wish to urge, however, that the rationale and moral justification for economic and other sanctions against South Africa notwithstanding, due cognisance be given to Lesotho's unique geopolitical position and the consequential adverse effects of those measures on our economy.
In this context we cannot but plead for a sympathetic appreciation by the community of nations of the peculiarities of our position and the urgent need to cushion us and all other southern African neighbours against the stark hardships of the intensified campaign for sanctions. Lesotho subscribes fully to, and supports, all initiatives for a negotiated solution of the South African question, and pledges itself to continue to play a constructive role in that direction. Lesotho is not concerned only about the present situation, but also about the future. We wish to see a different South Africa one that will respect and honour the principles of good-neighbourliness of healthy reciprocity in the treatment of all of our citizens, regardless of race or colour, we wish to see emerge a new South Africa that will respect our territorial sovereignty and national integrity.
In addressing the question of apartheid, we are reminded the continuing plight of refugees and displaced persons in southern Africa. Our commitment to the conventions of this body remains unshaken. It is our sincere hope that the international community will continue to seek ways and means of giving practical effect to its undertaking on the plight of refugees and displaced persons in southern Africa, particularly on the issues of assistance to all the countries of southern Africa.
The implementation of the United Nations settlement plan for Namibia has made a new vista for the return of peace to Angola. We applaud the signature of New York Agreements which upheld the principle of non-interference in the external affairs of Angola. We equally welcome the Luanda and Gbadolite accords  constitute a practical framework for reconciliation between the Government of the People's Republic of Angola and UNITA. We are hopeful that the difficulties that have emerged since those agreements were signed can be overcome with the exercise of political will, determination, flexibility and accommodation on both sides. The same holds true for the People's Republic of Mozambique which merits the full support of this body for its current efforts to bring normalcy to that country through peace and reconciliation.
We recognize the continued quest by the people of Western Sahara for self-determination and independence. The Kingdom of Lesotho supports and encourages all peace moves conducted by the parties to the dispute aimed at the realization of this goal. We co men d the efforts of the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity and the Secretary-General of the United Nations for their catalytic role towards accomplishment of the settlement plan.
Never before in contemporary history has peaceful settlement of disputes acquired such importance in international relations. It is indeed a matter of serious concern that the situation in the Middle East continues towards these progressive trends.
Peace in that region will come about only when the parties to the conflict have mastered sufficient political will and flexibility to face up to the reality of the difficult decisions that will have to be made in the interest of peace and stability. Experience dram from the Camp David Accords has demonstrably proved that peace in the Middle East is well within the realm of possibility.
We reaffirm our support for the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East to look into all aspects of the problem of that region with the participation of all the parties concerned; including the Palestine Liberation Organization. It is our firm belief that such a conference would make a major contribution to reconciling the people of the Middle East through a peaceful formula that would aim to achieve mutual recognition of each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as to uphold the principle of right to self-determination.
The Palestinian question, ever so central to the Middle East problem, has, with the advent of the intifadah and the declaration of the new State of Palestine, assumed a new sense of urgency. Like all the peoples of the Middle East, the Palestinians have a right to independence and a sovereign homeland. It is thus incumbent open the United Nations to see to it that no effort is spared to ensure that the Palestinian nation takes up its rightful place as a full member of the community of nations.
Another dimension of the Middle East problem we are constantly reminded of is the tragic situation arising from the fratricidal war in Lebanon. It should by now be very clear to the warring parties that there can be no military solution to that conflict in which we are daily witnessing the loss of precious life and the destruction of property. We support the peace initiatives currently in progress to bring a halt to the hostilities there and to work towards a negotiated settlement and true reconciliation. In this regard, we wish particularly to applaud the efforts of the Arab League and the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
We cannot but express our great satisfaction at the completion of the withdrawal of the Soviet military forces from Afghanistan on 15 February this year, pursuant to the Agreements reached in Geneva in April 1988. By agreeing to pull its forces out of Afghanistan, the Soviet Union has demonstrated its political will and determination to contribute positively to a comprehensive solution to the Afghan problem and to promote conditions of peace and security in the region. Is it not, however, a travesty that, even in the wake of the withdrawal of the Soviet military forces from Afghanistan, the coin try continues to bleed from a fratricidal war? It is our considered view that the cause of restoring peace to Afghanistan can best be advanced, not by a continued inflow of at armaments from outside, which help only to fuel the conflict, but by intra-Afghan dialogue leading to the cessation of hoe till ties and negotiation of a common future of hope and fraternity for the people of Afghanistan.
The Kingdom of Lesotho continues to add its' support to the regional and international initiatives aimed at achieving a durable and peaceful solution to the Kampuchean question, particularly the first and second Jakarta Informal Meetings held during July 1988 and February 1989 respectively, and the subsequent meetings between the parties concerned.
We equally welcome the decision of the non-aligned countries to establish a committee on Kampuchea consisting of 13 countries and, not least the commendable efforts of the 19 countries, including the five permanent members of the Security Council, which assembled in Paris at the end of July this year with the purpose of finding a solution to the problem of Kampuchea. The stalling of the Paris negotiations, while regrettable, should strengthen the resolve of the international community to intensify efforts towards the ultimate achievement of a peaceful settlement. We view those efforts and initiatives as complementary and mutually reinforcing, and as significant contributions towards a comprehensive solution to that problem.
The undertaking by the Vietnamese Government it in April 1989 unconditionally to withdraw the rest of its troops from Kampuchea by the end of September this year, should, if buttressed by internationally acceptable verification measures, remove one of the major obstacles and offer enhanced prospects for the realization of peace in that country.
It is the moral responsibility of the international community, not only to stop the war, but to give support and sustenance to the achievement of a satisfactory internal political settlement that will ensure that Kampuchea fully recovers from the wounds of the Indo-China war, the genocidal practices of the recent past and the untenable circumstances of foreign occupation.
The international community must not relax its efforts for the preparation of peace, reconciliation and dialogue in the Korean peninsula. In calling for the speedy reunification of Korea, we urge the two sides to do everything possible to promote mutual trust and adopt confidence-building

The prerequisite for the attainment of peaceful reunification will always be the easing of tension and military confrontation and this demands political will and determination on both sides. We are indeed heartened by the efforts being made by the Korean people to achieve the reunification of their fatherland through dialogue and mutual consultation.
The people of Korea should not, however  in the interim, be denied their right to full membership of the United Nations, even as a divided nation. The Government of Lesotho, guided by the principle of universality of the United Nations, would readily support assumption of United Nations membership by both Koreas, should they choose to do so.
Over 25 years ago, this Organization established the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus (UNPICYP) in order to create the best conditions under which peaceful solutions to the Cyprus problem could be achieved. We regret that in all that time it has not been possible to achieve a negotiated settlement of all aspects of the Cyprus problem.
The Kingdom of Lesotho continues to welcome, and to reaffirm its support for, the efforts of the Secretary-General in pursuing the mission of good offices entrusted to him by the Security Council. We particularly welcome the direct talks launched, in August 1988 under the auspices of the Secretary-General, between the President of the Republic of Cyprus and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community. It is our sincere hope that both parties will co-operate fully with the Secretary-General in his latest endeavour, by showing the necessary flexibility and goodwill.
We urge the two parties to consider taking further steps, in co-operation with United Nations personnel, aimed at reducing the recurrence of violent incidents and at creating an atmosphere conducive to peaceful and result-oriented dialogue. Lesotho supports the proposals for the demilitarisation of Cyprus and for the convening of an international conference, under the auspices of the United Nations, on the international aspects of the Cyprus problem. we are convinced that the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Cyprus remains an essential basis for an early and just solution to the problem and for the restoration of the country's unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
We witness the important developments taking place in Central America, which are characterized by processes of democratization, political harmonization and a genuine search for peace, aimed at strengthening security and development in that region. The Kingdom of Lesotho is convinced that strict respect for the self-determination of peoples, non-interference in the internal affairs of States, and cessation of all pressures, threats and hostile acts against sovereign States constitute the essential basis for peace, development and democracy in Central America.
The peace agreement recently concluded by the Central American Presidents in Honduras constitute a major contribution to the attainment of durable and lasting peace in the region. We appeal to all Governments to respect the will of the Central American people to implement the joint plan for the restoration off peace in Central America and to desist from any action that might jeopardize the completion of this process.
So far as the Falkland and Malians question is concerned, it is our fervent hope that Argentina and the United Kingdom will eventually arrive at a mutually acceptable solution on the basis of the General Assembly resolution on that Territory. They should be accorded ail support in their current endeavours and initiatives in the search for a peaceful solution to their differences.
As the world steers off the paths of confrontation and extricates itself from regional conflicts, it behoves all of us to consolidate and accelerate the process of the relaxation of international tension by lending fresh impetus to the peace efforts being made to turn swords into ploughshares. Despite the positive developments we have witnessed in the field of disarmament in recent years, the world is still threatened by the massive nuclear arsenals that are still in place on our planet and are being further refined, increased and even modernized.
The Kingdom of Lesotho is heartened by the progress achieved in the negotiations between the major Powers of the East and the Hest that resulted in the Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - and in agreement, in principle, to reduce their strategic arsenals by 50 per cent, it is our hope that these agreements are only a precursor of the eventual total elimination of these weapons and that all other States possessing nuclear weapons will also be involved in these positive efforts. We are under no illusion that negotiations leading to the total elimination of nuclear weapons will be easy.
The recent agreement between the United States of America and the Soviet Union to resume negotiations on a nuclear-tee t ban and the initiative taken by Indonesia, Peru, Sri Lanka, Mexico and Yugoslavia in calling for an amendment conference of States parties to the 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty, with a view to transforming that Treaty into a comprehensive test-ban treaty, constitute important contributions to the advancement of international security and the process of disarmament. It is our hope that the Conference on Disarmament will complete these efforts by embarking urgently upon negotiations for a comprehensive nuclear-test ban treaty that is binding on all States, in order to de-escalate the nuclear-arms race and reduce the threat of nuclear war.
Lesotho continues to register its support for the individual and regional initiatives that envisage the establishment of nuclear-free zones in various parts of the globe, and views these as a valid treaty for the observation of the proliferation of nuclear weapons and the observation of international peace and security.	-·
Mankind is eager to forgo the weapons of mass destruction, whether these be nuclear, chemical or biological. The overwhelming attendance at, and the successful conclusion of, the international Conference on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, bringing together, in Paris in January this year, the States parties to the Geneva Protocol of 1925 and other interested parties, was testimony to humanity's rejection of these arsenals of death and mass destruction. We exert ourselves to create a world free from nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, we should not, however, overlook the need to adopt measures for the limitation and gradual reduction of conventional weapons, within the framework of progress towards general and complete disarmament.
The international community should equally remain vigilant against the projection of the arms race into outer space. Outer space is the common heritage of mankind and should be used only for peaceful purposes and for the benefit of mankind. Scientific and technological development should be directed towards the benefit, and not the detriment, of mankind.
We have observed huge amounts of financial and other resources being devoted to the production and development of the means of war, while a large part of humanity continues to live in a world riddled with poverty, hunger, ignorance and disease. This misallocation of resources for the production and procurement of deadly weapons is not in the best interests of humanity. We see great value in the action programs adopted by the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, which calls for the release, through disarmament measures, of resources for developing countries.
As we witness the world transformation, leaving the spectre of the cold war to history, let us resolutely step up our joint efforts for the very survival of current and succeeding generations. Let us rekindle the hopes and aspirations of mankind by inculcating the spirit of interdependence and common destinies. These noble aims can be achieved only when there is respect for the sovereign right of every nation, small or large, to determine and decide freely its own social and political system. Let us truly live up to the lofty ideals of the United Nations.
It would be remiss on my part if I ended this address without paying a special tribute to the indefatigable Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar. As is typical of him, he continues to discharge his calling with honour and dignity. His untiring, noble efforts in the pursuit of peace, sometimes against heavy and demanding challenges, to find solutions that would eliminate the conflicts in our once-turbulent world, dictate to all peoples of conscience that they accord him the essential elements of cooperation and support.


We in Belize are keenly aware of the essential role the United Nations plays in advancing the cause of freedom, peace and justice throughout the world. Our struggle for political independence was rooted in our peoples' desire to be free, but it was nurtured and strengthened right here, in the corridors of the United Nations, by the overwhelming support we received from the international community.
It is not surprising, then, that the Constitution of Belize affirms principles of universality - principles that acknowledge the supremacy of God, faith in human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the dignity of the human person. Such principles translate into respect for the sovereignty of other nations, the right to self-determination of peoples, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. We take this opportunity to congratulate the President on his appointment to that high office. The world community looks to him - an accomplished son of Africa - with great expectancy and hope. We express to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar  our deep appreciation and recognition of his tireless efforts in promoting peace and the noble objectives of our Organization.
This year, the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly opened in a spirit of optimism. The present atmosphere is one of reduced international tension. The ideological forces that have polarized the world for half a century are diminishing. We see a universal movement of people - people everywhere - in search of freedom and democratic participation.
It is a time of momentous change and transformation. There is a growing recognition of the imperative to manage the world's resources in the interests of the global family. While all this is taking place, issues like environmental degradation, acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (ANDS) and drug abuse have joined the scourge of poverty as priority issues on the international agenda - doing so in ways that underline how interdependent nations and people have become. The achievements in the political sphere are in stark contrast to persistent economic problems facing many developing com tries. In the Latin American and Caribbean region, the massive debt problem, flight of capital, decline in trade and investment, and the growing disparity between the rich and the poor have resulted in many countries suffering reverses in the decade of the 19803.
Reducing poverty and revitalizing growth is the challenge of our time. As we begin the new decade, the task ahead is clear. The development agenda for the 1990s must be to harness growth and use resources creatively to improve the quality of life of all our people. If we are to achieve a high quality of growth and development, our Governments must make better use of the resources. This calls for sound public financial and fiscal responsibility. We must find better ways for public expenditure to complement and spur private production, not displace it and we must provide the essential social infrastructure in education, health and housing to benefit the many, not divert scarce resources to luxuries for a select, privileged few. We must bring the informal workers into the regular economy and allow individual enterprise to flourish.
But this will not happen by itself. There is need for concerted action in a new dynamic partnership where people elect Governments and Governments empower people to solve their own problems and take control of their lives. For this to happen, we must launch a new era in education to equip our young people with the knowledge, skills and attitudes they require to take an active role in the development process.
Such pragmatic efforts at the national level will, however, be frustrated if the international economic environment is not conducive to development. While we in the developing countries must carry the primary responsibility for our future, the industrialized world has a vital part to play - not just in providing external resources and the transfer of technology, but also in ensuring that the developing countries have easy access to their markets.
The time has come to address the pressing imbalances in the world economy. We have repeatedly acknowledged that peace and development are inextricably bound. Indeed  it is true saying that development is another name for peace, or, as others have put it, that economic freedom and political freedom are essential and inseparable considerations on the read to national prosperity. The one will not long survive without the other.
Because of this vital connection between politics and economics in ' Id of global interdependence, the special session of the United Nations devoted to international economic co-operation to be convened in April 1990 takes on added importance. Of special concern is the growing trend in the industrialized world toward protectionism. The economic integration of Europe poses new realities for many of our countries in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific - the ACP Group. Cur economies are open and vulnerable not only to the ravages of hurricanes but also to the man-made disasters resulting from arbitrary decisions in the boardrooms of the industrialized world which distort the levels of commodity prices.
Such vulnerability and fragility make it all the more imperative that we put our own houses in order. We have tried to do that in Belize. Working in accordance with the process of democratic choice, the people of Belize, in the second national elections since our independence eight years ago, decided to replace its Government after one term in office. Belizeans arrived at a consensus to take charge once again of their political, social and economic future in a compassionate and productive atmosphere in which Belizeans come first, l ensure this, they elected to government a majority of the candidates of the People's United Party, the political movement that with the support of the people and the backing of the international community led Belize to independence in 1981.
Independence brought with it the promise of development, of more opportunity, peace and stability. Good government delivers and makes possible the attainment by the people of a better standard of living and a higher quality of life. The dynamics of development impel us to give highest priority to that assurance of human dignity - the creation of jobs.
My Government, therefore, continues to welcome investors from abroad who, with their capital, technology and access to new markets can join Belizeans in expanding trade and providing increased export earnings and economic activity. Those investors are our partners in development, who will participate with Belizeans in the mixed economy, assuring jobs at decent wages while at the same time benefiting from the climate of free and fair competition of a socially just market economy.
In accordance with the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes, it is heartening to note the current constructive efforts now under way aimed at achieving the peace that has eluded our region for so long. The present political climate now renders the military option obsolete in resolving the embittered tensions that for ages have remained a major obstacle to international peace and security.
The community of nations has reiterated deserved recognition of the far-sighted and unfailing determination of the Contadora process in its conviction that the peoples of Central America wish to achieve peace, reconciliation, development  id justice without interference, in accordance with their own decisions and historical experience.
The recent signing of the historic Tela agreement between five Central American Presidents is the latest example of the region's commitment to fulfilling the undertakings assumed under the Eequipulas procedure in search of a firm and lasting peace. That joint plan for the voluntary demobilization, repatriation or relocation of the Nicaraguan resistance is hailed as a singular achievement of the Central American peace process, which seeks national reconciliation and democratization.
Belize maintains its commitment to peaceful coexistence and harmony with all our neighbours. Over the past year Belize and Guatemala have continued the negotiating process aimed at the conclusion of a possible draft of a comprehensive treaty to afford a just and lasting determination of the controversy. We stand ready to resume these discussions with a renewed spirit of goodwill,, without compromising the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Belize.
The continued support of our sister Caribbean countries, the Commonwealth of Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement, as well as the solidarity and understanding of out Latin American neighbours, gives us confidence that the reality of our two sovereign nations living as good neighbours will find universal acceptance.
In a similar vein we applaud the announcement of the renewal of negotiations between the United Kingdom and Argentina over the Falkland Islands, recalling our own struggle, we exhort our Argentine friends to refrain from any action that might be prejudicial to the Interests of the Falklands or compromise their inalienable right to self-determination.
My Government continues to be seriously concerned at the erosion of the constitutional process and the denial to the people of Panama of their right freely to elect a Government of their choice. The decision of the military leadership to annul elections and subsequently impose a president of its own choosing as Head of State of Panama further isolates that country in the international community.
The friendship and co-operation between the peoples of Belize and Panama have a long history and it Is the wish of ray Government that this relationship should continue. We recall the solidarity demonstrated by Panama during Belize's struggle for independence and the pivotal role played by the late Panamian leader General Torrijos towards the achievement of Belizean independence.
We call on the current leadership in Panama to co-operate in national and regional efforts to establish the framework for a return to democracy and constitutional rule in Panama and to put in place mechanisms for early and fair elections.
The success of democracy is inevitable  as is now being proved in several parts of the world. We invite the leadership in Haiti to take certain steps on the path to democracy to demonstrate its commitment to early elections and transition to democratic rule and we ask all sectors of Haitian society to co-operate in this important process.
We now focus attention once more on the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs. The magnitude of this global problem, in addition to its economic and social consequences, has now become a major national security concern for many nations in our region. At home in Belize we are committed to launching a concerted drive to eradicate the drug problem and to join forces in regional and international actions to put an end to this menace to society.
While the cultivation and use of marijuana in Belize have abated considerably, we recognize a new danger stemming from the growing use of crack and cocaine, as well as the use of our territory as a trans-shipment point for illegal drugs. In the face of these problems my Government proposes to work in collaboration with friendly Governments at the interdiction level to eliminate this serious threat to our country. We also recognize that if the use of illegal drugs in our society is to be eliminated  the problem must be addressed as an education issue as well. We will therefore shortly be launching a major campaign using all available resources in our educational system to focus national attention on the inherent dangers associated with the use of illicit drugs. We also plan to establish a drug rehabilitation centre and welcome international support in this endeavour.
We wish to record our support for the related proposal of our sister Caribbean Community (CARICCK) State of Jamaica, which calls for the establishment of a multinational anti-drug task force within the United Nations system. This is a welcome opportunity for countries to pool their resources and intelligence capabilities against the well-organized, well-financed, and better-equipped drug cartels. And we can do so without infringing on the sovereignty of any nation.
Despite some progress and relaxation of political tensions in conflicts on the continent, the minority white racist Pretoria regime continues its intransigence, oppressing and exploiting the already dispossessed black majority in South Africa. The apartheid policy of this terrorist settler rule administration remains today as the glaring obstacle in the path of peace, stability and development in that region. Belize does not entertain notions that apartheid, as a crime against humanity, can be reformed. We insist on the total eradication of all vestiges of this system, which is an affront to any standard of human dignity. Belize continues to associate itself with those who are committed to keeping up the relentless pressure on South Africa until our brothers and sisters eventually triumph using all possible means in their just and legitimate struggle.
On Namibia, we trust that the Security Council will lend its full weight to ensuring that South Africa proceeds to disband all its paramilitary and commando units which still threaten the implementation of political progress towards Independence. Even at this late stage, the international community must remain vigilant to ensure that South Africa does not succeed in subverting the process towards democratic elections in Namibia.
Belize recognizes the urgency of achieving a just and comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the core of which is the question of Palestine. No just and lasting peace can be achieved in the Middle East until the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people are recognized, including their right to self-determination and a homeland, without compromising Israel's security. At a time when the Palestinian leadership under Chairman Yasser Arafat is offering important peace initiatives, my delegation looks forward to the early convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization and all parties on an equal footing.
In the case of Lebanon, it is our hope that the current cease-fire will be respected by all the parties concerned and that Lebanon will be given the opportunity to recover from the destruction and violence which has occurred. All Lebanon wants is to be left alone so that it can find Lebanese solutions to Lebanese problems. Outside interference can only hinder this.
The global issue which today holds centre stage is the environment. In the coming decade, the world must deal much more effectively with problems resulting from the degradation of the environment acid rain, ocean pollution, nuclear and toxic waste, ozone depletion and climate change. Industrial countries account for over 75 per cent of carbon dioxide emissions, the main cause of global warming. Clearly, therefore, the major responsibility to reduce emissions rests there.
Belize has its own concerns our rain forests, our coral reef system and our flora and fauna are gifts of God which we have a duty to protect for generations of Belizeans yet unborn. We are committed to protecting Belize's natural resources and environment to maintain a harmonious ecological balance, but we must take a holistic approach to the environmental challenge. We must promote and protect the environmental qualities of life in the fullest sense by extending economic choice and opportunities, for poverty is the ultimate environmental degradation. A fundamental environmental task for the decade ahead is the promotion of sustainable agriculture to feed our people. We must meet the growing environmental challenge by expanding economic freedom. True and lasting economic development must necessarily include maintaining ecological balance.
Our societies in the third world are undergoing serious strains in the care of children and in guaranteeing women equal opportunities in education and employment. Our ability as a people to provide the values and ideals that will guide the next generation will determine the course of social realities in the twenty-first century. As a policy, the Government of Belize supports public and private initiatives in the promotion and defence of human rights, and particularly
the rights of the child and of women. As soon as it is practicable, Belize will accede to and ratify the convention on the rights of the child and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, end give practical effect to them by force of law.
All this requires action new. The future is now. We can promote political freedom if we also promote economic freedom. We can aim for a high quality of growth while at the same time providing for the equitable distribution of the fruits of growth. We can achieve greater productivity and expanded trade if we liberate the creative energies of out people and remove the barriers to an interdependent global economy. If we do act effectively together, we may be able to look back on this time as a turning point in building a more peaceful and just world - a new world, a far better world - one in which the eternal dignity of man is respected.


Sir, I should like to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. I am particularly happy to do so because you represent a friendly country and have both the will and the ability to continue the highly valued work of your predecessor at an important juncture in international affairs.
I should also have wished to see here, beside me, someone whom so many of you will remember as a friend and firm supporter of the work of the United Nations, Ambassador Migliuolo, who passed away the other day. I think of him with deep sorrow and affection, recalling his dedicated commitment, both personal and professional. The countries of the European Community have broadly similar views on the main foreign policy issues. As these views have already been expressed by France, there is no need for me to reiterate Italy's position. Instead, I should like to voice my concern that our countries should fully appreciate the international Ganges currently taking place and draw the proper conclusions. Indeed, in the next few years we shall be required increasingly to choose between two policies or approaches. One I would call "integration" and the other "disintegration". Choice of the former course would mean a policy of co-operation, co-ordination and the progressive transfer of national sovereignty, while the latter choice would tend to aggravate conflicts and tensions, inhibit dialogue and weaken the impact of the major international organizations. Our future depends on our ability, through integration, to reconstruct the one world glimpsed as no more than a brief illusion in the immediate post-war period.
Prom this very rostrum President Gorbachev announced last December that the Soviet State had abandoned its philosophy of distinctiveness, dating from its inception, in favour of the idea of interdependence, which is a prerequisite for any form of integration.
The Western countries belonging to the European Community and the Atlantic Alliance responded promptly to this long-awaited change of course. The results are now apparent to all. Countries from opposite - although no longer actively antagonistic - blocs are meeting in Vienna to reduce the size of their conventional arsenals. The Atlantic Alliance is sending out new signals calling for the gradual substitution of political confrontation for military confrontation. The industrial democracies are making a concerted effort to assist the Eastern countries in their difficult transition to pluralism and a market economy.
In North-South relations, too, the climate of sterile debates, ideological recriminations and illusions of self-sufficiency is slowly dissipating. We are pleased to see that the principle of integration has prevailed in the Final Document of the Non-Aligned Conference held at Belgrade. With the increasing renunciation of the use of force in international relations, the search for areas of complementarities and convergence is intensifying. We are emerging from a period of appallingly destructive and tragically pointless wars. Wars can no longer be won, as we have seen in the conflict between Iran and Iraq, which even now has not yet ended in a true and lasting peace. For one generation, at least, the memory of this senseless slaughter will be a further incentive for compromise. On the other hand, the increasing uselessness of military strength for purposes of prestige and domination has helped to start a promising trend towards growing cooperation among peoples. This will determine the success of the important negotiations on disarmament ranging from talks between the major Powers on the reduction of nuclear weapons to multilateral discussions on the total elimination of chemical weapons and on drastic cuts in offensive capabilities also in the field of conventional weapons. The substantial progress made in the latest US-USSR talks shows the validity of the goals which are also being pursued by Italy in Vienna and Geneva, where we expect conclusive results in the course of the next few months. The significant proposals announced to the Assembly by President Bush will help in this direction.
Integration is achieved through the exercise of freedom, democracy and pluralism - in essence, the rights first codified at the international level by the United Nations. Freedom, complementarity and solidarity must be the guiding principles of a new coexistence. Since the meeting in Vienna of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, it is harder to evade the obligation to respect fundamental freedoms by invoking national sovereignty, for verification measures are being perfected just as much in this area as in weapons control. Respect for human rights, among other considerations, makes the continued existence of such punishments as the death penalty unacceptable in our view. Italy is actively involved in efforts to facilitate the approval of the Second Optional Protocol on the abolition of the death penalty. Similarly, we feel it would be most appropriate to agree to a moratorium on the execution of death sentences already passed or of those pronounced during the next three years. Italy would also like to see the adoption of the international convention on the rights of the child.

The logic of integration is negated when countries import technology while ignoring the fact that economic progress and democracy are two sides of the same coin. And then there are cases where, on the pretext of alleged racial differences, unnatural segregation measures are imposed, and human beings are denied full recognition of their dignity, even though some changes in the right direction can be discerned, for example, in South Africa. In the Arab-Israeli conflict, each of the contending parties may be tempted to resolve the issue by disregarding the other side and its rights, so that the growing toll of bloodshed and violence could set back any hopes of peace for years and generations, whereas it is only through dialogue that Manichaean opposing views can be set aside. The latest proposals of President Mubarak have our full support, as they open up prospects for the future which, as they are not of unlimited duration, must be promptly utilized. We are dismayed at the danger of disintegration facing Lebanon, where the tangled web of animosities and extraneous involvements has thus far prevented the achievement of the necessary conditions for the restoration of order and justice. Unfortunately, in the Horn of Africa, Cyprus, Central America, Afghanistan and Cambodia, a general peace settlement remains an unattained objective, although to differing degrees.
Integration, in short, is lacking wherever there is a temptation to engage in protectionism and an unawareness of the fact that economic growth phenomena are inevitably interlinked, and that our general well-being will be substantially influenced, in years to come, by the way in which they interact. Integration must be sought gradually and pragmatically wherever and whenever it can be accomplished by suitable means. This is also the reason why Italy welcomes, promotes and supports regional groupings - the existing ones to which it belongs, and those still at the embryonic stage, yet full of promise, which we see emerging on all sides, including the other side of the Mediterranean Sea. The new trend towards forming regional associations, on a direct and immediate basis, without jeopardizing the equilibrium of States belonging to different international groups, should be welcomed. On our continent the formation of national States has partly submerged regional realities, but these will have to utilize Europe, and not just the Europe of the Community, as a space in which to regain their identity and ethnic and cultural diversity, without encouraging desegregation.
Public opinion in the Western countries perceives those ills that cross national boundaries - such as organized crime, drug trafficking, the spread of major infectious diseases and the destruction of the environment - as a threat to survival. Responsibility for co-ordinating action to combat evils that could affect the entire world lies primarily with the international organizations. The survival of our planet therefore calls for the strengthening of our multilateral institutions, for they help us to rid ourselves of ambitions and fears, to reorient our perception of danger and to decide on the reallocation of resources, which is especially important when we consider the amounts wasted on the arms race. As Lester Brown said, -To persist in investing in military security while ignoring social, economic and environmental needs is tantamount to destroying a. house in order to build a surrounding wall."
The deterioration of the environment is a problem that transcends ideologies and differences in political systems. It is not just a specific consequence of an obsession with profits, but is also found where public opinion exerts insufficient influence and where technological backwardness damages nature in ways that have yet to be fully explored. The five warmest years of the century all occurred in this decade, and the Earth could not withstand the pressure that would result from extending traditional development to the two thirds of mankind that have not yet experienced it. All too often the impulse to destroy arises for the guest for immediate gains, possibly to meet schemed dates for the repayment of debts. The wealthier countries must sometimes choose between recovering a credit and giving up a vital dose of oxygen.
What can be done in a world that is changing so rapidly before our very eyes? Western Europe must continue its progress towards a new supranational identity. Many things depend, both within and outside our continent, on the success or failure of this revolutionary project. The success of this integration and of its extension to the Eastern countries in Europe will be crucial to the restoration of Europe's centrality after a long partial eclipse. The European Community is the result of a generous impulse to project well-being beyond national boundaries. It would not be true to its origins if it retreated into its shell to become a fortress of privilege, and if growth in its internal cohesion were accompanied by a distancing between the Twelve and the surging world. The European community, must make an effort, in the years to come, to identify new forms of cooperation including institutional co-operation, with countries that are too similar not to wish to join or, if dissimilar, too dependent not to want at least to be associated. It can avail itself of the means prided by article 238 of the Treaty of Rome, which seems to me to be particularly helpful for the extension of the co-operation effort to two regions. Central Europe and the southern shores of the Mediterranean.  Central Europe is the ideal place for the formation of political, economic and cultural ties in such a way as to smooth the path of continental integration and avoid any sudden changes too traumatic for a world in need of gradualism after the divisions of the past.
During this month of September, with its bitter anniversaries for Europe, it is significant that in Poland and Hungary, an omnipresent totalitarian power structure, in existence until just recently, should progressively make way for alternative methods of government based on Parliaments and the popular vote. The industrial democracies must give concrete proof of their readiness to contribute to the economic costs of this transition, even though there are other, even needier, cases elsewhere in the world deserving of their support. For its part, my country wishes to promote in Middle Europe a special co-operation effort between Italy, Yugoslavia, Austria and Hungary.
Nor can the European Community turn a blind  eye to its southern borders, where a gathering wave of malaise is threatening its less well endowed neighbours. By the end of this century the population on the southern shores of the Mediterranean sea win have increased by 60 million. If the Mediterranean is not to become an area of permanent instability. Europe and the African countries win have jointly to tackle the problems of trade, investment and immigration, with a view also to promoting sufficient development to root labour forces in their country of origin. We shall a11 have collectively to consider Europe's capacity to absorb poor and vulnerable foreign population, groups, to ensure that they do not end up facing a new marginalisation in our countries. Italy is already studying this question at the national level. It would be tragic to succumb to inertia in the face of the drug scourge. A long, hard war lies ahead, and the outcome is uncertain, we are fighting a faceless adversary, without uniform or frontiers, feeding a silent subterranean river of death.
We must study the circuits of international finance and reconstruct the routes used to recycle the proceeds from drugs, which now exceed earnings from the sale of weapons, and we must create an international legal arena in which the judiciary and the police can operate as they would in a single country. These objectives are laid down in the United Nations Convention of December 1988. which must enter into force without delay and be implemented in full.
In the meantime, we must help countries like Colombia, which, in order to uproot structures that threaten their sovereignty, have courageously decided to break the pattern of silence and complicity. Italy therefore undertakes to support the plan for a war on drugs, put forward recently by Prime Minister Manley of Jamaica. The plan provides not only for a series of measures in such areas as information, development and rehabilitation but for the creation, under United Nations auspices, of a multinational strike force to take action against drug trafficking organizations. It will also be necessary, of course, to remove the roots of the evil by providing farmers, particularly in Latin America, with the means of planting alternative crops. This applies particularly to Bolivia, Peru and Colombia. Italy is redirecting its own development co-operation, to which it is devoting increasing resources, in the light of the new forces threatening international public order. However, we feel that the resources of the United Nations in this field should be strengthened as well.
If human beings are not to be overwhelmed by the destructive forces of nature, we must be mindful of Bacon's maxim "Nature is not governed except by obeying her", it is hard to follow this injunction after decades and even centuries of disobedience. But it would be unforgivable if environmental concerns were allowed to widen the gulf separating South and North. The Western countries, which have enjoyed the greatest production success in history, are calling for environmental measures without overlooking their own serious flaws. Nor are they unaware of the fears of the poorer countries concerning the impact of environmental measures on the pace of their own development, on their still elementary infrastructural levels and on the growth of consumption, if not their very survival.
Here, too, the logic of integration must be made to prevail by the joint elaboration of a code of conduct, possibly through an international authority responsible for drawing up and implementing a new law of the environment, an initiative already planned by the European community. Nowadays it is more necessary than ever to envisage the legal definition of a new kind of crime - crime against the natural environment. Italy is organizing an international forum on the international legal aspects of the environment to be held in Siena next spring. This. we hope, will help to make the world conference on the environment and development, to he held In 1992. a success and not an occasion for new disagreements. On the question of the environment. Italy particularly wishes to foster co-operation between the Mediterranean countries, under the relevant existing plan of action, and it is also planning with Yugoslavia a commons strategy for the Adriatic. No development is possible without eliminating, or at least reducing, indebtedness - an evil which overshadows so many economies and which in Latin America threatens to reactivate the recurring cycle of fragile democracies followed by harsh military dictatorships.
The Brady plan represents a political turning-point, but we must go further and reverse the unnatural flow of resources still -pouring into the richer nations from the poor countries. This flow amounted to 343 billion last year alone. Recent progress from mere debt management to debt reduction was made possible by various case-by case solutions. The conclusion of negotiations between certain countries and creditor banks confirms the merits of this strategy when reinforced by contributions from the financial institutions, whose resources must be increased to equip them for their new role.
Italy intends to show the consistency of its policy by taking a further step to help the poorest nations. It will immediately waive repayment of development loans amounting to some 32 billion and will in future conduct its co-operation with those com tries exclusively by means of grants. The problem of indebtedness must be dealt with in the framework of more active participation by the developing cowries in trade, especially as we are preparing, in the Uruguay Bound, to redesign structures for the exchange not only of goods, but also of investments, services and technology, to ensure that the poorest countries play a meaningful role in the International economy. with regard to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, we feel that institutional strengthening is necessary to give the organization a political dimension and enable all to participate in a multilateral trade system, following modalities that take account of different situations and levels of development.
On the more general problem of development, I feel that the time is ripe for an exercise in reflection at the highest level, in the light of the many new developments of this decade. Further consideration should be given to a new North-South meeting, adequately structured and prepared, to initiate the political dialogue eagerly awaited by the emerging countries, on a realistic and constructive basis.  The new world is not just around the corner, but if we want to start building it today we must make the United Nations the chief instrument of global integration. The Organization enables us to develop a diplomacy for the prevention and settlement of political disputes as well as a common strategy for development. It must be reinforced both as an irreplaceable channel for mediation and as a valuable means of safeguarding agreements reached. With their ever-increasing commitments, the peace-keeping forces must be strengthened, not only by securing wider participation, but also by improving the machinery for the recruitment and employment of troops.
Particularly out of place in a world moving towards gradual integration are, in our opinion, such resolutions - adopted in a different climate - as the one equating Zionism with racism, we believe that that resolution should be rescinded. In United Nations bodies the influence of the southern hemisphere is sometimes felt, while in the financial institutions the counsels of the affluent world prevail, not without excessive resentment in the one case and excessive selfishness in the other. United Nations bodies would be better balanced if the Soviet Union were able to participate in international economic institutions. Also with this in view, the Western industrialized nations are contributing to reforms in that country to facilitate such participation. We also feel that an intensive dialogue in the framework of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development would help the Eastern countries towards a better understanding of the need for their progressive involvement in multilateral co-ordination.
An improved balance in the structures designed with such foresight just after the Second World War will enable the United Nations to perform its role as the prime mover in international integration. Perhaps the time has also come to reappraise the relevance of existing decision-making mechanisms, including voting procedures, to new conditions and responsibilities. The problems confronting us are too complex for us to believe any longer in miraculous solutions and instant formulas. Only a partial, persevering and gradual effort inspired by the principles I have only briefly outlined can ensure that our countries, in full awareness of the tasks awaiting them, have both the courage needed at this point in history to shoulder them fully and the ability to accomplish them.


Mr. President, today I have the honour of addressing the General Assembly for the first time and I wish to extend greetings to you both personally and on behalf of the People's Republic of Angola and best wishes for your success during this forty-fourth session of the Assembly. We are certain that your abilities aid diplomatic experience will contribute significantly to its success.
We should like also to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, who conducted the previous session with brilliance and foresight, contributing, as we all know, to its success.
To the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, we extend our most sincere congratulations, especially on his exemplary performance in the process leading to the search for peace and prosperity for all mankind despite all the political, economic and other problems that the Organization faces.
Only a few days have elapsed since the ninth summit conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which was held in a spirit of modernization. That conference took place at a time when positive changes were occurring in international relations. This is a situation that pleases us because we can now say that the period of the cold war is over. The super-Powers seem to have established between themselves a relationship directed towards ending confrontation and leading to a gradual reduction and dismantling of their respective arsenals, including nuclear arms.
These negotiations between the major world Powers on the limitation of arms and on disarmament should be encouraged and supported by every current of opinion in our countries and around the world, as the right to choose between war and world peace should not be restricted to one country or to a small group of countries.
Peace is the patrimony of all mankind, which must fight in a United bloc in order to preserve it. Peace is the indispensable and necessary condition for development and for the building of happiness aid well-being for all people. Peace, stability and security are inseparable, and since we live an interdependent world: Id the active commitment of all coin tries is necessary for the resolution of world problems.
The results reached at the Reykjavik talks opened important prospects for peace for peoples all over the world and emphasized an already strong tendency towards the relaxation of tension in international relations and for the use of dialogue and negotiation as a means to resolve differences, end conflicts and eliminate those points of tension that exist in many parts of the globe.
This new tendency has encouraged the peoples of Africa to engage in a courageous struggle for the liquidation of the last remnants of colonialism and racism. Aware of this reality, the South African regime, supported by some Western Powers, has engaged in armed aggression and acts of sabotage, combining direct action with the participation of mercenaries and puppet groups against the countries in the region, with the dual objective of thwarting the struggle of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa, under the respective guidance of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWATO) and the African National Congress (ANC), their sole and legitimate representatives, and of destabilizing sovereign southern African countries in order to promote subversion and create conditions for the imposition of neo-colonial Governments submissive to the wishes of the Western Powers.
The Peopled Republic of Angola, as a country fighting to win the battle against underdevelopment at all costs in order to improve the social conditions and standards of living of its people  could not isolate itself from the political context of its region. Out contribution to the solution of the problems that affect the southern region of our continent has been provided within the context of the front-line countries  to which our country has given significant support in the political and diplomatic actions undertaken to find a just solution to the problem of the decolonisation of Namibia and the elimination of the vicious apartheid system. Because of this attitude  Angola has been the victim of constant armed aggression.
This climate of extreme armed violence generated by the South African aggressors has resulted in remarkable deeds by the Angolans - such as the victorious battles of Cuito Canavale, Tchipa, Calueque and Ruacana -· which will remain as glorious pages in the history of our resistance against the invader. In this hard struggle the Angolan people was able to count on the active commitment of Cuba and on the support of the international community, for which we are most grateful.
The Government of the People's Republic of Angola has given proof of good faith and understanding in the search for the means to solve its internal conflict. In a constructive spirit, and as a clear demonstration of its peaceful policy, the Angolan Government on 22 June this year, in the presence of 18 African Heads of State at a meeting held at Gbadolite, in the Republic of Zaire, agreed upon a cessation of military hostilities, to become effective on 24 June 1989. That followed intensive consultations with various African countries regarding a series of principles that were included in the peace plan for Angola.
The President of the Republic of Zaire informed us that he had established contacts with Savimbi and UNITA and that they had accepted the principles for the settlement of the internal problem in Angola. Those principles are·, first, cessation of external interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Angola. Secondly, cessation of hostilities in all parts of the national territory, including the area around the Benguela railway, which will be considered a peace zone, and therefore used only for peaceful protest thirdly, observation of the provisions of constitutional law aid other fundamental legislation; fourthly. Integration of UNITA militants into the structure of the State', and into other institutions, according to their capabilities; and, fifthly, acceptance of a temporary, voluntary removal of Jonas Savimbi from the Angolan political scene.
Unfortunately, since the Gbadolite summit events have not proceeded at the same pace or developed positively, since the UNITA rebels have not stopped their terrorist acts or their hostile statements and propaganda against the legitimate Government of Angola. Moreover, their traditional allies have not ceased their interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Angola. It must be remembered that we are involved in a peace process, which is not promoted by the supply of arms and increased financial aid to Jonas Savintbi.
The fact that certain groups of Angolans serve as instruments for the realization of the Pretoria regime's aims in the war of aggression against Angola shows that the war against our country has an external origin. Therefore, we regret that despite all the commitments freely made by Angola - not only in the comprehensive negotiations platform of 17 November 1984, but also in the Geneva Protocol of 5 August 1988 and in the bilateral agreement between Angola and Cuba of 22 December 1988 on the withdrawal of the Cuban military contingent from the People's Republic of Angola - the UNITA rebels, in spite of the cease-fire agreed upon in Gbadolite, have carried out various attacks and ambushes. Up to the end of August there had been 2 85 attacks against the civilian population and the armed forces, 199 ambushes, 127 anti-personnel and mine explosions, the destruction of 58 personnel carriers by mine explosions, 67 abductions, 56 cases of looting, 1,226 deaths, 2,071 wounded, 705 disappeared, one Brazilian citizen wounded, one Filipino citizen assassinated, 135 houses destroyed, 263 cats destroyed and 1,107 head of cattle stolen.
That is the clearest evidence of the dangerous conduct of UNITA, which has thus proved to continue to be a destabilizing element, not only internally, in Angola, but also in the region as a whole.  Furthermore, the Government of the People's Republic of Angola has supported all those initiatives that would contribute, de facto, to the elimination of disagreement and war, in the interest of defending the inalienable rights of peoples to independence, sovereignty and the free choice of their political system.
Racist South Africa, playing the role of gendarme in our region, is economically destabilizing the front-line countries, and especially the People's Republics of Angola and Mozambique. The actions of the bandits paid by South Africa are aimed at ensuring the realization of those objectives, and have nothing to do with the interests of the Angolan people. For that reason, their preferred targets are the social and economic infrastructure and the villages of peaceful citizens, where the greatest barbarities are committed.
Beating in mind the fundamental role played by the United Nations, the Government of Angola has been informing the Secretary-General, Mt. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and the Member countries about the evolution of the situation in southern Africa in general and in particular in my own country. The Secretary-General's visits to Angola have made it possible for the highest representative of this international institution personally to witness the extent of foreign aggression and the reasons for out resort to the right of self-defence.
We have had the opportunity to reiterate to the Secretary-General our position regarding the origin of the conflict that has devastated our sub region and those responsible for it. My Government, within its already proven policy of flexibility and respect for the principles that govern relations between States, has presented serious proposals for the re-establishment of peace in southern Africa.
Ws believe that once the apartheid system in South Africa has been dismantled out region will enter a period of peace, necessary for the development aid progress of its peoples, which will be conducive to regional and international co-operation. Particularly with the independence of Namibia, which we all hope will be achieved within the schedule initially established.
The Angolan Government will not fail to make every effort in the search for a political solution to the problem of apartheid, through talks between the Government in Pretoria, the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and other valid political forces in South Africa.
In fact, today the situation in Namibia presents a different scenario. With the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) an irreversible process was set in motion, beginning in April this year. We hope that it will bring an end to the last stronghold of colonialism on the African continent, despite the acts of intimidation against the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) militants and sympathizers by the Koevoet forces integrated into the South West Africa Police, which continue to carry out their activities, especially in northern Namibia. The Koevoet continues to employ tactics of counter-insurgency as well as destabilization in the south of Angola, in collaboration with the demobilized elements of the former territorial troops - the South West Africa Territory Force - especially battalions 54, 101, 201 and 202, which are stationed along the Angola-Namibia border aid which maintain close ties with UNITA, in a clear violation of the tripartite agreement.
The People's Republic of Angola reiterates its total commitment to complying with the New York agreements, as long as there is a corresponding compliance by the other patties aid the efforts made for Namibia's transition from colonialism to independence are made under conditions of stability and justice, lb this end, in accordance with the New York agreements regarding peace in south-west Africa; we should like to refer on the one hand to the more than 22,600 internationalists from Cuba who have already returned to their country and on the other hand to the SWAPO elements which ate new, as was agreed, north of parallel 16 and under the control of the United Nations representative in Angola.
The efforts of the Secretary-General in search of a just negotiated solution to the conflict concerning Western Sahara have merited the encouragement of the Angolan Government. We hope the contacts between His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco and the POŁISARIO Front will continue opening the way for the implementation of the United Nations and Organization of African Unity resolutions on this matter.
A matter of equal importance to the people and the Government of Angola is that of the Maubere people, which has struggled for 14 years against the foreign occupation of its territory. We reaffirm once again our appreciation of the position taken by the Portuguese Government as administering Power of that Territory, and we urge the Secretary-General to make every effort in the search for a just and lasting solution based on the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Territory and relevant United Nations resolutions.
We must commend the efforts of the Korean people towards the peaceful reunification of their country, without foreign intervention based on dialogue and consultations between North and South, in compliance with the principles established in the Joint North-South Declaration of 4 July 1972.
We salute the positive developments towards resolution of the situation in Kampuchea, reflected in the actions of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam in withdrawing its forces stationed in Kampuchea.
Following the April 1988 Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan, we called upon the signatories to fulfil their commitments with a view to establishing a climate of peace, security and stability in South-East Asia.
We encourage the Central American States to continue on the path they have chosen to find negotiated political solutions. We are convinced that the peace agreements recently concluded in Honduras will greatly contribute to the implementation of the Esquipulas II agreements. We reiterate our active solidarity with the heroic Palestinian people which under the aegis of the Palestine Liberation Organization is waging a tenacious struggle for the liberation of its territory and for the establishment of an independent State comprising the entire territory of Palestine  including Jerusalem.
We support the efforts of the tripartite committee created by the League of Arab States to seek a negotiated political solution to the fratricidal conflict in Lebanon.
We are sure that sufficient change will take place to permit peace to be restored in all regions of the planet where war situations persist and to ensure that respect for the rights of peoples and States to freedom and independence will lead to a common path of economic and social development.
In speaking of the role played by the United Nations, one cannot overlook the highly positive contribution of the non-aligned countries and their Movement, which has greatly influenced action in favour of halting the arms race, reducing nuclear and conventional arsenals aid gradually easing pockets of regional tension.
We find ourselves at the end of yet another decade unfortunately characterized by deep stagnation with respect to the economic development of our countries. In some countries the economic situation is even worse than that of 20 years ago. Since the Common Fund for commodities, under the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, came into effect last June, a few successes have been achieved in the field of international trade. While these are not significant enough to efface the spectre of the weak results obtained, they encourage us in our long, hard-fought struggle for the establishment of a new international economic order.
It is for that reason that we want to reaffirm our total commitment to the holding next April of a special session of the General Assembly on international economic co-operation, and in particular on revitalizing economic growth and development, which will undoubtedly constitute an important step towards the adoption of a new international development strategy which we all hope will produce better results than previous ones.
As we again examine the current economic situation in our countries we ate compelled to express our great concern with respect to the worsening of the problems faced by the international financial system and the consequences for our countries' already weak economies. Huge loans, along with high interest rates and the unprecedented fall in commodity prices, have aggravated the problem of the foreign debt of developing countries, a problem which has placed those countries in such an absurd situation that they are today repaying more to the developed countries and international financial institutions that they receive in loans. In my view that situation cannot continue because it threatens the social, economic and even political feasibility of our existence as States. We therefore consider it timely and urgent that an international conference be held on financial and monetary questions for the solution of this crucial problem.
When we gathered recently in Belgrade at the latest summit meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, we recognized that increased South-South co-operation is vital as one way to ease the present economic crisis - not as an alternative to co-operation with the North, which is also a priority, but as a means of finding other solutions to this problem, a problem that faces us all and threatens the existence of all.
It is also paramount now to devote special attention to the African continent, where the critical economic situation of its States has reached unprecedented levels. Hunger, malnutrition, epidemic diseases and natural disasters have made any attempt at economic development impossible, to the point where 26 of the 36 least developed countries in the world are on the African continent.
We deplore the weak commitment of the international community, which has made it impossible for the United Nations Programme of action for African Economic Recovery and Development to succeed despite the efforts made by African countries, in some case with enormous social sacrifices. Added to those factors is the enormous foreign debt the continent faces today, a debt that has already exceeded the astronomic sum of 3230 billion, forcing most African countries into a level of debt servicing that is incompatible with their development needs.
The increasing deterioration of the environment, the depletion of the ozone layer and, especially, the flow towards developing countries of toxic wastes "exported" by developed countries have in recent years been the focus of attention by the international community. The People's Republic of Angola unconditionally condemns all such negative activities, which are incompatible with the already critical economic development of those countries. We stress the importance, indeed the urgency, of holding a second conference on environment and development, since we believe it would provide an ideal opportunity to deal jointly with these questions.
The People's Republic of Angola, located in the southern part of the African continent, unfortunately cannot escape the critical economic situation facing that continent. The People's Republic of Angola has recently joined the International Monetary Fund as a full member of that important international financial institution. We should like to take this opportunity to excess our deepest appreciation to all the countries which, though their contributions, made it possible for us to join. We do not deny the importance of joining the International Monetary Fund, particularly as this relates to the successful implementation of our economic and financial recovery programme, which we in the People's Republic of Angola have been implementing for several years. The economic recovery programme of our com try places priority on restructuring the foreign debt valued at 94,966 million, and on the rescheduling of the terms of repayment in order to re-establish the financial flow of exports and to make possible a global volume of trade compatible with the domestic levels of consumption and projected investments.
The programme concentrates equally on attracting foreign investment, which will be principally directed toward the export rather than the import sector, with a view to restoring production and increasing wages and the availability of consumer goods. The People's Republic of Angola is a country with enormous economic potential, and we trust that we can make further advances in those areas and in continued pursuit of better living conditions for our people.
In conclusion, we should like to take this opportunity to launch an appeal to the international community for at increase in its support and material aid to the programmes the People's Republic of Angola is implementing to counter the effects of the war that can still be felt in our country and losses that now exceed 912 billion. The emergency situation in the People's Republic of Angola has been rendered more acute by a drought in its southern region and floods in the north.
In that context, a conference on the emergency situation was held in Angola on 22 September, the positive results of which will be a symbolic contribution towards minimizing the difficulties affecting the sectors of public health and agriculture, which most urgently require supplementary assistance.
Allow me, Mr. President, to reiterate our best wishes for success in the proceedings of the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly, end to assure you of the Angolan delegation's co-operation in any way that may be necessary.