Please allow me
to begin by congratulating Mr. Amara-Essy, on behalf of
the Government of the Republic of Angola, on my own
behalf and on behalf of my delegation, on his election to
the presidency of this forty-ninth session of the United
Nations General Assembly. We are fully convinced that his
diplomatic experience and dedication to the noble ideals of
our Organization will ensure the success of the Assembly’s
proceedings at this session. I wish to assure him of my
delegation’s full cooperation.
I should also like to express our appreciation to your
predecessor, His Excellency Ambassador Samuel Insanally,
for his proven dedication and skill in conducting the
activities of the Assembly at its forty-eighth session.
I also wish to express the profound gratitude of the
people and Government of the Republic of Angola to the
Secretary-General for his skill, energy and tenacity, and for
all his efforts in the search for solutions to the innumerable
and serious problems afflicting the peoples of our planet.
The history we are witnessing today clearly shows a
flagrant betrayal of many peoples’ expectations of a better
world following the end of the cold war. We had all hoped
for, and anticipated, life in a better world of peace and
prosperity. Instead, we are witnessing the proliferation of
internal conflicts, with such tragic consequences, and we
see no visible signs of any immediate satisfactory and
lasting solutions, despite the efforts of this Organization.
With the end of the cold war and ideological
confrontation, the African continent has witnessed during
the past five years a vast expansion of democracy, which
has contributed to the revival of hope for the prosperity and
well-being of the African peoples, still suffering the
economic backwardness bequeathed by colonialism.
However, Africa continues to be the continent most
affected by the proliferation of war and political instability.
It is sufficient to mention as examples the conflicts in
Rwanda, Somalia, Liberia, Burundi and my own country.
Similar problems are occurring in many other parts
of the world, which indicates the need for an immediate
intensification of efforts by the international community,
and in particular for increased participation by the United
Nations, to find a negotiated, just and acceptable formula
to protect the legitimate interests of peoples.
The United Nations must define universal guidelines
to prevent the application of differing criteria to the
solution of various conflicts. In other words, in order to
maintain the credibility of our Organization, all crises and
conflicts must be given fair and equal treatment. This
underlines the urgent need to restructure United Nations
procedures in order to make the existing mechanisms for
the prevention and management of conflicts compatible
with the realities of our time.
With respect to human rights, the United Nations
should continue to play an active role in order to prevent
their continuing to be jeopardized. The recent
establishment of the post of High Commissioner for
human rights by the General Assembly was an important
step forward in this sense.
The Republic of Angola reaffirms that human rights
and fundamental freedoms are universal, and that their
promotion and protection should be ensured on the basis
of equality, impartiality, objectivity and non-selectivity.
The human rights issue cannot and should not be used as
a political weapon or a pretext for interference in the
internal affairs of States.
Angola follows with interest and satisfaction the
positive developments taking place in some regions of the
world, where solutions are being found to conflicts that
had seemed endless. In the Middle East, for example, the
determination of the Palestinian people and the political
courage of the present Government of Israel have
contributed to the climate of reduced tension that led to
the historic agreement, signed in Washington, for the
autonomy of Gaza and Jericho - territories illegally
occupied in the past.
We appeal to the international community to make
every effort to ensure strict compliance with the
agreement, and success for it, by providing all possible
help to the Palestinian people for the reconstruction and
socio-economic development of the embryonic Palestinian
State.
42

It would not be immoderate to once again hail the
courage and determination demonstrated by President
Yasser Arafat and by Mr. Shimon Peres.
We encourage the Government of Israel to continue
the contacts already initiated with the countries of the
region with a view to achieving peace and harmony in the
area.
In southern Africa, we laud the courage and
determination of the people of South Africa, which led to
the fall of the inhuman and anachronistic apartheid regime.
Today we rejoice to see the people of South Africa free at
last. We again greet the new South Africa, led by
President Mandela, this different South Africa, which
emerged from a democratic election, whose results were
accepted by all the political forces in the country.
We warmly congratulate the new South African
authorities and welcome them to our Organization. We
also pay tribute to the peoples of southern Africa, who
made so many sacrifices before toppling the dreadful
apartheid regime.
Angola, which was the main victim of innumerable
attacks, suffering enormous loss of human life and
destruction of social and economic infrastructures, because
of the support we gave to the brotherly people of South
Africa, has reason to ask here and now whether the
resolutions of this Assembly and of the Security Council
regarding compensation to my country will now be
implemented.
In Mozambique, we welcome and encourage the
Government’s commitment to organize democratic
elections, and we urge RENAMO and other political forces
to respond with an equal commitment to the success of the
process, leading to lasting peace in that country. However,
the United Nations, in particular, and the international
community, in general, have an important role to play in
ensuring the attainment of the main objectives: peace,
democracy and prosperity.
In Liberia, we are encouraged by the positive
developments and by the dialogue that is taking place
between the parties involved. Angola encourages the
continuation of such dialogue and urges the parties to truly
commit themselves to the search for a lasting peace.
With regard to Western Sahara, Angola urges the
parties involved to apply the United Nations peace plan
strictly and to adhere scrupulously to the mechanisms
established for that purpose, which have the full support
of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), and we
encourage the parties to enter into direct dialogue to
facilitate progress.
In Rwanda, the easing of political and military
upheavals notwithstanding, a precarious socio-
humanitarian situation prevails. Angola expresses its
solidarity with the brotherly people of Rwanda. We
consider that the international community should continue
to play an important role in solving the crisis in Rwanda
and in maintaining the peace and tranquillity of its
peoples.
In Somalia, in spite of the commitment demonstrated
by the international community, we do not foresee an end
to the armed conflict in the near future, because of the
lack of consensus between the parties involved. Angola
considers that our Organization should continue to assume
its responsibility in the maintenance of world peace and
security, which are threatened in that part of Africa, and
we appeal to the common sense of the parties to
cooperate with the United Nations in the efforts to
re-establish peace in that country.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, in spite of the enormous
efforts by the international community to restore peace,
profound differences still remain, and this contributes to
the continuation of the conflict. We therefore urge the
parties and the international community to continue their
efforts to find a lasting solution that is acceptable to the
parties involved. Finally, we salute the Government of
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for its efforts to that
end.
With regard to the Korean peninsula, Angola
encourages the efforts towards reunification and salutes
the positive signs registered in the dialogue between the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United
States of America.
Angola is following with concern the situation in
East Timor. The international community has witnessed
the serious and persistent violations of human-rights to
which the suffering people of East Timor have been
subjected. Angola considers that there is a fundamental
problem to be resolved first. Here, I refer to
decolonization and to respect for the rights of the peoples
of this territory - mainly, their right to self-determination.
We therefore urge the Government of Indonesia to
recognize the legitimate right of the people of East Timor
to self-determination and independence and to cooperate
43

with Portugal, as the administering Power, and with the
United Nations towards fulfilment of the wishes of the
Maubere people.
The current situation in Cuba, following the tightening
of the economic embargo, should be one of the main
concerns at this session of the General Assembly, as its
direct victims are the populations of island.
The General Assembly’s adoption of resolutions 47/19
and 48/16 clearly demonstrates that the economic,
commercial and financial embargo imposed against Cuba is
contrary to the principles of international law and the
Charter of the United Nations. For this reason, and in
particular because of the extraterritorial application of that
unilateral measure, Angola condemns it.
As we add our voice to those of all who seek an end
to the embargo imposed against Cuba we are convinced that
only through dialogue - never by adopting drastic and
inhuman measures such as I have mentioned - can disputes
be resolved. We therefore encourage the continuance of
dialogue between the two countries towards the resolution
of their differences within the framework of the Charter of
the United Nations.
The international strategy for development for the
years 1991-2000, which was adopted in December 1991,
brought hope to the international community, which has
regarded the effective implementation of this new strategy
as the solution to the socio-economic problems of our
planet. Today, three years having elapsed, a certain
scepticism is shaking our initial convictions.
The Republic of Angola considers that the role played
by the international economic institutions - bodies such as
the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development,
the World Trade Organization and the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade - is of vital importance. In the fight
against trade barriers, these bodies create enormous
opportunities for developing countries to participate in the
development of the world market. The heavy and painful
burden of external debt dating back to 1982 leads us to
believe that the efforts of all are necessary if we are to find
medium- and long-term solutions.
Equally, special attention must be given to the issues
of sustainable development. This necessarily implies
implementation of the objectives of the Rio summit and the
honouring of commitments assumed thereafter by the
industrialized countries.
The data included in the reports presented to the
Cairo Conference on Population and Development
demonstrate that the social situation throughout the world
is assuming almost alarming proportions. The fact that
the world’s population is now 5.5 billion and that the
majority of these people live in absolute poverty
convinces us of the urgent need to adopt, during the
forthcoming World Summit for Social Development, a
concerted plan of action calling for measures to counter
the increasing deterioration in their social condition. We
therefore reiterate our firm belief in the legitimacy of the
goals set out in the document entitled "African Common
Position on Human and Social Development in Africa".
Having made a few comments on the main problems
that affect all of us in one way or another, I should like
to make a brief reference to the situation in my country.
Representatives will probably recall that, following
UNITA’s rejection of the results of the democratic
elections in 1992, which the international community
monitored and judged to have been free and fair, UNITA
resorted to war, with the objective of taking power by
force of arms, contrary to the spirit of the Bicesse
Accord, of which this Organization is a signatory and
which served as the basis for the electoral process.
The situation created by the resumption of war
rapidly degenerated into a real catastrophe, jeopardizing
the country’s territorial integrity and forcing the legitimate
government to take defensive measures to prevent the
realization of UNITA’s intentions.
In spite all the efforts of the Angolan Government
and of the international community, and as a result of this
war, imposed on the people of Angola by the militaristic
wing of Mr. Savimbi’s UNITA, Angola faces a rather
sombre future - one dangerously similar to those of the
countries that I have already mentioned.
The present situation in my country is characterized
by the extreme poverty of the people, who, having fled
the war zones in order to save their lives, have become
refugees in their own land.
In Angola there are currently 3.75 million displaced
persons, more than 500,000 mutilated people and
thousands of orphaned children and abandoned elderly
folk. In addition, almost of the country’s all economic
infrastructures have been destroyed. In some areas
controlled by the Government, people and goods cannot
always circulate freely, owing to mines and to the acts of
44

terrorism and banditry perpetrated by UNITA’s military
wing.
The difficult situation that I have just described must
continue to command the attention of the international
community if the people and the legitimate Government are
to be helped to re-establish peace throughout the country.
As those present in this Hall know, on 15 November
last, following the failure of our attempts to establish a
dialogue, from Namibia to Addis Ababa and Abidjan, the
Government of Angola initiated the negotiations of Lusaka.
These were mediated by the United Nations and were
observed by Portugal, Russia and the United States of
America, whose endeavour has contributed to the consensus
in the negotiators’ position.
It is important that we should once again express our
sincere gratitude to the Government of His Excellency
President Chiluba for his generosity and patience in
receiving the Angolan people in his country and for his
positive action, albeit discreet and unofficial. We also
reiterate our appreciation of the important role played by
the troika of observers - Portugal, Russia and the United
States of America - and for the committed way in which
the Secretary-General’s special representative, Mr. Allioune
Beye, has conducted the negotiations in Lusaka. Mr.
Beye’s knowledge of the Angolan situation is our guarantee
of a rapid conclusion to the talks. The people of Angola
and the international community expressed their satisfaction
at the fact that UNITA has finally accepted the mediators’
package of proposals, for this constitutes an important step
towards peace and national reconciliation.
It is none the less true that UNITA accepted this
package of proposals by the mediators only because of
pressure from the international community and, first and
foremost, from the Security Council through its numerous
resolutions, in particular resolutions 864 (1993) and
932 (1994), which advocated the imposition of sanctions
against UNITA if its leadership did not demonstrate good
faith about the conclusion of an agreement; and, also
because on the military front there had been a clear reversal
of the situation. Today the Government already controls
more than 75 per cent of the territory and 90 per cent of
the population.
We are convinced that if this pressure is maintained
UNITA, which knows only the language of the force of
weapons, might engage in a constructive and honest
dialogue. In this context we once again urge the
international community to continue exercising its various
forms of pressure on UNITA’s militaristic wing so that an
agreement is reached in Lusaka to put a definitive end to
the war and to restore peace and harmony among the
Angolan people.
We are not aiming at a military victory. We want
an agreement that can bring lasting peace and pave the
way to national reconciliation. Our insistence on pressure
is based on our desire that the relative progress made in
Lusaka be irreversible, as it is only a step along the
difficult path to peace and its consolidation, to the
promotion of the country’s unity and national
reconciliation, and to the defence of legality and
democracy.
Therefore, the international community, and the
Security Council in particular, must be prepared to act
immediately as soon as an agreement is reached in
Lusaka in order to avoid any pretexts for non-compliance.
There must not be a substantial interval between the
signing of the agreement in Lusaka and the
re-establishment of the cease-fire, on the one hand, and
the beginning of the implementation of the Lusaka
agreement, or understandings on the other; this will avoid
violations. In this context it is necessary to anticipate the
sending of the component of the United Nations Angola
Verification Mission (UNAVEM III) immediately after
the signing of the agreement.
Please allow me to reiterate before this Assembly
that it is the firm commitment of the Government of the
Republic of Angola not to spare any effort in the search
for a negotiated solution to the crisis in Angola and that
it is not our intention to destroy UNITA militarily.
Contrary to information which has been circulated
recently accusing the Government of launching a military
offensive against UNITA, we have to say that the truth is
completely different. The Government is engaged in
stopping the UNITA military offensive, with the aim of
halting the kind of events that occurred before the signing
of the Bicesse Accords, in order to ensure that a military
advantage not be obtained while the Lusaka Accord was
being signed. We should not enable UNITA to obstruct
the full implementation of the Accord. We want UNITA
to become a political party, to be prepared to live in
democracy and to respect the existing constitution, which
is the result of a difficult national consensus which
UNITA itself joined in and which it amended before it
was approved by the Parliament.
45

Finally, we would like to send a strong appeal to the
international community to increase humanitarian assistance
to the needy people. The Government’s scarce resources
are insufficient to meet the dramatic socio-humanitarian
situation of the people being rescued from the captivity of
UNITA.
Members have had the opportunity to see on
television the real situation in Kuito and elsewhere. The
Government of Angola has always been committed to
delivering humanitarian assistance to all the needy
regardless of where they may be, and requests that
pressure be exerted on UNITA not to hamper the efforts
to distribute relief supplies to the population and the work
of non-governmental organizations and United Nations
agencies which with great sacrifice are involved in
humanitarian assistance to Angola.
I reiterate our best wishes for the success of this
forty-ninth session of the General Assembly.


Allow me to congratulate
you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its forty-ninth session and to wish you every
success in leading this august body. May this session be
constructive and productive for you and all delegations.
New geopolitical, economic and technological realities
have appeared at the close of the twentieth century. The
destructive cold war has come to an end and its symbol -
the Berlin Wall - has collapsed. The insuppressible
long-held yearnings of many peoples for freedom and
independence led in the end to the disintegration of even
the seemingly indestructible Soviet empire, clearly
reaffirming the lasting strength and integrity of the
principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations -
peace, equality and justice. That is why this Organization
has always played and will continue to play a role in
furthering the progress of nations, as evidenced by its vast
undertakings in the maintenance of international peace
and security, as well as its efforts to increase the
well-being of society and every individual.
Two years ago, the Secretary-General in his report
"An Agenda for Peace", comprehensively analysed
aspects related to the maintenance of peace and security.
This report led to a broad debate on concepts such as
preventive diplomacy, peace-keeping, peacemaking and
post-conflict peace-building. Preventive diplomacy by the
United Nations and other organizations undoubtedly
furthered the resolution of a very difficult issue for Latvia
and all of Europe - the withdrawal of foreign military
forces from the territories of the Baltic States.
With satisfaction I should like to report to the
General Assembly that, on the whole, General Assembly
consensus resolutions 47/21 of 25 November 1992 and
48/18 of 15 November 1993, entitled "Complete
withdrawal of foreign military forces from the territories
of the Baltic States", have been implemented. The last
Russian military units departed Latvia and Estonia at the
end of August. Thus, the Second World War has ended
for the Baltic States. Our bilateral negotiations with the
Russian Federation, which lasted for more than two years,
culminated with the signing on 30 April 1994 of
agreements the ratification of which has been included in
the agenda of the Parliament of Latvia.

I can state with full conviction that the international
calls for the withdrawal of Russian troops, made by the
United Nations and the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), amongst others, were
pivotal to the successful resolution of this long drawn-out
matter.
We believe that this approach may be useful as an
example for the resolution of other global issues and we are
prepared to share our experience with others.
The United Nations and the CSCE will continue to
have an important role in the implementation of the
agreements. According to the bilateral agreement between
Latvia and Russia on the Skrunda radar facility, any attempt
to settle disputes or differences of opinion connected with
the agreement by means of military threats or by the use of
armed force shall be considered a threat to international
peace and security and shall be brought before the United
Nations Security Council. For its part, representatives of
the CSCE will observe the implementation of the
agreements and the fulfilment of the respective parties’
obligations.
However, we have yet to exhaust the opportunities for
preventive diplomacy in the Baltic region. Baltic regional
security continues to be a pressing issue. On his visit to
Latvia last summer, Mr. William Clinton, President of the
United States of America, stressed that the sovereign and
independent Baltic States must not be part of any sphere of
influence. It must be noted that President Clinton played
a vital role in disentangling problems which had developed
during negotiations with the Russian Federation on the
withdrawal of its troops from Estonia and Latvia.
I should like to remind the international community
that the Russian radar facility will remain in Skrunda for
five and a half years, and nuclear reactors will remain in
Paldiski, Estonia. Heavy Russian military transit takes
place through Lithuania to Kaliningrad, where a high
military concentration is maintained. On the whole, these
are risk factors which potentially threaten the Baltic States
and, in fact, the entire Baltic Sea region. In many respects,
Baltic security is a guarantee for peace and stability in
Europe. The Baltic States are already considering the
possible solutions to this important question, and I hope
that the Member States will devote their full attention and
interest to these ends.
A significant dialogue between our two countries has
concluded with the completion of Russian troop withdrawal
from Latvia. Thanks to the support of many countries and
international organizations, Latvia today is free from
foreign military presence. Nevertheless, without the
foresight and the civility displayed by both parties, we
could not stand here today and speak of social harmony
and tolerance in Latvia, nor could we say that both Latvia
and the Russian Federation have one less problem to
address. Last spring, when I met with President Yeltsin
in Moscow, I gained the conviction that in solving our
problem he was guided by good will.
In 1995, Europe and the world will celebrate the
fiftieth anniversary of the Allied victory over nazism.
Latvians, too, fought against Hitler’s occupying forces in
the belief that an Allied victory would be followed by the
restoration of Latvian independence. However, whilst
many nations breathed freely again after the end of the
Nazi occupation, the Baltic States were engulfed for the
second time by the totalitarian Soviet empire. As other
nations celebrated the defeat of nazism, Latvia was
subjected to the deportation of hundreds of thousands of
innocent persons and the systematic destruction of the
Latvian State and national identity. Latvia and its people
are the victims of both regimes - nazism and communism.
Justice would prevail if the new democratic Russia,
which played a decisive role in the destruction of the
"Evil Empire", were to engage with Latvia in the
appraisal of the actions taken by the Soviet Union against
Latvia in 1940. The signing of truthful bilateral
documents would preclude any petty psychological
feelings of revenge and would provide amends to the
victims of the totalitarian regime in both countries. These
"truth" documents would foster even greater harmony
between the various nationalities in Latvia and, we
believe, lift some of Russia’s unenviable inherited burden.
Such cases already exist. The documents signed by
the Presidents of Russia and several Central and Eastern
European States have marked an end to the legacy of the
past, which had also been a burden to Russian society.
We believe that it is impossible to fully comprehend
the consequences of the Soviet occupation without an
objective analysis of the events of 1939 and 1940. These
consequences have been and continue to be felt in Latvia
in the areas of political, economic and social
development. No other country lost nearly 40 per cent of
its native population during the Second World War; in no
other post-war European country has the native population
become a minority in seven of its largest cities, including
the capital; and no other country has experienced
population transfers and mass deportations on such a
2

scale. The Latvian language, too, was under threat of
extinction, despite the fact that it had survived for 4,000
years, partly in the form of a unique collection of more
than one million folk songs. We wish to protect Latvia’s
historical and cultural heritage, because Latvians can
preserve their national identity only in this small land on
the shores of the Baltic Sea. Latvians never have and never
will ask for any other land.
I should like to draw the Assembly’s attention to the
necessity for regional cooperation. History has repeatedly
shown that geographically and historically close States have
forged the deepest relations, thereby enriching and
furthering mutual development.
Following the restoration of independence, the Baltic
Parliamentary Assembly was formed, and this month work
was begun by the Baltic Council of Ministers, which
coordinates our policies in foreign affairs, trade, legislation
and other matters. In other words, a balanced and active
Baltic union has been created. At the same time, an
evolutionary process towards an expanded European Union
with a dynamic Nordic-Baltic dimension is taking place.
The model for regional cooperation in Northern Europe
aspired to by Latvia is "three plus five" - three Baltic States
and five Nordic States.
Recognizing the important role played by the United
Nations in international peace-keeping, Latvia, together with
its neighbours, Estonia and Lithuania, has established the
Baltic Battalion, which in the future may participate in the
peace-keeping operations of the Security Council. The
Nordic States, the United Kingdom and the United States
have greatly contributed to the establishment of the Baltic
Battalion. We believe that the three Baltic States will
thereby further the aims shared by the Member States of
the largest and most influential of international bodies - the
United Nations.
During the cold war the Baltic Sea was a boundary.
Nowadays the Baltic Sea unites rather than divides States.
Five years ago the "Baltic Way" - a human chain reaching
from Tallinn through Riga to Vilnius - symbolized the
shared road towards independence and democracy. Today
this road has also regained its historical and economic
significance in our region. At the turn of the century the
Baltic Way will already be an established part of the global
information highway.
I wish to reaffirm that Latvia will do its utmost to
foster peaceful cooperation and the spirit of understanding,
mutual trust and tolerance on the shores of the Baltic Sea.
International peace and security and good-
neighbourly relations between States are inextricably
linked to economic and social development. The end of
the cold war has created new opportunities to devote
greater attention to these issues. Last spring the
Secretary-General issued a report (A/48/935) entitled
"An Agenda for Development". Latvia welcomes this
initiative, which marks a historic turning point in the
work of the United Nations. From being an international
forum primarily serving the interests of individual States,
the United Nations is becoming a representative and
defender of the needs of humanity. Economic and social
development increases the security of every inhabitant of
our planet.
We believe that the United Nations and each
Member State should recognize the need not only for a
coalition for democracy, but also for a fight against
organized crime and the trafficking of nuclear materials
and narcotics. Without effective solutions to these
problems, the security of each inhabitant of our planet
and the development of every country and society are
endangered. I invite the United Nations to consider
organizing a high-level meeting for the solving of those
problems.
Many components of the United Nations system,
primarily the Development Programme, are concerned
with the promotion of economic progress. Therefore,
within the framework of the aims of the proposed Agenda
for Development, one of the challenges is to simplify,
renew and integrate the United Nations system. Latvia is
among those countries whose economic, governmental
and social structures are undergoing a period of transition.
Effective United Nations assistance to these countries
would speed this process, allowing them to become donor
countries sooner.
The concept of development is very broad. It
includes social and economic progress; justice and
democracy, as the foundation of society; and the
protection of human rights and the environment. Even if
the threat of global nuclear war has subsided, the prospect
of environmental catastrophe remains. I therefore restate
Latvia’s proposal, first made at the 1992 Rio de Janeiro
Earth Summit, to host in Latvia before the end of this
century a world summit at which participating States
would commit themselves to diverting all resources
gained from disarmament towards long-term development,
especially for the protection of the environment and
reversal of ecological damage caused by military activity.
3

This conference could take place in Jurmala, on the shores
of the Baltic Sea.
Latvia attaches great importance to international
conferences organized by the United Nations. As a
member of the Bureau of the Preparatory Committee,
Latvia has become actively involved in the preparation for
the World Social Summit. Furthermore, Latvia is one of
the few States whose head of delegation is also a Vice-
President of the Conference.
Each global conference is an opportunity for every
participating State to review and compare the sum of its
experience. The issue of implementing the adopted
resolutions at both the national and international levels is
yet to be fully addressed. I would like to inform the
Assembly of the extent of Latvia’s adherence to the
recommendations adopted at the World Conference on
Human Rights. In its Vienna Declaration and Programme
of Action the Conference invited States to establish and
strengthen national institutions for the protection of human
rights. The Conference recommended that each State
consider the desirability of drawing up a national action
plan identifying steps whereby that State would improve the
promotion and protection of human rights.
Latvia demonstrated its commitment to United Nations
principles and its readiness to implement the
recommendations of the Conference by establishing in
March 1994 the post of State Minister for Human Rights,
as well as forming a Government Working Group on the
Protection of the Rights of Individuals, allocating the
necessary resources towards these ends. We believe that
the United Nations should devote a greater percentage of its
regular budget to the promotion and protection of human
rights.
In response to a request by the Working Group, a
high-level international mission organized by the United
Nations Development Programme visited Latvia in July this
year. The mission, which included representatives of
several international organizations, including CSCE and the
Council of Europe, consulted Latvia on the development of
a national programme for the protection and promotion of
human rights. At Latvia’s invitation, the United Nations
High Commissioner for Human Rights will visit Latvia in
October this year.
I am proud that Latvia is one of the first countries to
have demonstrated an awareness of its responsibility by
establishing a national programme for the protection and
promotion of human rights. Latvia is prepared to discuss
and share its knowledge and experience with all interested
parties.
We support the proposal made to the General
Assembly by Mr. Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian
Federation, that the principles of the Declaration on the
Rights of Persons Belonging to National, Ethnic,
Religious and Linguistic Minorities be embodied in the
legislation of all Member States. At the World
Conference on Human Rights Latvia called for the
establishment of standards and implementation
mechanisms for the rights of minorities and foreigners.
Those activities in the sphere of human rights are
grounded in history. Prior to the Second World War, as
a member of the League of Nations, Latvia fostered
harmonious inter-ethnic relations. We are now trying to
renew and cultivate this great tradition. Immediately after
the restoration of its independence Latvia declared its
accession to all the principal international human rights
instruments. As I have already mentioned, a major effort
is being made in the establishment of a national
programme for the promotion and protection of the
human rights of the individual in order that every
individual be guaranteed equal rights and an equal
opportunity to defend these rights. I believe that the
concept of equal opportunity not only characterizes the
fundamental rights of the individual, but is also a
prerequisite for development.
Latvia has always been open to cooperation with the
United Nations, the CSCE and other international
organizations. Latvia reaffirmed this when it passed its
Citizenship Law. In promulgating this legislation, it
followed the recommendations of the CSCE and the
Council of Europe, and the passing of the law has been
evaluated positively by these organizations.
The need for rationalizing and revitalizing the work
of the United Nations is becoming ever more apparent.
Latvia is actively participating in the search for optimal
solutions. Latvia supports the enlargement of the Security
Council, perceiving this as a fair opportunity for small
nations to increase their role in important international
decision-making. Latvia also supports the improvement
of cooperation and coordination between the United
Nations and other international organizations, including
the CSCE, the European Union and the Council of
Europe.
We also welcome and support the action taken by
the Secretary-General to introduce a new, effective system
4

of accountability and responsibility, and, pursuant to the
United States initiative, to establish the Office of Internal
Oversight Services.
Latvia supports especially the initiative to reform the
calculation of United Nations assessments, based strictly on
the principle of "capacity to pay". This would be a step
towards improving the dire financial situation of the
Organization and would pave the way for a fair solution to
the issue of the assessments of Latvia and many other
States.
Although the inescapable difficulties associated with
a transition period can still be felt in our economy and
social sector, Latvia is endeavouring to fulfil its
international obligations and commitments. However,
contrary to standard United Nations practice, the current
assessment of Latvia has been calculated without taking
into account its actual capacity to pay. Instead, the data of
a non-existent country - the former Soviet Union - has been
used to determine Latvia’s assessment. Latvia has
consistently and unwaveringly stated that it was forcibly
incorporated into the former Soviet Union and therefore is
not, and cannot ever be, its successor, with all the rights
and obligations that this would entail. This was also stated
in a letter to the Secretary-General in 1992.
Latvia expects that the General Assembly will address
this issue in the course of this session on the basis of the
principle of sovereign equality.
We consider that the same importance should be
accorded to the United Nations principle of universality.
Next year, the world will celebrate the fiftieth
anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Latvia,
too, has begun preparations for this great anniversary. We
hope that the Riga Dom Boys Choir will sing at the
celebration concert to be held here in New York. This
would be deeply symbolic, since future generations will
shape the fate of nations. In many ways their fate will be
decided by the heritage we leave to our children. We must
do our utmost to draw closer to the age when nations will
not fight against nations, but all will join forces in the
battle against darkness. This sentiment, which has been
drawn deep from the well of our national wisdom, seems to
embody the essence of the United Nations now and in the
future.


Allow me, Sir, to convey to you on behalf of the people
and Government of Chad, our heartfelt congratulations on
your unanimous election to preside over the forty-ninth
session of the General Assembly. It was a resounding
tribute to your country, whose devotion to peace and
dialogue is well known. Not simply Côte d’Ivoire, but the
whole of Africa has thus been honoured.
We should like to take this opportunity to salute the
memory of the late President Félix Houphouët-Boigny,
whose renown as a statesman extended beyond our
continent.
I should also like to convey heartfelt thanks to your
predecessor, Ambassador Samuel Rudolph Insanally of
Guyana, for the skill with which he conducted the business
of our previous session.
Finally, I wish to express our profound gratitude to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
dedication to international peace and security, to which he
has contributed with “An Agenda for Peace”, now
supplemented by “An Agenda for Development”.
We welcome the return to this Hall of South Africa,
a South Africa now free of apartheid. We welcome it and
wish every success to President Nelson Mandela, whose
tenacity should once again be commended.
The picture of the international situation following the
end of the cold war is mixed, being one of both hope and
uncertainty.
The evolving peace process in the Middle East is an
important step towards the achievement of a
comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of a crisis which
has persisted for too long. We pay warm tribute to the
Israeli and Palestinian leaders who, with their
foresightedness and sense of history, have taken this
decisive step. We venture to hope that the peoples of this
region, sorely in need of peace, have the benefit of the
wholehearted support of the international community.
We also commend the efforts now going on to
restore democracy to Haiti.
Chad has also been following with interest the
process under way in Mozambique, and we hope that the
elections to be held on 27 and 28 October will pave the
way to a new era of peace and prosperity.
However, grim situations still continue. How can
one fail to be outraged at the daily events occurring in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Rwanda, Liberia, Afghanistan or
Somalia? Chad, which has been through three decades of
conflict, sympathizes with the tragic experience of the
peoples of these countries and condemns practices based
on ethnic, racial and religious criteria, practices which
belong to the past.
This was one of the reasons which prompted my
Government to make a modest contribution, first, by its
military presence with the French force in Opération
Turquoise, and then in the second United Nations
Assistance Mission for Rwanda.
Chad urges the United Nations to continue its
tireless, energetic peacemaking and peace-keeping efforts
and asks the parties involved in any conflict to attach
greater importance to dialogue.
In this regard, we welcome developments in the
ongoing talks to bring lasting peace to Angola.
We appeal for a speedy solution to the question of
the embargo afflicting the Libyan people, a solution in
keeping with resolutions of the Organization of African
Unity (OAU) and the Organization of the Islamic
Conference.
The proliferation of armed conflicts in Africa is a
great challenge to us. Chad therefore makes an urgent
appeal to the international community to give its
wholehearted support to the OAU’s machinery for
conflict-prevention, conflict-management and the
settlement of conflicts.
Conflicts of any kind are always a disaster for the
human race. Therefore, in order to save present and
11

future generations from the danger of a nuclear holocaust,
my country supports the indefinite extension of the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).
Conventional weapons are a permanent source of
concern for Chad. That is why we support resolution 48/75
E and welcome the initiative by President Alpha Omar
Konare of Mali to halt the proliferation of such weapons in
our region.
Economic development is a constant concern of the
international community. That is why the various
initiatives and discussions on the subject, as well as the apt
analysis in the Agenda for Development, deserve careful
consideration at this session. The worsening economic
crisis, marked by chronic indebtedness and the drop in the
price of raw materials in developing countries in general,
and in Africa in particular, has torn at the weak social
fabric and threatened the stability of States. This explains
the spread of phenomena such as juvenile delinquency,
widespread drug-trafficking and organized crime.
However, we look forward to the World Summit for
Social Development to be held in Copenhagen next year,
and to the World Conference on Women, to be held in
Beijing, also next year.
They will give the international community an
opportunity to discuss today’s challenges and to try to
improve the lives of millions of human beings.
I now turn to Chad, where the democratic process
which began with the coming to power of the Patriotic
Salvation Movement is continuing, to the satisfaction of all,
thanks to the wisdom of our President, His Excellency
Colonel Idriss Déby, who has honoured the spirit and the
letter of the historic declaration of 4 December 1990 to
establish a State of law.
The Sovereign National Conference organized, in a
spirit of transparency, with the participation of citizens of
Chad of all strata and all political leanings in the presence
of foreign observers, adopted a consistent, comprehensive
strategy. It thus reflected the general consensus on
resolving all our problems, and in particular the creation of
a State that respects the rule of law. To that end, a
schedule was worked out and transitional institutions were
established.
At the last session, my delegation took note of
progress made towards democratization. I am happy to say
from this rostrum that the transition in Chad is proceeding
normally thanks to cooperation between the three organs,
the presidency, the primature and the Higher Transitional
Council.
In order to keep within our deadlines, the framework
agreement was reduced to more realistic proportions,
backed up inter alia by the following priorities: the
elaboration of a constitution and texts to govern the
upcoming elections; the establishment of a national
reconciliation committee consisting of governmental
representatives, representatives of the provisional
parliament, political parties and civilians. That committee
has already achieved some results by signing certain
agreements with some organizations, in particular the
Bangui II Agreement. We express gratitude to His
Excellency Ange Félix Patassé, President of the Central
African Republic, for the decisive role he has played
throughout the negotiations. At the same time the
national reconciliation committee is continuing its
contacts with other political and military groups. Our
Government is confident that definitive peace will be
restored to our country.
Considerable progress has been made in the
restructuring of the national army but much remains to be
done because of the complexity of the problem of
demobilizing elements and reintegrating them into civilian
life. We reiterate once more our appeal to the
international community to provide assistance in carrying
out this essential programme for lasting peace in Chad.
The signing of a social covenant concluded between
the Government and the trade unions took place on 1 July
1994. It restored social peace and is the reason for the
important progress that has been made in applying the
provisions of the framework agreement.
Equally important progress has also been made in
other areas. I wish to speak now of human rights and
freedoms. For almost four years now we have seen the
unprecedented establishment of several independent
newspapers, the formation of many political parties, 49 of
which have been legalized, and the creation of unions and
human rights associations.
The recent establishment of the Supreme Council for
Communications is another guarantee of freedom of
expression, opinion and information.
I turn now to human rights. My country, which has
experienced one of the most cruel and misguided
dictatorships, attaches great importance to the promotion
12

and defence of these rights. The ratification of various
international instruments and, more recently, the Convention
against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment, the establishment of the National
Commission for Human Rights and the authorization
provided by my Government for the visit to Chad of an
independent expert from the United Nations Commission on
Human Rights, attest to this will.
The Government of the Republic of Chad is therefore
surprised that certain press organs, certain human rights
associations and organizations, manipulated by those who
are fighting for power, have launched a campaign that is
seeking to mislead international opinion by spreading false
information about Chad.
I wish to draw attention to the special situation in my
country, where there are many political and military groups
equipped with weapons, as a consequence of the long
conflict. The abuses committed by uncontrolled groups
cannot and should not be attributed to Government policy
to violate human rights. I should like, therefore, to take
this opportunity to call on all countries and governmental
and non-governmental organizations that are interested in
Chad and in the future of its people to come to my country
to establish the facts.
Free democratic elections will be organized at the
beginning of next year in keeping with the timetable
established by the framework agreement. On 7 October
1994 His Excellency Colonel Idriss Déby, Head of State,
once again reaffirmed his determination to respect the
timetable for the elections to give the country reliable
democratic institutions, inter alia, to guarantee the rights of
all citizens. Accordingly, we ask our traditional partners to
assist the Government of Chad to conclude this delicate
mission which require many resources.
I now turn to the question of the border dispute that
existed between my country and the Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya. On 3 February 1994 the International Court of
Justice in its Judgment put an end to this 20-year-old
conflict. An Agreement on the practical modalities for the
implementation of that Judgment was signed on 4 April
1994 in Surt. In keeping with the Agreement the
withdrawal of Libyan troops from the Aouzou Strip was
carried out according to an agreed timetable and under the
supervision of United Nations observers. Now all that
remains to be done is to make a reality of the border as
defined between the two countries.
I wish to reiterate my sincere thanks to all those who
have contributed directly or indirectly to the peaceful
solution of this dispute and our gratitude to the United
Nations. This fortunate outcome, which reflects the pre-
eminence of negotiation over confrontation, is a reason
for hope in the matter of prevention and resolution of
conflicts.
In the framework of the rehabilitation of the Aouzou
Strip and the reintegration of the local population, Chad
has already set up a technical committee to study the
various aspects of rehabilitation, particularly the
restoration of infrastructure, the cultivation of our oases,
and the restoration of our education and public health
systems. We should also create an environment
conducive to all these actions by carrying out mine
clearance and disinfecting wells that were poisoned during
the occupation. We appeal to the entire international
community to help us to carry out this programme.
Chad, like many other countries in Africa, is
confronting an unprecedented economic and financial
crisis. Existing difficulties have been compounded by the
devaluation of the CFA franc, which has wiped out all the
efforts by the Government within the structural
adjustment framework. My country regrets the fact that
the steps to accompany the devaluation have not been
entirely honoured. We urge some of our partners to
comply with their commitments in this respect.
Chad is a country which is half desert and has
suffered a rapid degradation of its environment because of
its lack of energy resources and we welcome, therefore,
the signing on 17 June 1994 in Paris of the International
Convention to Combat Desertification in those Countries
Experiencing Serious Drought and/or Desertification,
Particularly in Africa. We hope that the provisions of the
Convention will not remain a dead letter.
While in the Sahel rain is welcomed enthusiastically,
the rainfall, which has been particularly abundant this
year, has caused flooding in many regions of my country,
causing serious damage to crops and leaving many
families homeless. At the same time an epidemic of
cholera has broken out in some cities in Chad.
We are working together with our various partners,
United Nations agencies and non-governmental
organizations to deal with these situations following
appeals made respectively by the Ministers of Agriculture
and Health.
13

The United Nations will celebrate its fiftieth
anniversary next year. To meet the many challenges we
must adapt to present changes. Therefore my country
supports the common African position on restructuring and
the revitalization of the United Nations in the economic,
social and related fields.
I turn now to the Security Council. I wish to recall
that the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of
Chad stated from this rostrum on 8 October 1976 that
“The Security Council, whose principal role is to
safeguard international peace and security, should
reflect the geographical composition of the
international community.” (Official Records of the
General Assembly, Thirty-first Session, Plenary
Meetings, 23rd meeting, para. 22)
In the light of ongoing discussion of this question, we
reiterate this position because it is a requirement of our
time.
I cannot conclude my statement without saying that we
hope that the work of the present session will yield answers
to our legitimate concerns.


The delegation of Belize
warmly congratulates you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth
session. We are proud that such an illustrious son of Africa
has been selected to preside over our deliberations in this
period leading up to the celebration of the Organization’s
fiftieth anniversary year.
Permit me too to express my delegation’s thanks and
praise for the sterling performance of your immediate
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally of
Guyana.
Once again we gather to review the state of world
order. And of the year just past it might perhaps be said
that it was the best of times and the worst of times.
On the one hand, a jubilant South Africa kept its
rendezvous with freedom and now appears to be bathed in
sunlight. Furthermore, the peace in the Middle East,
presaged by the Agreement on Palestinian self-rule, is
taking root. Tension on the Korean peninsula has eased,
and the cease-fire in Northern Ireland represents a hitherto
unimaginable breakthrough.
On the other hand, the pall of nuclear weapons still
hangs over our fragile planet. So does the gloom of
conventional armaments, the din of battle and the smell of
rotting flesh in the Balkans, parts of our beloved Africa and
western and central Asia. In particular, the scale of the
tragedy in Rwanda has been incomprehensible. The initial
paralysis of will of the world community, our belated
response in the face of horrible genocide, has not been our
finest hour. That hesitation, that failure of leadership,
underscores the need for the United Nations system’s
preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping
mechanisms to be better developed as a matter of urgency.
The fact is that there is still rampant lawlessness
abroad on our planet, and we continue to be traumatized
by the death and destruction it brings. In particular, the
living hell of refugees, fleeing almost inconceivable
conditions of terror, seems to have become a stock feature
of our end-of-the-century international existence.
In this sort of depressing world political climate,
even small countries such as mine must do what we can
to ease the pain. Thus it was that Belize became the first
small State to agree to participate in the multinational
force currently overseeing the end of tyranny in Haiti.
We took seriously the Security Council’s particular
invitation to regional States and hope now that the
collective response will succeed in giving our beleaguered
sister republic surcease from its unhappy history and a
chance of lasting peace and true democracy. We salute
the Haitian people and we congratulate President Aristide.
We expect soon to be able to send our messages of
congratulations direct to the presidential palace in Port-au-
Prince.
In Belize’s own neighbourhood, the
redemocratization of the Central American isthmus
continues apace. In the last year, the free elections and
orderly transitions of power that have taken place in
Panama, Costa Rica, El Salvador and Honduras have
vindicated our new-found, or rather rediscovered, destiny.
In Guatemala, a plebiscite, congressional elections and the
Oslo Agreement between the Government and the Unidad
Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (URNG) guerrilla
group have strengthened the internal order. Furthermore,
that country has undertaken, in its letter to the Secretary-
General (A/49/94 of 14 March 1994) to abide by pacific
principles and good-neighbourliness in its relations with
my country. As a Member of this Organization, with our
historical and constitutional land and sea borders
universally recognized as inviolable in accordance with
the principles of self-determination, sovereignty and
territorial integrity, Belize welcomes this Guatemalan
commitment. It is a further encouragement to regional
peace.
Talking of peace, we note with interest the
development of the concept of stand-by forces. This idea
needs to be deepened and refined, and arrangements
should be made for appropriate training in regional
training centres. In this regard, Belize’s offer to serve as
one such locale, making special use of our jungle terrain
and facilities, is a matter of record.
4

This Organization must be allowed to develop an
agency for rapid and effective military deployment. Again,
we call for the implementation of Article 43 of the Charter.
What we are saying is that security and world order
must be significantly improved. Mankind and the vision of
our founders must be vindicated. In that light, we reiterate
the call we made during last year’s debate for reform of the
Security Council. Since that time, we have refined our
ideas on that subject. These include our proposals that
certain developing countries, on account of sheer population
numbers and geopolitical realities, should be permanent, or
indefinite, members; that contributions to the peace-keeping
budget should be a relevant criterion for permanent, or
indefinite, membership; and that, in both existing categories
of membership, adjacent States should be permitted to pool
their resources as composite or constituency members. We
now call upon all the members of this Assembly to ensure
that, by the fiftieth anniversary of the Organization, we
shall demonstrate our commitment to world order by
democratically bringing the Council to a better state of
grace.
Another aspect of international order that deserves
mention is that of the number of entities which are not fully
embraced by the notion of universality in our Charter and
which do not participate completely in the system of
international order. These entities are mostly in or around
the Asia-Pacific region, the Atlantic, the Mediterranean and
the Caribbean. We call on all parties in good faith to
continue their various dialogues to resolve this issue.
To contribute to this restructuring of world order, we
are in the process of finalizing a massive new economic
dimension with the conclusion of the multilateral trade
negotiations, the establishment of the World Trade
Organization, the development of new mechanisms for the
resolution of trade disputes and the deepening and widening
of the system of norms relating to international commerce.
We applaud the transformation of the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade and these other advances, while urging
that the less well-endowed countries receive their due, both
under domestic jurisdictions and laws and in adjudications
by the new organization. Rampant unilateralism and
protectionism must now take a back seat. We are satisfied
at the expansion of the institution of non-discrimination into
such new areas as trade in services and trade-related
investment measures. We are also happy that dumping and
subsidies regulations have now been significantly improved
and that progress has been made in the trying area of
safeguards.
We hope, however, that the thread of liberalism that
runs through these new instruments will not become a
noose to suffocate those of us that did not inherit a head
start. We therefore call for sensitivity in the application
of those various provisions for special and differential
treatment of such countries.
In the same vein, we would wish for increased
sensitization on the part of the Bretton Woods institutions.
Even as the global order swings to and fro, we call for
improvement of the various mechanisms as they affect
our sensitive economies.
In Belize we have begun our own adjustment
process. This is necessary if we are to cope with the
initial dislocations to small economies, which will be the
inevitable consequence of the new international trading
realities. As well, the profligate behaviour of the central
Government between September 1989 and June 1993 had
resulted in an unmanageable deficit, precipitously
declining reserves and imprudent short-term, high-interest
foreign borrowing.
So we seek now to restore fiscal discipline and
regain macro-economic stability. We are also intent on
removing the traditional distortions inherent in the
domestic trading regime, and on instituting tax reform
that will eliminate our overreliance on import duties.
This is a process that we must manage carefully, since
drastic reductions in public expenditure and trade
liberalization will work initial hardship on our local
economy. In this context, the Bretton Woods institutions
have a duty to respond to our special circumstances.
Support for our public and private sectors must be
forthcoming, for the brave new economic world that we
must enter, whether voluntarily or otherwise, will no
doubt prove a most inhospitable clime to those not
clothed with the requisite garb.
In particular, the funds for skills training, human
resource development and poverty alleviation must be
found. Our young people are already hostage to the
subculture of violence perpetrated as much by the
television images transported undiluted from the first
world, as by the indigenous problems peculiar to our
small societies. The hope-extinguishing cycle of
alienation, joblessness and incarceration must be broken.
Otherwise, those nice new economic edifices we are so
carefully constructing will come crashing to the ground,
undone by the confrontation and social chaos that
continued marginalization of our youth will surely
engender.
5

We repeat, then, that small, hitherto hardy,
democracies must not now be swamped by a heedless
forward march of soulless economic principles. And the
case for urgent Bretton Woods social and economic
assistance should be even more compelling in the instance
of voluntary, vis-à-vis imposed, structural adjustment.
We are somewhat embarrassed that, almost 50 years
on, this journey into a putative glorious world order just
now sees us seriously crafting new substantive agendas for
what are really some very old problems. Yet, we must deal
with reality. The development decades and the new
international economic order were, in part, chimeric or
exercises in rhetoric. But I believe we are truly now
engaged in writing a new, coherent, agenda for
development. Let it be a properly annotated agenda. In
fact, let it be a fully programmed model that entirely
anticipates what lies ahead.
We are grateful that this Organization is also taking
note of the unfulfilled promises of the Second World War
order. It is now 53 years since the call for social justice
went out in the Four Freedoms and the Atlantic Charter.
Yet we are far from freedom from want and improved
social security. Now, with the recently concluded
Conference on Population and Development, and with the
World Conference on Women and the World Summit for
Social Development just before us, the opportunity is here
again. Let us seize it and develop bold concepts and
effective normative systems. And while we do so, let us
continue to develop such recent notions as those relating to
the relief of children in difficult circumstances. Let us also
develop this Organization’s capacity for technical assistance
in crime prevention and interdiction to those United Nations
Members which are increasingly beset by the scourge of
violence, weapons and narcotics. These plagues are, almost
invariably, brought on by demands and excesses imported
from thousands of miles away, mostly with the aid of the
electronic media.
Another area in which we are still in the agenda stage
is that of humanitarianism. Despite unfair criticism, the
Secretariat has done what it could to carry out the promises
made in the Charter. We commend all concerned with the
establishment of the Department of Humanitarian Affairs,
and we pledge to work beside them.
Another relatively recent watchword is sustainability.
It has a redolence to which we have all taken with alacrity.
It warns the well-endowed of the truth of the adage "Waste
not, want not". It reminds the less fortunate to try to
resolve their dilemma wisely, as necessity obliges them to
reduce their woodlands while leaching the present vitality
of the land. It has brought us out of our slumber and
humbled us into sincere discussions about fish stocks,
fragile low-lying developing small island and coastal
areas, and global warming.
We have seen the Commission for Sustainable
Development and the Global Environment Facility take
their faltering first steps. While they are to some extent
further examples of the somewhat unstructured way in
which the Organization is sometimes obliged to operate,
we nevertheless commend those agencies. And we
sincerely hope that sustainability will keep us whole.
Another area in which the Organization has been
discovering its role is human rights. We all recently
participated in the stimulating exercise of establishing the
post of High Commissioner for Human Rights. We have
seen the number of instruments on that subject increase.
Human rights bodies have become more experienced and
effective. Even in the field of population and
development, we notice how the recent Cairo Programme
of Action uses human rights as its main point of
departure. It is striking that, in places, that document
alphabetizes the basic species of human rights. So did
the Assembly’s resolution establishing the post of High
Commissioner. We did this to stress the non-selectivity
and neutrality of the various genres of human rights.
That is to say, cultural, economic and social rights are as
much our concern as civil and political rights. The
coincidence of development with population and other
concerns in the Cairo document, and the stress of the
right to development both in the resolution establishing
the post of High Commissioner and in the Cairo
document, underscore the coequal importance of that
category of right. I believe that we are now seeing the
beginning of the concretization of international concern
about a wider range of human rights for individuals and,
I beg to stress, groups and peoples.
Above all, these recent developments in the field of
human rights, sustainable development and social justice
are pointing us to the reality that values must become an
integral part of statecraft and of diplomacy. Only by
inculcating respect for values will our world straighten up
and fly right.
In our fledgling world order, my subregion of the
Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has begun to show
signs of coming of age. We have established several new
structures for subregional integration and cooperation.
We recently joined our friends and neighbours in the
6

non-English-speaking Caribbean and proximate mainland
areas in signing a treaty to establish an ambitious
Association of Caribbean States designed to bring about
coordination, concentration and cooperation in our far-flung
proto-region. Even before this, CARICOM had begun to
develop separate cooperative relationships with Central
America, Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela. In all of these
endeavours, it has become more widely noted that Belize is
ideally situated to assist with this bringing together of
various subregions. We are equidistant from Tijuana and
Paramaribo and, in other respects, are at the very centre of
this new Caribbean. Belize is bilingual and multi-cultural.
Besides, Belize has a history and a polity which well equip
us for this role.
We earlier referred to the issue of equitable
representation on and increase in the membership of the
Security Council. This is an important aspect of the world
order. It is also the quintessential example of the need for
reform and revitalization of this Organization.
The General Assembly’s health is generally quite
good. However, in some respects it needs improvement.
One such area is the roster for this general debate. The
annual seating arrangements for our numerous members are
made quite democratically and scientifically. Yet the order
of the list of speakers in this debate is not fixed in quite the
same manner. What is the justification for annually placing
certain nations at certain positions at the end of the list? I
remember that the Christian Bible makes flattering
references to what comes "Out of the mouths of babes and
sucklings" (The Bible, Psalms 8:2). Similar expressions
can be found in every philosophy and religion on this
planet. It is time that this be learned and observed by those
who prepare the annual speakers’ list.
With many others, we call for the development of an
improved system of coordination here at Headquarters of
the structure of the Organization’s machinery in the social
and economic sectors. More thought must also be given to
the rationalization and coordination of the Organization’s
multifarious development agencies in the field.
Even as the World Trade Organization and the Bretton
Woods institutions develop their separate complexes of
structures and prescriptions, my delegation sees a greater
need for overall coordination by this premier Organization.
The United Nations must be appropriately developed as the
first among equals within the global organizational system.
We laud the Secretary-General and the Assembly for
improvement in the systems of oversight and conditions of
service, especially in the area of gender equity. But
equitable distribution of staff posts and responsibilities
within all United Nations bodies must be radically
improved.
Above all, the United Nations must learn to speak
to, not at, the peoples of the world. In the ongoing
efforts to rearticulate, reinform and reinforce the vision of
the Charter’s framers, we can even envisage our Chief
Executive going on camera on popular talk shows,
teaching new constituencies about what is after all their
organization. He should continue to find bully pulpits in
the global electronic information meeting-place, for the
need to sound the themes that underline the continuing
vitality of our world body is particularly urgent at this
time. After all, in the run-up to our fiftieth anniversary
we must be able to give a proper account of our
stewardship, to withstand the special scrutiny we will
surely now provoke. Our world Government has to
demonstrate that it is relevant, effective, moral and, above
all, democratic. It is only then that we can fully expect
that it will be able hereafter to call out ever more clearly,
forcefully and directly to "We the peoples of the world".


On behalf of the people
and Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho, and on my
own behalf, I have the pleasure to extend to you, Sir, our
4

warmest congratulations on your well-deserved election to
the presidency of the General Assembly at the forty-ninth
session. Your election is a fitting tribute to the efforts that
your country has made and continues to make in
international relations, especially its mediatory role in
conflict situations on our continent. Our special thanks also
go to your predecessor, the Ambassador of the Republic of
Guyana, His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally, whose
abilities and clear vision in steering the Assembly during
the forty-eighth session will forever be remembered with
appreciation.
We are also indebted to our distinguished
Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-
Ghali, whose track record is without parallel.
My delegation is proud to welcome the Republic of
South Africa, now free and democratic, back into the
international fold. The resumption of the right of South
Africa, a founding Member of the United Nations, to
participate in the deliberations of the General Assembly and
other organs of the United Nations, is very timely, coming
as it does as we approach the fiftieth anniversary of the
founding of the United Nations.
Even as we approach the threshold of the twenty-first
century, our world is still mired in conflicts. Our
Organization must strive to contain these and other
situations, which are the legacy of the post-cold-war era.
We are entering a new era, one in which democratic and
inclusive global institutions can play a principal role in
building a better world. It is still difficult, however, to
have a clear vision of the future role of the United Nations
in the new international political order that is emerging
following the end of the cold war.
As it approaches its fiftieth anniversary, the United
Nations faces a number of challenges; it has to become a
real instrument of international legality, peace and security.
The Organization needs to have the means and the
flexibility to play an increasingly active role in these
unpredictable times. Unfortunately, however, the United
Nations of today still reflects the structure of the world of
1945 as seen by the victors of the Second World War.
United Nations organs such as the Security Council need to
be revitalized and democratized so that they may become
more representative of the regions encompassed in this
Organization.
The General Assembly, as one of the principal organs
of the United Nations, an organ that is universal in
character and one in which Member States enjoy sovereign
equality, needs revitalization as part of the current process
of the transformation and reform of the United Nations
system. The United Nations system should be able, at all
times, to respond rapidly to changes and new
developments as they occur around the world. In the last
few years we have witnessed significant events of historic
moment. We had not anticipated that the Iron Curtain
would be dismantled so quickly; nor could we have
foreseen the demolition of the Berlin Wall and the
eradication of apartheid in South Africa. The United
Nations may not possess the clairvoyance to predict
events before they occur, but it should have the capacity
to respond to developments and crises rapidly and
effectively as they arise. The events in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and, recently, in Rwanda starkly demonstrate
the sluggishness of the decision-making process and the
lack of responsiveness on the part of the system.
Disarmament, especially in the nuclear field, remains
an urgent concern of this Organization. Its relationship to
international peace and security is today more evident
than ever before. We are mindful of the fact that in
recent years, at the height of the cold war, the world
experienced a period of uncertain peace, a peace that was
sustained more by the fear of a nuclear holocaust than by
the existence of harmonious relationships among nations,
especially the opposing nuclear blocs, or by progress
towards complete and general disarmament. Today,
conditions exist for the establishment of a stable and
peaceful global environment. It is under such conditions
that the world can begin to enjoy what may be called the
peace dividend, whereby global expenditures will be
shifted away from preparations for war and unending
concern for national security towards investment in
development.
Solid groundwork for cooperation and
confidence-building has been successfully laid in a
number of regions. The progress in this regard bodes
well for the future. In our region, the continental
organization, the Organization of African Unity (OAU),
has established a mechanism for the prevention,
management and resolution of conflicts. The apparent
inability of the world community to act in a timely and
decisive manner during some tragic conflict situations in
our continent has taught Africa the cardinal lesson that we
cannot continue to delegate our responsibilities to the rest
of the world. We have seen evidence of this a number of
times, particularly during crisis situations in Rwanda and
Somalia. Africa is taking up more seriously the challenge
of fending for itself. We shall, however, continue to
5

count on international solidarity and cooperation during the
trial stages of the mechanism.
In Liberia, the OAU, in conjunction with the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
and the United Nations, continues to seek a solution to the
conflict on the basis of the implementation of the Cotonou
Peace Agreement. We are happy with the progress
achieved thus far in Mozambique. The situation in Angola,
however, continues to be of grave concern to us.
We urge the parties involved to show political will and
to negotiate in good faith in order to ensure the early
establishment of lasting peace, stability and development.
The complementarity between democracy and the
observance of human rights on the one hand, and
development on the other, can no longer be a subject of
debate. Democracy is the cornerstone of every civil society
and the preservation and sustaining of its institutions should
be binding on all of us. The expression by the international
community of the will to cooperate in this endeavour has
been clear in recent times. If it is necessary to look
backward to yesterday, it is only to draw lessons that will
enable us to march confidently and resolutely into the
future, a future in which our citizens will live in harmony
and enjoy prosperity.
The attainment of democracy, peace and development
as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and in the
charters of the Organization of African Unity and other
organizations has become the responsibility of all nations.
Where these principles are threatened by those who are
reluctant to come to terms with the realities of today, the
international community has stood up resolutely in defence
of our fledgling democracies. This attitude augurs well for
the new world order we seek to establish.
The events in Haiti and our recent experience in
Lesotho demonstrate beyond the shadow of a doubt that
young and fledgling democracies can be seriously
threatened or turned off their course. In the early morning
of 17 August this year, the people of Lesotho woke up to
hear an announcement over Radio Lesotho that shocked and
bewildered them. According to that announcement, certain
clauses of the Constitution of Lesotho had been suspended,
and as a result of that illegal and arbitrary act the
democratically-elected parliament and Government of
Lesotho had, it was said, been dissolved. The constitutional
crisis we faced has since been resolved; however, I recall
these events because of the important lesson they brought
home to all of us who were directly concerned.
First, it became abundantly clear that the support for
democracy among our people cuts straight across party
political lines. Secondly, the international community can
no longer countenance an open attack upon democratic
principles and the institutions of democratic governance.
The people of Lesotho rose up in large numbers to
demonstrate their displeasure and their abhorrence of the
disguised coup against their elected Government. Despite
the repressive measures taken by those who had brazenly
intruded upon the constitutional order of our country, the
people sent a clear signal that the powers of a tyrant are
forever circumscribed by the will and the determination
of the people to resist oppression and by their desire to be
governed only with their own consent.
I take this opportunity to thank the United Nations,
the Organization of African Unity and the commonwealth
of nations for supporting my Government and my people
in their struggle to maintain legality, constitutionality and
democratic rule in Lesotho. I need to mention
specifically the timely and principled intervention by
President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, President Nelson
Mandela of South Africa and President Ketumile Masire
of Botswana. It is through their mediatory efforts that we
were able to emerge from the unfortunate constitutional
crisis that we experienced.
The people of Lesotho will always remember that
when they faced a critical test, when the foundations of
their young democracy were under attack and threatened
with wanton destruction, the friends of democracy stood
firm and remained resolute to the end. The member
States of the European Union and the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) never wavered in their
support for democracy in Lesotho. The Governments of
the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Japan,
the Federal Republic of Germany and Sweden took a
stand and immediately suspended all economic assistance
to Lesotho, thus sending a clear signal to the usurpers of
power that what is really here to stay is democracy, and
nothing else.
We in Lesotho believe that the observance of human
rights would go a long way towards eliminating hotbeds
of tension and civil strife. In almost every country
experiencing some kind of civil strife, it will always be
found that the first casualty of that strife is human rights.
It is in this context that, recently, Lesotho ratified
quite a number of international human rights instruments.
At the regional level, we all support the work of SADC,
which has recently decided to establish a sector to deal
6

with human rights questions. We pledge to work with our
fellow SADC member States as we develop this new sector
of our organization. We also pledge to fulfil our
obligations at the international level through the various
United Nations bodies engaged in human rights work.


Mr. President, may we congratulate Mr. Essy
and wish him every possible success in exercising your
mandate.
Seychelles would like to take this opportunity also
to pay tribute to the Secretary-General for the timely and
judicious initiatives which he is constantly taking to
promote peace, justice and development.
We have gathered together to express the profound
aspirations of the countries we represent. We all have
our specific problems, our differences, our advantages and
our handicaps. We all have many unresolved questions
which stem from an international situation where the
factors of political and economic instability are becoming
increasingly frequent.
The hesitations of a changing world tend to engender
a feeling of pessimism, as we see contemporary history
being made.
Between the industrially developed countries and
those who are still marking time on the path to
development, considerable barriers are blocking the road
to sharing and to solidarity.
We now see cruel dissensions arising among peoples
that were previously bound by brotherhood.
On the international scene, where we are witnessing
a relentless confrontation between divergent interests,
what place do we now give to the human dimension in
relationships?
31

The end of this century is constantly being redefined
by shocks, upheavals and various types of aggression born
of negativism.
More than ever, the success of our societies will
depend on their capacity to absorb these shocks and, when
there is nothing or little left to reinvest courage,
determination and perseverance, in spite of sometimes
terrible lack of understanding.
But we also have to reinvest our capabilities, our
funds, our means and our inborn willingness - in other
words, unprecedented alliances have to be struck; for there
is no longer time to philosophize about the world we shall
bequeath to our great grandchildren. Because of the
unprecedented speeding up of history demographic,
economic and social projections are becoming alarming in
the medium term and no longer in the long term to which
we had grown accustomed through our cozy selfishness or
our defiance in the face of the unforeseeable.
The phenomenon of exponential growth, which is
widening gaps and encouraging rivalry, causes immediate
rather than delayed reactions. We have become our own
heirs! Undoubtedly, there is more food for thought in this
idea than in many statements.
That illustrates to what extent our efforts must be both
planned and creative. It also means that the immediate
problem to be tackled is to define our priorities. Here, my
thinking is consonant with much of what has been said
from this rostrum. Certainly there is no lack of those who
plead for a safer, healthier and more prosperous world.
And so many conferences and seminars have echoed the
same thought and have recalled this idea in their final
documents. But we are aware that we have to go beyond
this; hence, we are asking for action programmes which
mobilize experience, energy and imagination. When
continuity of effort is the key factor for success, we must
expand the underpinnings of projects, assess results and
renew assistance.
In other words, what we are advocating is a definitely
prescriptive approach, rather than the sort of analytical and
descriptive exercises which has been the comfortable route
of many international gatherings.
If we are specific in defining the areas of our
deliberations, then the ensuing action will necessarily be
based on precise, useful and needed dynamics.
This specificity, in the case of Seychelles as in the
case of more than 30 territories throughout the world, is,
from the point of view of development, the dual
constraint of geographic and demographic smallness and
being an island.
Need we recall that the situation of small island
States can, in many respects, provide indications as to the
future of mankind. Here, more than anywhere else,
because of their vulnerability - whether it be due to the
fragile ecosystems, the scant economic outlets or the lack
of human resources - any dependence necessarily impacts
upon the very future of the societies concerned.
The Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States, held in
Barbados, was indeed extremely beneficial for us all. It
focused attention on the particular situation of those small
States whose relatively high per capita income does not
accurately reflect the reality of a situation which donors
tend to tie to any aid for development.
There is no doubt that that Conference has been the
source of great hope for the small island States. But
some remain sceptical. In any case, we hope it will lead
to a change in attitude on the part of the industrialized
countries with respect to the unique situation of small
developing island States, for it is the industrialized
countries that will not only have to take up and enlarge
upon the concerns of the small island States but also have
to set in motion the strategies and the plans of action,
which are the only real vehicles of change or of
development.
Far be it from us to engage here in singling out the
countries or international organizations concerned.
However, two years after the Rio Summit we are very
disappointed to see that the provisions of Agenda 21 have
rarely given rise to actions. Does this mean that the
concept of lasting and sustainable development is going
to be severely compromised because of a lack of
solidarity and international support and failure to respect
commitments?
Let us get to the core of the problem. The
harmonization of development policies and measures to
protect the environment necessarily implies the definition
of specific budgetary categories by priority, based on
criteria of complementarity as between national effort and
international efforts. This must be done free from any
spirit of charity, as well as divorced from any evaluation
based on per capita income.
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Let us not forget the backdrop to all this, the fact that
in an era where everything occurs on a worldwide level the
individual and collective responsibility of States calls for a
global approach and equitable sharing of the cost and moral
investment the environment represents. Those
responsibilities must be consciously assumed.
All these are indicators that merit the attention - the
unwavering attention - of decision-making bodies and
international donors. In the past, many pronouncements
have concluded on a hopeful note. Joined together in an
orchestral score, such notes would barely fill out a refrain
in praise of development, one that, like a clear conscience,
can often sound hollow.
And yet we do not doubt the wisdom of our
negotiating partners. There are surely some who would like
to deal with questions of development from a dialectical
viewpoint, but that is not true of us. If, for us, the essential
thing is not to hesitate to be specific, we seek, in return,
measures that will be real, meaningful and measurable.
More generally, this could apply to the role women
should play in the development process. This is an old
debate. Fortunately, the time is now past when women
were viewed as non-conventional vehicles of progress.
Abolishing a principle, however, although paving the way
for many improvements, can also generate a considerable
potential for inertia, for the walls of hypocrisy, as we all
know, are infinitely thick. It is not enough to quote some
cases of women who are entrepreneurs or decision-makers,
There have always been some effective women. The
important thing is to modify behaviour and practices in real
terms, at the societal level, and to analyse and transpose
those models and ideas which have from time to time led
to good results. That is what we expect from the Beijing
Conference.
Where natural prerogative is concerned, we cannot of
course speak of delegating authority but here too of
equitable and responsible sharing. Indeed, do we in fact
have a choice?
Women must act within their communities as a
proponent force that is open to change and capable of
enriching the dynamic processes linked to changing values.
It is impossible to give life without being concerned about
survival, without being deeply aware of the changes that
affect the individual or the society whenever they give rise
to uncertainty and muddy the waters.
Humanism obviously owes a great debt to women.
Let us enrich it with our understanding. The woman’s
identity is strong, but in many places there is still a lack
of both recognition and expression, which are the
foundations of her legitimacy.
The ideal of legitimacy is a noble concept, in
addition to being a good working notion. It is legitimate
to look forward to the fulfilment of the promises made in
solemn declarations; it is legitimate to expect that
intentions so boldly and courageously stated will become
promises, and it is also legitimate, when the urgency of
the matter no longer leaves time for either declarations of
intention or promises, to take action. Consensus can
come later.
Here, and in the same spirit, I should like to
emphasize our interest in the proposal made by the
Director-General of the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) for swift
humanitarian action - what we might call a "spontaneous
reaction" - whenever called for. For here again we are
talking about the legitimacy that endows the human entity
with dignity and makes it worthy of respect.
Before concluding I should like to appeal to all
countries and peoples present here to unite our efforts to
take one large step towards world brotherhood. Let us
overturn the rigid barriers of all kinds of self-interest, let
us be attentive to the needs of others and the future of our
planet. Let us shape our relationships for active solidarity
and willing adherence to the principle of shared
responsibility.
On such vital questions there is no place for trite
official statements. In coming decades, no one will be
fooled by our unwillingness to engage, openly, fully and
with determination, on the path of well-being, especially
when it is the neediest of us who most require it.
That is the price of true unity among nations. And
we in Seychelles harbor this desire to stand alongside all
countries in concluding the unprecedented alliance that
will guide the great ship of mankind towards the shores
of the third millenium.
It is up to us to ensure that those shores will be
welcoming ones.