On 22 May of this year a change of historic significance occurred in my country: our political status was altered to that of a Republic. At the same time the name of the country, which under Portuguese occupation of the maritime provinces in the fifteenth century had been changed to Ceylon, was dropped and we resumed the name of Sri Lanka, by which my country was referred to in the ancient chronicles and in Valmiki's epic, the Ramayana. The change of name from "Ceylon" to "Sri Lanka"  or "the Resplendent Isle", to give it its closest English translation was not merely a romantic evocation of the past: it was a recognition of the value of our cultural heritage and an affirmation of our cultural affinity with our neighbors in South and Southeast Asia, where the Ramayana is a literary and cultural masterpiece of imperishable value. Therefore, today-for the first time—I address you, Mr. President, and this Assembly as the permanent representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations.
142.	The change of Constitution, which took place on 22 May and made us a Republic, severed our link with the British Crown-a link which had lasted for 157 years but Sri Lanka remains within the Commonwealth and will continue to maintain and even endeavor to strengthen the friendly relations that have existed between our country and Britain. This is the spirit that Walt Whitman had in mind when he spoke of that fervent element of manly friendship that is more binding than treaties.
143.	Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of Sri Lanka and on my own behalf, I extend to you our cordial felicitations on your election as President of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly. In congratulating your country and you, we are also congratulating the General Assembly on having selected a President who has already given ample evidence of his adroitness and ability in steering the work of the Assembly and especially in the delicate handling of highly contentious issues. A session that started in a tempest of dissension and acrimony has, through your able captaincy, been placed on an even keel. The weather may turn inclement once again, but at least we feel sure that we are in safe hands. My delegation will at all times be ready to extend to you without reservation its fullest co-operation.
144.	As your predecessor we had an eminent Asian, Mr. Adam Malik, the Foreign Minister of Indonesia, to whom we owe a word of deep appreciation for the manner in which he directed the work of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. That session witnessed the triumph of justice and reason over prejudice and partisanship with the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and thereby brought us closer to the ideal of universality, which is an indispensable condition for the fulfillment of the purposes and principles of the Charter.
145.	For the first time after about nine years we are without the serene personality of UThant, our former Secretary-General, whose shining attributes of compassion and unassailable moral and intellectual integrity captivated the minds and hearts of all those who had the privilege of being associated with him during his tenure of office. With an endearing humility of spirit and a total lack of ostentation, speaking with courage and acting with discretion and restraint as the occasion demanded, he made a lasting imprint on international relations.
146.	We had an opportunity last year [2031st meeting] to welcome his successor, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose long experience in foreign affairs and international relations will prove an invaluable asset to the Organization. Mr. Waldheim has already demonstrated a sturdy independence, an unflinching initiative and an unfaltering determination to exploit to the limit the scope and authority of his high office. Anyone who displays a vigorous initiative in an organization of such diverse and conflicting interests and policies faces the risk of criticism, often of a captious and destructive nature. I am sure it will not take long for the Organization to realize that It owes as great a duty to the Secretary-General as the Secretary-General himself owes to the Organization, and that duty is to co-operate in a constructive manner in the pursuit of the high ideals to which we have pledged ourselves.
147.	Since we last met, there have been many dramatic changes and developments in international affairs and international relationships which cannot but enhance the prospects of international peace and security and help mitigate or eliminate the tensions that have afflicted the world ever since the end of the Second World War. Along with the numerous speakers who have preceded me in this debate and who have made reference to those trends, we welcome the improvement in the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany on the one hand and Poland and the Soviet Union on the other, through the signing of the Warsaw treaty  and the Moscow Treaty,  and also the progress towards the establishment of a fraternal understanding between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. These measures, and the complementary stage of the same process that would be a conference on European security and co-operation held between the western and eastern parts of Europe and including the United States of America and Canada, an important element of which would be an agreement on a mutual and balanced reduction of forces in that "art of the world, are a tribute to those national leaders who have worked tirelessly for their realization. We applaud these efforts and are gratified by the success that has so far attended them and express our sincere wishes for their final consummation, which would make Europe the envy of the rest of the world and an example worthy of emulation. We would only hope that, while justifiably and understandably concentrating on the improvement of relations between themselves, the architects of European security will not consider themselves relieved of any responsibility for assisting in the creation of similar conditions of peace and stability in other parts of the world and that they will do their utmost to remove the causes of violent conflict and almost incurable enmity in the Middle East, to end the fratricidal war in former IndoChina and also to eradicate the vicious practices and repressive policies that are still pursued by white minority regimes and Governments in Africa and by the Government of Portugal in its African Territories.
148.	In Asia, too, there have been developments in recent times which augur well for the future. The decision of the Governments of China and Japan to establish diplomatic relations with each other will erase the grim and sombre memories of past antagonisms and will, by bringing to an end 35 years of hostility and estrangement, provide the foundation for political, economic and cultural co-operation between two of the most powerful countries in Asia. My delegation would like to pay a tribute to the leaders on both sides for their bold and imaginative statesmanship and especially to the Government of China for its magnanimous gesture in waiving all claim to war reparations. History has shown that peace with penalty is only a respite for revenge. We are confident that in this instance the Chinese Government's decision will prevent a repetition of Europe's unhappy experience after the First World War.
149.	Another development of profound importance is the declared intention of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Japan to commence negotiations leading to a peace treaty between the two countries. The success of these negotiations must have a powerful impact on the political and economic future of Asia.
150.	The leaders of China and the United States are to be congratulated on their endeavors to resume friendly contacts between their Governments and peoples endeavors which were punctuated in dramatic manner by what I believe was the first visit of a United States President to China. Equally welcome and praise worthy are the signs of increasing co-operation between the United States and the Soviet Union in spheres of common interest and especially in regard to the control of armaments.
151.	The exchanges that have been taking place between North and South Korea through the medium of the Red Cross organizations of the two divided parts of that country will, we hope, be the starting-point in a process that will lead to a final composition of their differences and ultimately bring about the reunification of that country.
152.	These moves towards reconciliation between former foes show a proper respect for the principles of the Charter and disclose a healthy attitude of enlightened self-interest on the part of those concerned. They will help promote conditions conducive to co-operation, stability and progress in Asia.
153.	The Simla Agreement of 3 July 1972 between President Bhutto of Pakistan and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of India contains the principal elements that can put an end to the mutual suspicion and sullen hostility that have separated India and Pakistan ever since the partition, provided the implementation of the Agreement accords with the spirit of its terms. Given such conscientious implementation of the Agreement, not merely will the risk of future armed clashes be avoided, but there will be a definite assurance that any disagreement that may arise hereafter will be settled amicably and that lasting friendship and enduring co-operation will replace the implacable enmity of the last 25 years. Nothing, therefore, should be allowed to defer such a final implementation of the Agreement.
154.	It is to be hoped that the same spirit will prevail so that a firm and lasting friendship may be established between Pakistan and Bangladesh. For our part we have, like the vast majority of Members of the United Nations, extended diplomatic recognition to Bangladesh and have supported its admission to the specialized agencies. We, therefore, support its application for admission to the United Nations [A/8754S/10759J. We are, however, far from satisfied that the initiative taken to include this item in the General Assembly's agenda under the general title "Admission of new Members to the United Nations" [item 23] is in the best interests of Bangladesh, as it might have exactly the opposite effect from what the proponents of the item intended. The very procedure is of dubious constitutionality. Unfortunately, it is a mark of human frailty that the ends we seek to achieve are too often imperiled by the means we choose to adopt. The interests of Bangladesh would be best served at this juncture if the efforts of the international community were concentrated on removing the obstacles to the establishment of good relations between Pakistan and Bangladesh and on effecting a reconciliation between the two countries which must result inevitably in not merely the recognition by Pakistan of the existence of Bangladesh but also recognition in the full diplomatic sense.
155.	We would draw particular attention to Security Council resolution 307 (1971), which "calls upon all those concerned to take all measures necessary to preserve human life and for the observance of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and to apply in full their provisions as regards the protection of the wounded and sick, prisoners of war and the civilian population". We trust that, if there are impediments, legal or practical or even political, which obstruct the implementation of the Geneva Conventions regarding the repatriation of the prisoners of war, they will be speedily removed, due regard being given to articles 118 and 119 of the third Geneva Convention.  At the same time, we hope that the 30,000. Bengalis who belonged to the Pakistan armed forces and the approximately 10,000 Bengali administrative personnel now in Pakistan will be permitted to exercise their option to build their future in Bangladesh and help in the reconstruction and development of that country.
156.	We make these observations, not in any spirit of criticism, but from a desire to see peace and friendly relations established and maintained throughout the entire subcontinent. We are inclined to believe that this result could be achieved if the parties concerned were left to their own devices without any interference from outside other than encouragement and assistance in attaining agreement.
157.	There are many here, we are aware, who treat the prisoner-of-war issue as the crux of the problem, rather than the recognition by Pakistan of Bangladesh-however devoutly we may wish such recognition to be accorded. It would not be consonant with the spirit and the letter of the third Geneva Convention of 1949 to make the recognition of Bangladesh by Pakistan a condition of the release of the prisoners of war. The third Geneva Convention is patently clear on the conditions that should govern the release of prisoners of war. At the same time we must point out that the admission of Bangladesh to the United Nations cannot be made subject to the release of the prisoners of war.
158.	Our appeal to all the parties concerned would be to work for a settlement the principal and indispensable elements of which would be the release of all prisoners of war, excluding those liable to trial for crimes committed in the prosecution of the war, and the repatriation by Pakistan of the 30,000 Bengalis who were members of the Pakistan armed forces and of the approximately 10,000 Bengali civilians in Pakistan, most of whom are administrators, provided they wish to return. There is a third element, the mutual recognition of Bangladesh and Pakistan, which we would commend to them. If agreement is reached on these measures, if action to implement them is synchronized and if there are reliable guarantees -against the breach of the obligations assumed under such an agreement, the main obstacle to the creation of peace and harmony throughout the subcontinent would be removed. The Simla Agreement has already provided a favourable climate for a final solution, and other outstanding issues such as the question of assets and liabilities, which have been satisfactorily resolved in the past on the Indian subcontinent, should present no insuperable problem.
159.	The war in IndoChina continues a war without mercy and a war without end-heaping misery and devastation on an area already bled white by more than 30 years of continuous warfare and ruined and devastated by a policy of relentless bombing surpassing in scale anything experienced during the Second World War. Is it not possible to profit by the lessons of history and to accept the reality that the human spirit, in the defense of what it considers to be its legitimate rights, is indomitable and indestructible and that no weapon has yet been discovered that can reduce it to submission? An entire people may be flattened into eternity, but that spirit will survive. We hope reason and realism will prevail.
160.	Although the world had been led to believe that a search for a military solution had been disclaimed, it does not appear to have yet been abandoned. What is needed is an immediate cessation of hostilities and the establishment of a fully representative Government of national unity which will have both the political will and the capacity to repair the havoc of war and release the people of Viet-Nam from the terror that has haunted them for three decades.
161.	We in Sri Lanka view with increasing anxiety and concern the present state of relations between the Soviet Union and China and the lack of progress towards a reconciliation between China and India. The misunderstandings that separate these nations, whose cordial relationship with one another once offered the brightest hope for Asian progress and unity, must be overcome without the least delay, not merely in the interests of the Asian continent alone, but in the greater interest of international peace and security, thereby releasing the energies and resources of their peoples for the more constructive task of economic development.
162.	In the Middle East a tenuous ceasefire has been rudely disturbed by a sudden eruption of acts of terrorism and violence directed against innocent persons and these acts have served as a pretext for savage reprisals no less grotesquely brutal and terroristic than those which they seek to punish. The United States Secretary of State, Mr. William Rogers, showed admirable statesmanship and fair-mindedness in his treatment of this explosive question when he addressed the General Assembly /2038th meeting]. His objectivity and perceptiveness were in luminous contrast to the approach of others to a problem that should take both humanitarian and political factors into account.
163.	There are too many inclined to imagine that terrorism began in Munich. We have no hesitation in condemning terrorism, irrespective of those who resort to it, but if we are genuinely interested in putting an end to terrorism, and not merely in seeking in a spirit of partisanship to make political capital of acts of terrorism, we must examine, and strive to extirpate, the causes of terrorism and the situations which drive men to such acts. The causes are despair and frustration- despair at ever getting justice from the Organization chiefly responsible for the injustice. Despair of this type is no different from lunacy and finds expression either in melancholy brooding or in insensate violence. The several hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who have lost their homes, who daily witness the demolition of their houses and the expropriation of their property with meaningless offers of compensation and without the dimmest hope of proper restitution, have been forgotten by the Organization responsible for their fate and their plight.
164.	As Chairman of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories, I have been deeply disturbed by the attitude of many Members of this Organization when the reports of the Special Committee are considered, Members who think it fair and proper to abstain in the vote on draft resolutions protesting unmistakable and proven violations of the human rights of the population of the occupied territories, but who suddenly find themselves roused out of their torpor by the senseless savagery displayed at Munich and at the Lod airport. Had this Organization acted in a responsible manner, the events at Munich and Lod would not have stained the pages of contemporary history. To the credit of the Secretary-General, it must be stated that at the first opportunity he did bring the question before this Assembly [A/8791 and Add.lJ, but the record of the voting at the 2037th meeting on the eminently fair, reasonable and objective amendment moved by the representative of Saudi Arabia [A/L.673], which chose to put the problem in its proper perspective and to focus attention on the causes of terrorism rather than on the condemnation of individual acts, clearly shows that what is still needed is a more widespread sense of impartiality and justice in the treatment of this problem. Thanks to the representative of Saudi Arabia, we shall now be able to go to the root of the problem and to deal with it in a manner which we hope will prevent future Munichs and Lods.
165.	We have already referred to the vicious practices of apartheid in Africa and Portugal's ruthless suppression of the freedom movement in its African territories. There are disturbing signs that on the most specious of pretexts, but prompted solely by material considerations of economic advantage, certain Western Powers, in reckless and unconscionable disregard for moral principle or legal obligation, are providing encouragement, solace and support to the regimes and policies of the white minorities in Africa, which have been universally condemned. Nobody could have taken seriously the argument that a denial of foreign investment to South Africa would only injure the interests of the black Africans.
166.	We have on our agenda again this year the items relating to the implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [item 35] and a World Disarmament Conference /item 26]. In addition, we have a new item assigned for discussion in plenary meetings and entitled "Non-use of force in international relations and permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons" [item 25J.
167.	The Secretary-General's report [A/8775 and Add. 1-4] does not disclose any original suggestions from any State regarding the implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security, nor has the Security Council itself so far succeeded in presenting a report on performance, though drafts have been presented which are no more than a restatement of our obligations.
168.	As for the World Disarmament Conference, we do not object to the participation of all States in the discussion of this vital subject, but it is an admission of the failure of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, after all these years of its existence and after an enlargement of its membership, that it is now considered necessary to hold a world conference on disarmament. The approach to disarmament continues to be materialistic rather than moralistic: the approach of reducing armaments and outlawing certain types of weapons of mass destruction rather than examining the circumstances that impel countries to engage in an arms race and the causes of war and making an effort to eliminate them. Yet another preposterous fallacy is that nuclear testing is regarded essentially as a matter of pollution; hence the excitement displayed at the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment over atmospheric tests. We work ourselves into ecstasy over the two super-Powers' treaty limiting the number of anti-ballistic missile systems that they may retain and their agreement on limitations on strategic offensive weapons. The limits that those Powers still permit themselves for the development and the further sophistication of nuclear weapons will not reduce in the least the threat of annihilation that faces the world as long as nuclear weapons are held by any State or States. Possessing the capacity to destroy each other and even the world several times over, the super-Powers cannot expect the world to be overwhelmed with relief over agreements which merely curtail the multiple lethal capacity that they already possess. We would suggest that what we need is a world conference on the removal of the causes of war through the total elimination of injustice and the adoption of positive measures for the removal of social and economic inequalities between nations. That is the true meaning of peace and progress.
169.	As regards the materialistic approach to disarmament, we have consistently maintained that the only guarantee of the avoidance of a nuclear war lies in a program of action to which all nuclear Powers would be irrevocably committed and which would comprise the following measures: in the first instance, a categorical undertaking by the nuclear Powers not to use, or threaten to use, nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States, combined with an unequivocal and total renunciation of the right to use nuclear weapons; second, the conclusion of a complete or comprehensive test-ban treaty by the prohibition of underground tests; third, the cessation of the manufacture of nuclear weapons and the freezing of the existing stockpile of nuclear weapons; and fourth, the gradual dismantling of the total apparatus of nuclear terror.
170.	We have no right to condemn any country which conducts atmospheric tests, especially if it has only an embryonic nuclear armory, while we leave others free to conduct underground tests to add to an already existing nuclear armory of phenomenal proportions.
171.	We must express our disappointment at the failure of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament to produce a draft agreement on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons and on their elimination from the arsenals of all States. We recall that there was an implied assurance on the part of those major Powers that were pressing for the adoption of the Convention on bacteriological weapons last year that, if it was adopted, we could expect to be rewarded with an agreement on the banning of chemical weapons this year. We cannot but help observing that the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has not kept faith with the General Assembly.
172.	Our general approach to the question of international peace and security and to disarmament, which is that it must seek to remove the causes of war, dictates our attitude to the question of the non-use of force in international relations and the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons. There is an appealing touch of idealism in the contention that if the question of the non-use of force calls for prohibiting the use of weapons of all types, all States will be in a position of equality and none will receive unilateral military advantages. We cannot but agree with the proposition, as stated in the Soviet memorandum regarding the inclusion of this item in the agenda [A/8793], self-evident as that proposition is, that the prohibition of the use of both nuclear and conventional weapons is fully in keeping with the principle of ensuring an equal measure of security for all States. But it appears to us that in the conditions that exist in the world today such an approach is lacking in realism. We very much wish that the assumptions underlying it were justified. Those who advance this proposition must ask themselves, why is it that States wish to arm themselves either with nuclear or conventional weapons or both, and how could the prohibition of the use of such weapons be reconciled with the right to produce and possess them and, further, what exactly is meant by an equal measure of security for all States? We can exhaust all the resources of rhetoric in the discussion of such questions on such premises and assumptions, but we forget that, even if all men are supposed to have been born equal, all nations are not, and never can be, equal in power or capacity.
173.	We feel a sense of dismay that countries which appeal to us to refrain from the use of force in international relations and the overwhelming majority of us here have never used force in international relations find it difficult to agree to the one positive and constructive proposal that could promote international peace and security even in the absence of high-sounding declarations, and that is the creation of zones of peace. The fact that at the 2022nd meeting only half the members of this Assembly voted in favor of the 13-Power draft resolution-which became resolution 2832 (XXVI)-presented last year on the initiative of my delegation and the Tanzanian delegation for the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace shows how remote we are from reality when we welcome anti-ballistic missile agreements and the limitation of strategic offensive arms, but view with suspicion and apprehension a proposal for the exclusion of a sizable section of the world from the arms race, a proposal which seeks to free that area from the military presence of the powerful nations.
174.	We shall do our utmost at this session to secure some progress in regard to the proposal for declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace and hope that those who have a genuine interest in the strengthening of international peace and security will support our endeavors.
175.	At the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Georgetown, Guyana, in August this year, which was attended by 59 countries as members, a Declaration was adopted in which the Foreign Ministers, noting with satisfaction the adoption by the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, "considered that this initiative of third world countries and non-aligned states was a significant contribution to the strengthening of international security and that its implementation would greatly reinforce the emerging structures of world peace and help create conditions for progress towards the goal of general and complete disarmament. Moreover, they were of the view that the implementation of this Declaration would strengthen the conditions of peace, security and co-operation in an important region of the third world", and agreed to co-ordinate their action at this session of the United Nations.
176.	The Georgetown Conference also noted that "the Mediterranean is increasingly becoming an area for the display of rival military forces" and "welcomed the initiative taken towards convening a conference of non- aligned Mediterranean countries and those anxious and ready to work towards making the Mediterranean a sea of peace and co-operation among the peoples of the area".
177.	So far as the proposal for declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace is concerned, our ultimate objective is the removal of all foreign bases from the territories of the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean; but our first step must be to secure the exclusion of great-Power rivalry and the great-Power military presence from the Indian Ocean, without denying any littoral or hinterland State the right to maintain a military potential that would satisfy the minimum requirements of its security and guarantee it freedom from external interference.
178.	Along with other non-aligned countries present at the Georgetown Conference, we expressed our satisfaction at the Kuala Lumpur Declaration of 27 November 1971 by five South-east Asian countries, which "expressing their determination to secure recognition of and respect for Southeast Asia as a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality, free from any form of menace or interference by outside Powers . . . welcomed this move as a positive development and called upon all States to respect these objectives". My Government supports the Kuala Lumpur Declaration without reservation.
179.	Let me now turn to those problems that affect the daily lives and the general well-being of our people, namely, the problems of trade and development. The most significant event of the year was the third session of UNCTAD, held in Santiago, Chile. Once more the hopes of developing countries to secure from UNCTAD, in pursuance of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)}, specific and positive commitments from the developed countries to measures and policies designed to improve the trading prospects of developing countries and the volume, conditions and terms of financial aid for their development were disappointed.
180.	The address to the third session of UNCTAD by Mr. Robert S. McNamara, President of the World Bank the first occasion on which he addressed such a conference-contains some illuminating, if depressing, statistics. The President drew pointed attention to the fact that in the poorest countries of the world, those with a per capita gross national product of less than $200 but comprising 67 per cent of the population of the world, per capita income during the First Development Decade grew at a rate of only 1.5 per cent annually and that, although the developed countries, in adopting the Strategy for the Second Development Decade and in order to meet the targets for growth, agreed that external aid to be provided in the form of official development assistance should reach 0.7 per cent of the gross national product by 1975, the contribution from the wealthiest nation in the world, the United States, whose gross national product is roughly half of the total gross national product of the developed countries, showed a steady decline from above 0.5 per cent in the early years of the last decade to 0.31 per cent in 1970, with the prospect of a further fall to about 0.24 per cent by 1975. The President of the World Bank came to the disturbing conclusion that the total flow of official development assistance for the first half of the Decade was likely to reach approximately 0.35 per cent of the gross national product, or only half the target for the Decade.
181.	Other statistics quoted by the President of the World Bank demonstrate even more startlingly the gaping chasm between the standards of living of the developed countries, with a quarter of the world's population, and the standards of living of the remaining three quarters of the world's population that live in the developing countries. The average per capita income in the developed countries, as the President of the World Bank pointed out, is approximately $2,400 per annum compared with the figure of $180 in the developing countries; by 1980 the per capita income in the developed countries is expected to rise by approximately $1,200 compared with an increase of less than $100 in per capita income in the developing countries, even given the attainment of the growth target set for the Second Development Decade. The President of the World Bank also pointed out that at constant prices the total gross national product of the developed countries is expected to rise from $2,000 billion in 1970 to $3,000 billion by 1980 and that if the developed countries have to raise the present level of official development assistance, which stands at 0.35 per cent of their gross national product, to the target of 0.7 per cent which they have set themselves, they need transfer to the developing countries only 1.5 per cent of the increase in their gross national product, or $15 billion, leaving the balance of 98.5 per cent of the increase, or $985 billion, to meet their own internal needs. It is almost like an excess profits tax or sumptuary tax of 1.5 per cent, which they can comfortably afford and the benefit of which they will receive as the purchasing power of the beneficiaries of their aid increases.
182.	Those statistics, even if the figures of assistance reflect only official development assistance, show how far removed promise is from fulfillment. The developing countries must rely overwhelmingly on official development assistance, as private development assistance does not always favor the social aspirations or appreciate the economic policies and political problems of the recipient countries.
183.	It is in the light of these realities that the achievement of the third session of UNCTAD must be judged. The question of stable prices for primary commodities, on which the majority of developing countries depend to a disproportionate extent for their earnings of foreign exchange to finance their development schemes, received cavalier treatment at that session. Some slight success was achieved in regard to the scheme of supplementary financing to provide facilities better, more dependable and more timely than those existing at present through the International Monetary Fund in order to rescue the development plans of developing countries from the dislocation and disruption that could be caused by unforeseen declines in their export earnings. With the support of the United Kingdom, Japan and the Federal Republic of Germany, the developing countries secured a resolution which calls for the preparation of a scheme, including an assessment of its cost, which would enable the international community to agree to provide the resources to finance the scheme.
184.	The third session of UNCTAD also failed to achieve any real progress in regard to the proposal for establishing a link between special drawing rights and aid for development or in regard to the acceptance of the principle that the major share of the next issue of special drawing rights should go to the developing countries. Once again, the United Kingdom's more progressive attitude helped to secure a recognition from the Conference of the need for the subject of the link to be given the most serious attention, and for the International Monetary Fund to be requested to study and report as early as possible, with a view to the possible implementation of a viable scheme. As I remarked in a different forum, I hope this will not go down in history as the missing link.
185.	In regard to the reform of the international monetary system, some slight satisfaction was obtained by the developing countries like a crumb from the rich man's table-in the form of the representation of the developing countries in the group to which the task of making proposals for the reform of the international monetary system was entrusted, the Committee of the Board of Governors of the International Monetary Fund on Reform of the International Monetary System and Related Issues.
186.	To sum up, the third session of UNCTAD gave the developing countries some little hope, but no help. In approaching the future the developing countries would do well to take serious note of the fact that the contemporary economic scene is dominated, and will for some time be dominated, by four economic giants. There is the new phenomenon of the international economic cartel, regionally organized and best exemplified by the European Common Market, which as from January 1973 will grow in size, capacity and influence with the accession of the United Kingdom, Denmark and Ireland. The other three giants are the world's most powerful economy, that of the United States, the formidable economy of Japan, with new prospects opening up to it through improved relations with its most powerful neighbors, and, at the other end of the scale, the closely-knit, State controlled economies of the socialist countries members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance. Those which are left are the developing countries, known as the "Group of 77" but actually consisting of about 95 countries, with little prospect or means of co-operation except in their appeals to the developed nations.
187.	Sri Lanka's experience in regard to the problem of commodity prices and the maintenance of a proper equilibrium in its terms of trade is almost without parallel. For nearly two decades we have suffered a steady and persistent deterioration in our terms of trade, which fell from an annual average of 142 for the period 1952-1956 to an average of 88 for the period 1968-1970. While at first the deterioration was due chiefly to the rapid rise in import'prices accompanied by stagnation in export prices, the problem has been accentuated more recently by a sharp drop in rubber prices. As regards our foreign reserves, the average deficit rose from 69 million rupees for the period 1952-1956 to an average of 1,003 million rupees for the period 1968-1970. It is little comfort to us to be told that we must tighten our belts. What we need is the means to tide us over our difficulties and the external finance to keep our industrial sector operating to full capacity so as to prevent increasing unemployment.
188.	Foreign assistance in appropriate quantities on easy terms and at the moment of need is vital to our survival. The most striking example of such assistance and one which on behalf of my Government I must acknowledge with profound gratitude is the munificent aid received by my country at a critical period last year from the Government of the People's Republic of China, which gave us a freely convertible foreign-exchange loan of $25 million, free of interest, with repayment spread over 12 years after a grace period of three years. The features of this loan taken together make it unique in the history of foreign aid. Again this year, during the course of the state visit to Peking of my Prime Minister, Mrs. Bandaranaike, the Government of the People's Republic of China gave further and convincing evidence of its generosity and good will towards developing countries and its determination to adhere to the policy of foreign aid which it commended to the participants at the third session of UNCTAD.
189.	While singling out the People's Republic of China for special mention, and that for good reason, I should like on behalf of my Government to express our sincere thanks to the members of the Aid Ceylon Consortium and others who do not belong to it for the help that they have given us in the past and continue to give us. We are not unmindful of the official assistance given to us on very liberal terms by Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom-a true mark of Commonwealth solidarity that transcends all other differences.
190.	During its spring and summer sessions the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction succeeded -in making sufficient progress, especially through the adoption of a list of subjects and issues [A/8721 and Corr.l, para. 23] to be brought before the third United Nations conference on the law of the sea, to justify the General Assembly in preparing for the contingency of a formal inauguration of the conference some time next year while the General Assembly is in session and to ask the Committee to utilize the provision made for two sessions in the spring and summer of 1973 to advance its preparations for the conference.,
191.	Discussions in the Committee during the past two years have made it transparently clear that agreement on the various issues which will come before the third conference on the law of the sea will be attainable only if there is a willingness to revise the archaic interpretation of the existing doctrine of the freedom of the high seas, which does not provide for equality of opportunity in fact, but only in theory, and if the extent of the demand for the adoption of the concept of an economic zone or patrimonial sea is appreciated. Inflexible adherence to the practices hitherto permitted and the privileges hitherto enjoyed by a relatively few major maritime Powers under their anachronistic interpretation of the doctrine of the freedom of the high seas will need to be replaced by a more just and equitable adaptation of that doctrine to suit the economic realities of the modern world. The conference should become not a confrontation between the major maritime Powers and the rest of the world but rather an occasion for the mutual accommodation of their interests and needs, subject to the paramount consideration of reducing the existing economic disparity between the developed and the developing countries.
192.	We do not want the weak to inherit the earth. All that we ask is that the powerful should help the weak to build a world in which an increasing measure of social justice between nations can be realized, so that in the remaining .years of this century the United Nations can succeed in redeeming the bleak record of its first 27 years.


Comrade President, on behalf of the Polish delegation and on my own behalf I wish to offer you heartfelt congratulations upon your election to the high post of President of the present session. Your election is viewed by the Polish delegation as an expression of the appreciation by the United Nations of the peaceful and constructive work of the Polish People's Republic at the international level.
55.	May I now be permitted to present Poland's position on some of the key issues facing the international community today.
56.	At the present session of the General Assembly, Poland can note with satisfaction the favorable direction in which the international situation is developing in Europe. This direction was determined by such events as the coming into force of the Treaties between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany  and between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany,  the four-Power agreement on West Berlin  and the agreement concluded on this question between the two German States on 17 December 1971 and that concluded between the German Democratic Republic and the Senate of West Berlin on 20 December 1971.
57.	The recognition of political and territorial realities which resulted from the defeat of the Third Reich reflected in those agreements provides a good point of departure from which the situation can evolve towards detente and a basis for the strengthening of security and for the consolidation of peaceful co-operation.
58.	This is all the more important in so far as in the past, owing to historical factors, a number of antagonisms were built up in Europe which culminated in two World Wars in the course of this century. After the Second World War, along the line where the two largest military and political blocs of the contemporary world meet-the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Treaty Organization- there were recurring and dangerous tensions, to mention only those relating to West Berlin.
59.	Of the European antagonisms, the centuries-old German-Polish conflict engendered by the eastward pressure of German aggressive forces was especially acute. It was no coincidence that the Second World War began with the aggression launched by the Nazi Reich against Poland.
60.	Poland's western frontier on the Oder and the Lusatian Neisse established by the Potsdam Agreement of 1 August 1945 eliminated the territorial consequences of the expansion of German imperialism and created possibilities for shaping relations in Central Europe on a new foundation. Poland's neighbor, the German Democratic Republic, had drawn the correct conclusions and recognized that frontier in the Zgorzelec Agreement of 1950, which created the foundation of relations of real friendship between Poland and the German Democratic Republic. In the Treaty on the Bases for the Normalization of Relations between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany, the Federal Republic of Germany, too, recognized this frontier as inviolable, thus providing a final settlement of the question of the recognition of Poland's western frontier in accordance with international law and thereby creating a basis for the normalization of relations between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany. The recent establishment of diplomatic relations between the two States constitutes another step in this direction. This agreement proves that there are no international problems so complex as to defy solution by negotiation if all the parties concerned have a will and determination to find a solution.
61.	The fact that the question of frontiers has been settled once and for all is a historical victory for the positions held by the Polish people. It is also a victory for the cause of peace inasmuch as any attempt to infringe upon our territorial integrity would constitute a threat to peace in Europe and in the world. It is also a victory for all those nations and Governments that have been providing us with their moral assistance and direct support in our efforts to gain recognition of the Polish western frontier. I wish on behalf of the Polish people to offer our warm thanks to those nations and Governments.
62.	The normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic is now becoming the order of the day. Complete normalization of their relations should be achieved as soon as possible on the basis of the generally accepted standards of international law. It is now a glaring anomaly that the German Democratic Republic should still be discriminated against. It is becoming perfectly obvious that no major European problem can be solved effectively without the participation, in accordance with the principle of equal rights, of that socialist German State, which lies in the very heartland of Europe and has a vast economic potential. Poland is of the opinion that conditions are now ripe for the simultaneous admission of the two German States to the United Nations.
63.	The speedy normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and Czechoslovakia is also necessary.
64.	The favorable political developments in Europe which I mentioned earlier facilitated the commencement of
7 Agreement between the German Democratic Republic and the Republic of Poland regarding the Demarcation of the German-Polish Frontier, signed at Zgorzelec on 6 July 1950 multilateral preparatory talks on holding a European conference, with the participation of the United States and Canada, which could start constructing a lasting system of security and co-operation throughout the whole of Europe.
65.	Poland's special involvement in, and active work for, European security stems from her historical experience. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, for nearly a century and a half, Poland was deprived of independent existence as a sovereign State. Subsequently, after 20 years of independence, it fell victim to Nazi aggression, and paid an extremely high price to regain its freedom and independence. For Poland, then, security and the opportunity for international co-operation are of basic importance.
66.	But there still exist certain political forces in Europe which stake their future on the continuation of tensions and artificial dividing-lines. Such a development in European relations, however, is contrary to the universal desire of peoples for the peaceful coexistence of nations, since wide segments of the people in all European countries, as well as among their ruling circles, are beginning to realize that all European States, regardless of the differences in their systems, have a common interest in striving for peaceful and secure development, There is a growing conviction that to safeguard these common fundamental interests in existing conditions is not only necessary but also practicable through our common efforts and a constructive program of action.
67.	The Soviet Union, Poland and other socialist countries have long been proposing such a program. A number of documents issued jointly by the socialist States, and in particular the latest document adopted in Prague last January by the Political Advisory Committee of States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, elaborated further on this program and made it more concrete, thus providing a platform for a more lively dialog which has confirmed the desirability of convening a European conference on security and co-operation.
68.	In our opinion, conditions have now been created in Europe for the establishment of a system of commitments to safeguard the inviolability of existing frontiers and ensure respect for the territorial integrity of all States, the non-use of force and the elimination of the threat of its use in inter-State relations, while confirming the principles of the equality and sovereignty of States and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States.
69.	At present conditions are ripe for the acceleration of steps to expand co-operation among all European States in the fields of economy, science, technology, culture and protection of the natural environment. However, such co-operation will be fully beneficial only when the old model of relations based on the armaments race and a balance of fear between opposing military and political blocs is replaced by an all-European system of collective security.
70.	Much still remains to be done in the field of the expansion of free trade in Europe. The abolition of import-export restrictions is one of the first steps that must be taken towards this goal.
71.	The two integrated economic structures which are developing in Europe the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Economic Community-being the result of an objective process of economic integration do not by themselves constitute an obstacle to inter-European co-operation. However, impediments arise when, for political reasons, West European integration implies discrimination against non-member partners and the disruption of the natural inter-European ties. The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, in its forms of economic integration, is free from any discriminatory practices vis-a-vis non-member partners. We expect the member States of the European Economic Community to respect such principles inasmuch as it is only such all-round co-operation that can gradually bring about changes in psychological attitudes and in the minds of people, thus closing the gap of mistrust between them. Such co-operation would also facilitate progress in the field of disarmament, leading to the allocation of major means for the settlement of the urgent economic and social problems of our planet.
72.	Poland desires to contribute most constructively to the new era beginning in Europe and to the vision of the future of Europe which is now emerging.
73.	For many years now Poland has been building relations with numerous West European States on the principles of peaceful coexistence. Relations between Poland and France are developing very well indeed. The traditional ties of friendship linking our two peoples are being transformed into ever more constructive co-operation in many fields, benefiting both Poland and France. Similarly, Poland is shaping her relations with the Nordic States, with which for quite some time we have been engaged in a useful dialog regarding European issues and with which we have enjoyed advantageous co-operation which is developing well in the fields of economy and culture and in other areas of interest.
74.	Guided by our concern for the security and peaceful development of Europe we have begun the process of normalization of relations with the Federal Republic of Germany relations which are severely affected by the tragic historical experience of the Polish nation. We were gratified to see the positive evolution of the policies of the Federal Republic of Germany and the contribution of the Brandt Scheel Government to the detente in Europe, expressed in the recognition of realities indispensable to the present and future development of interState relations in central Europe. This, despite the retrograde forces of opposition which are active in that State, justifies our approaching with confidence the settling of the bilateral problems which confront us in accordance with the spirit and the letter of the Treaty concluded by our two States.
75.	We wish to expand dynamically, as in the past, our relations with Italy, the Benelux countries, neutral Austria and other European countries as well.
76.	I have been discussing these matters primarily in the European context. One of the reasons for this approach is my belief that the comprehensive form for co-operation in resolving numerous problems within the framework of the European continent can and should play a positive role in stimulating co-operation with States in other parts of our globe, and first and foremost with the developing countries.
77.	We attach major importance to the systematic cementing of political, economic and cultural bonds with the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Mindful of the ambitious developmental aspirations of those countries we shall help them to the best of our abilities by providing them with assistance and shall share with them the experience we have acquired in the process of overcoming our inherited economic backwardness and in the course of our present dynamic development.
78.	In Latin America, Asia and Africa many countries continue to be subjected to various forms of political and economic pressures devised to dissuade them from effecting progressive internal reforms and from pursuing independent foreign policies. Poland will, as it has been doing up till now, consistently favor the position that the legitimate rights of all countries and peoples of those continents should be respected.
79.	We are also expanding our relations with the United States. The recent visit to Warsaw paid by Mr. Richard Nixon, the President of the United States, was an important development in Polish-American relations and no doubt has contributed to the expansion of our mutual relations based on the principles of peaceful coexistence.
80.	Also, recently, we have noted that further progress is being made in various fields owing inter alia to the talks held several days ago between the representatives of the Governments of Poland and of the United States. Poland, a socialist State consolidating its alliances and common activities with the countries of the socialist community, wishes to expand its relations with the United States in the interests of strengthening peace and security and of developing co-operation between States having different socio-political systems.
81.	The detente in international relations achieved during the recent period is an iron-clad This is first of all a great achievement by the Soviet Union and the entire socialist community through the program of peace adopted by the Twenty-Fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and consistently implemented by the Soviet political leadership. The detente in international relations is also an achievement by all those realistic forces in the world which have for years now been treating the concept of peaceful coexistence as the sole basis for the development of international relations ensuring peace and security.
82.	It was with great satisfaction that Poland welcomed the fact that as a result of the talks between Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and other Soviet leaders, and Mr. Richard Nixon, the President of the United States, the principles of peaceful coexistence were accepted as a basis for the relations between the two great Powers.
83.	Poland also acclaims the agreements achieved on the question of the limitation of strategic nuclear armament's and hopes for the further and fruitful continuation of the talks on the limitation of strategic armaments and hopes for the further and fruitful continuation of the talks on the limitation of strategic armaments in order to make progress in the direction of the elimination of this most dangerous of weapons.
84.	I wish to express our full support for the proposal put forth recently by Andrei Gromyko, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, on the non-use of force in international relations and the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons [A/8793].
85.	We fully endorse the initiative to convene a world disarmament conference. At present there are proper conditions for the convening of such an authoritative forum and for ensuring that its debates would produce positive results.
86.	The implementation of those initiatives would constitute another step towards the attainment of the fundamental goal of nations and of the United Nations, that is to say, the strengthening of security, the consolidation of peace and an expansion of international co-operation.
87.	The principles of peaceful coexistence and equal co-operation among countries are indivisible and cannot be applied selectively only to certain countries or to certain regions alone.
88.	The echoes of bombs being dropped on towns and villages in the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, on South Viet-Nam and on other countries in IndoChina arouse condemnation and protest in Poland and serve to strengthen solidarity with the peoples of IndoChina, who are waging a heroic struggle for their freedom. Because of its membership in the International Supervisory Commission for IndoChina, Poland also demands that an end be put to the war in VietNam and favors a peaceful solution to the conflict in accordance with the proposals submitted by the Government of the Democratic Republic of VietNam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam.
89.	Highly alarming is the intransigence with which Israel continues to refuse to implement Security Council resolution 242(1967). We believe that the Arab territories occupied by Israel must be returned to their rightful owners. Only on such basis can the conflict in the Middle East be resolved and conditions created for the safe existence and development of all States and nations of that area.
90.	In the course of recent years we have been witnessing increased terrorist activities in which innocent people lost their lives. I wish to emphasize that Poland condemns acts of violence and terror as they poison the international atmosphere and increase international tensions. We are in favor of effective steps to prevent such acts. However, the slogan of combating terrorism cannot be used to restrict the right of peoples to struggle against aggressors occupying their lands, nor can it be used to serve the policies of colonialism, racialism and discrimination. In condemning and combating terrorism we should be aware that the source and root cause of terrorism are the practices resorted to by invaders, colonialists and racists and it should be precisely the root-causes that we should seek to eliminate.
91.	Poland attaches major importance to the work of the United Nations and its specialized agencies. Problems relating to our participation in the work of the United Nations were discussed in the useful talks we had with the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, during his recent visit to Poland.
92.	We feel that the United Nations should concentrate on the consolidation of peace and international security. The Organization should also continue to play an active and inspiring role in the development of international co-operation in economic and social matters. Our Organization can and should play an important role in making peaceful use of the achievements of the scientific and technological revolution. The war against hunger calls for intensified efforts by the United Nations. Our Organization can contribute to the goal of making rational use of the resources of the seas and oceans for the benefit of the whole of mankind. The problems of the use and exploitation of outer space require further regulation. And, last but not least, the need for the preservation and proper protection of the natural environment of man is ever more universally felt.
93.	Such is the catalog, far from complete, of problems which in the near future will be absorbing the attention of our Organization.
94.	Poland is deeply convinced that the United Nations meets all the conditions for coping with these tasks. This conviction stems from the evaluation of the past activities of the United Nations. The balance-sheet of the Organization's work is positive in principle. But this does not prevent us from seeing the shortcomings which we have observed on more than one occasion, and which we continue to observe, in the activities of the United Nations.
95.	Poland, which has consistently defended the letter and the spirit of the United Nations Charter, wishes to emphasize once again that the path towards improving the activity of the United Nations lies, not in a revision of the Charter, but in a fuller utilization of the constructive possibilities provided by its provisions. One of the fundamental conditions is the implementation of the principle of the universality of our Organization.
96.	It is also of essential importance to maintain administration within reasonable limits and to remedy the Organization's financial situation, in order to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations.
97.	We believe that when these conditions are met-and also given the active role and assistance of the Secretary- General, who with great energy has begun discharging the tasks entrusted to him our Organization will not fail to live up to the hopes placed in it by mankind. Poland, as heretofore, is ready to contribute actively to resolving the important issues confronting the United Nations.


Mr. President, my delegation warmly congratulates you upon your election to the high office of President of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly. Not only are you eminently qualified for the task, but also you are a representative of a great country which has made valuable contributions towards international peace and security, particularly in the field of human freedom and justice. I wish to assure you of my delegation's full co-operation in the discharge of your heavy responsibility.
2.	Permit me also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Adam Malik, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, who presided over the proceedings of the twenty-sixth session with distinction.
3.	Although I had occasion elsewhere to extend our sincere congratulations and best wishes to our new Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, I should like to renew those sentiments. In this connexion,' I wish to reassure him of the support and co-operation of the Government of Zambia in the performance of his very important and difficult duties.
4.	Significant developments have taken place since the twenty-sixth session. Recently, foreign ministers of non-aligned countries met in Georgetown, Guyana, and it was clear from the number and level of participants that the non-aligned movement has not only grown through new membership but has also increased its commitment.
5.	As I pay a tribute to the Government and people of Guyana for the Excellent organization of the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Georgetown from 8 to 12 August 1972, and the warm hospitality extended to participants, it is important to stress the fact that for the first time the non-aligned nations paid special attention to areas of economic co-operation. The outcome was a program of action for economic co-operation  whose implementation should, inter alia, increase self-reliance.
6.	Furthermore, it was evident that the non-aligned movement was becoming increasingly determined to stamp out oppression and foreign domination in all its forms and manifestations. The movement has also shown in practical terms its resolve to support those who are fighting for human freedom. Zambia, like other Member States, is proud to belong to a movement which is committed to peace, justice and progress in the world.
7.	The restoration last year of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in this Organization was both a welcome and a significant development. China has consistently supported and assisted peoples struggling for their freedom. It is committed to the cause of peace. The recent normalization of relations between China and Japan, which we warmly welcome, is but one example of the genuine efforts of China in this regard. Since its emergence in 1949, after devastating and protracted wars, the People's Republic of China has developed on the basis of self-reliance. Its experience in this respect is relevant to many developing countries.
8.	The contacts of Washington with Peking and Moscow have brought some change in their relations. We welcome this trend because it brings relief to many nations of the world which, for the past quarter of a century, have been very concerned about the East-West confrontation. Indeed, we welcome also the efforts towards detente in Europe and hope that these will contribute to international peace and security in our time.
9.	However, while this change on the part of big Powers is indeed" welcome, it appears to create difficulties for the United Nations in its endeavor to discover its place in this limited detente, which carries some very negative elements of military superiority and big Power monopoly in the decision-making process affecting the entire human race. It is well known that monopolistic tendencies are not only contrary to the democratization of international relations and the realization of peace, justice and progress, but also to the principles of independence and sovereignty.
10.	In Georgetown, Guyana, the foreign ministers of non-aligned countries "expressed their solidarity with the struggle of the heroic people of Viet-Nam, Cambodia and Laos for their self-determination. These people had been
subjected to the ravages of war for decades, and had suffered incalculable losses, both human and material. But the brutal war which was being waged against the people of Viet-Nam, Cambodia and Laos had only strengthened their will. It was heartening to note that they were continuing their struggle with renewed vigour and perseverance."
11.	The escalation of the United States war in Viet-Nam, which now includes the use of F-ll jet bombers, is aggravating the already serious situation in terms of untold suffering, loss of life and property in Indo-China. This is an act of United States terrorism against the Viet-Nam people and must be condemned in the strongest terms. It must be emphasized that in South-East Asia vast areas are being laid waste by the most inhuman and unparalleled use of devastating chemical weapons and defoliants contrary to the Geneva Protocol of 1925  and to the spirit of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held at Stockholm in June of this year.
12.	The United States forces must immediately stop all bombing of the innocent people of Viet-Nam. We still believe that the only basis for a just and lasting peace in South-East Asia is for the United States of America to respond to the seven-point peace plan as enunciated by the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam.
13.	Turning now to the Indian subcontinent, we commend President Bhutto and Prime Minister Gandhi for their efforts which led to the relaxation of tension, culminating on 3 July in the Simla Agreement.
14.	Zambia has always supported the reunification of Korea. In this connexion we welcome the bilateral contacts and discussions which are aimed at creating favorable conditions for the peaceful reunification of that country without outside interference.
15.	The Zambia delegation wishes to pay a tribute to the 10 Members of the Committee of African heads of State of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] for their efforts to help the United Nations find a solution to the problem of the Middle East.
16.	It is a fact that very many Palestinians have been displaced and are without shelter. Under these circumstances, frustration, despair and bitterness are inevitable. We should try to solve the underlying cause of the problem. Often we tend to spend much time discussing the effect instead of addressing ourselves to the cause. We want peace, security and justice for all the people in the region.
17.	We believe that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) provides a basis for the settlement of the problem, but the self-interest of the big Powers seems to' complicate further efforts aimed at reaching a just and lasting settlement.
18.	The grave situation in southern Africa and Guinea (Bissau) continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security. Both the spirit and the decisions  of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Rabat, Morocco, from 12 to 15 June 1972, demonstrate that the people of Africa are resolved to free every inch of their continent from foreign domination. The oppressed people fighting for their freedom are entitled to support from the international community to enable them to achieve their total liberation. In the non-aligned movement this support is already assured, as was once again demonstrated at the Gerogetown Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries.
19.	Since my address to this Assembly last year [1945th meeting] the liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) have continued to gain ground in their struggle for freedom. The liberated areas have been visited by groups of people and individuals and given support from different parts of the world. We are also aware of the experiences of the three-man Special Mission of the United Nations which visited Guinea (Bissau) last April, spending a total of 130 hours inside the liberated areas of that Territory without finding any evidence of Portuguese administration or control. Portugal must accept its defeat in these areas.
20.	It is disquieting to note that some Western countries continue to make available to Portugal chemical means of warfare which are used against the African people in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). Besides committing acts of genocide, fascist Portugal continues to use defoliants on cassava, sweet potatoes and other crops in many of the inhabited areas, resulting in total destruction of food crops. This has brought about serious famine in the areas affected. This kind of savagery and irresponsibility by Portugal should be condemned. Appropriate measures should be taken by the countries which supply Portugal with these weapons to ensure that it does not acquire and use them.
21.	I therefore wish to appeal to all peace-loving nations to increase their moral and material assistance to the liberation movements in these Territories. I am aware that a number of countries have given, and continue to give, considerable material assistance to these movements. To them I express Zambia's sincere appreciation. However, there are other countries which have thrown overboard all the principles and ethics upon which they molded their own nationhood. They have instead clung to policies of self-interest and inhumanity by aiding the forces of colonialism and racism in Africa.
22.	I now wish to draw the attention of this Assembly to another aspect of the liberation struggle in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). I mentioned earlier that large areas of these Territories have been liberated and are under the complete control of the liberation movements. In those areas the life of the people must continue to be sustained. These people need, and must have, adequate food, health and educational services. They also require transport facilities to ensure the effective distribution of supplies in those areas.
23.	I am convinced that in this field the specialized agencies of the United Nations not only have the capacity to provide these services to the liberated areas but they have an urgent and moral obligation to provide the required assistance in accordance v ;th General Assembly resolution 2874 (XXVI) and other relevant resolutions. These areas are administered as autonomous units and accordingly ought to be offered multilateral assistance by specialized agencies. For the purposes of assistance, these areas should be considered to be least developed among the developing countries, as defined by the Committee for Development Planning of the Economic and Social Council  and should, therefore, be eligible for the special measures envisaged in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)].
24.	The problem of rule by the racist illegal minority in Zimbabwe remains one which preoccupies the United Nations and the international community as a whole. I expressed the views of my delegation on this pressing question in my statement to the Security Council on Wednesday, 27 September 1972.  I should like, however, to repeat my call to the British Government to convene without delay a constitutional conference at which all sections of the people of Zimbabwe would freely express their views on the kind of government they would desire for their country. My Government will continue to support the people of Zimbabwe in their just struggle to achieve self-determination and independence on the basis of majority rule.
25.	The question of Namibia continues to pose a serious challenge to the authority of the United Nations, which is directly responsible for the administration of that Territory. The grave situation created by South Africa's continued illegal occupation of that Territory demands that urgent and effective measures be taken by the Organization, and in particular by the Security Council, to end the illegal occupation forthwith.
26.	We strongly condemn the Fascist and racist regime in Pretoria for its extension of the obnoxious policy of apartheid to Nambia and for the balkanization of that Territory. We are aware that South Africa's continued defiance of the Organization's decisions and resolutions has been sustained by the support of certain Western countries which have vested economic and other interests in Namibia. We condemn all these countries which continue to support and protect the South African racists. Zambia will continue to render assistance to the people of Namibia in the struggle for their self-determination and independence as a unitary State.
27.	A great deal of literature and information on the evils of apartheid has been made available through various news media to the world community. At the twenty-sixth session, the General Assembly adopted a very comprehensive resolution-resolution 2775 (XXVI)-on apartheid, which not only is a crime against humanity but also cuts across the very fabric of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Therefore I wish to echo the appeal that has been made from time to time to implement the various Security Council and General Assembly resolutions on the elimination of apartheid. In this connexion my delegation welcomes the draft program for a decade for action to combat racism and racial discrimination presented by the Secretary-General under resolutions 2784 (XXVI) and 2785 (XXVI)[A/8805, annex],
28.	Zambia supports fully the proposed program for the observance of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted on 10 December 1948 by this Assembly [A/8820]. In marking this anniversary, the United Nations should consider taking effective measures against the minority racist and oppressive regime in Africa and other parts of the world which continue to violate the articles of this important document.
29.	I should now like to address myself to another disturbing matter which is perhaps the main factor delaying the attainment of complete self-determination and independence in Africa. I refer to the economic and military involvement of certain Western countries in areas of Africa where the indigenous people are still striving for their independence. The United States importation of chrome from Rhodesia is one of the most flagrant violations by a Member of this Organization. The action is not based on the needs of the United States for chrome, as was pointed out by my colleagues the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of Sudan and the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Kenya during the Security Council debate on Rhodesia on 28 September.  The decision has undoubtedly frustrated and considerably weakened efforts to combat racism and illegal minority rule in Southern Rhodesia.
30.	There are other Western countries, particularly the United Kingdom and France, which continue to sell arms to South Africa. We deplore this contravention of Security Council resolutions on the arms embargo. In this connexion, my Government has on previous occasions also spoken out against similar activities by a number of other Western countries. All these retrogressive acts must stand condemned in the strongest terms by this Organization.
31.	In this respect I want to pay a tribute to individuals and organizations in some Western countries that have recognized the justification and the legitimacy of the struggle taking place in Africa and are doing everything possible to influence their Governments to cease these callous acts. To them I offer my appreciation and every encouragement.
32.	It is particularly disquieting to note that the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTADJ, held in Santiago, Chile, in April and May of this year, did not bring about any significant openings in the field of trade. Resolutions were passed in the hope that they would contribute to the economic development of the developing countries. Time and again resolutions presented by the Group of 77 developing countries were either watered down beyond recognition or rejected outright by the developed countries. That kind of attitude should not be allowed to persist. In the presence of political goodwill, no obstacle is insurmountable.
33.	It must be pointed out, however, that the non-aligned countries and other developing countries are aware that the prime responsibility for their economic development rests with them. Accordingly, at the Georgetown Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries, an action program for economic co-operation among non-aligned countries was drawn up. The measures included in the program are many and cover fields such as trade, finance, investment, research, the transfer of technology and institutional arrangements for economic co-operation and co-ordination. The purpose of the action plan is to strengthen the non-aligned movement economically and raise the standard of living of its members.
34.	General and complete disarmament under effective international control remains the most imperative and urgent need of our time. the disheartening arms race is still far from being controlled. It is a major contribution to mounting tension in various parts of the world and it certainly is inimical to international peace and security. Needless to say, the development and the production of nuclear weapons threaten the existence of man and his environment.
35.	It is in the light of this grave situation that we must act quickly, not only to halt the senseless and wasteful arms race but also to Catty out measures for the complete destruction of the weapons of war already in the arsenals of States. If we genuinely want peace for ourselves and for future generations, we have no excuse for not providing its only irUe guarantee: general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
36.	The position of Zambia and other non-aligned countries is reflected in clear terms in the Lusaka Declaration and more recently in the Statement on International Security and Disarmament adopted by the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries and issued in Georgetown, Guyana, in August 1972. We take note of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction [resolution 2826(XXVI)i annexJ. However, Zambia would like to see concluded as Soon as possible a convention on the total prohibition of chemical weapons and their elimination from the arsenals; of States. While we welcome the recent partial agreement reached between the United States and the USSR of the limitation of strategic arms,  we note with regret that the agreement does not include any limitation of qualitative improvements in the nuclear weapons of the two Powers. We would like to see the early elimination of all nuclear stockpiles in the world.
37.	Since matters of international security affect all of us, we strongly believe that all nations of the world should participate fully in the discussion of such matters. We therefore welcome the proposal to convene a World Disarmament Conference, at which we hope all States, nuclear and non-nuclear, will participate as equals. In our view, the basic aim of that conference should be to make a positive effort to achieve progress toward general and complete disarmament, and primarily towards the banning and destruction of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction.
38.	I should like to refer to the lack of effective international law governing the seas, which cover approximately three-quarters of this planet. At present, technologically advanced countries are engaged in eroding the freedom of the seas by making dangerous incursions into ocean space and thereby threatening freedom of navigation, depleting marine life and causing pollution. Land-locked countries have a particular and special interest in sharing in the exploitation of the riches of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, considering that they are excluded from participation in the exploitation of the living resources of the sea, not only in territorial waters but also in adjacent waters and fishing zones, and have no access to the wealth of the continental shelf.
39.	On the vitally important question of transit and free access to the sea, we believe that this right should be embodied in the international instrument which may result from the forthcoming conference on the law of the sea.
40.	Specialized agencies, such as the ILO, FAO, UNESCO, UNICEF, WHO and UNIDO, have greatly assisted the developing countries in their particular fields of operations. The adoption in 1970 of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade made the role of the regional economic commissions and the specialized agencies even more important; and as their funds depend mainly on voluntary contributions, the international community should give generously to enable them to fulfill their duties efficiently.
41.	We are, however, aware of the growing crisis of confidence in the ability and authority of the United Nations to deal effectively with pressing international problems such as the achievement of human freedom and independence. That crisis of confidence arises out of the frustration and despair of the international community.
42.	The Government of the Republic of Zambia shares the concern and the view that there is a great and urgent need for change in the attitude of the super-Powers and for restructuring the Organization in order to meet the demands of the changed situation. In this connexion, we are convinced that the tendency on the part of the superPowers to by-pass the United Nations in dealing with some problems of vital importance and interest to the whole of the international community has the continued effect of eroding the prestige and the authority of the Organization.
43.	It is imperative that the principle of. equality of membership and of equitable geographical representation be applied. In this regard, the Security Council, as the main organ charged with the responsibility of maintaining peace and security, needs to be changed. It must cease to be a preserve of the big Powers where they can use their power of veto at will in order to protect their interests and those of their allies. Only last week the representative of the United Kingdom cast a negative vote in the Security Council in defense of the illegal racist regime in Southern Rhodesia. The Security Council must be transformed into a body that will truly reflect the changed circumstances. To that end, one wonders whether the criteria for eligibility for new permanent membership in the future should not be reviewed so as to ensure that they are based, not on military or economic power, but rather on the principle of equitable geographical representation. In any case, the developing countries make a significant contribution towards the economic well-being of some permanent members of the Security Council. Also we do not agree that economic might necessarily reflects sound political morality. We submit that there is a great need to increase the present number of permanent members to enable other geographical regions to be represented on the Council.
44.	In the meantime, we are convinced of the urgent need for taking appropriate measures aimed at eliminating the veto or at least its misuse. It is disturbing that the Organization, comprising 132 Member States, can allow itself to be rendered impotent in the discharge of its solemn duty by the use of the veto in the Security Council by one permanent Member State, regardless of the gravity of the situation involved.
45.	In conclusion I wish to reaffirm Zambia's support for the United Nations and our commitment to support any efforts designed to strengthen it. I earnestly hope that this Organization will continue to foster co-operation in the international community and to further the cause of human freedom, peace and justice.