We live in challenging times. This year’s theme, “Making the United Nations relevant to all people: global leadership and shared responsibilities for peaceful, equitable and sustainable societies”, is therefore most appropriate. It serves to remind us of the need to strengthen the role of this important Organization if we wish to overcome the complex challenges we face today. In that process, we must not forget the core principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including the principle of sovereign equality. It is also important to remember that the promotion of economic, social, cultural and humanitarian interests, as well as the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, can be attained only through international cooperation. Furthermore, we should not forget the international character of the United Nations.
It is only through constructive and peaceful approaches that we will be able to create a better United Nations — one that is relevant to all nations. Only then can our hopes for global leadership with shared responsibilities become a reality. Here I wish to stress that Myanmar’s view on the role of the United Nations remains unchanged. There is no suitable multilateral platform other than the United Nations where countries can work together to find solutions to overcome global challenges.
Let me apprise the Assembly of our efforts to transform Myanmar from an authoritarian  system into a democratic one and of our efforts to  bring  about sustainable development and build a society where stability, peace and harmony prevail. A country without peace and stability cannot achieve economic development. Of that we are convinced. Accordingly, our democratically elected Government has given priority to national reconciliation and peace since we assumed office.
We are convinced that ethnic strife and armed conflicts in Myanmar can be ended only through political means. Lasting peace will become a reality only when the democratic federal union to which our people have aspired is established. We are therefore conducting negotiations at the Union Peace Conference to reach agreement on the fundamental principles for  a democratic federal union. The three sessions of the conference held so far have resulted in the  adoption  of 51 fundamental principles that will become part of the Union Peace Accord. To  ensure that the process   is inclusive, we have continued negotiations not only with the eight ethnic armed groups that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement but also with those that have yet to come on board.
During the past year, two more ethnic armed groups, namely, the New Mon State Party and the Lahu Democratic Union, joined the peace process by signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. We will continue our endeavours to bring all ethnic armed organizations

under the umbrella of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement and to the conference table.
Essential to our endeavours to bring peace and prosperity to the nation is the need to ensure balanced development in the economic, social and environmental spheres. To that end, the Government has adopted the Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan 2018–2030, which is in accord with the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Among its important goals are peace, national reconciliation, security and good governance. The success of the Plan requires not only national endeavours but also the involvement and commitment of development partners and international organizations.
Human rights and inclusiveness are fundamental to the successful transformation of Myanmar into a democratic society. The Government has spared no effort to nurture democratic norms and practices among all its citizens. Those efforts include the promotion of the rule of law,  good governance and the protection  of human rights, and the fostering of  civil  society.  All those elements are essential for the emergence of  a democratic federal union in which the security and prosperity of all citizens are ensured. It is a supremely challenging task, particularly for a fledgling democracy. However, Myanmar is strong in its resolution to build the democratic society to which our people aspire.
Resolving the issue in Rakhine state is an important component of our democratic process. Our Government has consistently exerted all possible efforts to bring peace and development to Rakhine. Within weeks of assuming the responsibilities of governing, the Government set up the Central Committee for the Implementation of Peace, Stability and Development  in  Rakhine  state in May 2016 under the chairmanship of the State Counsellor, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. That was followed by the establishment of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State in September 2016, headed by the late Kofi Annan, former Secretary-General of the United Nations, to provide recommendations for bringing peace, stability and development to Rakhine state.
I wish at this point to pay tribute to Kofi Annan, who with his immense wisdom provided us with recommendations in his desire for us to reach our goal of peace, prosperity and security.
Barely a month after the Advisory Commission was established, an extremist terrorist group, called Aga Mul Mujahidin — later renamed the Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army — launched attacks on three border police posts in northern Rakhine state. The attacks were premeditated, well organized and designed to invoke fear among the inhabitants, as well as to incite violence and attract international attention.
The Government, despite the attacks, continued with its efforts to seek sustainable solutions for Rakhine state. The Advisory Commission presented its final report to the Government of Myanmar in August 2017. It contains 88 recommendations towards achieving lasting peace and stability in Rakhine. We have  set  up an implementation committee, and I am happy to report that we are now implementing 81 out of the 88 recommendations made by the Commission.
Within hours of the release of the Advisory Commission’s final report, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army terrorists carried out simultaneous attacks on 30 police outposts and one army battalion headquarters. Here, it must be stressed that the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacks of 2017 were not only against the security forces but also against various communities inhabiting Rakhine state. The attacks opened a chapter of fear and instability that led to a large outflow of refugees to Bangladesh. International attention has been focused on the outflow but has overlooked the broader picture of the various reasons — immediate as well as long-standing — that brought about the displacement of those people. Nevertheless, the Government has persisted in its sincere efforts to address as a whole the need for stability, reconciliation and the development of all communities in Rakhine.
We deeply sympathize with these displaced persons, especially the women  and children,  and have taken steps to effect the early repatriation of all displaced persons from Rakhine who are verified as residents of the State. To that end, we have signed three bilateral agreements with Bangladesh. In line with these bilateral agreements, the necessary preparations have been made, and we have been ready to receive verified returnees from Bangladesh since 23 January. We call on Bangladesh to fulfil its commitments in accordance with these bilateral agreements so as to allow without delay the return of verified persons under voluntary, safe and dignified conditions. A number of people have returned of their own volition, having made their own arrangements. They have been systematically registered and processed and are now with their relatives and families in their own homes. However, not even a single displaced person has been repatriated by Bangladesh as

part of the implementation of the bilateral agreement. The only way to resolve the issue swiftly and peacefully is through the implementation of bilateral agreements, working together in the spirit of good-neighbourliness and refraining from activities that might be inimical to the national interests of either Myanmar or Bangladesh.
We recognize the crucial role of the United Nations in addressing the issue of Rakhine. Accordingly, the Government of Myanmar signed a memorandum of understanding with the United Nations Development Programme and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees with a view to assisting the speedy and efficient resettlement and rehabilitation of returnees. The United Nations team has started this process, and we are looking forward to its feedback.
The Myanmar Government has expressed its serious concerns over the report of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar published by the Human Rights Council on 12 September (A/HRC/39/64). Due to our Government’s serious and genuine concerns about the advisability of fact-finding mission’s establishment, composition and mandate, Myanmar objected to the mission’s creation from the very beginning, At a time when we are working hard to build harmony on the ground, we are concerned that the release of the report, which is based on narratives and not on hard evidence — a point which I energetically emphasize — will serve only to further inflame tensions and could potentially hinder our efforts to create the much-needed social cohesion in Rakhine. In this regard, I would like to stress what accountability should mean to all of us. Accountability should mean taking responsibility for one’s actions. Accountability must apply equally to all. Individuals, organizations and national Governments — as well as multilateral organizations — must be held responsible for the consequences of their words and actions.
As the Assembly will also be aware, the Government of Myanmar has resolutely rejected the International Criminal Court’s 6 September ruling in connection with Rakhine state. Our position in this regard is clear: Myanmar is not a party to the Rome Statute, and the Court has no jurisdiction whatsoever over my country. The Court’s decision was made on dubious legal grounds and applied to a situation where domestic remedies had not yet been exhausted. I speak to all delegations today when I say that we, the members of the international community, should be deeply concerned by the recent decision of the International Criminal Court and the
various precedents that the Court may be setting by this ruling, as well as by the way in which it was made. Such action can only erode the moral  and  legal  authority of the Court. We are heartened that we are not  alone in having grave misgivings about the Court. I would also like to make it clear that, while the Government is unable to accept this legally dubious intervention by the International Criminal Court, we are fully committed to ensuring accountability where there is concrete evidence of human rights violations committed in Rakhine state.
We have recently established an independent commission of inquiry  that will investigate all violations of human rights and atrocities committed  in Rakhine state as part of our efforts to address the issues of accountability, reconciliation, peace, stability and development in our country. The Commission is chaired by Ms. Rosario Manalo, former Deputy Foreign Minister of the Philippines, and comprises Ambassador Kenzo Oshima, former Japanese Permanent Representative to the United Nations and Under- Secretary-General of the United Nations, and two Myanmar nationals, one of whom is a former Chairman of the Constitutional Tribunal and the other a former senior official of the United Nations Children’s Fund. We hope that, alongside the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, the work of the independent commission of inquiry will become an important guiding light for the resolution of problems in Rakhine state.
The challenges facing Myanmar are complex and multifaceted. However, the people of Myanmar are resilient. We stand united to face all obstacles and to meet all challenges as we strive to bring peace, development and national harmony to our country, which has suffered from decades of conflict, underdevelopment and disharmony.


We are all proud members of this venerable institution. If this place and our membership in it stand for anything, then we stand for an international order based on rules and cooperation. That principle guides our actions, our dealings with each other, and our treatment of collective challenges as they arise before us. Australia recognizes the reality of a world in which the power of great States shapes the international system in which we seek to advance our national interests. That is the grain with which we all work.
We also hold true to the following simple proposition — we will be safer and more prosperous  in a world where global differences are managed and global challenges met by agreed rules rather than by the exercise of power alone. Strong global cooperation sets a tone and sets in place rules and norms for constructive diplomacy in every region of the world. That is true even in a period of rapid and accelerating change and of rising nationalism and geopolitical

competition. Our most urgent global challenges will not be solved by countries acting alone; solutions begin with collaboration.
In Australia’s 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper, we set out an analysis of the trends that are shaping the world. Most importantly, we set out our policy response. In a very competitive and contested era, Australia is taking responsibility for its own security and prosperity. At home, we are investing in our national resilience and strength, ensuring that our economy is strong and that Australians are safe. We are sovereign and independent. In our region — the Indo- Pacific — we seek a neighbourhood in which the rights of all States are respected, and in which adherence to rules delivers lasting peace. Internationally, we are committed to promoting and protecting the rules and institutions that support stability and prosperity, and enable collective action to meet global challenges.
At this time of change, challenge and opportunity, we representatives of Member States have the honour of preserving and advancing international rules and order so as to deliver on the expectations of our people for a just, fair and secure world. One proof of the necessity of the United Nations is the hard fact that we cannot, with all confidence, rid the world of nuclear weapons — not today or this year.
Given that reality, we  must redouble our efforts  to prevent nuclear proliferation and to build the international trust and confidence necessary to move towards a world free of nuclear weapons. Our peoples expect us to continue to work towards verifiable nuclear disarmament with sound compliance, safeguards and enforcement regimes. Overwhelmingly, our peoples expect us to prevent further proliferation of nuclear weapons. To do that, we must  continue to  build  on the progress we have made through the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
For that reason, Australia supports the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on Iran’s nuclear programme, as long as Iran abides by its commitments. It is in our collective interest that controls on Iran’s nuclear programme remain in place. And for that reason, the world watches with anticipation the negotiations between the United States and North Korea, pursuing the complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearization of the peninsula, in accordance with United Nations resolutions.
Australia will also continue to fully implement our obligations under Security Council resolutions  and maintain our own autonomous sanctions, while awaiting real progress towards denuclearization. In addition, we have most recently witnessed a new pattern of indiscriminate slaughter through the  use  of chemical weapons, including the weaponization of toxic industrial chemicals such as chlorine. We have collectively agreed that the use of chemical weapons anytime, anywhere and under any circumstances is unjustifiable and unacceptable.
As Member States, we must defend our long- standing prohibition on the use of chemical weapons and be prepared to abide by our collective right and resolve to investigate allegations and to verify compliance with that prohibition. Australia joins those calling for Syria to cease the use of chemicals as weapons. Australia also continues to urge Russia and all nations to reinforce the prohibition on the use of chemical weapons anywhere.
Australia, like the United Nations, is committed to improving humanitarian assistance in fragile settings. I commend the Secretary-General for establishing the United for Gender Parity initiative, and for declaring zero tolerance for sexual exploitation and abuse. Australia is also a robust and  strong contributor to  the Organization’s women and peace and security agenda, first set out in Security Council resolution 1325 (2000). Australia was one of the first Member States  to draw up a national action plan on women and peace and security, and we are continuing work on our next five-year national action plan.
Examples of our work on that issue include a benchmark of a minimum of 15 per cent of female military members deployed on Australian peacekeeping mission teams, which I was proud to support over the past three years in my previous role as Australia’s Minister for Defence. Australia also has active training programmes on women and peace and security in Afghanistan, Iraq and the Philippines, where our military is assisting partner forces to deal with counter- terrorism and counter-insurgency challenges.
Australia firmly believes that it is only through the inclusion of women in all aspects of peace and security initiatives, including negotiations, the design of peace processes and the management and enforcement of peace programmes, that lasting and resilient security can be achieved.

Many here will remember my predecessor and friend Julie Bishop’s determined and sustained work pursuing accountability for the downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH-17. Australia remains resolutely committed to that objective, and we will continue working with our Joint Investigation Team partners to pursue justice for the victims and their loved ones.
In expecting other Member States to abide by international rules, we must also subject ourselves to those same standards and expectations. On 6 March, here in New York,  Australia and Timor-Leste signed  a new maritime boundaries treaty.  The  treaty  was the successful result of the first-ever compulsory conciliation initiated under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It underscores Australia’s commitment to  international  law  and  is a testament to the  way  in  which  international  law, in particular the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, enables countries to resolve disputes peacefully and properly, abiding by the rules. The conciliation process created the space for compromise and negotiation on what I acknowledge was a previously intractable disagreement, and ultimately strengthened bilateral relations.
When Member States work together to uphold international law and the institutions that support it, the benefits accrue to all alike — the powerful and the weak, the large and the small. That is a long-standing principle that all we share, regardless of our culture, language, religion or political system. We are all equal before the law.
Australia particularly welcomes the active engagement of the United Nations in our region, the Indo-Pacific. It is a dynamic region that in recent decades has experienced an economic transformation that is unprecedented in human history. The region’s rising prosperity has been built on a strong foundation of stability. Australia is absolutely committed to ensuring that the fundamental principles that have enabled the region’s success are maintained.
We are committed to a region in which the rights of all States are respected, where there is respect for international law and other norms, where disputes are resolved peacefully, and where open markets facilitate the free flow of trade, capital and ideas. In order to achieve those outcomes, Australia is strengthening its Indo-Pacific bilateral relations, because they are among our most important in their own right and because strong
bilateral relations help us support our regional goals. Our aid programme is an important mechanism through which we support the aspirations of our neighbours. It is predominately and unashamedly focused on the Indo- Pacific region, and geared to  expand  opportunities for people, businesses and communities to promote economic growth and further reduce regional poverty.
We work in sectors that drive economic growth and human development, including aid for trade, infrastructure, education and health, and the empowerment of women and girls. And we work in ways that are most effective, including with United Nations resident coordinators, and through the region’s political, security and economic architecture.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) sits at the heart of our region. It is the collective voice of South-East Asia. There are good reasons why Australia is ASEAN’s longest-standing dialogue partner. We are both committed to driving continued strong regional economic growth, and we share optimism for the future. At the same time, we share a conviction of the need to tackle head-on the security challenges of our region, including the fight against terrorism. As the convener for more than 50 years of the Indo-Pacific’s most important diplomatic architecture, particularly the East Asia Summit, ASEAN plays a vital role in the security, stability and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific region. Australia’s interests are well served by ASEAN, and our commitment to its continued effectiveness and success is stronger than ever.
That commitment was there for all to see at the ASEAN-Australia Special Summit, held in Sydney in March. The Summit marked a new era in the strategic partnership between ASEAN and Australia. Leaders issued the Sydney Declaration, which comprehensively sets out ASEAN and Australia’s shared commitment to working together towards a more secure and prosperous region.
In other key pieces of regional architecture, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum seeks to build upon the growing interdependence of the Asia- Pacific’s 21 member economies. The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation  forum  meeting  in  Papua New Guinea in November will provide an important opportunity to foster cooperation and economic activity across borders to the mutual benefit of all. I commend Papua New Guinea for the significant work that it has done to host the 2018 forum, and I look forward in

particular to a very successful Leaders’ Week in Port Moresby later this year.
I also commend our Pacific neighbour, the Republic of Nauru, for its successful hosting of the 49th Pacific Islands Forum in the first week of September. With the theme of “Building a strong Pacific: our islands, our people, our will”, the member States, associate members, observers and dialogue partners of the Pacific Islands Forum continued the long tradition of amity, consultation, partnership and policy development on diverse matters such as climate change, economic reform, transport and trade.
Australia is committed to working with States members of the Pacific Islands Forum and United Nations resident coordinators to strengthen resilience to climate change and natural disasters in the Pacific. The United Nations Development Programme is  a vital partner in that effort. Australia recognizes that Pacific island countries are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change and disaster, and that that problem is a leading priority for the region. The Pacific Islands Forum Boe Declaration, released last month at the meeting by member States, takes a contemporary view of security, inclusive of human and environmental security, and emphasizes the importance of regional cooperation and collaboration in building resilience to disasters and climate change.
In 2018, Australia joined the Human Rights Council for the first time. In the Council Australia works for and seeks to develop a region that promotes accountability and respects international law for the benefit of all — nations and people. Australia has been a strong supporter of the Independent International Fact-finding Mission on Myanmar, and we have been deeply disturbed by its findings. We  are  working with Myanmar and with ASEAN and regional and international partners  to find  long-term  solutions  to that  complex  crisis,  including  with  Indonesia   as co-chairs of the Bali Process and through joint humanitarian efforts in Cox’s Bazar. Australia will continue to work with the Myanmar Government and the international community to achieve a long-term and durable resolution of Myanmar’s complex problems. After 50 years of isolation and instability, Myanmar  is at a critical stage in its democratic and economic transition, and it  is in all our interests to ensure that   it succeeds. Let us honour the late former Secretary- General, Kofi Annan, by renewing our efforts to see fully and genuinely implemented the recommendations
of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, which he so ably led.
International institutions, and the United Nations in particular, help us to adapt collectively as our world changes around us. But as Secretary-General Guterres noted when he opened the General Assembly earlier this week:
“[t]rust in global governance is also fragile, as twenty-first-century challenges outpace twentieth- century institutions and mindsets” (A/73/PV.6, p.1).
That is why Australia supports the Secretary- General’s efforts to reform the United Nations. We need to work  together to keep pace with the needs  and aspirations of the people we serve. But in order to remain fit for our times, the United Nations must remain true to the founding principles, the universal rights and obligations that we agreed upon when we first came together as Member States. Chief among them is the sovereign equality of all States. Member States must rededicate themselves to the aspirations of the founders of the Organization and take to heart the Charter of the United Nations, so that our world can indeed be a more just, fair and secure place to live.


Let me warmly welcome everyone on behalf of the freedom- loving, ancient Kyrgyz people, with their thousands of years of history and great mountains. From this lofty rostrum of the United Nations, I would like to draw everyone’s attention to the issues that the Kyrgyz Republic believes to be urgent and that require joint solutions at the national, regional and international levels. On behalf of the Kyrgyz Republic, I would like to salute all participants in the General Assembly at its seventy-third session.
The global political, economic and environmental situation is changing rapidly, and the trend towards regionalism in world politics is increasing. Rising

prices, insufficient liquidity and sanctions wars in economies continue. The threat of terrorism and extremism is everywhere. The preservation of an environmental balance has become a global issue for the whole planet. Regardless of their causes, those issues affect every country, especially small ones with open economies. These processes have become sensitive issues for Kyrgyzstan. I therefore believe that today it is extremely timely to discuss in the General Assembly the relevance of the United Nations to all people, as well as the issues of global leadership and mutual responsibility for peaceful, equitable and sustainable societies. I would like to take this opportunity from the high tribune of the United Nations to outline the issues at the national, regional and global levels that are of relevance to our country.
The peaceful transfer of power in the autumn of 2017 laid a solid foundation for Kyrgyzstan’s further progressive democratic development. At present, there is political and social stability in Kyrgyzstan, which provides us with the opportunity to set ambitious  goals for the medium term. Kyrgyzstan supports the development of a system of parliamentary democracy in our country, and the upcoming 2020 parliamentary elections will attest to that once again. We firmly believe that parliamentary democracy is best suited to the nature of our society’s development.
The fight against corruption remains a  priority for the State policy of Kyrgyzstan. As of today, we are facing the issues of the political modernization and economic development that the future will require of us.
First of all, we are focusing on implementing judicial and legal reforms and reorganizing our law- enforcement agencies. The sustainable  development of every region of Kyrgyzstan is key to successful development and is our most urgent issue. We  have  set ourselves the goal of improving the climate for investment and have begun building an information society with a fair and transparent public administration. Kyrgyzstan will continue to consistently strengthen democratic principles in developing the State. Our public administration is focused on the needs of all individuals and on ensuring their rights, freedoms and justice in society.
All of these  medium-  and long-term  reforms  are included in Kyrgyzstan’s 2040 national development strategy. The long-term provisions  of our national development strategy meet all of the
requirements of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, and in that connection, we hope for further support from the United Nations and partner countries for Kyrgyzstan’s development efforts. Kyrgyzstan remains committed to the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.
We consider strengthening  the  entire  spectrum of cooperation among the countries of Central Asia a crucial factor in ensuring the security not only of the region but of the world. We are pleased to note that  our cooperation has gained positive momentum and reached a fundamentally new level. The meetings of the Heads of State and Foreign Ministers of the countries of Central Asia have become a tradition.
For  the Kyrgyz Republic, the issue of  water use is extremely important. The ways that water and energy resources have been used  in  recent  decades in Central Asia show how essential it is to develop  new approaches. We believe  that  the  integrated use of water and energy resources in the region should be determined by a system of measures aimed at achieving the sustainable development of all Central Asian States. Kyrgyzstan has therefore consistently advocated for the development and implementation in Central Asia of mutually beneficial economic mechanisms in the area. Cooperation and multilateral dialogue are considered by the Kyrgyz Republic as the only way to solve existing challenges. In that context, we also see a special role and a new mission  for  regional  organizations  such as the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union. Ending isolationist policies and developing the cooperation and partnership have become very important today.
No State is immune to threats related to terrorism and extremism. The members of the international community must work together more actively to combat this evil and problems such as drug trafficking, trafficking in persons and weapons, money-laundering and the financing of terrorism. That is very important to us, as we are located at a crossroads of drug- trafficking networks. Regrettably, the measures taken by the international community are still insufficient.  It is important to pay special attention to solving this general problem for the region. Kyrgyzstan reaffirms its commitment to the effective implementation of the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy  and supports the Joint Action Plan. It is essential to

coordinate the efforts of the States of the region on issues related to security, improved cooperation and the exchange of operating information. The Government of the Kyrgyz Republic has approved a programme  for combating extremism and terrorism up to 2022. I thank the United Nations for its financial and technical assistance in the fight against terrorism and drug trafficking, and we hope for further support from development partners for security-related issues.
The move towards sustainable development means restoring our natural ecosystems and the environment. Kyrgyzstan recognizes climate change as an existential threat to ecosystems and people. We committed to counteracting that global threat by signing the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Climate change is having an ever-increasing impact on our glaciers and water resources and contributing to the increase in natural disasters in our mountainous regions. Those are the main topics of the fourth World Mountain Forum in Kyrgyzstan, held to discuss new paths to development ensuring a prosperous future for mountain regions.
The main environment-related issue in our region continues to be the legacy of the radioactive materials industry of the Soviet era — that is, uranium tailings. Kyrgyzstan has held a number of international conferences in an effort to find solutions to it. We  held an event at the United Nations on 27 September dedicated to the dangers of uranium mining. With the aim of reaching a new stage in action for reclaiming uranium tailings, Kyrgyzstan is taking the initiative to update resolution 68/218 on the role of the international community in averting the radiation threat in Central Asia. I would like to take this opportunity to thank our development partners for providing significant support to my country in solving this problem.
The issues I have noted require the  joint  efforts of all States and of global and regional institutions. There is a growing need  to  create  fundamentally new international mechanisms, adequate to modern challenges and threats. Our Organization needs changes to meet the demands of the times and current realities. Its reforms should be based on the principles of universality, broad geographical representation and the widest possible support of the States Members of the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan seeks  to  contribute its fair share of  contributions to the common cause   of the United Nations for peace, global security and sustainable development.
In order to draw the attention of the United Nations and the world to the problem of small States, Kyrgyzstan has put forward its candidacy for a  seat  as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for the period from 2027 to 2028. The support of countries that have never had a seat on the Council will increase confidence in the equality of its members and thereby raise and strengthen the authority and credibility of the Organization. Kyrgyzstan considers the United Nations to be an authoritative and universal international organization.
It should be emphasized that an important factor in preserving peace, stability and the development of cultural diversity and tolerance is the deepening of intercultural dialogue. That was brilliantly described in the works of our distinguished and world-renowned writer Chingiz Aitmatov. He made a significant contribution to building peace and cultural exchange among different peoples. This year, Kyrgyzstan and the whole world are celebrating the ninetieth anniversary of the birth of Chingiz Aitmatov.
The initiative of Kyrgyzstan to hold the World Nomad Games on a regular basis has been recognized and supported by the General Assembly. The Games have shown that, despite the complexities and contradictions of the modern world, the peoples of the world strive for unity and creativity.
Our nation considers independence to be its greatest achievement, and it has found its worthy place in the world community. Kyrgyzstan has been recognized as a sovereign State in the international arena. As Chingiz Aitmatov, the great son of the Kyrgyz people and a famous writer, philosopher and humanist said, “There is no greater wealth for man than to live together and in peace”.
Only unity and harmony will save  the  world.  The unity of the people is the main guarantor of the sustainable development of our country. Inter-ethnic friendship in society and the responsible attitude of all citizens to their country’s destiny are the foundations of success. The independence of Kyrgyzstan and the unity of its people are our future and happiness. May God grant his mercy to the people of Kyrgyzstan and let peace reign in our land. I wish every citizen of the country health, good fortune, and a happy and peaceful life. Long live our independent Kyrgyzstan.


I wish to convey my delegation’s congratulations to you, Madam President, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-third session. Your election to preside over the Assembly represents the progress we are making towards gender equality, a momentum that we need to enhance at the global level. Yet the fact that you are only the fourth woman to do so shows how far we still have to go. I also wish to commend the Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, for his leadership in steering the Organization during these challenging times. The theme that you have chosen for the session, “Making the United Nations relevant to all people: global leadership and shared responsibilities for peaceful, equitable, and sustainable societies”, is most appropriate.
Now more than ever before, we need the international community to work together to build resilient societies in order to ensure  that  everyone has a fair share of the benefits of development. In order to achieve that, we need the United Nations to assume greater leadership in unifying our collective efforts. The focus should be on building communities that can withstand shocks and bounce back stronger. Recognizing that, the cornerstone of the development strategy of the Maldives is to build resilience: economic resilience, institutional resilience, environmental resilience and, indeed, political resilience.
The Maldives is an old nation, but a young democracy. In our journey towards the consolidation of our democracy, 23 September of this year was an extraordinary day. On that day, the Maldives held its third multi-party presidential election. The election took place peacefully and seamlessly, with a voter turnout of 89 per cent. It was a moment that made every Maldivian proud of how far we have come and the accelerated progress that the country has achieved. Following the
election, the Maldives is now going through the process of the transfer of power from one elected Government to the other.
The accelerated pace of democratization in the Maldives is moving in tandem with an even faster growth in social and economic development. From its humble beginning as one of the poorest countries in the world at its independence in 1965  to its status today  as an upper middle-income country, the Maldives is a success story by any measure. The Maldives has one of the highest human development indicators in our region, with nearly universal literacy rates, universal immunization and the lowest infant mortality and maternal mortality rates. The country has eradicated diseases such as polio, measles, malaria and lymphatic filariasis, although various types of non-communicable diseases are emerging as new challenges.
The progress in the social sector can be sustained and expanded only through strong economic growth. The outgoing President Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom, in his five years in office, focused on developing and  modernizing  critical  infrastructure in order to stimulate growth in the country’s main industries. The newly expanded runway at our main international airport and the ongoing expansion of the airport terminal will significantly boost the tourism industry and create jobs and increasing wealth. Just a few weeks ago we opened a bridge that connects our capital city, Malé, with the main international airport and a reclaimed suburb of the capital, Hulhumalé. That has transformed the physical landscape of the capital by consolidating three separate populations, thus helping to achieve economies of scale and better adaptation to climate change.
At the same time, we cannot create islands of progress and  prosperity  without partnering   with our friends through the kind of partnerships that are mutually beneficial, based on mutual trust and  that are envisaged in various international agendas and agreements, such as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, the Samoa Pathway and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. The national developmental efforts of small islands developing States, such as the Maldives, need support in the form of capacity-building, transfer of technology, and access to finance in order to achieve the goals set out in international development agendas.

The United Nations can assume a greater level of leadership in fostering such support. In order to be able to do that, the Secretariat also needs the support of  the Assembly, so that it can assist countries in special situations, such as small island developing States, with a more balanced allocation of resources. The United Nations is the engine room of multilateralism, and the existence of small States, especially the small island developing States, depends on multilateral norms. And yet, the principles of international law that govern friendly relations and cooperation among States are being challenged at a fundamental level. There is, therefore, a need for countries, big and small, to return to the right side of the law.
The State of Palestine is one place where the occupying Power challenges international law and norms on a daily basis with a sense of impunity. Today, we once again join many other  countries in calling  for a permanent end to the unlawful occupation of Palestinian lands and for allowing the Palestinian people the possibility of exercising their legitimate right to self-determination. The Maldives firmly believes that lasting peace can be achieved only with  a two-State solution in which the State of Palestine achieves its sovereignty within the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Unilateral measures that go against the grain of that internationally accepted arrangement are regressive and illegal.
The Maldives also calls for a peaceful end to the continuing war in Syria. The humanitarian situation continues to worsen. The Security Council has not adequately addressed that conflict and its consequences. We must take more assertive action to  stop  the  tide of suffering in Syria. Humanitarian intervention is a necessity. A permanent political solution is a must.
Similarly, the atrocities that are being committed against Muslims in Myanmar should not be ignored. The Maldives calls on the authorities in Myanmar to bring to justice the perpetrators who have committed genocidal crimes against the Rohingya Muslims. In particular, the recommendations of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar should be implemented without delay.
Article 1 of the Charter describes the United Nations as the centre for harmonizing the actions of nations. The United Nations can meaningfully fulfil that function only if it  is fit for  the purposes set out  in clear terms in the Charter. The reforms that the
Secretary-General introduced in recent months to modernize the development system of the United Nations have begun to take shape. Yet our attempts to bring broader systemic reform to the Organization, such as the reform of the Security Council, have produced many processes but virtually no success, despite more than four decades of deliberations. The United Nations needs to be an institution where every Member State should feel welcomed, where the combined power of many ideas, many solutions and many voices can thrive in addressing the challenges of climate change, ocean degradation, poverty, exclusion and discrimination.
For small island developing States, such as the Maldives, the United Nations will always remain the indispensable partner in building our national resilience. We see the United Nations as the key in determining our place and our voice in global discourse. Ensuring the relevance of the United Nations must mean ensuring that everyone, from the biggest to the smallest, plays their part. It must mean offering everyone a place in finding shared solutions for our shared future. It must mean sharing the responsibility to deliver a more peaceful, a more just, equitable and sustainable future for our children and their children.


Let me take this very early opportunity to congratulate Ms. María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés on her election to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy-third session. I have no doubt that the experience she draws from her distinguished career in the service of the Republic of Ecuador will be invaluable to her as she executes her new responsibility. I also note with appreciation that her strategic priorities for the seventy-third session, namely, strengthening multilateralism, catalysing the well-being of all persons and working to bring about a sustainable planet, as well as building a stronger, more efficient multilateral system, converge with Kenya’s aspirations. It is therefore my pleasure to reaffirm my Government’s complete commitment to our shared vision and to supporting the President during her tenure. The seventy-third session of the General Assembly is the second session to be held during the tenure of Secretary-General Guterres, who has already spoken publicly about the financial situation of the United Nations and has even spelled out reforms that need to be executed to ensure optimal utilization of our finances. I applaud the Secretary-General for his efforts and courage to cut costs and for his commitment to ensuring that the Organization’s resources are better managed. Indeed, I am convinced that part of those objectives will be achieved with the adoption of the proposals made in the context of the adoption of the global service delivery model. In that regard, it is my hope that Kenya will have the privilege to host one of the proposed three service centres. I also applaud the commitment of the United Nations staff, who are engaged daily in tackling a myriad of challenges that are greater than any one country or region can resolve on its own.
Kenya strongly supports the General Assembly’s embrace of better alignment in the mandates of urbanization, human settlement and environmental governance. Its approach will enable the United Nations Human Settlements Programme  (UN-Habitat)  and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) to fully deliver on their role as global focal points for human settlements and environmental matters for the entire United Nations system.
Even as we speak of important reforms at the United Nations, we must also recognize that the need for reforms is much broader and of greater significance than previously acknowledged. In almost every part of the world, a growing lack of trust is opening a dangerous gap between citizens and their governing institutions. That situation is partly the result of the impact of a number of significant factors, key among which is the growing demand by all our citizenry for accountability, occasioned by the attendant awareness of the gap between available resources and the provision of services to populations. Such demands are also fuelled by a growing awareness of the scourge of corruption and wastage of public resources and their negative effects on the lives and hopes of people.
Due to the benefits of accessible information, never before in human history have so many people known how public trust is undermined by acts of commission or omission by a few individuals or networks, both in the private and public sectors. Weak systems of governance are manipulated and exploited for the gain of predatory interests at the expense of the common person. Free

media and social media are rife with news of outright fraud, cynical conflicts of interest and financial arrangements that privatize gains during prosperous times and socialize losses during economic catastrophe.
In addition to individual corruption, major corporations misrepresent their earnings to deny Governments revenue needed for investment in the public good. The extraction of mineral and other resources continues to be subject to corrupt dealings that not only deny communities and countries any benefit but almost routinely lead to violence and instability. Such dealings have over several decades been clothed with the garments of legality, institutionalizing the exploitation by cartels and oligopolies that are pillaging Africa and other underdeveloped regions of their natural wealth. That is the source of the popular theorizing on Africa’s resource curse.
It has become clearer to citizens all over the world that what is  enabling the illegal and illicit conduct    of corrupt individuals and companies is a globalized financial and legal system. Its impact is worldwide but it is probably the leading cause of most of the suffering on the African continent.
There is increasing evidence that Africa is a net exporter of much-needed capital to the world through illicit outflows. Conservative estimates indicate that between 1980 and 2009 illicit money outflows from Africa ranged from $1.2 trillion to $1.4 trillion, roughly equal to Africa’s current gross domestic product and surpassing by far the money it received from outside over the same period. Every illicit dollar that leaves Africa goes somewhere — most often to where the rest of the money from tax evaders and criminals is hidden. Africans suffer as a result, but the irony is that what is done to Africa is eventually done to the rest of the world.
The present system of transferring and laundering illicit capital is enabling corrupt networks all over the world to illegally acquire in one country, while being welcomed with open arms as investors in  another. The same system is used by drug cartels and even terrorist networks. Collectively, drug addiction, violent extremism, international crime and terrorist actions result in misery and hurt to millions of victims all over the world.
The most tragic manifestation of the destructive impact of the misery as a result of the crimes mentioned heretofore is the loss of trust in governing institutions
at the national, regional and global levels. As people observe the impunity, they increasingly feel that the economic systems are rigged against their hopes. Therefore, the trust deficit grows.
Frequently, institutions of Government have become desirable vehicles to capture ethnic or racial interests articulated by populists and extremists who thrive in chronic instability and  drive  it  forward  with their incitement. When networks and cartels in Government capture the State for their own selfish gain and represent themselves as champions of an ethnic or religious group, the result is all too often civil strife and civil war. In such an atmosphere, the result of a political competition can begin to seem like an existential threat to groups and their members.
The fragility of our world is also manifest in instability and conflicts, as in the case of both Somalia and South Sudan. In Somalia, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is a unique regional effort that has deeply degraded one of Al-Qaida’s most ambitious affiliates. Kenya has been part of that journey from the start. It was in Nairobi where a transitional federal State was negotiated into existence, with the material and moral support of the Kenyan people. We have never wavered. Kenyans have lost lives and property in pursuit of peace and stability in Somalia, and we appreciate our regional and international colleagues and partners. In Somalia, a historic chapter on Africa’s will to peace and security is being written. We appreciate the partners standing with the region.
But the job is not yet done. We must ensure military success over Al-Shabaab if other  political and economic solutions are to take firm root. So far, the troop-contributing countries continue to bear a disproportionate burden. We have consistently sought the kind of international support that is commensurate with the threat scenario, including in the form of enablers and force multipliers. These have not been forthcoming. What the international community is doing with regard to Somalia is not good enough. We understand that these are difficult times economically, but global terrorism must be faced boldly. If we have learned any real lessons in the past 20 years, we should appreciate that AMISOM needs support, and it is up to all of us to make that happen.
In building peace there are no silver bullets. The process of bringing stability and peace to South Sudan requires commitment. It requires us to walk closely

with the South Sudanese parties, particularly now after the signing of the revitalized peace agreement. Kenya is proud of having walked with the Sudan and South Sudan in their pursuit of peace and stability. We have always known and firmly believe that the constancy of our efforts would yield the fruit of a prosperous and free South Sudan.
Today, we  call on  all Member States to join  us in that endeavour for peace and stability in South Sudan. I appeal to all Members, development partners, international agencies and  friends  of  South  Sudan to redouble their efforts and support  this  cause  to end the suffering of the children, women and men of South Sudan.
Allow me to turn to the global sphere, which has also not been spared the challenges of today. Multilateralism is under severe strain, as evidenced by our global trading and economic management system. Rarely has the system of trade and security that was established following the Second World War, under the auspices  of the United Nations, been under greater strain. The populism and extremism unleashed at the national level has brought forward powerful constituencies that want a dismantling of the global order.
I believe that the most urgent political task in the world today is to close the trust gap between people and governing institutions. Governments are not owed trust by citizens; that trust must be won and protected. It is not an exaggeration to say that the future of global stability and the continuity of many States turn on this issue.
There are bold solutions that  we  must  embrace in order to succeed. We have to fight impunity, seriously and without fear or favour. In Kenya, we are undertaking an aggressive campaign against fraud  and abuse of public trust. We  have  reached  out  to our partners in Switzerland and the United Kingdom to take action against transfers of illegal proceeds of corruption to their banking and  financial  systems. We will pursue more such bilateral arrangements. They must be accompanied by determined reforms that are subject to clear timelines and standards, and which combat systemic corruption in the multilateral system, money-laundering and the offshoring of illicit outflows. The single overarching aim must be to make it exceedingly difficult to transfer and launder illegally acquired wealth in any part of the world.
Indeed, all United Nations bodies should be given the task of detecting corruption in their different  focus areas and promoting the skills and systems to combat it, in the understanding that honest, transparent and responsive Government is fundamental to the achievement of their aims. We must create a stronger understanding of the presence and impact of such deals in their different focus areas.
The gap in trust that we are talking about at the national level can also be found at the global level and is aimed squarely at the leadership and processes of the multilateral system, as reflected in the Security Council, the Bretton Woods institutions and other parts of the system. In the years following the Second World War, the present status quo was functional and understandable. That is no longer the case 75 years later. The global governance system must also undergo reform if it is to be relevant and effective.
The clearest sign that change is real will be in reforms to the membership of the Security Council. Kenya joins the demand for two permanent seats for Africa — with the rights and prerogatives of current members, including the right of veto, as well as additional non-permanent seats. As we all know, Africa is underrepresented in the non-permanent category of the Security Council, and we are not represented at all in the permanent category. That historical injustice is a clear indication of the skewed system that has perpetuated an exclusive model of governance that fuels the trust gap between nations. The governance, leadership and employment in United Nations funds, programmes and agencies must also become more noticeably inclusive of the global South, especially Africa.
Kenya is a proud host to the only United Nations global headquarters in the global South, namely, the headquarters of both UNEP and UN-Habitat, whose mandates and effectiveness we are strongly committed to supporting. We strongly believe that the multilateralism that would headquarter major organizations in Africa and the global South is what the world needs. Global decision-making needs more of Africa if the world is to respond wisely to the demographic and economic shifts that are under way.
Without Governments and the international system addressing the broadening deficits in fairness and inclusiveness, corruption, populism, radicalization, civil strife  and  political  instability  will   continue to destabilize and destroy. Today’s problems, risks

and threats are complex and call  for  more  —  not  less — cooperation, more —not less — observance of the rule of law, more — not less — negotiation. We need a rules-based multilateral system. We are at a decisive moment, and Kenya will play its part to be a champion for change. I welcome all delegations in a campaign for our collective benefit.
In conclusion, the sea is increasingly being seen  as a sustainable source of food, jobs and prosperity for the growing populations of the world. It is with that in mind that Kenya and Canada will co-host the first-ever global conference on the sustainable blue economy from 26 to 28 November this year, in Nairobi. I therefore take this opportunity to welcome all delegations to this conference and its deliberations on how we can access and harness financing, technology and skills as well as innovations and capacity-building to allow us to turn the blue economy into a driver of millions of jobs, a source of food and sustainable shared prosperity. We will be greatly honoured to host you,  Mr.  President, in Nairobi.


I would like to express my deepest condolences on the passing away of Kofi Annan, the seventh Secretary-General of the United Nations. The world will forever remember his name, which has been etched in the road to peace.
I would like to congratulate Ms. María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-third session. I hope the United Nations will be able to reach out to every corner of the globe through this session. I also hope that the United Nations  will  make  further progress in contributing to  the international  community under the excellent leadership of Secretary-General António Guterres.
As I did last year (see A/72/PV.11), I stand here once again with a sense of urgency and excitement. Something miraculous has taken place on the Korean peninsula over the past year. For the first time in history, the leader of North Korea crossed the Military Demarcation Line to visit Panmunjeom. A historic summit between the United States and North Korea was held on the island of Sentosa in Singapore. Chairman Kim Jong Un and

I removed the shadow of war and resolved to usher in an era of peace and prosperity. At the United States- North Korea summit, the two sides agreed to work towards achieving the complete denuclearization on the Korean peninsula, thereby ending hostile relations and establishing a permanent peace regime. President Trump and Chairman Kim took action and gave hope to those who desire peace an around the world. North Korea dismantled its nuclear test site in Punggye-ri, under the observation of the international community. The United States and the Republic of Korea suspended large-scale joint military exercises and built trust. I would like to thank and salute President Trump and Chairman Kim’s courage and resolve as they usher in a new era on the Korean peninsula, as well as in United States-North Korea relations.
Last week in Pyongyang, I met Chairman Kim for the third time and reached an agreement once again to turn the Korean peninsula into a land of peace, free from nuclear weapons and threats. Chairman Kim expressed his hope of completing denuclearization as soon as possible to focus on economic development. Moreover, Chairman Kim expressed his commitment to permanently dismantling the missile-engine test site and launch platform in Dongchang-ri, under the observation of the international community as a first step in order to expedite progress in denuclearization. Furthermore, he expressed his firm willingness to continue to take additional denuclearization measures, including the permanent dismantlement of nuclear facilities in Yongbyon, as the United States takes corresponding measures in the spirit of the Sentosa agreement.
The Korean peninsula has remained under the Armistice for the past 65 years. Ending the Korean War is an urgent task. It is a process we must go through in order to move towards a peace regime. I look forward to seeing bold measures for denuclearization implemented among the countries concerned, thereby leading to a declaration to end the war. Regardless of the challenges that lie ahead, the leaders of the south, the north and the United States will move step by step towards peace based on mutual trust. Such a dramatic change has been possible thanks to the support and encouragement of people around the world who desire peace. The United Nations in particular gave North Korea the courage to embark upon the road to peace. I would like to express my gratitude to the United Nations for its role. However, that is just the beginning. I would like to ask for continued support and cooperation from the Member
States on our journey towards complete denuclearization and permanent peace. The Republic of Korea will spare no effort to encourage North Korea’s participation in the international community, while adhering to the resolutions adopted by the United Nations.
A prelude to peace on the Korean peninsula unfolded in Pyeongcheng, Gangwon province last winter. It  was the moment when the Olympic Truce resolution adopted at the General Assembly in November 2017 came to precious fruition. Secretary-General Guterres and many Heads of State extended their congratulations on the participation of North Korean athletes and officials in the Pyeongcheng Olympic Winter Games. They expressed their wishes for unity and peace on the Korean peninsula. The world was awakened to the sense of a new history of peace being written. I would like  to take this opportunity to thank the President of the International Olympic Committee, Thomas Bach, for his leadership and contribution in opening the way for North Korea to participate in the Pyeongcheng Olympic Winter Games. Just over a month after the close of the Pyeongcheng Paralympic Winter Games, Chairman Kim and I met for the first time in Panmunjeom. The United Nations welcomed and actively supported the adoption of the Panmunjeom Declaration. By doing so, it provided tremendous strength to the meetings that have followed, including the second inter-Korean summit, the United States-North Korea summit and the recent inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang.
At the seventy-second session of the General Assembly, I expressed the hope that North Korea would choose peace of its own accord in order to establish sound and sustainable peace. That hope was shared   by the United Nations and the entire international community. North Korea responded positively to our hopes and calls. Chairman Kim changed the direction of the political situation on the Korean peninsula through his New Year’s address on the first day of this year. The participation of North Korea’s athletes and delegation in the Pyeongcheng Winter Olympics provided the decisive momentum to break the impasse in building peace. On 20 April, North Korea officially ended its policy of nuclear development and has since devoted all of its efforts to economic development. On 9 September, during the ceremony marking the seventieth anniversary of its founding, North Korea expressed its commitment to peace and prosperity instead of boasting about its nuclear capabilities. North Korea moved out of long- standing isolation on its own initiative and stands before

the international community once again. Now it is the international community’s turn to respond positively to North Korea’s new choices and efforts. We must assure Chairman Kim that he has made the right decision in committing to denuclearization. We must encourage North Korea to stay on the path that leads to permanent and solid peace.
The role of the United Nations is crucial. The Secretariat has continued its efforts for dialogue and engagement, including the invitation of North Korean officials to international conferences. The United Nations has announced its commitment to leave no one behind. My sincere hope is that the vision of the United Nations of sustainable development will be  realized on the Korean peninsula. I have no doubt that, if the international community paves the way, North Korea will not stall in making strides towards peace and prosperity. The Republic of Korea will spare no effort in guiding North Korea towards that path. I would like to call on the United Nations to share its experience and wisdom.
The process of working towards denuclearization and establishing peace on the Korean  peninsula  is one that also leads to building peace and cooperation in North-East Asia, which is home to one fifth of the world’s population and accounts for a quarter of the global economy. However, regional conflicts stand in the way of pursuing broader cooperation. We will begin the work of resolving conflicts in North-East Asia starting with the Korean peninsula.
On 15 August, I proposed the creation of an East Asian railroad community, which would involve six North-East Asian countries and the United States.  The European Coal and Steel Community, which gave birth to the creation of the European Union, is a living example of what that kind of  initiative could achieve. I believe that the East Asian railroad community will be able  to serve as a  starting point for  the creation   of an energy and economic community in East Asia, and, going a step further, lead to a multilateral peace and security architecture in North-East Asia. The two Koreas are working to reconnect disconnected railroads and roads. Going forward, the Republic of Korea will engage in close consultations with countries in the region on concrete steps towards the East Asian railroad community. As we work to realize the United Nations spirit of multilateralism and pave the way for a future of shared prosperity, I would like to ask for the support and cooperation of the international community.
The Republic of Korea, together with the United Nations, has weathered the storms of modern history. The United Nations and the Republic of Korea share common values and philosophies. This month, the Government of the Republic of Korea announced its vision of an inclusive nation based on a people-centred governing philosophy. We  are  moving  towards  a  fair and just nation, as well as a society in which no one is discriminated against and everyone lives in harmony. Inclusiveness is also a philosophy embedded in international development cooperation. The Government of the Republic of Korea will steadily expand its contribution to development cooperation to create a global community that leaves no one behind.
The Republic of Korea is also increasing its assistance to people who are suffering from human rights violations and discrimination, in particular the most vulnerable groups, including children, youth, women and those with disabilities. We have increased our financial aid for refugees five times in the past five years. Starting from this year, Korea is providing 50,000 tons of rice every year to developing countries that are suffering from severe food crises. I believe that there needs to be a holistic approach that encompasses peace, development and human rights so as to fundamentally resolve humanitarian crises. The Government of the Republic of Korea will engage in discussions and provide support to make the United Nations relevant to all people.
This year marks the seventieth  anniversary  of  the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Anyone who has confronted the abuse of power to advance human rights carries in his or her heart the first clause of the Declaration — “All human beings are born free and equal”. In particular, I am working to realize gender equality in tangible ways, as an important part of our administrative agenda. All forms of discrimination and violence against women are being dealt with even more sternly. Korea has suffered directly from the Japanese military’s mobilization of comfort women. We will actively participate in discussions within the international community with regard to the issue of women and peace and security. We will also work together with the international community in efforts to eradicate sexual violence in conflict.
Responding to climate change and transitioning to a low-carbon economy are challenges and tasks facing our generation. The Government of the Republic of Korea will raise its share of renewable energy in the

nation’s total power generation to 20 per cent by 2030. We will faithfully implement the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 2030, in compliance with the Paris Agreement, and assist developing countries in their pursuit of sustainable development by supporting them with climate-change responses.
For the two Koreas, the significance of the United Nations goes beyond any international organization. On 17 September 1991, at the forty-sixth session  of  the General Assembly, the then 159  States Members of the United Nations unanimously adopted resolution 46/1 for the joint accession by South Korea and North Korea to the United Nations. Coincidentally, that day was the International Day of Peace. In their respective speeches, the representatives of South Korea and North Korea pledged that, although South Korea and North Korea had started as separate members, they would eventually become one some day through reconciliation, cooperation and peace (see A/46/PV.1). Now, 27 years later, South Korea and North Korea are realizing the pledge made on that day. We have crossed the barriers of division and are tearing down the walls in our hearts. We are proving to the international community that, when we come together, we have sufficient means to establish peace.
We all desire peace. Peace represents the relatives and neighbours we love and the home towns we long for. Peace means sharing what we have together. A peace we have all achieved together is a peace for all. I am confident that all members will be with us always on the path to permanent peace and denuclearization on the Korean peninsula, as well as on the journey to a peaceful world.


This year we celebrate the centenary of the end of the First World War. The League of Nations was supposed to safeguard peace, but it failed. The United Nations rose from the ashes of  the Second World  War  to address  a world that had been destroyed by fascism, Nazism, racism and colonialism. By adopting the Charter of  the United Nations, a brave generation of leaders gave

hope to the unprivileged, the oppressed and the denied that they would be able to exercise their right to self- determination.
Seventy years ago, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights represented another glimmer of hope for humankind, and thanks to the work of the United Nations and its numerous programmes, that hope became realistic. Through peacekeeping missions, arms control, non-proliferation treaties and the fight against terrorism and international organized crime, we built a safer world. The Sustainable Development Goals have helped us to focus our energy on reducing poverty, eradicating illness, enabling access to education, clean water and sanitation and creating opportunities for young people. With the Paris Agreement on Climate Change we are fighting climate change and trying to build communities and nations that are resilient where threats of disaster are concerned. As a result, millions of  people today are living better lives than they did    a decade ago. All of those achievements would be unimaginable had we not united our efforts through the United Nations.
As President of the Republic of Macedonia, I can rightly say that the Macedonian people participated in the creation of the post-Second World War order. We were on the right side of history, because, even back  in 1941, we had started to fight the evils of fascism and Nazism.  The  Macedonian   State   participated in the creation of the United Nations. In 1945, the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia was one of the founders of the Organization. As a constitutive Republic with a right to self-determination and secession, Macedonia was therefore a de facto founder of the United Nations. As a State within the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, we participated in the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international pacts on civil and political, economic, social and cultural rights that guarantee human dignity, the right to self-determination as well as the right of States to sovereign equality. On 8 September 1991, exercising our sovereign right to self-determination and secession, we peacefully left the collapsing Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and proclaimed an independent and sovereign Republic of Macedonia.
In all of that, a great injustice has been done, and this is what it is all about. To date, we have not been allowed to fully enjoy the privileges of  membership  in the Organization or of the documents in whose creation we once participated. We have been denied the
sovereign right to call ourselves by our name, as if a mere administrative region in Greece of the same name could have greater rights in international relations than a sovereign State such as the Republic of Macedonia.
Twenty-five years ago, on 8 April 1993, the Republic of Macedonia became a State  Member  of the United Nations. And yet in this community of equals before the law, the Republic of Macedonia was admitted as less equal, with a derogated legal status and a violated right to self-determination. Today, 25 years later, the talks within the United Nations on this matter may end with the adoption of the so-called Prespa final agreement, which, according to some, should put an end to the name dispute with Greece and open the way to membership for the Republic of Macedonia in the European Union (EU) and NATO. The settlement begins with a grand preamble that would make even the authors of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights envious. Ironically, the Prespa agreement violates the same universal principles and standards that it refers to in its preamble, including the right to human dignity.
With regard to the rights that have been violated, I want to draw the General Assembly’s attention to one, the right to self-determination. Its meaning is that only a nation itself has the right to determine its destiny, and that no one has the right to forcibly interfere in the life of the nation, destroy its schools and other institutions, violate its traditions and customs, repress its language or curtail its rights. The right to self-determination means that a nation may organize its life in the way it wishes, specifically on the basis of autonomy. It has the right to complete secession. Nations are sovereign and all nations have equal rights.
The right to self-determination is what empowers a people to choose their own name and the name of the State that they create. The right to choose a name is  an inalienable part of the right to self-determination. Only by respecting the right  to  self-determination can the United Nations be relevant for  all people. As  a people, we have borne the name “Macedonians” for centuries and, as a State for 74 years, before the United Nations even existed. Our attachment to that name was confirmed 27 years ago, when we exercised our right to self-determination and proclaimed an independent and sovereign Republic of Macedonia.
Still, through the Prespa agreement, Greece is imposing a new name on us and is asking for an erga omnes implementation for both international and

domestic use. It assumes that we will change our Constitution, meaning  that  Greece  would  become an ultimate authority whose approval is required for other States’ constitutional amendments. Through this settlement Greece would be permitted to permanently monitor not only what we call ourselves but also how all States Members of the United Nations address us. It would be authorized to rename our institutions, censor the content of our children’s schoolbooks and prevent citizens from expressing their Macedonian identity, including by regulating what we call our Macedonian language. A very important part of our way of life would therefore depend on Greek will. That would represent censorship of the world and require the Macedonian people to censor themselves. It does violence to our collective historical memory.
There are hundreds of thousands of pages of documents and testimonies in the United Nations archives detailing what  the  Greek State used to  do  to Macedonians in Greece. Now, through the Prespa agreement, the Greek State is trying to do the exact same things to Macedonians in the Republic of Macedonia. Its aim is to limit the use of the name “Macedonians” to the smallest possible space, that is, the space between our ears, while requiring us to keep our mouths shut. It is a flagrant violation of the right to self-determination.
The Prespa agreement is the bitter fruit of a tree that was poisoned long ago. It is a reflection of a hurtful compromise flowing from the 1995 Interim Accord. At a time when we were internationally isolated, the Interim Accord, achieved under the auspices of the United Nations, was supposed to guarantee that Greece would not block our integration into international organizations.  However,  it  was  seriously flawed. No one can transfer more rights to another than they actually possess. And yet under article 5 of the 1995 Interim Accord and the United Nations-led process, Greece was allowed to negotiate with the Republic of Macedonia on its name, in a violation of the right to self-determination.
The Interim Accord itself was not created out of thin air, as it originated in Security Council resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993). Although the Security Council noted that the Republic of Macedonia fulfilled the criteria for United Nations membership set out in Article 4 of the Charter, it nevertheless concluded that there was a dispute over the name of the State, making the Republic of Macedonia’s membership subject to the condition of accepting the provisional name of “the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” and imposing the obligation to discuss the naming issue. That formulation is nothing but a euphemism for violating the right to self-determination, which is how we arrived at the root of the problem.
The right to self-determination  was  violated when the Republic of Macedonia was admitted to the United Nations. The Interim Accord and the Prespa agreement were adopted to justify that violation. The Assembly should know that the text of the so-called Prespa agreement was prepared without my knowledge or consent as President of the Republic of Macedonia. Moreover, the agreement violates a clause in our domestic law that is of fundamental importance. In other words, the knot that began to form with resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993) and the Interim Accord has now, with the Prespa agreement, taken the shape of a hangman’s noose. The Republic of Macedonia is now being asked to commit legal and historical suicide so that the legal abolition of the Macedonian people can then be interpreted as the country’s own wilful decision. What does that say about global leadership and shared responsibility in the context of the United Nations?
Greece insists on an erga omnes implementation of the imposed name, which also makes the violation of the right to self-determination erga omnes. However, the International Court of Justice stated in its judgment in East Timor (Portugal v. Australia) of 30 June 1995 that the right to self-determination does indeed have an erga omnes effect. However, that very important decision was overlooked in the preparation of the Interim Accord three months later.
It has been said that the Macedonian case is unique in the United Nations. However, the United Nations archives contain an almost identical case in which a Member State argues for denying an applicant country’s right to membership because of its name. I say “almost identical” because the United Nations ignored the Member State’s request to block the other country’s entry. And all of that happened  after the  precedent we set. I ask the Assembly why the United Nations is unable to do the same in the case of the Republic of Macedonia. Are all States not equally sovereign? Is the United Nations more relevant for some peoples and less relevant for others?
We are once again seeing an unprincipled Athens victorious over a peace-loving Melos, showing that the stronger do what they can and the weaker do what they

must. The Prespa agreement puts us in a situation of fait accompli, in which we are told that we are smaller and weaker and must therefore accept the ultimatum of Athens. Instead of being rewarded for our peace-loving nature, we have been punished for it. It seems to have been forgotten that the United Nations was created by visionaries who wanted an order in which even the smallest and weakest of peoples would be protected, because respecting the rights of small peoples and States is a barometer of the observance of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Aristotle claimed that whoever is not part of the polis is either a beast or a god. What the individual used to be to the ancient cities is, in a way, what the State is to the international community today. Greece is acting as if it is not bound by the rules of the international order. With such an attitude, I wonder in which category Aristotle would classify the cradle of democracy in 2018. If the United Nations is incapable of giving force to a just law, then it only legitimizes improper force. An international order cannot be preserved by violating international law.
For a long time, we were persuaded  that  there was no other way. But through its fruit we recognized the tree. Through the Prespa agreement we have seen that we were misled into searching for a solution that would mean eroding the right to self-determination. How should we undo this complicated knot, this noose around our neck? The unravelling should begin where everything else began, with the violation of the right to self-determination.
The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties states very clearly that every agreement contrary to jus cogens standard is null and void. According to Article 1, paragraph 2, and Article 55 of the United Nations Charter, one of the rights that falls under the jus cogens standard is the right to self-determination. Article 5 of the 1995 Interim Accord specifies negotiations on the right to self-determination, which makes it contrary to the jus cogens standard, which means that the entire 1995 Interim Accord is null and void, as is the Prespa agreement that flows from it.
No one has the right to call into question the decision of a people to choose their names or the name of the country they create, which is a decision derived from the right to self-determination, which has been established as an absolute right of all peoples. Only the right to self-determination, and not its violation, can have an erga omnes effect.
As I am speaking in this Hall, in my country, the Republic of Macedonia, my fellow citizens are counting down the last hours to the holding of a referendum on the Prespa agreement, on which they have been asked to express themselves. In the past few weeks, many high-profile foreign representatives have visited the Republic of Macedonia. I know that many of them sincerely wish to help the Republic of Macedonia become part of the European Union and NATO, and I thank them for their good intentions from the bottom of my heart. However, I am afraid that they too have been misled. Their message is that if the referendum fails and the Prespa agreement is not accepted, we cannot hope for membership in NATO or the European Union. I say to them that if they take away our hope, what will we be left with? They must help us by unblocking the way for the Republic of Macedonia to accede to EU and NATO membership without violating the right to self- determination in the process.
Many of those representatives have  been trying to persuade Macedonian citizens to accept the Greek proposal. I would like to ask them if they  would accept a derogation of the right to self-determination of their own peoples and countries. Would they accept interference in their internal affairs, or any other breach of their sovereignty and political independence? Why then are we being asked to accept something that no one else in the world would? They must stop trying to persuade us to eat this poisoned fruit. It is high time for the poisoned tree to be uprooted and its fruit discarded.
In the last few hours before the silence of the referendum, I therefore want to convey a message to my fellow citizens in the Republic of Macedonia. Voting on a referendum is their right, and it is not an obligation. In accordance with article 7, item 3 of our referendum law, no one shall be held responsible for voting or not voting in a referendum. Every citizen has the right to decide how to act with regard to the referendum, whether by going out and voting or staying at home and boycotting.
Just as the referendum on 8 September 1991  led  to sovereignty and independence, the referendum on
30 September may lead  to  a  state  of  subordination to another country and dependence on it,. If the referendum succeeds, then in accordance with the law not only will the country’s existing name be changed,

a new, semi-sovereign country will be created, with a new name and a new internal and international legal identity. We will be a State only in name and not in substance, because others will have succeeded in regulating our way of life.
However, if the referendum fails, a new possibility arises for discussing and exploring new options for resolving the issue, in accordance with international law and with respect for our fundamental right to self-determination. There will be an opportunity to renew the national consensus that  we  achieved  at  the beginning of our independence. It does not take courage to capitulate. It takes courage to persist in the realization of a country’s right to self-determination and to preserving its sovereignty and independence. It takes courage to tell the truth.
This 30 September will be decisive for our future. And at the same time, for centuries, 30 September has traditionally been the day when we celebrate the faith, hope and love that arise from wisdom. I ask citizens not to lose faith in themselves, because the future of the Republic of Macedonia depends on them. They must not lose their hope and patriotic love for the Republic of Macedonia, because only as a sovereign and independent country can it be a guardian of their freedom and human dignity. As a citizen, I have made my decision. On 30 September, I will not go out to vote. I believe that my fellow citizens will make a  wise decision.
I also want to address the representatives of States Members of the United Nations. This irrational dispute has had detrimental consequences  for  the  Republic of Macedonia and its citizens. Thanks to Greek blockades, we have been denied our right to prosperity. Unfortunately, all of that has had an impact on the sustainability of a multi-ethnic, multireligious and multilingual Macedonian society, a society that has actively contributed to peace, stability and security in the region and in Europe for the past 27 years.
The position of the authorities in Athens is contrary not only to international law and the decisions of Macedonian citizens, but also to the will of the almost 140 Member States  of  the  United  Nations that have recognized the Republic of Macedonia’s fundamental right to self-determination of and to use its constitutional name. As President of the Republic of Macedonia, I urge all States that have already recognized the Republic of Macedonia and established
diplomatic relations under its constitutional name not to change their decision. They must demonstrate their sovereignty by remaining faithful to the principled decisions they have made, without any kind of pressure. They must help us by being the guardians of our right to self-determination, thereby safeguarding their own right to self-determination.
Modern history has shown that the Balkans is a birthplace of precedents. If we are subject to damaging precedents that limit our sovereignty and political independence, it is only a matter of time before such precedents are applied in other States. What does that say about the relevance of the United Nations for all people, about leadership and shared responsibility?
I have always advocated and actively contributed to the building of a true and lasting partnership between the Republic of Macedonia and Greece, as well as friendship and trust between the Macedonian and Greek societies. However, if the only way to accommodate the irrational demands of the Greek side is through measures imposed on the Macedonian side, what we get are relations without trust. The agreement does not bring Macedonians and Greeks together but rather sets them apart.
The Greek and Macedonian societies should learn how to live together despite their deep differences. To reach a real, sustainable and lasting agreement, we need dialogue rather than monologue, arguments rather than ideas imposed by force and mutual respect rather than denial. Only by supporting that just  approach will the United Nations be relevant in our case and demonstrate leadership and shared responsibility. The United Nations can be relevant only if it respects its own principles.
It is possible that even as I speak statements are being written condemning my speech. Most often the first reaction to truth is hatred. Truth uncovers lies, unfulfilled promises and guilty consciences. And there are a lot of guilty consciences involved in the case of Macedonia. However, truth also liberates and enables us to accept guilt, to correct mistakes and heal the wounds from the violation  of  our fundamental right to self-determination and human dignity. The simple truth is that we are Macedonians and our country is the Republic of Macedonia. By respecting this simple truth of our identity, members of this organ respect our human dignity, which is enshrined in the foundations of freedom, justice and peace in the world.