Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
welcomes, Sir, your ascension to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its sixty-fifth session with a great
deal of anticipation. As one of the primary architects of
your own country’s membership in the United Nations,
you have demonstrated your belief in the importance of
this institution and its role in the modern international
context. As you stand on the shoulders of the giants
who have preceded you in this role, we are confident
that you will ably apply your unique set of skills and
experiences to the advancement of our complex
agenda.
 We are also excited by the theme that you have
proposed for your tenure as President of the General
Assembly, namely, reaffirming the central role of the
United Nations in global governance. It is a theme that
resonates loudly with Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, and indeed with many of the small and
marginalized States that form a significant part of the
192 members of the General Assembly.
 We small States have emerged as some of the
most jealous and zealous guardians of the United
Nations Charter. This vigilance is born of principle and
necessity. The Charter is the document that guarantees
our place in the Assembly as the sovereign equals of
every other country of the world. The United Nations
remains the only venue that affords us both a seat and a
voice in global affairs. To Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, the United Nations must be the centre of
global governance because it is our only option for
global governance. There are some States that
fortuitously find themselves in the inner sanctums of
the Security Council — and the Group of Eight (G-8),
and the Group of Twenty (G-20) and the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development. For
them, the centrality of the United Nations may vary
with the political winds or the shifting sands of great
power intrigue. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has
no such luxury. We cannot take our ball and go home,
to play on other fields and interact in other forums. The
United Nations is all we have. Its centrality in global
governance, for us, is therefore an essential and
indisputable truth.
 You assume the leadership of the General
Assembly, Mr. President, at a time when the centrality
of the United Nations role is being challenged as never
before. Various organizations and small groupings of
States, with selective membership and opaque modus
operandi, have coalesced to become global decision-
makers and shapers of our post-Cold War existence.
For our purposes, it is irrelevant whether these
groupings have formed to respond to or to precipitate
the declining effectiveness of the United Nations.
However, the fact is that in the face of global crises of
economy, climate, trade and reform, we have been
tested and we have been found wanting. We face the
real threat of devolving into a mere talk shop, an
amalgam of unwieldy bureaucracies or a toothless
rubber stamp of decisions taken elsewhere. To avoid
such an ignominious fate, we must actively defend our
role and legitimacy as the global centre of international
governance and decision-making. Permit us the
opportunity to offer a few simple suggestions to assist
in achieving this goal.
 First, for the concept of global governance to
have meaning and relevance, we must inject some
measure of consistency and predictability into the rules

9 10-55408

that govern our family. Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines is committed to the international rule of
law and the role of the institutions that advance the
rule of law and adjudicate international disputes.
Governance is ineffective if the rich and powerful
among us can place themselves beyond the ambit of
timely compliance with rules and decisions.
 In that regard, we cite the case of the ongoing
dispute between the United States and Antigua and
Barbuda on the issue of online gaming, which has
already been adjudicated in Antigua and Barbuda’s
favour by the World Trade Organization (WTO). We
urge those two countries — both strong friends of Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines — to quickly arrive at a
just and equitable resolution of this matter. Our region
was the unfortunate, and no doubt unintended, victim
of WTO rulings that have gutted our once-thriving
banana industry and threatened to stall that crucial
engine of our development. The case against banana
tariffs was successfully brought to the WTO by the
United States, which does not grow a single bunch of
bananas. We are confident that our friends will honour
this relatively minor gaming ruling as we have been
compelled to adapt to previous paradigm-shifting
decisions.
 Secondly, the resolutions adopted and decisions
taken by the General Assembly must have some worth
beyond the paper upon which they are printed. In the
dusty archives of our body are hard-fought decisions
and resolutions on Palestine, on human rights and on
the economic crisis. We have made annual near-
unanimous calls for an end to the Cuban embargo.
Then our documents are dutifully filed away to be
ignored by dissenters or resuscitated in future sessions
with, at best, incremental advancement. As long as
General Assembly decisions and resolutions remain a
buffet from which Member States can selectively pick
and choose, our role in governance will continue to be
hamstrung. Member States must take the sovereign
decision to honour the will of the international
community not because they have to but because it is
the right thing to do. If we continue to champion the
decisions with which we agree while disregarding all
others, we are not participating with good faith in the
deliberations of this body and we are doing violence to
the very concept of a community of nations.
 Nor should States manipulate the concept of
consensus to make it a virtual veto on United Nations
action. Consensus must always be a central goal, but
never a barrier, to decisive action by the General
Assembly. Necessary, desirable and urgent action
cannot be sacrificed on the altar of consensus.
Democracy demands that, when consensus cannot be
achieved, the recorded will of the majority should be
respected.
 Thirdly, we must hold every nation to account for
commitments that have been voluntarily taken. Much
has been written and said about donor fatigue, which is
shorthand for the limited attention span of multilateral
and bilateral donors when confronting systemic
development issues. Much less has been said about
commitment fatigue: the developing world’s
exasperation with oft-made but seldom-honoured
commitments. But make no mistake, fatigue has set in,
as we grow increasingly tired of waiting for the 0.7 per
cent of gross national income promised by the
developed world at the International Conference on
Financing for Development in Monterrey in 2002, the
billions pledged at the G-8 Summit in Gleneagles for
the doubling of aid to Africa, the $10 billion in
ironically titled fast-start funding that was to
materialize this year for climate change adaptation and
the $1.1 trillion promised by the G-20 in April 2009.
 To Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, therefore, it
is puzzling how some of our friends and development
partners can suffer from donor fatigue when they have
yet to donate what was originally promised. It is
similarly confounding when, reflective of this
supposed fatigue, donors attach so many conditions
and bureaucratic impediments to unlocking assistance
that it becomes all but inaccessible. Small States like
ours have neither the capacity nor the desire to
establish entire bureaucracies dedicated solely to
navigating the administrative labyrinth of irregular and
unpredictable aid flows. Nor are we interested in the
upkeep of armies of foreign consultants, who seem to
be the primary beneficiaries of some international
development efforts.
 Commitment fatigue morphs into anger when
considered in the context of the Haitian people in the
wake of the indescribably devastating earthquake of
12 January. In March this year the United Nations held
an inspiring donors conference, in which over
$10 billion was pledged for Haiti’s recovery from the
earthquake. Today, six months after that conference,
and eight months beyond the earthquake, a pathetically
miniscule percentage of those pledges has actually
been delivered. While less than 20,000 temporary

10-55408 10

shelters have been built to date, over 1.5 million
Haitians are still living in tents. A few days ago, we
learned that women and children living in tent cities
were killed when heavy rains and winds struck Haiti.
No one can claim that this result was unexpected, as
we in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) have
been sounding alarms for months about the dangers
inherent in the imminent rainy season. To survive a
catastrophic earthquake only to be killed by rain is an
unfathomable tragedy. The entirely avoidable deaths of
those women and children will remain a stain on the
collective conscience of this body and on our
membership. Talk is cheap, even when it is the heady
talk of billions of dollars. Commitments made must be
commitments kept. We must hold to account those who
repeatedly make empty promises.
 Fourthly, we must cede no ground to the creeping
encroachment of non-inclusive, non-transparent and
non-representative groupings. We have no doubt that,
for example, the G-20 has a useful and even essential
role to play in the global economy. There is an
undeniable logic to a small group of the world’s largest
economies, almost all of which are our close friends,
meeting informally to thrash out matters that affect
only their large economies. However, the logic fades
somewhat in the face of a crisis that has spread rapidly
and comprehensively to every corner of the globe.
 That is why Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
noted with concern the G-20 statement from Pittsburgh
a year ago, which proclaimed, “We designated the
G-20 to be the premier forum for our international
economic cooperation”. Our esteemed friend and
brother, President Obama of the United States, repeated
these sentiments from this podium a few days ago
when he stated, “we made the Group of 20 the focal
point for international coordination” ().
 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines was not
included among the “we” who established this role for
the G-20 in Pittsburg. Indeed, we, like 172 other
Member States, were not admitted to the meeting, we
saw no agenda and we read no minutes of the decisions
that were taken. As dedicated champions of the Charter
of the United Nations, we also note that Articles 1 and
55 of that document designate the United Nations as
the forum for international economic cooperation and
solutions.
 Indeed, our caution towards the G-20 can be
found in President Obama’s very endorsement of it. I
shall quote again from his statement of a few days ago.
He said, “because in a world where prosperity is more
diffuse, we must broaden our circle of cooperation to
include emerging economies — economies from every
corner of the globe” (ibid.). We could not agree more.
 In the wake of the worst financial crisis since the
Great Depression, 172 economies should not be locked
out of economic discussions, waiting anxiously on the
doorstep of the G-20 for signals and policy shifts that
affect our continued survival. We in the Caribbean
have been disproportionately and devastatingly
affected by the crisis, which we played no role in
creating. Yet we have been forced to rely on friendly
nations as interlocutors on our behalf. We remain
convinced that the deliberations and past decisions of
the G-20, from its misunderstanding of the precarious
vulnerabilities of small, highly-indebted, middle-
income countries to its draconian outlook on offshore
financial services — would have benefited from our
perspective.
 We therefore call on the United Nations
membership to give meaning to the words of our
Charter and to re-establish our body as a forum for
meaningful solutions and cooperation on economic
matters. We must reinvigorate the work of the
Economic and Social Council. We must renew the
mandate of the ad hoc working group to decisively
follow up on the issues contained in the Outcome of
the Conference on the World Financial and Economic
Crisis and its Impact on Development (see resolution
63/303, annex).
 Good global governance must therefore be
premised on global inclusiveness. This is our fifth
point: no corner of the world should be excluded from
participation in our global family.
 In that regard, we once again highlight the case of
our friends in Taiwan. The United Nations and its
specialized agencies must find ways to ensure the
meaningful participation of the 23 million people of
Taiwan. Just as their economic strength has merited
inclusion in the WTO and the universality of global
health challenges have logically compelled their
participation in the World Health Assembly, so too
should the global reach of climate change merit the
meaningful participation of Taiwan in the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.
The interconnectedness of global air travel, and our
shared safety concerns, similarly mandate the

11 10-55408

participation of Taiwan in the International Civil
Aviation Authority. This is not the case of a tiny
non-governmental organization, to be allowed or
denied meaningful participation on some bureaucratic
whim. This is a legitimate and vibrant expression of
the ancient and noble Chinese culture, with a
population 200 times greater than that of Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines.
 The Government and people of Taiwan have
advanced a reasonable and responsible policy of
engagement to usher in a new era in cross-Strait
relations, and have an enviable record of development
cooperation and assistance around the world. The
international community can and should encourage and
reward this responsible global citizenship with
meaningful participation in the relevant specialized
agencies.
 Similarly, urgent and more inclusive reform in the
membership of the Security Council is the litmus test
of our verbal commitments to governance, reform and
revitalization. There is simply no justification for the
continued exclusion of the entire African continent or
other significant and influential emerging powers from
permanent membership in the Security Council. The
defenders of the status quo may soon find that they are
protecting an increasingly irrelevant and illegitimate
institution.
 However, we feel that the Council is too
important to be allowed to whither into obsolescence.
Reform and expansion of the permanent and
non-permanent membership of the Security Council,
including the provision of dedicated non-permanent
membership for small island developing States, is an
imperative that is long past due.
 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is proud to have
announced its candidacy for a non-permanent seat on
the Security Council for the 2020-2021 term. If
successful, we would be the smallest country ever, by
population, to occupy such a position, and only the
fourth of CARICOM’s 14 United Nations Member
States to assume such a responsibility. Our bid is
premised on the historical exclusion of CARICOM
States and small island developing States from this
critical body, and the value that we believe our
presence and perspective will bring to the Council’s
deliberations.
 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines makes
miniscule monetary and military contributions to the
United Nations. But our contribution to the
maintenance of international peace and security is
measured in our historical aversion to wars, our culture
of tolerance, peace and plurality and the perspective of
a small State that understands that peace is not always
best achieved with millions of dollars or armed
enforcers, but often with dialogue and small but
meaningful peacebuilding actions. Our contribution is
succinctly captured in our national motto, which,
translated from Latin, reads simply “Peace and
Justice”.
 Sixthly, and most important, we must never be
shy to use this institution to operationalize our
commonly held ambitions for a better world and to
tackle the global issues of our day. Too often, we spend
time lowering, rather than rising to meet, the
expectations of a world that is clamouring for our
collective leadership.
 Our continued failures to achieve a binding
solution on climate change mitigation and adaptation is
a case in point. In the months since the painful lessons
of the so-called Copenhagen Accord, devastating
floods in Pakistan and heatwaves and fires in Russia
have shown us once again that no nation is immune
from the reach and impact of climate change. But the
vulnerability of large nations to ruinous hurricanes,
floods and fires does not approach the very unique and
specific existential vulnerabilities of small island
developing States. For, while all States are vulnerable
to natural disasters, only small island developing States
are threatened with being wiped off the map entirely
and ceasing to exist.
 As such, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is not
interested in the lowering of expectations as we head to
Cancún. The need for a binding and meaningful
agreement on climate change cannot be deferred
indefinitely. We view with disgust the transparent
attempts to measure the financial or political cost of
doing what must be done to save our planet. We are
threatening to destroy our own world, as we
shamelessly squabble over dollars and degrees. If we
fail in this endeavour, history will look most
unfavourably on the narrow, short-term interests that
we placed ahead of our own survival.
 In a similar vein, and in the interest of time, Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines echoes and adopts as our
own the proposals enunciated by our CARICOM sister
States for prompt action on the global challenges of

10-55408 12

non-communicable diseases, small arms, narcotics and
transnational crime, the decade-old Doha Development
Round of trade negotiations, international cooperation
in tax matters and concessional assistance and debt
relief for middle-income island States. We cannot allow
narrow ideological agendas to distract us or detract
from the accomplishment of these tasks, upon which
there is broad agreement.
 Finally, a crucial component of the overarching
principle of sovereign equality is that of sovereignty
itself. We believe wholeheartedly that, in the words of
the great Caribbean singer and poet Bob Marley,
“every man has a right to decide his own destiny”. We
therefore reject, with equal fervour, any foreign or
outside interference in the democratic processes of
independent States. This is a principle upon which we
are unyielding. In many of our small countries, it takes
only a few minor mercenaries, or ideologically
misguided or misinformed millionaires, to
fundamentally threaten the fabric of our fragile
democracies. Unfortunately, those interlopers are often
aided and abetted by those unpatriotic opportunists
who see sovereignty as a fungible commodity, to be
bartered and traded to the highest nefarious bidder for
short-term political gain.
 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is populated by
a proud and noble people, with a history of fierce
struggle for freedom and independence. There is a steel
in the psyche of our Caribbean civilization and its
Vincentian component; a steel forged in the fires of
slavery and genocide and beaten on the anvil of
colonialism, exploitation and resistance. Our small size
belies our indomitable spirit. We possess an
independence that undergirds Cuba’s heroic resistance
to an unjust and internationally condemned blockade.
We have a strength that informs the nobility of the
Haitian people’s response to unimaginable tragedy. We
lay claim to a resilience that is etched in our collective
history, and reverberates in the names of our region’s
national heroes, such as Nanny, Garvey, Bussa, Martí,
and Chatoyer, to name but a few. Our democracies can
be neither bought, sold nor intimidated. And our
commitment to the democratic inclusiveness of the
United Nations and the supremacy of its Charter is
similarly unshakeable.
 It is against that backdrop, Mr. President, that you
will find Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to be a
strong ally in your efforts to re-establish the central
role of this body in matters of global governance.


Allow me once again to
extend to you, Sir, our warmest congratulations on
your election as President of General Assembly at its
sixty-fifth session. I would, at the same time, like to
assure you of Zimbabwe’s support and cooperation
during your presidency.
 We are meeting today to reaffirm our
commitment to the United Nations and, in particular, to
its comprehensive agenda for the promotion of peace
and security, sustainable development and human
rights. We are, however, concerned that the world
today continues to witness unbridled acts of
aggression, wars, conflicts, terrorism and rising levels
of poverty. We are also alarmed that powerful States,
which daily preach peace and good governance,
continue to trample with impunity upon the
sovereignty of poor and weak nations. Zimbabwe
yearns for a community of nations that recognizes and
respects the sovereign equality of all nations, big and
small, in accordance with the Charter of the United
Nations. We all have positive roles to play in
promoting peace and development for the benefit of
present and future generations.
 As Members of the United Nations, we have
recognized the pressing need to reform our
Organization to make it better able to carry out its
various mandates. Zimbabwe stands ready to work
closely with you, Sir, as well as with other Member
States, to ensure that the reform process is speeded up
and carried out on the basis of consensus and
democratic participation.
 Most immediately, we must find ways and means
to re-establish and assert the pre-eminent role of the
United Nations in advancing peace and security,
development and the achievement of internationally
agreed goals, particularly the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs). Why are the developed Western
countries, especially those permanent members of the
Security Council with the veto, resisting the
democratization of the United Nations organs,
especially the Security Council? Are they not the ones
who talk glibly about democracy in regard to our
developing countries? Or are they sanctimonious
hypocrites whose actions contradict their sermons to
us?
 As we all know, the General Assembly is the
most representative organ of the United Nations. Its
position as the chief deliberative policymaking organ
of the United Nations should therefore be respected.
We need to move with haste and find common ground
on how to revitalize the Assembly to enable it to fulfil
its mandate as the most important body of the
Organization. Most important, this process of
revitalization must redress the continued encroachment
by the Security Council on issues that fall within the
General Assembly’s purview and competence.
 Our position on the reform of the Security
Council is well known. It is completely unacceptable
that Africa remains the only continent without
permanent representation on the Council. That
historical injustice must be corrected. We therefore
urge Member States, including those that have vested
interests in maintaining the status quo, to give due and
fair consideration to Africa’s legitimate demand for
two permanent seats, with full powers of veto, plus two
additional non-permanent seats. Africa’s plea for
justice cannot continue to be ignored. We all have an

10-54965 8

obligation to make the Council more representative,
more democratic and more accountable.
 Zimbabwe continues to advocate greater equality
in international economic relations and decision-
making structures. We therefore recognize the
centrality of the United Nations in setting the global
development agenda and believe that it is only a more
coherent United Nations system which can better
support the realization of all the internationally agreed
development goals.
 The developing world, particularly Africa,
continues to suffer from the effects of the global
economic and financial crises. It is important to
understand that the critical issues we face today cannot
be addressed effectively when so many countries and
regions are left out of the key decision-making
processes of the institutions of global governance.
 We need to participate in the making of policies
and decisions that affect our very livelihoods. It is for
this reason that we have called, and continue to call,
for the reform of multilateral financial institutions,
including the Bretton Woods institutions.
 It is clear that climate change is now one of the
most pressing global issues of our time. Copenhagen
failed to produce a successor to the Kyoto Protocol, an
outcome that many of us had hoped for. Yet that
Conference was significant in its own way. It
demonstrated the futility of attempts by the rich and
powerful to impose their views and policies on the
poor and weak.
 What we need is not an imposition of solutions
based on self-interest, but a consensus on the reduction
of harmful emissions and a climate-change regime that
balances adaptation and mitigation backed by the
transfer of technology and resources.
 We need to pay special attention to the three
pillars of sustainable development, namely, economic
growth, social development and environmental
protection. In doing so, we should implement the
principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.
It is our hope that when our negotiators meet in
Cancún, Mexico, this December, they will produce an
outcome that addresses the needs of those most
affected by the effects of climate change.
 Global food security continues to be a matter of
great concern, particularly in the light of increased
drought and flooding. We reiterate our call for an
urgent and substantial increase in investment in
agriculture in developing countries. Global efforts to
address the food crisis, the impact of climate change,
and the drive to achieve the MDGs must go hand in
hand.
 It is disappointing that the Doha Development
Round has stalled, despite nine years of negotiations,
mainly due to the intransigence of some countries. The
Doha Round of trade must not be allowed to die but
must, instead, remain focused on development, as was
originally envisaged.
 We also call on the developed world to show
commitment to global food security by increasing trade
and access to their markets. Developing countries need
to break away from the unending cycle of humanitarian
assistance, and this can be achieved if they have
increased access to developed- country markets.
 Zimbabwe strongly condemns the use of
unilateral economic sanctions and other coercive
measures in international relations. Such measures are
completely at cross purposes with the principles of
international cooperation as enshrined in the Charter of
the United Nations. I say this because my country
continues to be a victim of illegal sanctions imposed by
the European Union and the United States without any
reference to the United Nations and with the evil
intention of causing regime change. These illegal
sanctions have caused untold suffering among
Zimbabweans, who alone should be the deciders of
regime change.
 Our Inclusive Government is united against these
illegal sanctions and has made repeated appeals
without success for their immediate and unconditional
removal. The rest of the international community,
including the Southern African Development
Community, the Common Market for Eastern and
Southern Africa and the African Union, has similarly
called for the removal of the sanctions, but these calls
have gone unheeded.
 We urge those who imposed these iniquitous
sanctions to heed the call by the international
community to unconditionally remove them. The
people of Zimbabwe should, like people of every other
sovereign State, be left to freely chart their own
destiny.
 Every year, this body adopts a resolution on
ending the economic, commercial and financial

9 10-54965

embargo imposed by the United States on Cuba. To this
date, those resolutions have gone unheeded by the
United States and the result has been the continued
suffering of the people of Cuba. Zimbabwe joins the
Non-Aligned Movement and other well-meaning
countries which call for the immediate lifting of the
ruinous embargo.
 Zimbabwe has expressed its concerns with regard
to the continued stalemate in the Middle East peace
process. It is unacceptable that, decades on, peace
continues to elude that part of the world. We call upon
all parties involved, particularly Israel, to respect the
relevant resolutions passed by the United Nations. It is
our sincere hope that the current negotiations under
way will be inclusive and eventually lead to the
cherished goal of a sovereign State of Palestine, thus
ending decades of suffering for the Palestinian people.
 Since its inception in February 2009, our
Inclusive Government has fostered an environment of
peace and stability. Several reforms have been
implemented, and the Government has created and
instituted constitutional bodies agreed to in the Global
Political Agreement (GPA). The constitutional outreach
programme is currently under way and upon its
conclusion a new draft constitution will be formulated
as precursor to a referendum next year, hopefully to be
followed by an election.
 Achievements in the economic area include the
revitalization of capacity utilization in industries, the
containment of inflation, improvement of service
delivery in health and education, as well as the
rehabilitation of basic infrastructure such as roads,
water and sanitation facilities. The three parties to our GPA have worked hard to
implement most of the issues that we agreed on. To
maintain the momentum, we need the support of the
region and that of the international community. In this
regard we commend the Southern African
Development Community, the African Union, the Non-
Aligned Movement and indeed like-minded members
of the international community for giving us their
support. We believe that constructive engagement, and
not isolation and punishment, will bring the necessary
impetus to the efforts of our inclusive Government.
Our great country is indeed marching forward in peace
and unity.


On behalf of the
Government and the people of the Republic of
Suriname, I take this opportunity to congratulate
Mr. Joseph Deiss on his election to preside over this
sixty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am
pleased to see Switzerland, one of the newest members
of the Organization, occupying this high office,
especially since his country has a long-standing and
constructive record regarding international neutrality
and respect for international order. I am convinced that
his diplomatic experience, as well as his well-known
in-depth knowledge of current international issues, will
enable him to successfully discharge the important
responsibilities of his office. As one of the Vice-Chairs,
Suriname pledges its full support for his work agenda
for this session.
 I wish to express our appreciation to Mr. Ali
Abdussalam Treki for his unwavering efforts in
steering the Assembly’s work at its sixty-fourth
session.
 I also pay tribute to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Ban Ki-Moon, for his leadership and guidance of
this Organization throughout the past years of crisis
and turbulence.
 It is a great honour for me today to address the
Assembly, as a leader who recently received a mandate
from the Surinamese people to realize sustainable
economic and social development through our own
efforts and with the support of all friendly nations.
 Twenty-seven years ago I had the honour to
address the Assembly. I then stated:
 “by the same token, we are dismayed by the fact
that, in spite of the presence of the Organization
on the international scene for almost four
decades, its lofty goal of creating an international
order based on respect for international law and
the peaceful settlement of disputes seems today to
be as elusive as ever”. (A/38/PV.28)
Today we can conclude that things have not
fundamentally changed.
 The challenge we face is that of striking a proper
balance between full recognition of the sovereignty of
the individual Member States of the United Nations
and the apparent need for global governance regarding
the global issues that endanger the very survival of our
planet and its inhabitants. We are not there yet. It has
become obvious to Suriname that this balance can be
achieved only when participants in the international
arena refrain from using military force and/or
economic coercion. We have even seen States abuse
their own legal system to force their political will on
another nation.
 Restricting ourselves to the Caribbean region, the
Republic of Suriname is deeply concerned about the
persistence of the imposition for almost half a century
of the economic, commercial and financial embargo
imposed against Cuba with the aim of changing
developments of that nation’s political, economic and
social road map. Those coercive measures cause
unnecessary hardship and have severe effects on the
rightful development and well-being of the Cuban
people. Suriname therefore joins Member States which
since 1992 have consistently been calling in vain for
the rejection of the unilaterally imposed embargo
against Cuba. As is the case on the national level, the
international community will prosper only when all
values protected by the rule of law are distributed
equally, notwithstanding the asymmetry that
characterizes international relations.

13 10-55103

 My country finds itself at a crossroads in its
history. The electorate gave its leaders a mission to
create a society in which everyone participates and
everyone shares in what the country has to offer,
meeting their basic material means, and in which
solidarity prevails. The aim is the creation of a just
society in which people can develop themselves to
their highest potential and become international role
models and leaders in areas in which our society
excels. No one will be left behind in this task of
nation-building. My Government pledges not to waste,
but to protect, our national inheritance and assets for
future generations and the world. Moreover, we will
seize every opportunity to generate greater national
wealth.
 We will devote special attention to groups who in
the past have had limited scope for development. In
this regard, I refer to our indigenous peoples and our
countrymen living in tribal communities. Our intention
is to gradually break the cycle of their isolation and
considerably improve their quality of life.
 When we look at the many national challenges
facing us, it is clear that our task will not be easy. In
almost all sectors of the economy and society we have
suffered enormous neglect, and there has been a
decline, stagnation and reversal of national growth. As
a result, today many segments of our society have
become desperate and hopeless. We therefore need a
bold new visionary approach to give our people what
they justly deserve as co-owners of a nation endowed
and blessed with so many riches.
 However, we need to overcome two huge
challenges that since decolonization have haunted and
blighted our national destiny as a people.
 First, we must dismantle any lingering remnants
of the colonial police State which blocks and obstructs
the establishment of a free, democratic, constitutional
State based on the pillars of an independent judiciary, a
Government free of corruption, a legislature that acts
in the interests of the people, and a free and
independent press committed to the honest
dissemination of information.
 Another major challenge that we face is the
transformation of our society from an economy which
is merely a source of profit for foreign interest groups
into one that is based and built on a healthy
interdependence. Suriname needs a new national
economic approach created by Surinamers and for
Surinamers.
 We realize that we are part of the global
community, which as a result of technology is
gradually turning into a global village, fostering
intensive relations in both a negative and a positive
sense. Despite all the resources and knowledge at our
disposal, we are still faced with what seems an
insurmountable challenge: to rid the world of extreme
poverty, to ensure adequate education for our children,
to stem the tide of infectious and other diseases, or to
take responsible decisions on environmental
sustainability. We have to recognize that with today’s
interdependence many challenges transcend national
borders and that the ability of countries, in particular
developing countries, to make progress on many of the
international development goals does not merely
depend on domestic policy choices. An international
enabling environment in this regard is of increased
significance.
 Climate change is a global threat that will affect
developing countries in a most devastating way.
Suriname, with its low-lying coast, belongs to the top
10 countries which will be seriously affected by sea-
level rise. This is ironic, because we are not culpable
for the excessive levels of greenhouse gases in the
atmosphere, but we are about to bear a heavy part of
the brunt.
 According to the United Nations Environment
Programme, global biodiversity loss is high, so high
that 2010 has been declared the International Year of
Biodiversity by the United Nations in order to attract
attention to this global problem. In this respect,
Suriname could serve as an example for the world, as
its laws to save forest and biodiversity date from the
middle of the past century. We are proud to state here
today that Suriname is rightly called the greenest
country on Earth for its 90 per cent forest cover.
 That having been said, it is ironic that a country
such as Suriname, with such a good environmental
track record, is overlooked and that the world’s efforts
are concentrated on countries that are using their
resources unsustainably, thereby sending the wrong
message globally. We believe that we should tackle this
problem head on, starting at home, moving towards our
immediate neighbours and from there to the subregion
of South America and the Caribbean, thus creating a

10-55103 14

substantial force at the world forum dealing with the ill
effects of climate change.
 It seems that the standing forest and the wealth of
Suriname’s biodiversity are being taken for granted by
the global community, as there are no structures in
place to provide incentives to continue on the path of
sustainability. Despite that, we promise that our
choices for development will duly respect a proper
balance between nature and development.
 Various high-level meetings have been organized
to address issues of common concern, such as the fight
against HIV/AIDS, the negative effects of climate
change, arms proliferation, the effects of the global
economic and financial crisis and transnational
organized crime and its associated ills.
 At this time it is necessary to draw special
attention to the issue of non-communicable diseases,
which is of great concern to all of us. The initiative of
Caribbean Community leaders, subsequently endorsed
by the Commonwealth, to organize a high-level
meeting of the General Assembly in 2011 to address
the rising incidence and prevalence of
non-communicable diseases is very important. It
highlights the ever-growing need for the international
community to join forces in addressing this global
barrier to development.
 Although non-communicable diseases are
currently not a part of the indicators for assessing
progress in the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs), they undoubtedly have a
negative impact on those Goals. We can no longer
ignore this emerging health crisis, which
disproportionately impacts the poorest people, pushing
them further into poverty and deprivation. Therefore,
the global development agenda needs to include
measures to address this problem, if we do not wish to
jeopardize the accelerated achievement of the MDGs
by 2015.
 We are aware of poverty and extreme human
suffering resulting from natural disasters. We
empathize with the peoples of Haiti, Pakistan, China,
Chile and all other countries where major weather
patterns have wreaked havoc. Suriname is of the
opinion that all nations should effectively and
adequately contribute to the alleviation of the dire
needs of our fellow citizens of the world. These people
deserve more than expressions of sympathy; they
deserve to see that promises made to them are kept.
 Finally, we want to share our thoughts on the
structural causes of poverty and the resulting ill effects
on societies. My Government believes that education
related to survival skills and production is the only way
to effectively eradicate poverty. Money given to poor
people for the sake of one’s own conscience is an
absolute waste. Accordingly, we ask ourselves whether
we should continue to use the phraseology “fighting
poverty” or should instead start talking about pursuing
wealth. Therefore, the slogan of my country in our
lingua franca is: “Broko a pina, tek yu gudu”, which
means “Break away from poverty, by pursuing wealth”.


Our
goals at the national level are goals we also want to see
achieved in the international community. They are
goals that the international community must tackle as
priorities. They include eradicating indigence and
reducing and eliminating poverty and its root causes, as
well as ensuring a dignified life and favourable
working conditions for all. We also want an
international system that is more democratic and
efficient. We want the issues that I have mentioned to
be resolved through cross-cutting policies. We can
work to promote democracy in every country of the
system, but we are badly off indeed if the law of the
strongest prevails in the overall system.
 Uruguay will always take a moral and ethical
approach to every issue, whether with regard to the
environment, human rights or international security. In
every instance, the ultimate guide is the human person.
We must in the end, therefore, always rely on our
conscience. However, the functioning of the system is
crucial, for that is what generates social, territorial and
gender inequality.
 At the outset, we welcome the election of the
Argentine Republic as Chair of the Group of 77 and
China. Argentina is a brotherly country that shares
common principles and values with us.
 Uruguay, in keeping with its historical path and
traditions, reaffirms its commitment to the principles of
international law. I would like to underscore in
particular our firm support for the peaceful solution of
conflicts; the sovereign equality of States; the
principles of non-intervention and of the self-
determination of peoples; respect for human rights;
international socio-economic cooperation; and
multilateralism. The maximum expression of those
principles is to be found in this Organization.
 I would also like to express our rejection of the
use or the threat of use of force, of terrorism and of all
types of violence, and of the application of coercive
measures in contravention of the Charter of the United
Nations, such as the economic, financial and trade
embargo against Cuba by the United States, which we
firmly reject. That unilateral measure is contrary, not
only to the Charter but also to international law and to
one of the most dearly held principles of my country’s
foreign policy, namely, the peaceful settlements of
disputes.
 Uruguay is party to the principal international
conventions relating to the environment and
sustainable development. Thus, we have reaffirmed our
responsibility for the protection of the environment as
a human right and a fundamental component for
achieving truly sustainable development.
 Uruguay has a long history of defending,
promoting and protecting human rights and
international humanitarian law. Those principles are a
central priority of the State, enshrined in the traditional
pillars of the Republic’s foreign policy, which
constitute the political and institutional foundations of
the country. We welcome the progress made this year
in Kampala, Uganda, which has led to the
strengthening of the regime established under the
Statute of the International Criminal Court. Uruguay is
among the countries that have subscribed to the widest
range of conventions in the area of human rights and
international humanitarian law.
 Uruguay’s long-standing tradition of defending
those principles has allowed us to take a leading role
in, among other areas, the protection and promotion of
the rights of children. We believe it is vitally important
that we continue to focus our efforts to promote the
defence and protection of children and to ensure their
well-being.
 We also reaffirm our full support for the
integration of a gender perspective into all policies and
programmes of the United Nations system. In that
respect, we welcome the adoption of the resolution
(resolution 64/289) on the coherence of the United
Nations system, which, in particular, created the new
United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the
Empowerment of Women. We would also like to
express our satisfaction with the appointment of

10-55396 6

Ms. Michelle Bachelet, former President of Chile, as
Under-Secretary-General for UN Women. We are
confident that her experience will serve as a vital asset
for the new Entity.
 Uruguay has a steadfast commitment to the cause
of peace and our country’s foreign policy bears
testimony to that fact. We have given decisive support
to all measures aimed at the elimination of nuclear
arms and other weapons of mass destruction. We have
also advocated the control and reduction of
conventional weapons. We underscore, once again, the
importance of the swift universal implementation of
these agreements.
 Likewise, and without prejudice to the
reaffirmation of our hope to see a Nuclear Weapons
Convention, we believe that the entry into force of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and a fissile
material cut-off treaty during the present year, would
constitute decisive steps in the consolidation and
deepening of the progress made in the area of
disarmament. We must not stop, because to stop is to
go backwards, and to go backwards is to expose
humanity to the horrendous and unacceptable risk of
nuclear holocaust.
 It is our hope that, in 2012, a conference will be
held, without further delay or conditions, in which all
of the States of the Middle East will participate, with
the aim of establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone,
free of all other weapons of mass destruction as well,
through freely agreed arrangements between the States
of the region, with the full support and commitment of
those States that possess nuclear weapons. Similarly,
Uruguay supports the Secretary-General’s five-point
initiative for a world free of nuclear weapons.
 Uruguay actively participates in the United
Nations multilateral system of peacekeeping and
maintenance of international security, as well as in
efforts to defend human rights and uphold international
humanitarian law through peacekeeping operations,
based on our conviction that these are a solid testimony
to the collective commitment of the international
community as a whole. That commitment on the part of
my country can be seen both on the ground, through
our deployment of more than 2,500 Blue Helmets,
deployed principally in Haiti and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, and in its work on the political
level here at Headquarters.
 We recognize that the Security Council holds the
primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security. But we believe it is
extremely important to promote a closer relationship
between the Council and the General Assembly. The
greater the distance between them, the more difficult it
is for peacekeeping operations to achieve their
objectives and for their complex mandates to be
effectively implemented.
 In this respect, the existing gap between the
complexity of the mandates and the resources available
poses a challenge that we must confront every day. We
are convinced that is of fundamental importance for us
to ensure that adequate consideration is given to the
allocation of the resources needed for the proper
functioning of those operations. The conditions offered
by the system also need to be updated, so that the
United Nations has at its disposal the equipment and
human resources that it needs. That subject affects
developing countries in particular, since it is they
which provide the large majority of the troops and thus
the viability of their participation in missions is at
stake.
 The case of Haiti probably provides one of the
best illustrations of the need for a cross-cutting
political effort to lift a country out of a situation of
crisis and institutional and social stagnation.
 Uruguay has never been indifferent to the
challenges that this brotherly country has had to
confront and continues to confront today. From 2004 to
date, we have deployed more than 10,000 military
personnel to the United Nations Stabilization Mission
in Haiti, who have faithfully carried out the mandate
approved by the Security Council for the stabilization
process in that country.
 In its role as coordinator of the Group of Friends
of Haiti, Uruguay has for some years been advocating
for a mandate that, without neglecting the urgent
security needs, permits at the same time the
establishment of the conditions necessary for
strengthening the productive capacity of the country,
which was seriously affected by the earthquake of
12 January 2010.
 In our view, greater emphasis should be placed on
providing teachers, doctors, engineers, agronomists,
experts in information technologies and volunteer
workers, who could contribute effectively to solving
the problems of the Haitian population. Investing in

7 10-55396

human resources in Haiti is of fundamental importance
for the future development of the country.
 Over the past two years, there has been an open
process of restructuring the peacekeeping system,
which was necessary given the new reality that we are
facing. That process must be viewed as part of a larger
project of reform of the Organization, which, through
various initiatives, seeks to be more effective, to work
in a more coordinated manner and to enjoy greater
legitimacy.
 Uruguay reiterates its adherence to that process
of reform of the United Nations. The process, begun
during the 2005 Summit, which gave rise to the creation
of two new structures within the Organization — the
Human Rights Council and the Peacebuilding
Commission — should be brought to completion
through the consideration of various outstanding
topics, including the reform of the Security Council.
The current international reality is such that that body
needs to be more representative and democratic. We
must therefore take steps to effect its expansion, while
guarding against an extension of the historical
obstacles that run contrary to the principle of the
sovereign equality of States, such as the right of veto.
 A very clear example of Uruguay’s commitment
to the United Nations reform process, which seeks to
establish greater effectiveness and coordination within
the system, is its direct participation in the “Delivering
as One” programme. Three years after the pilot
programme was launched in Uruguay, we have recently
completed the country evaluation and can affirm that
the design, implementation, follow-up and evaluation
of the process have contributed to the national
Government’s efforts to strengthen the coordination
among the various State bodies through a joint
programming exercise, which made possible greater
interaction between agencies, the Government and the
United Nations system.
 Uruguay has formally expressed its aspiration to
occupy a seat as a non-permanent member of the
Security Council for the period 2016-2017. We are the
only candidate country in the region at the present
time. Since its accession to the United Nations as a
founding Member and despite having pursued a foreign
policy inspired by the same purposes, principles and
ideals enshrined in the United Nations Charter,
Uruguay has occupied a seat in the Security Council
only once, which was during the period 1965-1966.
 Presenting one’s candidacy to the body in which
the international community has entrusted the current
global collective security system constitutes the most
demanding test of a State’s foreign policy. In the
present context, which is profoundly marked by
multiple global crises, it is imperative that we work
jointly towards building long-term strategies and
solutions that will lead us to more just and equitable
societies.
 In that regard, the role of the United Nations in
international economic and financial governance is
fundamental in terms of democratizing decision-
making and ensuring equal participation in global
decisions that affect us all and directly impact strategic
planning in the short, medium and long term.
Coordinated, transparent and harmonious decision-
making is essential for achieving tangible results that
improve the living conditions and situation of the
world’s citizens. Our country deems it important to
promote dialogue in order to foster bridge-building
among the various decision-making forums.
 We must be aware that without a healthy natural
environment, all other development efforts will have a
limited effect. In that context, the global phenomenon
of climate change is perhaps the most urgent and
dramatic challenge currently facing humanity. It poses
additional challenges to development and forces us to
urgently consider the need to implement measures to
adapt to and mitigate its adverse effects. Such
measures require changes in production methods and
seriously compromise the distribution of domestic
resources.
 Achieving sustainable development that takes
into account the economic, social and environmental
dimensions is fundamental to ensuring long-term
results and a healthy environment for present and
future generations as well as sustained economic
growth. That goal is also a necessary precondition for
reducing disparities between the developed world and
the developing world, particularly in the quality of life,
income distribution and human development
indicators.
 In closing, Uruguay would like to reaffirm the
imperative necessity of renewed political commitment
aimed at achieving an open and equitable multilateral
trade system based on clear rules that would permit all
countries to benefit from the potential provided by
international trade as the engine of development.

10-55396 8

Hunger eradication, food production and agricultural
trade are closely related and must be strengthened
through a predictable multilateral system that provides
guarantees to producers and ensures food availability
to the most vulnerable sectors. In that context, the
elimination of subsidies and other non-tariff barriers
that hinder access to markets is essential, as is a
successful conclusion of the Doha Round based on a
development perspective.


I congratulate you, Sir, on your election to
preside over the General Assembly at its sixty-fifth
session. We fully endorse your proposal to analyse the
central role of the United Nations in global
governance. The United Nations is the international
forum in which to exchange ideas and adopt measures
that strengthen the pillars upon which our governance
stands.
 Panama’s geography has allowed my country to
serve as a bridge between and meeting point of the
most diverse cultures and civilizations. Thanks to the
discovery of our special privileged position in 1513
and the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914, today
we connect Europe, the Americas and the East. That is
how our story has been written. Five hundred years
later, we are still working for the benefit of the world’s
maritime commerce.
 Our ethnic diversity is a symbol and example of
our national unity. Panama is committed to promoting
economic growth and social justice. We make possible
the peaceful coexistence of all ethnicities and creeds.
We Panamanians love peace, and we manage our canal
with scrupulous careful neutrality. Our foreign policy
is defined by respect, the defence and promotion of
democracy, human rights, and international peace and
international security, all within the framework of the
doctrine of human security.
 Panama has played an active role in favour of the
international community at important United Nations
forums. Among these are the Security Council, the
Commission on Human Rights, the Human Rights
Committee, and the Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women. Our pacifism does not

21 10-54833

imply passivity in the face of situations that affect
international security and the governance of peoples.
Change is in the air all over the globe. People demand
even more of their public servants. Our political and
diplomatic activities are founded on the principles of
international cooperation and the strengthening of
global multilateralism.
 Trafficking in drugs, weapons, human organs and
persons — associated with illegal migration — as well
as money-laundering, banditryism and terrorism are the
work of criminal organizations that seek to destabilize
our democracies. The trafficking and illegal possession
of weapons have a devastating effect on human
security and governance in our countries.
 For Panama and the Central American region,
drugs are our weapons of mass destruction and are a
vital issue. Drug traffickers filter through our land and
sea borders, polluting our young people with their
poison. Additionally, our region is being used by
networks of human traffickers that steer mixed
migratory flows of persons from other continents
through our borders.
 In the face of these challenges, my country and
the other members of the Central American Integration
System have decided to create a regional security
coordination centre. These regional efforts to fight
transnational organized crime, based in my country, are
already yielding encouraging results.
 We understand that it is vital to work jointly to
improve the functioning of international institutions,
for the benefit of humanity. In this regard, I find it a
very positive sign for the region that President Porfirio
Lobo of Honduras is participating fully in this
Assembly. In order to count on a world that is more
stable and secure, we must set aside our differences.
Stability requires us to work together to strengthen
human security, both regionally and globally.
 Globalization has entered a period of
convergence among the diverse various economies; this
will continue for some years. While the previous stage
of globalization lasted some 60 years, we believe that
the one that began in 1990 will conclude its
readjustments by mid-century. It is also necessary to
note that as a result of this process of convergence, we
have suffered during the past two years the effects of a
significant crisis.
 This global crisis demands newer and better
forms of government for our societies. This global
crisis demands the expansion of our markets and better
management of our intergovernmental relations. In this
context, we appreciate the efforts towards developing
the exchange of goods, workers, tourists and
investments across the China Straits, which offer a new
thrust to achieving the full potential of our trade
relations with that region.
 For its part, Panama is also expanding its trade
relations through the negotiation of free trade
agreements with Peru and Colombia. We are also
actively pursuing free trade agreements negotiated with
Canada, and the United States of America and an
association agreement between Central America and
the European Union. Accordingly, I wish to take this
opportunity to ask for the support of all Governments
involved, with a view toward their approval and
ratification of all these treaties.
 We are on the threshold of an era of economic
growth and opportunity in Latin America. Thus, we
renew our commitment to a more just and inclusive
free trade that offers economic opportunities and
prosperity to all our peoples. With change and reform
sweeping the region, we have more than enough
reasons to promote a new age of cooperation and
working together. Together, we can seize this
opportunity and successfully face our common
challenges.
 Panama enjoys very healthy and strong relations
with its main partner, the United States of America — a
partner that is committed to our region’s success. Such
an engaged partner is crucial for the region’s success.
On both trade and security issues, the United States is
and always has been an ally and a willing friend.
 Additionally, we understand that for the
comprehensive development of trade relations and the
strengthening of our economies, more measures are
required to ensure effective tax collection. To this end,
Panama has signed agreements to avoid double
taxation and prevent tax evasion. This is part of a
national strategy that seeks to strengthen transparency
and the competitiveness of our country’s international
services. We have already signed agreements with
Mexico, Barbados and Portugal, and a while ago with
the State of Qatar. We have also concluded negotiations
with Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain, France,
Luxembourg, the Republic of Korea and Singapore.

10-54833 22

 We want to offer the Panamanian experience as
an example to the world. It is an economic story of
reform at home along with strong international trade
and business relations across the region; these have had
excellent results and have proved fruitful.
 The Government of Panama welcomes the
adoption of resolution 65/1, entitled “Keeping the
promise: — united to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals”, and, at the same time, we
reaffirm our commitment to that document.
 In a little less than a year in Government, we
have developed structural reforms and programmes to
meet the needs of our people, focusing particularly on
society’s most vulnerable groups. Among these
programmes, allow me to highlight one that consists of
grants to elderly people who lack retirement funds or
pensions. Additionally, we have established a system of
universal scholarships to support our young people
with a monthly stipend from the first to the twelfth
grades. Whether the student attends a public school or
a private school with modest tuition fees, the State is
reducing the dropout rate and strengthening
relationships among teachers, parents and students.
 Moreover, in December 2009, we decreed the
highest largest minimum wage increase in the past
50 years. We are thus helping workers in the private
and public sectors who were earning very low wages.
Additionally, we established a solidarity fund to assist
Panamanians of limited means in buying their first
home.
 Panama will invest more than $13 billion in
public infrastructure over the next five years. This
effort will include the building of hospitals, the
development of roads, the expansion of Tocumen
International Airport, the building of other airports, and
the establishment of the MetroBus, as well as the
construction of a modern subway system in Panama
City. That first subway line will raise the quality of life
for Panamanian families, who will thus have more time
to share and strengthen family values.
 These projects, together with the expansion of the
Canal and the responsible and sustainable exploitation
of our natural resources, will cost more than $20
billion in the coming years and will generate thousands
of jobs that the country so sorely needs. All of these
public works projects will be developed with the
highest environmental standards and will contribute to
a more dynamic economy for Panama and the region as
a whole.
 The theme chosen for this debate could not be
more appropriate; we concur that the United Nations
has a calling to play a central role in global
governance. To that end, we need to deepen the process
of reforms begun within the Organization. Panama is
committed to making its contribution to this process,
placing its geographical position and its logistics
infrastructure at the service of the Organization.
 In this regard, my Government has two key
projects, namely, the establishment of a United Nations
inter-agency centre for Latin America and the
Caribbean and the creation of a regional logistics
centre for humanitarian assistance, both to be located
in Panama. The first will promote more coherence and
synergy between all regional offices, with greater
efficiency in the use of resources. The second will
improve the regional capacity to respond to natural
disasters and humanitarian crises, and will be the site
of warehouses for the United Nations, and the Red
Cross and Red Crescent.
 We reaffirm our conviction that the United
Nations is the international forum for the exchange of
ideas and for adopting measures that strengthen the
pillars upon which world governance rests. The United
Nations is also a forum of goodwill where nations can
work together on shared goals. In our region that
means jobs, opportunity and security for our peoples. It
also means modernizing economies, reforming the
Government, and ensuring social well-being.
 Panama is a good example of this success. Today,
my country reaffirms its belief in and solidarity with
the United Nations system. I say this unambiguously
and with great certainty. We are fully prepared and
willing to offer all the peoples of the planet the best
possible service and utility and, as a product of that, to
develop our citizens. That is Panama’s mission, and we
will accomplish it.


At the outset,
I would like to join previous speakers in addressing our
sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your election as
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-fifth
session and to assure you of the full support of our
delegation.
 This year, the general debate is being held on the
eve of the sixty-fifth anniversary of the entry into force
of the United Nations Charter, which laid the
foundation of our Organization. For more than six
decades, the United Nations has been tested by
numerous challenges and crises. Today, we can proudly
state that it has proven its relevance, importance and
vision for humankind.
 We extend our appreciation to Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon for his tireless efforts in steering the
work of this global Organization and addressing
critical international issues. We commend his
engagement in convening the High-level Plenary
Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs), during which Member States, including my
own country, assessed the progress achieved and the
numerous challenges we face in implementing the
MDGs.
 The Republic of Moldova is committed to the
accomplishment of the MDGs by 2015. As a member
of the Economic and Social Council, Moldova
presented its comprehensive national voluntary report
on the MDGs during the Council’s annual ministerial
review meeting in July. The inclusion of the MDGs in
our national policies and their effective implementation
are among my Government’s main priorities. I take this
opportunity to express our appreciation to the
organizations of the United Nations system for their
support in reaching the Goals.
 The economic and financial crises that beset the
international community have been exacerbated by
food insufficiency and natural disasters, local and
regional conflicts, terrorism and transborder
criminality. The issues on the agenda of the United
Nations reflect modern realities and challenges. I
would like to bring to the Assembly’s attention a few
areas that are of the utmost importance, namely, human
rights and democracy, welfare and sustainable
development, climate change, peace and security and,
last but not least, the reform of the United Nations.
 Building a state of law lies at the heart of the
overall activities of the Moldovan Government. The
development of legal and institutional frameworks in
the area of human rights and strengthening human
rights protection mechanisms are among our
Government’s main objectives. While our country is
characterized by diversity and multiculturalism and

10-55408 2

intercultural and interreligious dialogue, we reiterate
our commitment to fighting extremism, xenophobia
and other forms of racism and discrimination.
 Our country became a member of the Human
Rights Council for the first time in 2010. Our
membership is in line with Moldova’s irreversible
course towards protecting human rights and
fundamental freedoms. We assumed the commitment to
contribute to the prevention of human rights violations
through our active participation in the Council’s
activities. We will present our first national report
under the Universal Periodic Review mechanism in
2011.
 I would also like to point out that Moldova is a
State party to nearly all multilateral treaties in the field
of human rights within the United Nations system. Last
week, we deposited with the Secretary-General our
ratification document on the Convention on the Rights
of Persons with Disabilities. We will soon become a
full-fledged member of the International Criminal
Court (ICC), following the recent ratification by the
Parliament of the Republic of Moldova of the Rome
Statute of the ICC.
 We express our solidarity with the appeals
articulated in various United Nations forums that more
be invested in the advancement of women. We support
the Secretary-General’s Global Strategy for Women’s
and Children’s Health. Likewise, we are confident that
the new entity, UN Women, will contribute to the
consolidation of international efforts to achieve the
goals of equality and advancement for all women.
 Although the impact of the global economic crisis
has had a negative effect on the economy of the
Republic of Moldova, including on the achievement of
MDG targets, the crisis has also constituted a turning
point in starting new economic reforms, building up
innovative partnerships and mobilizing all national
stakeholders in order to create a sustainable economic
and social system. To that end, the Government has
proceeded to change the country’s development
paradigm to an economy based on investments,
innovations and competitiveness, creating new jobs
and undertaking robust measures in the area of poverty
reduction.
 Those goals will not be achieved unless we create
a healthy and eco-friendly environment while putting
in place a sound infrastructure that protects our wealth
and families from natural disasters. In recent years,
Moldova has confronted considerable natural
calamities, from acute droughts to harsh floods, whose
devastating impact and frequency have increased each
year. The harm caused to the population, agricultural
and food production sectors and the overall economy is
immeasurable.
 On behalf of my Government, I would like to
express our sincere gratitude to our development
partners and to Governments and multilateral
organizations for their prompt response and assistance
in overcoming the consequences of the severe floods
that affected our country last summer. I would also like
to extend our particular gratitude to the United Nations
Office in Moldova for its support in assessing post-
disaster needs. For its part, my country has also
extended a helping hand to others in need, contributing
$100,000 to the people of Haiti.
 We believe that the adoption of a post-Kyoto
treaty is more relevant and vital than ever before. We
have to address the challenge of climate change with a
synergy of national and integrated international
responses. We look forward to a positive outcome to
the forthcoming Conference in Cancún.
 The latest global crises have emphasized the
central role the United Nations is to play in the
mobilization of efforts by the international community
and, more than ever, the need to increase the efficiency
of the Organization. Efforts to strengthen the
multilateral potential of the United Nations should be
pragmatically adapted to the new realities, enhancing
its influence in strict accordance with the United
Nations Charter. The United Nations system therefore
ought to be optimized by strengthening its main and
subsidiary bodies in order to avoid duplication by
different United Nations structures. In addition to
increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of United
Nations activities, that reform will save significant
resources, which can be redirected to priority areas
where the Organization’s support is most needed.
 A major component of the United Nations revival
is the reform of the Security Council. We welcome the
results achieved during the intergovernmental
negotiations and believe that the success of the reform
requires political commitment by all Member States.
We share the view that Council membership should be
expanded in both categories and that one additional
non-permanent seat should be allocated to the Eastern
European Group.

3 10-55408

 The importance of cooperation to enhance
international security, promote disarmament and
non-proliferation and counter international terrorism
has been stressed by many speakers in the Hall. The
terrorist acts occurring in different parts of the world
demonstrate that terrorism continuously threatens
international security, fundamental democratic values
and human rights. The Republic of Moldova condemns
terrorism and extremism in all its forms and expresses
its entire support for the implementation of the United
Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy.
 After many years of deadlock, significant
progress in disarmament and non-proliferation in all its
aspects was made this year. The new United States-
Russia START agreement, the nuclear summit in
Washington and the Review Conference of the Parties
to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons are just a few of the positive examples of
increased cooperation by Member States. We welcome
the entry into force, on 1 August, of the Convention on
Cluster Munitions, to which Moldova made its
contribution, as well as the launch of the negotiations
on an arms trade treaty.
 The participation of the Republic of Moldova in
United Nations peacekeeping operations highlights our
country’s political willingness to contribute to
international peace and stability and to be effectively
engaged in building a strong security architecture
through peacekeeping and peacebuilding activities.
 The enhancement of international cooperation in
the field of conflict settlement, with a view to
preventing future occurrences or escalation of crisis
situations that jeopardize the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of States, is of primary importance for my
country as it confronts the secessionism phenomenon
in its eastern districts.
 The Republic of Moldova continues to face
significant security challenges generated by separatism
in the Transnistrian region of the country. Eighteen
years since the ceasefire agreement was signed,
Moldova remains artificially divided. Because of that,
the whole system of international commitments in the
fields of democratic governance, human rights and
arms control is not functioning in that part of our
national territory. The local population is living in a
situation of a legal vacuum, with no clear future.
Foreign forces are still stationed in Moldova, despite
the lack of consent of the host Government and
previous decisions and commitments regarding their
withdrawal.
 At the same time, it is absolutely obvious that
there are objective considerations in resolving the
Transnistrian problem. The practical steps undertaken
by the Government of Moldova clearly show that the
settlement of the Transnistrian conflict is one of its
central priorities. We consistently advocate in favour of
a policy of dialogue, openness and trust. Our efforts are
concentrated on developing regular contacts between
Chisinau and Tiraspol at the level of political
representatives, as well as in the working groups
created to build confidence in various areas. Our main
goal is to provide much-needed support to the
population and businesses in the region, including
through international projects and programmes.
 International partners in the settlement process
are also showing interest in increased engagement
aimed at the full territorial reintegration of the
Republic of Moldova. That positive trend should be
strengthened. The first step in that direction would be
the earliest possible unconditional resumption of
official negotiations in the “5+2” format. That would
allow us to start working on a formula for a viable and
comprehensive settlement based on the principles of
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic
of Moldova.
 It would also offer us the necessary framework
for the implementation of confidence-building and
reintegration projects, as well as for the transformation
of the current so-called peacekeeping operation into a
multinational civilian mission based on the relevant
international standards and mandate. In that context,
we firmly believe that the summit of the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe to be held at
the end of this year should provide a clear perspective
for the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict and the
withdrawal of foreign forces from Moldova, in line
with commitments undertaken at the previous summit.
 We would like to take this opportunity to reiterate
our principled position that conflict situations,
whenever they appear, seriously impact peace, security
and stability. They must therefore be solved on the
basis of full respect for the independence, sovereignty
and territorial integrity of States.
 We are concerned by attempts, particularly by
non-State entities, to misinterpret and restate the sense
of the International Court of Justice advisory opinion

10-55408 4

on Kosovo. Such attempts run counter to the spirit and
substance of the imperative principles of international
law and endanger the international legal order and
international security and stability. It is therefore of the
utmost importance to make it clear that international
law does not confer the right for ethnic, linguistic or
religious groups to break away from the territory of a
State of which they form part without that State’s
consent.
 Like other Member States, the Republic of
Moldova fully shares the view that unilateral secession
cannot be an acceptable way of resolving conflict
issues. When engaging in settlement efforts, we must
also proceed from recognition of the fact that each and
every case is unique and should not constitute a
precedent for addressing and settling other conflicts of
different factual context.
 The Republic of Moldova is determined to
advance on its path towards European integration,
which is a fundamental priority of our domestic and
foreign policies. The achievement of that goal will
enable our country to embark on a course of stability
and prosperity governed by democratic values and
respect for fundamental human rights, the rule of law
and economic freedom.
 Moldova-European Union relations have
intensified in the past year, given the firm commitment
of our Government to improve ties with the European
Union (EU) and its member States. On 12 January, we
successfully launched negotiations on the Association
Agreement and held three rounds of negotiations,
during which there was a convergence of approaches.
Moreover, we have launched three dialogues with the
European Union, on human rights, visa liberalization
and the creation of a broad and comprehensive free-
trade area. We are confident that the constructive
approach of our cooperation process will contribute to
the advancement of our country on the European track.
We are grateful to EU member States for their strong
support and the firm shoulder they have provided for
Moldova’s ambitious European agenda.
 Furthermore, we consider that since the adoption
of the Lisbon Treaty, new opportunities have emerged
for enhanced European Union cooperation with its
international partners, including the United Nations.
We express our support for the active and efficient
participation of the European Union in the work of
General Assembly.
 In conclusion, I would like to reiterate that the
involvement of the Republic of Moldova in the work of
the United Nations is one of the strategic objectives of
our foreign policy. Our country remains committed to
achieving the objectives of the United Nations Charter,
as set by the founding fathers 65 years ago and
embraced by all Member States.


On behalf of the
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, I wish the new
President of this session of the General Assembly the
greatest success during his term.
 The Bolivarian revolution plans to contribute to
the structure and agenda of the United Nations, which
currently reflect the unjust power relationships that
exist in the world. As it is today, this forum helps to
perpetuate the unjust relations inherited from the
Second World War, relations that become more
exclusive and authoritarian as neoliberal globalization
advances. The President of the Bolivarian Republic of
Venezuela, Hugo Chavez Frías, said on 15 September
2005, in his speech during the general debate at the
sixtieth session of the United Nations General
Assembly that “the United Nations has outgrown its
model. It is not just a question of simple reform. The
twenty-first century requires profound changes that
will be possible only if the Organization is truly
recast.” (A/60/PV.6, p.17)
 There are two poignant examples that illustrate
this unfair and irrational world power architecture. For
the past 19 years, the overwhelming majority of the
countries of the world have come before the General
Assembly to demand an end to the economic and
commercial blockade imposed on the heroic Cuban
people. But what has the Organization done to ensure
that the United States Government abides by the will of
the General Assembly? The answer is well known:
nothing.
 Dozens of resolutions have been adopted by the
Security Council and the General Assembly on the
question of Palestine, but the Israeli military and
political elite refuse to comply. The occupying Power
acts with total impunity and with the complicity of its
main ally. What has the Security Council done to get
the occupying Power to respect the principles of
international law, including international humanitarian
law, and particularly the four Geneva Conventions of
1949? The answer is well known: nothing.
 The rebuilding of the United Nations hinges on
strengthening the General Assembly and its handling of
matters relating to international peace and security.

13 10-55408

Venezuela challenges the fact that a small group of
countries impose their conditions in these areas, while
the opinion of the majority is not taken into account. A
strategy aimed at weakening the General Assembly and
excluding it from the most relevant world decisions is
being implemented in the United Nations, while the
Security Council progressively increases its power and
influence over the United Nations agenda and takes
over topics beyond the purview granted to it by the
Charter of the Organization. The Secretary-General,
according to the Charter of the United Nations, is an
administrative officer of the Organization responsible
for answering to the interests of all Member States, and
not the policies of a few Powers that seek to drive the
global agenda.
 For almost 20 years we have been discussing the
reform of the Security Council and the strengthening of
the General Assembly, yet so far almost nothing has
been achieved. The call from President Chavez to
recast the United Nations remains fully valid. To that
end, Venezuela proposes to eliminate the right of veto
enjoyed by only five Members of the United Nations.
This remnant of the Second World War is incompatible
with the principle of the sovereign equality of States.
Venezuela also proposes an increase in the Security
Council’s membership in both the permanent and
non-permanent categories. Why are developing
countries deprived of the right to participate in that
forum?
 Venezuela therefore urges all States to propose
candidates for the post of Secretary-General, with the
aim of democratizing elections to this senior post. We
believe that resolution 11 (I), adopted on 24 January
1946, regarding the terms of election of the Secretary-
General, in no way restricts the ability of Member
States to discuss and vote in this election. In line with
democratic principles and transparency, Member States
must participate in both the nomination and the
appointment of this senior official. States would
therefore be free to choose among several alternatives.
 Rebuilding the United Nations also requires that
the General Assembly fully exercise its responsibilities
in matters of international peace and security, as
enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
 Climate change negotiations are unfolding in a
complex context that makes it difficult to arrive at
consensus on the majority of topics. Developed
countries reject international commitments that are
fully in force, specifically the Kyoto Protocol. The
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela hopes that, at the
next Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held
in Cancún at the end of this year, a legally binding
agreement is reached that is ambitious and respects the
Convention and the Kyoto Protocol.
 Venezuela is fighting for the creation of a
development model based on a new paradigm that
substitutes the prevailing models of production and
consumption. Developing countries and the most
vulnerable sectors of developed countries suffer the
impact of the economic and financial crises of
capitalism. It is therefore essential and necessary to
consider a transformation of this inhumane model that,
with its new crisis, has generated more hunger, poverty,
unemployment and inequality. The crisis of capitalism
has not ended. Its structural nature reproduces itself ad
infinitum. Privileged groups, the financial economy,
speculators, monopolies and oligopolies and the
Bretton Woods institutions will continue to try to have
the crisis paid for by developing countries and the
world’s poor and most vulnerable. Neoliberal policies,
which are applied as a result of the global crisis of
capitalism, propose the totalitarianism of the financial
markets, deepening the gap between the rich and the
poor within those countries and widening the
inequalities between the North and the South.
 It is also important to underscore that the efforts
of the developed countries in the context of official
development assistance (ODA) have not been
sustained, as large donors have repeatedly not fulfilled
their pledges when it comes to the agreed goal of
allocating 0.7 per cent of their gross domestic product
to ODA.
 Faced with this crisis, developing countries
should strengthen South-South cooperation and create
alternative sovereign mechanisms to avoid the credit
monopoly maintained by the Bretton Woods
institutions. To that end, Venezuela aims to create and
strengthen regional financial institutions such as the
Bank of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our
America — Peoples’ Trade Agreement (ALBA-TCP)
and the Bank of the South. We welcome the initiatives
in that regard that are being undertaken in Africa and
Asia.
 South-South cooperation is a top priority for
Venezuela. In Latin America and the Caribbean there

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are already successful experiences such as that of
Petrocaribe, which fosters supportive cooperation in
the energy sector, and that of ALBA-TCP, which is
producing successful results in overcoming poverty
and inequality. These novel forms of solidarity and
supportive cooperation contribute to the development
of our peoples and to the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals.
 I take great satisfaction in pointing out that,
despite the problematic international economic and
financial environment, the Bolivarian Republic of
Venezuela has met almost all of the Millennium
Development Goals, in particular in the areas of
poverty, health, nutrition, education, child mortality
and sanitation, among others. We would like to
underscore that Venezuela assumed the presidency of
the Latin American and Caribbean Summit on
Integration and Development in February 2010. The
third Summit will be held in our country on 5 July
2011, within the framework of the historic bicentennial
anniversary of our signing of our Declaration of
Independence.
 Venezuela attaches particular importance to the
process of union and integration in Latin America and
the Caribbean. Progress to that end will lead to the full
operation of the Community of Latin American and
Caribbean States, thereby achieving the dream of our
liberators as reflected in the Constitution of the
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. The union of our
peoples — the peoples of the South fighting for
independence, freedom, sovereignty and self-
determination — is a priority of our Simon Bolivar
national project, as enshrined in our first socialist plan
for the period 2007 to 2013.
 In the face of recurrent attempts to erode the
sovereignty of countries and in the face of a savage
capitalist and neoliberal offensive, the Bolivarian
Government calls for the relaunching of the Group of
77 and China and the Non-Aligned Movement so that
developing countries can more forcefully defend the
interests of their peoples.
 We wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity at
the rostrum to express our appreciation for the
compliments sent to President Hugo Chávez Frías by
numerous Governments and social and popular
movements from around the world on the occasion of
the victory in the Venezuelan parliamentary elections
last Sunday, 26 September. That victory is a clear
testament to the majority support of the people for the
humanistic policies promoted by the Bolivarian
Government. This electoral victory will also enable our
Bolivarian Government to strengthen its solidarity with
developing countries.
 Defenders of peace, justice, freedom and
solidarity in the world can continue to rely on the
support of the Bolivarian revolution.


Let me start by
congratulating His Excellency Mr. Joseph Deiss on his
election to the presidency at the sixty-fifth session of
the General Assembly, and assuring him of the fullest
cooperation of the Icelandic delegation.
 When I spoke for the first time from this
distinguished rostrum last year, my country was
ravaged by financial crisis. It left Iceland with a total
collapse of the entire banking system. Our financial
crisis was exacerbated by the worldwide recession, but
I have to tell you, honestly, that to a large extent it was
made in Iceland. It was the product of a system that
embraced the neo-liberalistic view of rampant
capitalism with lax regulations. Economic emergency
laws had to be passed. And we needed the helping hand
of our close family in the North, the Nordic nations,
not least the Faroese, and our friends the Poles, in the
form of currency loans, just to prevent our society from
melting down.
 Now we have swallowed the bitter medicine of
fiscal cuts and radical financial reforms. We have
embarked on close cooperation with the International
Monetary Fund. And Iceland has now applied for
membership of the European Union, on which the
Icelandic people will decide in a referendum in due
course.
 A specially appointed prosecutor is now handling
the cases of bankers who allegedly broke the law, and
this week, parliament in Iceland is debating whether to
prosecute former ministers. So we took firm, decisive
action.
 Well, I can tell you, the medicine worked. Iceland
is pulling through. We are finally on the road to
recovery. We are blessed with ample resources in the
form of fish in the ocean, the fierce power of our
waterfalls and geothermal geysers and a pristine
natural environment that supports a flourishing tourism
sector. Economic growth is, finally, returning to
Iceland.
 I am therefore very happy to inform the Assembly
that, this summer, the International Monetary Fund
declared that, technically, the recession in Iceland is
over. I want to use this opportunity to thank Member
States for their support and their understanding.
 The crisis turned our eyes back to what really
matters in life, the core values of democracy and
human rights. At home, we have taken important steps
to change the Constitution to increase the people’s
power. We are also proud of having legally ensured full
equality for same-sex partnerships, and we strongly
urge other nations to remove all discrimination based
on sexual orientation.
 As the Assembly knows, our foreign policy has
always reflected the high priority we place on gender
equality. This year, we celebrate 95 years since women
first gained the right to vote and 30 years ago since a
woman was first elected President in Iceland. As
members saw for themselves, with their own eyes,
when the Icelandic Prime Minister spoke here this
week, the Icelandic Government is now led by a
woman.
 In New York, we also have cause to celebrate.
Iceland for years has supported a new and consolidated
United Nations gender entity, and, look, today it is a
reality. Well done, United Nations, you deserve a big
pile of thanks for your vision and for your courage. I
can state that Iceland will be a strong supporter of UN
Women, just as we have been through the transitional
phase.
 There is also, I believe, another cause for this
Assembly to celebrate, and that is the fact that next
month we will celebrate the 10-year anniversary of
resolution 1325 (2000). This has been a priority of the
foreign policy of Iceland. Let the nations of the United
Nations come together to celebrate by increasing the
participation of women in peace negotiations.
Empowering women is empowering society.
 But it is exactly with reference to women’s rights
that we have learned with utter sadness about the
decision of Iranian courts to stone to death an Iranian
woman, Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani. President
Ahmadinejad, on behalf of the Icelandic people, I ask
you to spare Ashtiani.
 When we address the looming dangers of climate
change, human rights are also at stake. Climate change
will wreak havoc on the lives of a great number of
people. It will erode what we as an international
community have defined as their basic human rights.
 Let me take three different examples. The small
island nations in the Pacific are threatened by rising
sea levels to such an extent that whole nations might be
forced to leave the land of their forebears — Kiribati,
for instance. The floods in Pakistan caused death to
many and devastation to tens of millions of people. The

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melting of the Arctic ice may prevent my neighbours,
the Inuits, from pursuing their traditional lifestyle
based on hunting on the ice.
 All this is aggravated by the limitless use of fossil
fuels that is literally tipping the delicate balance of
nature. We, the wealthy nations of the world, are
therefore paying for the quality of our good life with
the human rights of others. If we do not take drastic
action, more radical action than what was agreed in
Copenhagen, future generations will see ours as serial
offenders against the human rights of peoples in need.
 At the same time, millions of people lack access
to safe drinking water and sanitation. It is a firm
position of my Government that the right to safe
drinking water and basic sanitation should be
recognized as a human right, essential for the real and
full enjoyment of life and all other human rights.
 In the fight against climate change, Iceland tries
to lead by example. We already meet 80 per cent of our
energy needs through renewables, and that is far higher
than any other nation can claim. We have campaigned
for a new global climate fund with the goal of
financing the transfer of green technologies to
developing countries.
 But we in Iceland also want to contribute in
another way. As the Assembly knows, we have not
been able to stop the volcanoes in Iceland from
erupting with huge clouds of ash, but we have learned
to harness the fierce power of the fire beneath, and put
it to use as geothermal energy. Geothermal by itself, of
course, will not solve all the climate problems, but in
some parts of the world it could make a huge
difference.
 In East Africa, the utilization of geothermal
potential could free the people of several nations from
the bondage of energy poverty. They do, however, lack
the geothermal expertise and the finances for the
infrastructure.
 Iceland, therefore, has formally engaged in
discussions with some of the big nations operating, for
example, in East Africa to form a partnership for a
geothermal drive in countries with unused potential.
Iceland would put up the expertise, the partners the
necessary financing. This initiative could enable some
countries to escape from energy poverty, industrialize
without undue emissions and embark on the road to
prosperity.
 I have spent almost this entire speech of mine
tonight talking about human rights in one form or
another, and human rights cannot be debated without
discussing the plight of the Palestinians and the people
of Gaza. We now have the results of the experts,
mandated by the Human Rights Council, who
concluded that Israel broke international law by
attacking the flotilla bringing humanitarian assistance
to Gaza last spring.
 Iceland has strongly condemned the raid. It drew
a strong reaction from Icelandic society at large. I can
tell the Assembly that the Icelandic nation is deeply
sympathetic to the plight of the Palestinians, held in
occupation by an oppressing Power. As I speak, we
have Icelandic humanitarian workers being held up in
Israel, trying to bring prosthetic feet to people in Gaza
who have lost their limbs, people that urgently need
assistance. This is not acceptable to Iceland. This is not
acceptable to the world. This is inhuman and unjust,
and we urge Israel not to prevent humanitarian
assistance from reaching the needy in Gaza.
 Yesterday, we heard President Obama urge
patience, but we also heard a hidden hope in his words.
Well, we know that sometimes dreams come true.
Sometimes the unexpected happens. Sometimes we
even have miracles. We in Iceland will, of course,
strongly support the resumed direct talks, and let us all
hope and pray for a solution that will allow us, as soon
as possible, to welcome the independent State of
Palestine as the 193rd member of the United Nations
family.
 In the meantime, all of us should use every
possible, sensible way to demonstrate our solidarity
with the people of Palestine. My country, Iceland, was
not afraid to stand up and be counted on behalf of the
people in the Baltic States almost 20 years ago, when
Iceland was the first country to break the ice and
recognize their independence. The same happened with
regard to Croatia, Slovenia and later Montenegro. And
today Iceland is not afraid to stand up for the
Palestinian people either. Every nation has a duty to
defend human rights. Every nation has a duty to speak
up. That is no less true for Palestine, where human
rights are broken — especially in Gaza — every day.