19.	 Mr. President, the high responsibility which has been entrusted to you as President of this Assembly, in acknowledgment of your own merits which fully qualify you for this position, as well as the homage paid to your country, gives us the opportunity to congratulate you as an outstanding representative of Ecuador, a country with which Romania maintains cordial relations of friendship and co-operation. That was vividly brought to the fore on the occasion of the recent presence in Ecuador of the President of the Council of State, Mr. Nicolae Ceausescu, during his visit to several Latin American countries.
20.	I should also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland, who directed with competence and distinction the proceedings of the last session of the General Assembly.
21.	I take this opportunity to express again to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our sincere appreciation for his devotion to the cause of the United Nations, for his activity in the service of the Organization, for his endeavours to strengthen the role of the United Nations in international life. His visit to Romania — an event to which the Romanian Government attached great importance — enabled us to know better and to appreciate highly his preoccupations and efforts.
22.	The present session of the General Assembly meets against the background of a process of detente, cooperation and rapprochement among peoples. That process is the result of the combined effect of a number of factors such as the social revolution which brought about profound changes in society, the technical and scientific revolution, as well as the desire and the determination of all peoples to live in peace, understanding and cooperation.
23.	In the complex world of today, the will of peoples to be masters of their fate and to act as independent nations receives an ever stronger impetus.
24.	Vitally interested in the expansion of international co-operation, the small and medium-sized countries, irrespective of their social and political systems, are carrying on a consistent activity and are determined to make their contribution to directing international life on the road of progress, co-operation and understanding.
25.	A telling example in this respect was the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held recently at Algiers. At this Conference the top representatives of a large number of States playing an important part in international life were assembled. The Conference reviewed the essential issues of man's endeavours for co-operation and peace, and for the establishment in relations between States of the principle of equal rights and mutual respect, national independence and sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, and the right of peoples to decide their own economic and social development for themselves. Present-day developments in Latin America, Europe and other continents speak for themselves.
26.	The rise and progress of the forces that stand for detente, co-operation and peace demand the development of inter-State relations in keeping with the realities
and requirements of the day, and the assertion of a new, democratic spirit in international life.
27.	All this requires that the settlement of the great issues facing mankind should be the outcome of the active, direct contribution of all States, irrespective of their size, potential, level of development or social and economic system. The progress achieved in the way of detente in Europe and other areas of the world proves the significance of the role that all States should play nowadays, the necessity that they be able to voice their will and that the legitimate interests of all peoples be taken into account in the settlement of the vital issues of the contemporary world. In this lies the actual guarantee of the adoption of those solutions which would respond in the highest degree to the will and aspirations of all nations, to the cause of co-operation and peace. It is only thus that such solutions may prove their worth and durability.
28.	As Mr. Nicolae Ceaucescu, the President of the Council of State of the Socialist Republic of Romania, has stated:
"Drawing the right conclusions from the .changes that have taken place and from the new balance of forces throughout the world, it is necessary to secure the participation of all States in the settlement of the important international problems. Life has demonstrated that nowadays no problem can be solved without the participation of all interested nations. Hence the need for the countries that have set out on the road of independent development, the small and medium- sized countries, to act in ever greater unity in order to play an increased role in international life."
29.	A strong influence on international life is exerted for the growth of the political consciousness of peoples and their responsibility for safeguarding peace. The broad masses of the people are nowadays more active than ever. Human solidarity, complex in form and broad and profound in significance, now prevails over force.
. Public opinion has become a factor that everybody should take into account.
30.	A great contribution to those processes has been made by the socialist countries, the working class and the progressive, democratic, anti-imperialist forces all over the world.
31.	As is proved by the latest developments, and particularly by the resumption of military hostilities in" the Middle East, the new trend in international life, which responds to the aspirations of all peoples, does not assert itself spontaneously.
32.	At the same time, one must not ignore the fact that in the world today there are still reactionary forces hostile to co-operation and detente and to the establishment of new principles in the relations between States — forces that conduct a policy of domination of some States by others. The existence of such forces requires continuous vigilance, intensification of the struggle of the broad masses of people everywhere and of all anti-imperialist forces, so that the new reality may grow into a lasting reality in our world.
33.	The United Nations has an important role to play in furthering all progressive trends, in asserting the new course in relations among States and in introducing new principles into international life.
34.	It is in the context of these important shifts and of the changes taking place in the international political arena, and in the light of the role our Organization should play, that I should like to deal with some of the problems of concern to the Romanian people and its Government.
35.	1'he period that has elapsed since the last session of the General Assembly has been characterized by a multiplication of contacts, exchanges of views and negotiations between various large, medium-sized and small States, by a normalization of relations among a great number of States and by the conclusion of important agreements on co-operation in various fields. It is the desire of Romania that these agreements may bring about concrete results in promoting peace, security, cooperation and friendship among all peoples. For its part, Romania, too. has embarked on such activity.
36.	As a socialist country, Romania has expanded and deepened the relations of friendship and multilateral cooperation in the political, economic, technical, scientific and cultural fields with all socialist countries and is acting to strengthen and further promote new kinds of relations among them.
37.	We attach particular importance to the broadening and strengthening of our relations with the countries that have embarked upon the path of independent development, on the basis of the common struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Romania maintains good relations with those States and will also expand them in the future, doing its best to forge links of co-operation that rest upon mutual advantage, and to ensure the general progress of each country and the increased well-being of each people.
38.	Continuing the contacts made in the past few years with a number of States in Africa and Asia, the recent visit of the President of the Council of State, Mr. Nicolae Ceausescu, to six Latin American countries is a telling proof of our State policy of developing and strengthening multilateral co-operation with all these States, and gives a new impetus to the expanding course of bilateral relations. -Following the visit to the Latin American countries, the foundation for lasting co-operation has been laid, and we have come to the conclusion that we should add the new relationships to the age-old traditional relationships that bind our peoples of Latin origin. We realize also the necessity of strengthening our solidarity in the common struggle for economic and social development, in support of independence and sovereignty, for a better and more righteous world, and for friendship and peace among all the peoples of the earth.
39.	Tangible progress has been made also in Romania's relations with the Western European Countries, the United States, Canada, Japan and Australia, which were conducted in the spirit of active peaceful coexistence in the mutual interest of our peoples.
40.	A concrete token of my country's preoccupation with contributing to the process of detente, to the promotion of the new course in international relations and to the establishment of inter-State relations on a new basis is the wide- ranging international activity pursued by the President of the Council of State, Mr. Nicolae Ceaucescu, and the solemn joint documents signed by him on the occasion of the exchange of visits with the highest representatives of over 20 countries in all continents. In those documents the respective parties expressed their common will to base their bilateral relations, and their relations with other countries, on the democratic principles of international law and justice required by the present and future realities of international life, as well as to affirm their commitment to develop and deepen the co-operation between themselves, and with other States, in the interest of peace, understanding, detente, co-operation and friendship among all peoples.
41.	Romania highly appreciates the development of bilateral co-operation, between all States. The wider and closer that co-operation becomes, the more lasting will be the peace and the more difficult its violation. Such cooperation also causes reason to prevail in international relations.
42.	But, as we have already stated, issues of general interest cannot, in our opinion, be solved bilaterally, within a narrow framework, but only by the participation of all States and the taking into account of their individual viewpoints. Any obstacle preventing States from exercising their right of contributing, on an equal footing and in keeping with their own interests, to the settlement of these issues should be eliminated.
43 The United Nations is the universal forum that, under present circumstances, can offer the most suitable framework for the fulfilment of these requirements. In Romania's view, universality does not mean only that the Organization should include all States as its Members, a goal which has been almost achieved; it also implies the submission of international issues to the Organization, their examination and the search for their solutions with the participation of all the countries concerned, as well as the observance of the same rules and principles with respect to all members of the international community, at all times and everywhere. Such universality is a prerequisite for real co-operation, as required by the purposes of the Charter.
44. The firm establishment of relations among all States of the world on a new basis — that is, on full equality of rights — requires the strengthening of international rules of law, the key-stone of which is respect for national independence and sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, mutual advantage, renunciation of the use or threat of force and the right of each people to decide its own fate by itself. Nowadays, those principles acquire ever greater strength and ever wider recognition in the international arena. That is precisely why firm steps should be taken for their implementation so that they may become constant guidelines for the conduct of all States in their mutual relations. Any violation of those principles, any interference in the domestic affairs of another State, should be considered an act against peace and humanity and an assault on the cause of international co-operation.
45.	The United Nations, which has made a noteworthy contribution to the progressive development and codification of international law, could, as a natural development, promote the implementation of the declarations, resolutions and other documents adopted in this field by giving them compulsory force.
46.	The elimination of the use or the threat of force from relations among States necessarily implies the duty of States to settle their differences by peaceful means only.
47.	Adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter in the implementation by the Organization of its main task — that is, the prevention of conflicts — involves full use by States of United Nations machinery and of the peaceful means provided by the Charter for the settlement of international disputes.
48.	The new trend in international life makes it imperative that all vestiges of the system of relations founded on political and economic subjection and discrimination should be wholly and urgently extirpated.
49.	The United Nations, which has made an important contribution to the process of decolonization, must act more vigorously and firmly for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the programme of action adopted at the twenty-fifth session [resolution 2621 (XXV)] as well as the other resolutions concerning the liquidation of colonialism and the policy of racial discrimination and apartheid. It should take effective measures for multilateral and direct assistance to the national liberation movements of colonial peoples.
50.	In full accordance with the sense of history and the general goals of the United Nations, the Romanian Government upholds the necessity of international recognition of the national liberation movements in colonies — including bilateral acts of States — as the only legitimate and authentic representatives of the peoples concerned. They should be granted a status enabling them to be directly represented in the United Nations, the specialized agencies and other international forums in order to defend and promote the rights of their peoples.
51.	Romania extends material, political and diplomatic assistance to the liberation movements in African countries and considers that the conditions exist for the liberation struggle in those countries to be successful in the years immediately ahead. Significant for Romania's stand is the signing on 27 June 1972 of the joint communiqué on the occasion of the visit to our country of the delegation of the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [PAIGC] —  the first international document signed by that party. Amilcar Cabral emphasized its historic importance as an act of recognition of his party in the international arena.
52.	That is why we experience a feeling of sincere satisfaction at the proclamation of the independence of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. Romania has recognized that State, and we take this opportunity to reaffirm our determination to expand and deepen the relations of solidarity and friendship with PAIGC, to lay the foundations of wide co-opeation between the Socialist Republic of Romania and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, and to continue to support on a multilateral basis the righteous struggle for the liberation of the Republic's whole territory, for the independent economic and social development of that country, for the quick elimination of the consequences of colonial domination.
53.	In the year of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights we cannot but reaffirm our profound adherence to one of the Organization's aims — that of promoting and encouraging respect for human rights. The significance and the topicality of protection for human rights is emphasized by the fact of their wide-scale violation. We strongly condemn the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination pursued by the racist minority regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia.
54.	The campaign of repression and persecution of the progressive and democratic forces, the violation of constitutional rights and freedoms and fundamental human rights in Chile give rise to deep concern. We express from this rostrum our solidarity with the progressive forces and the Chilean people, and we are confident that it will succeed in re-establishing the constitutional and democratic order and in imposing its will.
55.	The President of the Council of State of Romania sent messages to you, Mr. President, to the Secretary- General of the United Nations and to the heads of State of many countries of the world calling for their intervention as quickly as possible with the authorities in Chile so that the lives of Luis Corvalan and the other Chilean fighters for progress and democracy may be saved. We are grateful for the widely expressed manifestation of human solidarity aroused by President Ceausescu's message and believe that the General Assembly could adopt a resolution calling upon States, taking account of their obligations under the Charter and in the spirit of humanity and respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms and in keeping with the progress of history, not to resort to repression against persons struggling for progress and democracy, for peace and co-operation among peoples.
56.	It is the Romanian Government's view that the continuation of situations and sources of conflict and tension, of opposing military blocs, of huge arsenals of weapons, is incompatible with the requirements of the democratization of international life, of the elimination of war from relations between States, of securing peace and security in the world.
57.	We are deeply concerned about the outbreak of military hostilities in the Middle East, which inflicts great loss of human lives and material damage, aggravates the tense situation in that area and gives rise to further dangers to general peace and security. The present developments prove that continuation of the occupation by Israel of the Arab territories seized by force Is a source of permanent tension, posing an endless clanger of the resumption of military hostilities.
58.	The seriousness of the situation prevailing at present requires the cessation of the military hostilities forthwith and the restoration of peace in the area. Romania consistently stands for the settlement of the conflict in the Middle East by political means, on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), so as to bring about the withdrawal of the Israeli troops from the occupied Arab territories and the establishment of a fair and just peace which would secure the recognition of the right to sovereign and independent existence of all States in the area; the problem of the Palestinian population should be settled in accordance with its own national interests and aspirations.
59.	It is the Romanian Government's view that all nations throughout the world have the duty and high responsibility to act firmly in suppressing the hotbed of tension in the Middle East and for a quick settlement of the conflict there, in conformity with the supreme interests of the peoples, the principles of international law and the interests of international peace and detente.
60.	World public opinion has welcomed with unanimous satisfaction the cessation of the war in Viet-Nam and the conclusion of the Paris peace agreements, as well as the Agreement on Restoring Peace and Achieving National Concord in Laos. The Romanian Government is of the opinion that everything should be done to put an end to foreign intervention in Viet-Nam and all over Indo-China, so that the Viet-Namese, Laotian and Cambodian peoples, which experienced great hardships because of the war, may devote all their power to reconstruction and to their independent economic and social development.
61.	The political initiative taken by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea made possible the conclusion of agreements that pave the way for the normalization of relations between the North and the South of Korea. The Romanian Government has warmly welcomed the new proposals made by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which provide measures designed to contribute to rapprochement between the North and the South, to prevent the division of Korea, and to ensure the fulfilment of the lawful aspirations of the Korean people to live in a single State set up through the efforts of the whole nation, by peaceful and independent means, with no outside interference. We believe it is the duty of our Organization to take into account such positive developments and to give them its full support. The United Nations should uphold the idea of Korea's national unity, since that unity is a factor of economic, social and political progress, of peace and understanding among peoples. This requires, first of all, the renunciation of institutions which, under the aegis of the United Nations, make possible the continuation of a situation at variance with the interests of the Korean people and prevent that people from deciding upon its own fate in accordance with its own will.
62.	We therefore support the principled stand of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on the creation of favourable conditions for the acceleration of the peaceful and independent reunification of Korea, which is an item on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly [item 41 (b)].
63.	As the representative of a European country, I cannot but take the present opportunity to express the Romanian Government's satisfaction at the positive trends now prevailing on our continent, reflected also in the admission to the United Nations of the two German States, an event which we welcomed a short time ago.
64.	The idea of convening a general Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe — which was launched seven years ago, in the Bucharest Declaration by the socialist countries of Europe, including Romania — gradually gained the adherence and approval of the States and Governments, of public opinion and of the peoples of the continent; following intense "and successful preparation this Conference has become a concrete reality of historic importance for the political life of Europe. A remarkable victory of the European peoples and, indeed, of the peoples all over the world. The general European Conference — whose first stage, at the Foreign Minister level, was completed successfully — provides an appropriate political framework for an approach by the representatives of all participating States, on the basis of the full equality of rights and the sovereignty of all nations, to problems of major importance for the consolidation of detente, understanding and co-operation among the peoples of the continent, in order that lasting security may be guaranteed.
65.	The Romanian delegation to the Conference has been instructed to act consistently for a greater contribution by Romania to the success of the proceedings of the Conference, to obtaining good results in the settlement of the vital problems of the continent, to promoting the trend towards detente, co-operation and peace in Europe and throughout the world.
66.	European security is not an end in itself: it is part and parcel of the general effort of setting up world security, an aim which will also be attained as a necessity; that is why it is not directed against anybody.
67.	We express from this rostrum, too, our satisfaction at the good relations Romania has with all the Balkan countries, and we reiterate Romania's desire to ensure the turning of the Balkans into a zone of good- neighbourliness, co-operation and peace, free of nuclear weapons; of particular importance for the attainment of that end would be the holding of a meeting of the representatives of the Balkan States, in which other interested countries may also take part.
68.	A matter of the greatest importance for the future of human civilization is that of freeing mankind from the burden of armaments and the nightmare of a nuclear war.
69.	The two reports prepared in the last few years by the United Nations, namely Economic and social consequences of the arms race and of military expenditures  and Disarmament and Development,  emphasize the enormous waste of human values and material assets, which amounted in 1971 to $216,000 million, and also the serious danger represented by the arms race for the peace and security of all peoples. At the same time, the talks on disarmament have not achieved results commensurate with the urgency of that question, nor have they met the expectations and hopes of the peoples.
70.	The United Nations, the most representative international forum, has, along with the heads of all States and all political leaders, a great responsibility to the peoples for halting the arms race. The United Nations, in the spirit of its own resolutions, including the one proclaiming the decade 1970-1980 as a Disarmament Decade, should play an effective part in the negotiations on the halting of the arms race and of military expenditure, in the working out of a concrete programme for the reduction of those budgets, starting with the heavily armed countries, and of effective measures for disarmament and, above all, for nuclear disarmament.
71.	It is from this angle that we approach the recent proposal of the Soviet Union [A/9191] as well as other similar proposals on the reduction of military budgets; they confirm the need to consider and take concrete actions towards that end which could be a start to measures for the reduction of military budgets.
72.	It is imperative that a firm beginning should be made in the banning of nuclear arms and all other weapons of mass destruction, in the cessation of their production, the reduction of the existing stockpiles and the elimination of the whole arsenal of nuclear, chemical, bacteriological and other weapons, towards the attainment of the final goal — general disarmament.
73.	In order to continue the intensive negotiations within the United Nations, the Romanian Government supports the idea that the United Nations Disarmament Commission should be reactivated.
74.	The waste of huge human and material resources for military purposes appears even more irrational when related to the economic and social situation of the world, dominated as it is by the dramatic widening of gaps, by the persistence of under-development in wide areas of the earth, which in itself also affects international security. The economic and social purposes of all nations is indivisible and constitutes an acute requirement for the stimulation of the trend towards detente, rapprochement and understanding among States.
75.	Romania itself follows the process of developing and modernizing its national economy The Romanian people make consistent efforts for the building up of a multilaterally developed society through the more effective use of the country's human and material potential for the acceleration of the development and modernization of the productive forces, the improvement of the management and organization of the society, the deepening of democracy and the laying of new premises for raising the standards of life and civilization of the whole people.
76.	Romania, a socialist developing country, stands for the intensification, widening and diversification of international economic, industrial, technical and scientific co-operation, through the system of the United Nations as well, with the aim of accelerating the economic and social progress of all countries and, first of all, of the developing countries.
77.	The Romanian Government conceives of cooperation as an essential means for strengthening international security and securing the economic and social progress of all peoples.
78.	Increased attention will have to be paid to the expansion of co-operation in particularly important fields, such as energy resources, raw materials, environment, outer space, the sea-bed, information systems and electronic computers, so that all nations may be able to benefit from the epoch-making achievements of modern science and technology. It is necessary that the United Nations should undertake concrete measures in favour of developing countries in the fields of transfer of technology, know-how and patents, the training of specialists and the creation of the structures needed for the development, assimilation and application of science and technology at the national level.
79.	The United Nations has a vital role to play in harmonizing assistance activities in support of the efforts of all developing countries to accelerate their economic and social progress, strengthen their economic independence and bridge the gaps existing in the world. That is why the Organization should activate the whole machinery at its service for the total implementation of the projects and measures in the field of development, among which an important place is held by the programmes of technical co-operation of this Organization. It is also absolutely imperative that the resources at the disposal of those programmes, which nowadays represent only an eight hundredth part of the expenditure for military purposes should be substantially increased, particularly by the most developed countries. Those resources should be directed to the implementation of complex projects bound to promote directly the economic growth and social progress of the developing countries.
80.	It is also necessary that international co-operation for social development be expanded. The Organization should permanently focus its attention on the complex problems of the younger generation, and the necessary framework should be created for young people to make an effective contribution to the people's progress towards peace, understanding and well-being, under conditions of greater freedom.
81.	The United Nations is nowadays faced with a great number of complex and complicated problems to which it is called upon to offer solutions.
82.	The strengthening of the role of the United Nations with regard to the maintenance and consolidation of international peace and security, the development of cooperation among all nations and the promotion of the rules of international law in relations between States, is a primary preoccupation of the whole international community. The examination of that problem at the last session on the initiative of Romania and the adoption by consensus of General Assembly resolution 2925 (XXVII) show the urgency and importance of this problem, which should become a constant concern of the Organization. In the view of the Romanian Government, it is an objective necessity that all States act to implement the provisions of that resolution and contribute to the identification of the ways and means likely to permit a strengthening of the role of the United Nations. Of particular importance for the discussion of that item on the agenda [item 25\ are the final document of the Algiers Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries [A/9330 and Corr.l] and the ideas contained in the introduction to the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [A/9001/Add. /].
83.	The strength of the United Nations and its potential for action undoubtedly reside in its capacity to adjust to the realities of the contemporary world. That is why we share the view expressed by the Secretary-General that:
"If the United Nations is to become the organization which the Governments and peoples of the world require and which their problems demand, we have to make a continuous effort to assess the challenge of the radical changes in the world, to make the necessary adjustments and, where needed, to develop new machinery and methods." [Ibid. p.2.]
84.	It is inconceivable that the United Nations should not keep peace with the progress of mankind and should not reflect and support the positive processes in international life.
85.	It is in this spirit that we support the need to secure an increased participation of the small and medium-sized States in all the activities of the United Nations. That means, for instance, giving the plenary body of the Organization, the General Assembly, a role corresponding to its representative character, making a reality of its competence under the Charter to examine and settle the major issues of international life in the interest of all peoples. The United Nations is by no means the only possibility in the struggle for peace, co-operation, progress and understanding among peoples. But we have to acknowledge that it is only in this forum that the great fundamental issues of the world, of international relations, facing all the peoples of the five continents, can be discussed and settled, with the participation of all Member States and of all interested parties.
'86. Experience shows that attempts are sometimes made to avoid the United Nations or that decisions taken here are not implemented. The time has come for us to examine in a responsible manner the activities of this Organization, to strengthen its role in international life, to make the provisions of the Charter a reality. The time has come for all the major problems of today's world to be debated here by all the Member States, and the solutions adopted should represent everybody's contribution and express the will and the interests of all Members of the United Nations.
87. The efforts we are making are aimed at strengthening the role of the United Nations, reinforcing the purposes and principles of the Charter, making fuller use of its resources in order to adapt the Organization to the requirements of the day, bringing it into the process of detente, co-operation and democratization of international life as a fundamental instrument at the disposal of the forces of peace and progress able to repel any manoeuvres of the reactionary and imperialist forces — in brief, to enable the United Nations to fulfil in the world today the mission entrusted to it by the peoples.
88.	Voicing the will and aspirations of the Romanian people, the Government of the Socialist Republic of Romania will make an active contribution, in the future as in the past, to strengthening the capacity of the Organization to fulfil the purposes of the Charter. It is our profound conviction that, by acting in this manner, we shall contribute to the strengthening of peace all over the world and to international security.


164.	The election to the high office of President of this session of the General Assembly of Mr. Benites, the representative of Ecuador, is not only the culmination of his long and distinguished service to the United Nations, but a telling reflection of the esteem in which his country and he are held within the community of nations. It is also a symbolic acknowledgement of the growing voice of Latin America in world affairs. It is most gratifying for me to greet him on behalf of Iran on this auspicious occasion, all the more so as our two countries have just recently agreed to exchange Ambassadors.
165.	I deem it my pleasant duty to pay a warm tribute to his distinguished predecessor, Mr. Trepczynski, who guided the work of the General Assembly last year with courage and distinction.
166.	We reiterate our admiration and support for Secretary-General Waldheim and wish him to know how deeply we appreciate all that he does to advance the purposes of the Charter and thus the interests of peace.
167.	A few days ago, the General Assembly made history by admitting the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic to the membership in the Organization. The significance of this step goes beyond its material value in decisively advancing the goal of universality. This decision has high symbolic value in that it marked the end of an era. The pattern now set may well be followed by countries in a similar position in other regions of the world.
168.	I wish also to welcome to our midst the new State of the Bahamas and express our best wishes for the prosperity and well-being of its people.
169.	Much good work was done last year to reinforce the fabric of peace. I am thinking primarily of the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Viet-Nam. I am also thinking of the New Delhi Agreement of 28 August 1973 between Pakistan and India; of the conclusion of the Treaty on the Principles of Relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic;  of the fruitful summit talks held last June between President Nixon and Mr. Brezhnev; of further signs of flexibility in the respective positions of North and South Korea; of the long awaited Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and of many other events that have added substance to the process of detente.
170.	One can take comfort in the thought that conciliation is now a habit-forming process in our international life. To be sure, there still remains much that mars this process. Peace is not yet in sight in the Middle East, and remains a fragile condition in South-East Asia, in spite of efforts to buttress it. The international community is also plagued by the recurrence of acts of international terrorism by individuals, groups and States alike.
171.	It is against the background of this dichotomy that I wish to turn briefly to some of the issues affecting our
common interests. A while ago I referred to the Agreement of 27 January ending the war in Viet-Nam. The shaky ground on which this Agreement is being preserved is no reflection on its significance as a basis for viable peace in South-East Asia and on the extraordinary amount of good will and negotiating skill that have gone into its making. The magnitude of this achievement should indeed be measured against the background of 28 years of incessant hostilities and the depth of alienation they had caused.
172.	My Government sincerely hopes that those who joined at Paris to end the war in Viet-Nam will continue to co-operate with one another to make the agreement a viable instrument of peace and a vehicle to achieve a peaceful unification of Viet-Nam. The viability of the Agreement, however, can only be preserved through scrupulous adherence , by all sides, to all its provisions.
173.	My Government, having recently established diplomatic relations with the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and being equally friendly with the Republic of South Viet-Nam, will spare no opportunity to contribute to the restoration of peace in Viet-Nam, and in this spirit has agreed to assume responsibility as a member of the International Commission of Control and Supervision.
174.	In a wider context, the end of the war in Viet-Nam has eased the process of detente and its soothing effects have been felt in the improved relations among major Powers. One of the happy products of this process, this year, was the United States-Soviet Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War, signed on the occasion of Mr. Brezhnev's visit to the United States.14 Though essentially a joint policy guideline, the agreement can lead to more comprehensive and binding commitments on nuclear weapons and to a more unequivocal denunciation of the use of force in international relations.
175.	With regard to the question of disarmament, in our view a disarmament programme should be worked out maintaining a constant link between the partial measures and the final goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
176.	In the absence of such a programme and until the goal of general and complete disarmament is achieved, countries cannot fail to look after their defence requirements. But efforts aimed at the realization of the goal of general and complete disarmament must be pursued, and I can say, as far as Iran is concerned, that we have not failed to do our part in a constructive spirit.
177.	In this connexion, there seems to be no reason which could justify a lukewarm attitude towards effective disarmament measures, especially on the questions of cessation of all nuclear-weapon tests and the prohibition of chemical weapons, areas which are designated by the General Assembly as "first" or "high" priority.
178.	Last year marked another failure in attempts to break the deadlock in the Middle East, but the abortive debate at the Security Council reflected a world-wide disenchantment over the retention of Arab lands. We heard the embittered world opinion, voiced by representatives of so many nations, including my own, clearly rejecting the retention of occupied Arab territories by Israel.
179.	Negotiations among the parties can only be undertaken if there is a reasonable guarantee for the withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories and for the realization of all other provisions of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), including a just solution for the problem of Palestinian-Arab refugees.
180.	Iran continues to maintain that that resolution provides the most practicable and viable framework for peace. We sincerely hope that renewed efforts by the Secretary-General will help to form the climate of peace. His recent bid to help break the deadlock in' the Middle East conflict, which took him to the countries directly involved, was as courageous as it was timely. Against the background of six years of frustrated peace-making efforts, no opportunity, no matter how dim its prospects, should be missed without having been fully explored.
181.	Terrorism continues to be a source of concern for the international community. Last year I had the opportunity to express from this rostrum1 s our sense of dismay and abhorrence of acts of violence involving threats to or loss of lives of innocent people. On several occasions since, we have elaborated our position, never failing to call for strong, international action. In doing so, we have, of course, been keenly conscious of the complexities involved in this issue and the fact that radical treatment will have to deal necessarily with the source and not merely the manifestation of the evil. But neither this conviction nor the controversy surrounding this issue has lessened our proclivity for action against terrorism parallel with the study of its underlying causes.
182.	This conviction is reinforced by the thought that not all terrorist outrages are rooted in injustice, and where such casual relationship exists, not ail its. victims can be implicated in the cause of the grievance. If we make Jaws to regulate the behaviour of States in armed conflicts in order to protect civilians and those unconnected with the war, we cannot concede a free hand to individuals and groups, or for that matter to States, to jeopardize the lives of innocents.
183.	In this connexion, a cruel example is aircraft hijacking and other acts of violence directed against civil aviation. Commission of these acts for political purposes has become increasingly counter-productive. We, like many others, cannot refrain from expressing our dismay over the half-hearted reactions to this international plague. If our efforts are to be effective, there should be conceited action by all States, on a world basis, for the prevention as well as the suppression of aircraft hijacking and related offences. In this connexion regional and bilateral arrangements are also of paramount importance; and here I would like to draw the attention of the Assembly to the fact that on 7 August this year, a bilateral agreement on co-operation for the prevention of hijacking aircraft was signed between Iran and the Soviet Union in Moscow.

184.	Iran warmly welcomes the breakthrough achieved on 28 August in negotiations between India and Pakistan which provides for a settlement of a range of issues resulting from the 1971 armed conflict. A victory of reason, the agreement bears a distinct mark of statesmanship displayed by the leaders of all parties directly involved. In voicing our support for this outstanding diplomatic achievement, I wish to express our fervent hope for a quick settlement of the remaining details that will be taken up in the ensuing tripartite talks among Pakistan, India and Bangladesh.
185.	A few days ago, in this hall, we listened to the inspiring address of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of Pakistan [2122nd meeting]. We know that the environment of peace now prevailing in the subcontinent is to no little extent a product of his courage and resourcefulness. We wish him well in his pursuit of peace and in overcoming a multitude of other problems.
186.	Peace in the subcontinent is an essential ingredient of security in our region, and to preserve it we shall continue to seek the friendship and co-operation of all concerned. It is a source of satisfaction for my delegation to note that this spirit is now fully reflected in our relations with India and is reinforced by strong economic and cultural ties.
187.	The principles Iran upholds internationally have enabled us to expand our bonds of friendship and co-operation with countries of diverse social and economic structures and political orientation. With one notable exception, our relations with all our neighbours are close, friendly and productive. Our ties with our great northern neighbour, the Soviet Union, represent a full spectrum of fruitful collaboration. This was further expanded last year through the conclusion of a 15-year economic and technical co-operation treaty, which was signed on the occasion of a State visit to the Soviet. Union by my august Sovereign in October 1972. A visit to Iran last March by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Mr. Kosygin and a return visit by our Prime Minister to the Soviet Union are symbolic of a new vision and hope in the relations of the two countries.
188.	Our relations with Afghanistan are nurtured by deep-rooted ties, a common cultural heritage, good-neighbourly relations and mutual respect and co-operation.
189.	With Turkey and Pakistan we continue to maintain exemplary relations of fraternity.
190.	It is only in respect of our western neighbour, Iraq, that our efforts to normalize relations have not yet succeeded. I do not wish to reopen here old grievances. Iran has repeatedly offered to resolve its problems with Iraq in accordance with the accepted norms of international law and practice of States and with due regard to the principles of equity and mutual rights and tire interests of both parties.
191.	In the Persian Gulf, from which some 5 million barrels of our oil are shipped daily to the world markets, our policy has been one of vigilance and co-operation. We have insisted that the area should remain free from big-Power rivalries and that the preservation of the security of the waterway should be the duty of the littoral States through co-operation among them all. To ensure the free outflow of oil from the Persian Gulf and the stability of its maritime routes, we seek the co-operation of all the littoral States, all of which have much at stake in this enterprise.
192.	To the great continent of Africa we once again pledge our solidarity. We have supported the African cause against colonialism and racism with sustained alacrity at the United Nations and elsewhere. This support will remain a dynamic feature of our policy as we expand our bilateral ties with a growing number of African States. Since early last year Iran has established diplomatic relations with Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Chad, Zaire and Zambia. It is our hope and our expectation that our relations with all the countries of the third world will continue to multiply and bear fruit in the corning years.
193.	The third world is still gripped by the basic problems that have defined its trade relationship with the industrialized nations. Enough has been said of the hazards of a continuation of the present trends in international trade to obviate further exhortations. Here we no longer deal with sacrifices to be expected from one particular group of States to accommodate the needs and the development requirements of another. One of the striking realities of our time is the transformation of our world into an interdependent entity from which there can be no disengagement. This interdependence is particularly discernible on the economic plane. The developed economies, expanded beyond national frontiers, are dependent not only upon shrinking markets abroad but more - and this increasingly so - on the profits accrued from their external investments. The industrialized countries, while having to cope with the problems arising from monetary instability and the trade relationship among themselves, have to meet a growing and better-articulated demand from (he third world for fair play in international trade.
194.	Facts surrounding this issue are complex and carry a built-in warning to all those who care to note it While the world consumption of raw material increases in astronomical proportions, mainly as a result of demand by the industrialized nations, the cash value of these resources, mainly in the hands of less developed nations, cannot and should not remain the same. Moreover, the purchasing power of the exporters of these commodities that is to say, the less developed nations-should not be subjected to fluctuations resulting either from monetary instability or unchecked, inflation in the industrialized world.
195.	My own country's development efforts am provide a good example. Our current development programme would require us to spend in the next five years tens of billions of dollars on imports, against a Fixed foreign exchange income derived mainly from oil and other raw materials. Obviously, we cannot allow our purchasing power to diminish as a result of events in the shaping of which we have no voice or responsibility.
196.	The pursuit of our national goals readied a new climax this year in an agreement, concluded at Teheran on 31 July 1973 with the operating international oil com-


1.	I have the pleasure to congratulate Ambassador Benites on his election to the high post of President of the General Assembly. I am confident that, with his vast experience and tact, he will guide the deliberations of the Assembly with success.
2.	In view of the latest Israeli military aggression on both Egypt and Syria, and the ensuing political and military developments in the Middle East, I shall refrain from reading my original statement, which I request be distributed as an official document of the General Assembly. However, I shall now take the opportunity to address myself to the arena of war in the Middle East.
3.	Since 1948 Israel has adamantly denied the Palestinian people their legitimate rights to return to their homeland. After the war of June 1967 it has been arrogantly following a policy of aggrandizement and outright territorial annexation of Arab lands. Counting on the myth of military superiority, Israel has undertaken a policy of continued military provocation and State terrorism. In the last six years, Israel has bombarded civilian populations in Egypt, Syria, Jordan and Lebanon; it has downed a civilian aircraft and hijacked another one. All this has been done on the pretext of the requirements of Israeli security.
4.	In response to further Israeli provocations and aggression, Egypt and Syria, after having exhausted all means of regaining their lost territory through the Security Council and by other peaceful means, have resorted to liberation of their lands by force — the only language which the Zionists understand. A war of liberation of Arab lands is now under way. The General Assembly whose many resolutions have been flouted by Israel, is in duty bound to support this war of liberation until all Arab lands are liberated and until the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are fully restored.
5. Egypt and Syria are fighting on their own territories against occupation; and the Palestinian resistance movement is struggling to regain the rights of the Palestinian people in their homeland. What people and what State would tolerate alien occupation and outright colonialism? What is the United Nations Charter about if it does not safeguard the rights of peoples to liberation and the rights of States to independence?
In the Security Council the representative of the United States of America asked Egypt and Syria to withdraw from their own territories in order to allow Israel to perpetuate its occupation. When his request was rebuffed by the majority of the members of the Security Council, his Government moved its Sixth Fleet nearer to the arena of conflict, and there are reports that United States military planes and equipment are being hurriedly transported to Israel. This act of United States involvement is directed against all the Arab peoples and is certainly one last piece of proof that the occupation of Arab lands and the usurpation of the national rights of the Palestinian people by Israel are not only condoned by the United States, but are also sustained and encouraged by it. The Arab peoples will prove that, regardless of the time, they can repel the dual American- Israeli aggression.
7.	The latest bombardment- of civilian targets by the Israeli air force in Syria are not only to be condemned, but are also against the principles of international law in armed conflict. The United States which is supplying Israel with long-range bombers, cannot escape condemnation, and the Israeli murderers will certainly pay for the atrocities they are inflicting on civilian populations and targets.
8.	The Government of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen fully supports the struggle of Egypt and Syria to liberate their occupied territories, as well as the struggle co restore the full rights of the Palestinian people.


Mr. President, please permit me to express, on behalf of the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic and on my own behalf, my great pleasure at seeing you elected President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. I assure you, Mr. President, that my delegation will spare no effort to co-operate with you during the term of your presidency.
102.	It is also with pleasure and satisfaction that I welcome, on behalf of the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic, the admission of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, as well as the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, to membership in the United Nations. The admission of the two German States signifies the ending of the painful sufferings to which mankind as a whole, as well as the German people themselves, were subjected when nazism appeared in the arena of world history.
103.	We are convinced that the contribution of these two States to our Organization will be effective and open up new perspectives for international co-operation in building a better future for mankind, characterized by peace and progress. On this occasion I am happy to convey to the General Assembly that my Government has recognized the Government of Guinea-Bissau, which we hope will soon take its place in our Organization.
104.	The explosive situation in the Middle East has imposed upon me the necessity of shortening my statement now before you, which I request be reflected in the General Assembly records. It is my conviction that our responsibilities in preserving international peace require the concentration of our attention on the developments in the Middle East, where a dangerous situation, with all its repercussions on international relations, has been created.
105.	The Israeli persistence in disregard for international will to establish peace and justice in the Middle East, and the Israeli refusal to respect and to abide by General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, is to be blamed for the eruption of hostilities in the Middle East. Israel, by virtue of its technical superiority, and of the material and moral support extended to it by a super-Power represented in the flow of arms and money, is to be held responsible for the premeditated and continued aggression on Arab lands.
106.	Our role should not be confined merely to delivering speeches and statements or adopting resolutions full of compassion for humanity, peace and justice. If we really want to acquire for ourselves the quality of a civilized international community and make sure that we have abandoned the law of the jungle and are willing to live as human beings in this universe, then we are bound to give this
Organization an effective role in stopping aggression and putting an end to injustices inflicted on small nations by
international pirates, by virtue of their might and technological superiority.
107.	Our responsibilities call for a scrupulous implementation of the United Nations resolutions. In this connexion, I refer to those resolutions which condemn the acquisition of territories by force.
108.	If we do not abide by the international norms which we have accepted as embodied in the Charter, if we do not respect the decisions we have adopted, if we resort, as some do, to the murder of international will by a single vote, then we will, certainly, find ourselves in the future confronted with a devastating situation, not only in the Middle East alone but in other parts of the world.
109.	Justice is indivisible, legitimacy is indivisible, and if aggression is given the chance to reap its fruits and achieve victory while we watch as spectators and are satisfied with condemnation, without putting an end to it, then we are allowing the epidemic to spread indefinitely. In order to maintain a genuine and lasting peace in the area, and before trying to suppress the smoke, we should honestly seek to extinguish the source of the fire.
110.	Since its inception the conflict in the Middle East has revolved around one issue: that is, the legitimate right of the people of Palestine to live as a nation in their homeland and not as refugees victims of the aggression by a Member State of the United Nations.
111.	The tragedy of the people of Palestine is the main source of tension and hostility in the Middle East. The
United Nations, which played the role of the midwife in the creation of Israel, is called upon today, more than at any time before, to impose on Israel compliance with United Nations resolutions regarding the right of the Palestinians to self-determination.
112.	The United Nations is in duty bound to see to it that Israel fully respects the territorial integrity of the Arab States and abandons its illegal claims of sovereignty acquired by the force of arms.
113.	The great sacrifices endured by the peoples of Egypt and Syria, who had been denied justice and were forced into this battle to regain their territories, awaken every human conscience which believes in the right of every human being to live in a free and independent society. My delegation takes this opportunity to salute the heroic sacrifices and the determination of the people of Egypt and Syria. It is my duty to declare from this rostrum, on behalf of Yemen, our total support for and solidarity with the people of Egypt and Syria, who are now engaged in a legitimate struggle to liberate their territories occupied by force for so long by Israel. It is my conviction that the freedom-loving and peace-loving nations Will lend their support to the legitimate rights of both Egypt and Syria, in the pursuit of peace based on justice which would put an end to Israeli aggression.


354.	 Mr. President, on behalf of the Government of the Somali Democratic Republic, it is my privilege to join with my fellow representatives in congratulating you on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. We are confident that your wisdom and guidance will greatly contribute to the success of the session, and my delegation pledges to you, Sir, its full co-operation.
355.	My delegation also wishes to express to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, its appreciation of his efficient and skilful handling of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
356.	I wish also to welcome the admission of the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas to the United Nations. The accession of these three States to our
Organization is a clear indication that the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination and the principle of universality of membership in the United Nations are both acquiring an ever greater recognition.
357.	Following the renewed acts of aggression launched by Israel last Saturday against Egypt and Syria, the situation in the Middle East has drastically deteriorated and fully justifies international concern, for such a situation could have tragic consequences for world peace and security, The Somali Democratic Republic unreservedly condemns Israel for its repeated aggression against the Arab States and for breaking once again the already fragile peace in the Middle East. The General Assembly must strongly condemn Israel for this latest provocative act of aggression; otherwise it would be failing in its primary duty. Furthermore, the Assembly must immediately take the initiative of asking Israel to withdraw its forces from all the occupied Arab territories which it seized in 1967 so that an end to the violence of war now in progress could be promptly brought about.
358.	My Government shares the disappointment of the majority of Member States that progress towards a clarification of the issues, and therefore towards a solution of the Middle East problem on the basis of accepted principles of international law, was impeded last July. I refer to the United States veto in the Security Council of a draft resolution that had gained solid support from an overwhelming majority of the Council's membership. In this connexion, my delegation fully endorses the resolution by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of [OAU] at its tenth ordinary session and presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the current Chairman of that organization, General Yakubu Gowon, the President of Nigeria, a few days ago [2141st meeting]. We also applaud the forthright decision of the Republic of Zaire to break off diplomatic relations with Israel, as announced to the world by President Mobutu Sese Seko during his address to the General Assembly on 4 October 1973 [2140th meeting]. It is our strong hope that all those who have a sincere concern for the cause of peace and justice in the Middle East will follow suit.
359.	The task before the United Nations with regard to the Middle East is not the devising of so-called balanced resolutions as though the problem was one of literary composition rather than of political realities. United Nations action must reflect the facts of the situation, which are that Egypt and Jordan have co-operated with United Nations peace initiatives and Israel has adamantly refused to do so.
360.	The consensus of the United Nations membership is that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) is a just and practicable basis for peace. But Israel has refused to accept its main responsibilities under that resolution by stating that it will never withdraw to the pre-June 1967 de facto boundaries and by ignoring the question of the Palestine refugees. On the other hand, Egypt and Jordan have acceded to every requirement of resolution 242 (1967) that concerns them, in response to the United Nations peace initiative undertaken by Ambassador Jarring. They have stated clearly and unequivocally their willingness to terminate all states of belligerency and to acknowledge the
sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, free from threats or acts of force.
361.	Israel calls for negotiations without conditions, but its exceptions to this position are so notable as to make it inoperable. There is the exception of Arab Jerusalem, whose return has been declared non-negotiable and where a I frantic rush is being made to change the Arab composition and character of the Old City; where, too, the sacred trust of the spiritual and aesthetic integrity of three great religions is being betrayed by political expediency and crass materialism. There are the exceptions of Sharm el Sheikh and the paramilitary settlements in the Sinai desert. There are the exceptions on the west bank of the Jordan where more paramilitary settlements and a linking highway are being established as part of a plan for a "security belt" within occupied Arab territory. There is also the significant movement of the Arab population in Gaza and the assertion that the Golan Heights will not be returned to Syria.
362.	If there were any doubts about the true nature of Israel's annexationist and expansionist policies, they should be dispelled by the fact that the dominant Labour Party has put forward as a major platform in its elections campaign the establishment of new Israeli settlements in the occupied territories and a plan for the public and private purchase of Arab land. All these positions and activities contravene the United Nations Charter, numerous United Nations resolutions, and the provisions of relevant international conventions.
363.	In the light of these facts, it is difficult to see how any State can support Israel's position and claim with credibility to support resolution 242 (1967) as well. The efforts of all who seek peace with justice in the Middle East must be directed towards ending Israel's illegal occupation of Arab territory and towards restoring the inalienable rights of the Palestinian refugees. The plight of the Palestinians still remains at the heart of the Middle East problem.
364.	No settlement would be complete or lasting unless this long-standing injustice is ended and the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinians are satisfied. This fact is universally acknowledged in principle and almost universally ignored in practice.
365.	On 24 September last, a new independent State was proclaimed by the Popular National Assembly of Guinea-Bissau. On behalf of the people and Government of my country, I wish to salute from this rostrum the birth of a new sister State in Guinea-Bissau to which my Government has already extended diplomatic recognition.
366.	This jubilant event illustrates in a dramatic way the validity and the effectiveness of the African liberation movements. The success of the long and arduous struggle led by PAIGC provides a symbol of hope for those other peoples still under colonial domination. It is a warning to the colonialist and racist oppressors that they are not invincible and that the spirit of freedom can and will prevail.
367.	The primary task of the new State of Guinea-Bissau is to complete the expulsion of Portuguese forces from the rest of its territory and from Cape Verde. In this task it will need as much diplomatic and material support so that the consolidation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity can be firmly established. All those States which give such support will show their concern for human rights and human dignity, and for the achievement of an important goal of the United Nations — that of self-determination and independence for all peoples. This goal is closely linked to the principle of universality in the United Nations, for only when all subjugated peoples are free to take their places in the family of nations, will true universality have been accomplished. We, therefore, look forward to an early admission of the new State of Guinea-Bissau to the United Nations.
368.	In this connexion, I should like to pay tribute to the memory of all those Guinean patriots who have paid the price of this victory with their own lives and we pay special homage to the memory of the late leader of PAIGC, Amilcar Cabral, who died at the hands of the forces of oppression.
369.	The recent tragic events in Chile, where the legitimate Government of the late President Salvador Allende was overthrown by the most reactionary elements within the armed forces, provide a vivid example of the menace to the developing world of the forces of imperialism represented by multinational corporations. All who believe in the. philosophy and goals of Salvador Allende will condemn the combination of foreign interests that effected his overthrow and will strongly condemn the brutal manner in which his work was interrupted.
370.	At this point, I should like to pay homage to the memory of Salvador Allende Gossens, the late President of Chile, who paid with his life for his loyalty to his ideals and whose tragic and untimely death is a blow to the cause which he pursued with so much dedication, namely, the cause of social justice.
371.	The tragedy in Chile, which fully justifies international concern, provides also another vivid example of how the combined forces of imperialism and reactionary foreign interests can replace those of peaceful revolution for social change.
372.	This subject should be examined by the United Nations because it is becoming all too apparent that these elements can and do use the great political and economic influence they command to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign States.
373.	The United Nations must also be concerned about these events because the reactionary military junta is not only hounding down and executing supporters of the legitimate socialist Government of the late President, but are subjecting foreign nationals and property to their harshly repressive measures. A Member State, Cuba, has already lodged a complaint to the Security Council in this regard. It is to be hoped that the pressure of international opinion will serve to end, for citizens and-non-citizens alike, the reign of terror and the suppression of fundamental human rights in that unfortunate country.
374.	The twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly is taking place against a background of what is considered by many a detente in international relations. My Government cautiously welcomes the easing of tensions in some areas of the world. There is clear evidence that such areas have moved away from a cold-war atmosphere and that peaceful coexistence among the nations concerned is no longer an optimistic slogan. This development can be seen in the bilateral and multilateral agreements between European nations in the last three years and in the meetings which have resulted in the establishment of peaceful and better relations between the United States and the Soviet Union and between the United States Government and the People's Republic of China. There is further evidence of this spirit of detente in the Helsinki Conference, which initiated a period of East-West co-operation in economic, industrial, cultural, scientific and environmental affairs and which set in motion concrete efforts to reduce military tensions.
375.	It is the conviction of my Government that the achievement of the easing of tensions in the parts of the world I have already referred to owes much to the fact that for nearly three decades now the statesmen of the world and representatives of Member States have been acquiring the habit of international co-operation at the United Nations and its agencies.
376.	Everything that happens in world politics is reflected at the United Nations. However, the Organization is not merely a mirror of the world situation — it is a training ground for the acquisition of the habit of international cooperation in political as in other fields.
377.	The achievement of the Organization in instilling the habit of international co-operation is indeed unspectacular but steady and it is of significant importance, for the habit must be learnt if the structure of peace is to be built.
378.	The more obvious successes of the Organization in the economic, social, scientific and humanitarian fields underline the necessity of the existence of an established machinery for global action. Each year sees the expansion of United Nations activity into new and exciting areas of human experience and endeavour such as the protection of the environment and the use of the sea-bed, oceans and space.
379.	It is in this context that my Government would like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General and to the various agencies of the United Nations for their efforts in organizing, over the past year, relief assistance to many countries which were hit by natural disasters.
380.	Following the tragic results of the earthquake in Nicaragua, were the equally tragic famine conditions in parts of India, major floods in Pakistan and the overwhelming tragedy of the drought that has wreaked havoc on the people and economies of several countries in the Sudano-Sahelian zone of west and central Africa.
381.	The Somali Democratic Republic has suffered from occasional droughts and so we can appreciate fully the way such disasters retard national development and shatter
ins which have been formulated on the basis of limited resources. In such circumstances, the developing countries
sometimes require international assistance so that normal conditions can be restored.
382.	My Government was glad to witness the excellent organization that has been established by the Secretary-General to deal with crisis situations in a co-ordinated manner. We will certainly give favourable consideration to the Secretary-General's plan, endorsed by the Economic and Social Council, to devise an over-all international strategy to provide the required co-ordination for medium-and long-term assistance to countries affected by large-scale natural disasters.
383.	It is another positive contribution to the cause of peace that regional co-operation has become as much a part of the world scene as international co-operation. OAU, which celebrated its tenth anniversary this year, is in a very real sense a positive outgrowth of the United Nations, and its existence and effective functioning for the past decade have made it as significant to African peace and progress as the United Nations is to world peace and progress.
384.	Like the United Nations, the OAU is more often criticized for its failures than praised for the steady progress it is making in every area of regional co-operation. My Government believes that the record of the OAU is an impressive one and that it will continue to improve as the benefits of regional co-operation become increasingly apparent.
385.	Another aspect of the agreement of general policy reached by the African Heads of State and Government last May, and one which my Government considers of particular importance, is the unanimous support of African States for the principle of non-alignment. We regard this as a positive force and one that has contributed to the advent of the era of international detente.
386.	The Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Algiers from 5 to 9 September 1973, of 76 non-aligned States demonstrated the fact that the principle of non-alignment has now attracted a clear majority of the Member States of the United Nations, and that the third world is a highly significant factor in international affairs.
387.	My Government supports the consensus of the Conference that it is time for the United Nations to recognize that the third world should be given a greater voice, and that such a change could best be made by abolishing or limiting the veto system of the major Powers.
388.	We also support the insistence of the non-aligned States that principles of international law should be upheld, particularly in the context of the Middle East where Israel refuses to accept the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war. We of course identify ourselves strongly with the concern of the non-aligned States for human rights shown in their decision to give active support to the African liberation movements. We share, too, the aspirations of other peace-loving States in the call for disarmament in general, and nuclear disarmament in particular. One of the results of the non-aligned Conference we consider of immediate practical value is the agreement on presenting a solid third world front in negotiations for establishing
33
equitable arrangements and conditions for trade with the developed countries, and agreement on the principle that developing countries have the right fully to control their natural resources.
389.	The de-escalation of the American military involvement in South-East Asia is, we hope, another step towards world peace. The end of the war in Viet-Nam can be described as the removal of a cancer from the international body politic. Small nations can now hope that ' a heightened sense of international morality will in future protect them against being used as pawns in the game of international power politics. My Government trusts that not only the people of Viet-Nam but also those of Laos and Cambodia, who have suffered illegal, wanton and highly destructive bombing attacks, will now be permanently free from the terrors of a particularly inhuman aggression.
390.	The people of South-East Asia must, like any other people, be left alone to determine for themselves their political future, free from outside pressures and interferences. Their wish for, and indeed their right to, political self-determination must be scrupulously respected.
391.	It is evident that the Cambodian people look to the return of Prince Norodom Sihanouk for the restoration of unity and stability to their country. My Government recognizes the Royal Government of National Union headed by Prince Sihanouk, whom we regard as the legitimate Cambodian Chief of State and who has the support of the majority of the people. We hope that it will soon be possible for him to be in a position to lead his country once again to unity, peace and progress.
392.	A most welcome development is the creation of a coalition Government in Laos. For 20 years the internal divisions of that country were sharpened and unnecessarily prolonged by foreign interference and by the pressure of external events. The present coalition agreement is evidence of the ability and willingness of the Laotian people to work for national reconciliation. My Government hopes that foreign disengagement from Laos will be genuine and complete so that a lasting peace can be achieved in that country.
393.	In the context of the welcome dissipation of cold war tensions, the Government of the Somali Democratic Republic hopes that Member States will agree, at this session of the General Assembly, to end another unfortunate legacy of the past — namely, the continued presence in Korea of what is known as the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea [UNCURK] and of American armed forces under the so-called "United Nations Command".
394.	The internal dialogue which is continuing between the Governments of the North and South has given the Korean question a new climate, a climate in which it is possible for the General Assembly to hold a full and objective debate on this issue. The welcome presence of representatives of the Government of North Korea, who for the first time are attending the General Assembly as observers, will give balance and validity to such a debate.
395.	The task before the General Assembly is clear: ii is to correct the mistakes of the past. It was a mistake, initially, for the world Organization to have given up its role as mediator and to have taken sides in a cold war issue. That mistake is compounded by the continued presence in South Korea of foreign armed forces under the United Nations flag. Their presence is a symbol of threat and hostility, and is one of the main stumbling blocks to the reconciliation and reunification of the Korean people.
396.	As far as UNCURK is concerned, it is obvious that the time is long overdue for the dissolution of a body which has itself declared that it serves no useful purpose, and whose one-sided approach ill befits a United Nations peacekeeping operation.
397.	The realities of today must now be reflected in the establishment of normal conditions in Korea. The question of reunification and other internal questions can be decided only by the Korean people themselves. Now that they have formulated and accepted the principles on the basis of which they intend to proceed towards reunification, it is clear that UNCURK and the so-called "United Nations Command" represent unwarranted interference in the internal affairs of that country. Their presence can only hamper the creation of conditions likely to bring about the peaceful and independent reunification of Korea. If they are allowed to remain, it will mean that the lessons of the tragic wars in South-East Asia have not been learned.
398.	Progress in building the structure of peace has undoubtedly been made in some areas, but the structure remains glaringly incomplete while over 31 million people in southern Africa are still victims of apartheid and of cruel and oppressive colonialism. It would be a great setback to the cause of international security if, in the atmosphere of satisfaction over the allaying of tensions in Europe and South-East Asia, the crimes of apartheid and colonialism in southern Africa were to be overlooked or relegated to an unimportant position on the list of international priorities.
399.	We do not look for new insights or for the making of new judgements about the southern African situation. The international community has long been aware that apartheid, with its elements of genocide, and representing as it does a national commitment to racism and all the injustices that spring from it, is one of the historic crimes against humanity. The international community has long accepted the fact that colonialism, by its very nature, is an exploitative system that easily lends itself to racism and to the withholding of the human rights of peoples under colonial domination.
400.	But just as the character of apartheid and of colonialism remains unchanged so, unfortunately, do the attitudes of those States that are most' able to exercise leadership in the economic, political and social isolation of the minority regimes of southern Africa. They remain as unmoved by recent examples of the brutality of the racist regimes as they have been by the gross injustices of the past decade in South Africa, Namibia, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and the Territories colonized by Portugal. They are apparently also able to rationalize their complacency and indifference with easy consciences.
401.	One might ask why it is that American big business is prepared to demand the emigration of Soviet Jews to Israel as a quid pro quo for trade agreements with the Soviet Union, but finds it impracticable to attempt to put economic pressure on the South African Government with regard to the elimination of apartheid But this is only one example of the indifference of the highly industrialized States of the Western alliance towards the plight of the majority of the people of South Africa. An example of the rationalization of this indifference is given by those who assert that contributing to the expansion of the South African economy will erode apartheid by a natural process. This unrealistic but convenient approach ignores the more fundamental political, social and coercive arrangements which dehumanize non-white South Africans and make them powerless to control their destinies.
402.	It is also asserted that financial assistance and the supply of arms to Portugal are not given for the purpose of supporting its colonial war, although it is obvious that without such support the Portuguese effort to suppress the African struggle for freedom and self-determination could not continue.
403.	The minority regimes have also been making new attempts to cover up and justify the evils of their racist societies. New constitutional arrangements in the African territories still under Portuguese domination or small economic concessions to black workers in South Africa are cited as evidence of the benevolence of these racist regimes. But cover-ups and rationalizations have been completely discredited by recent events. The revelation, on the basis of evidence from unimpeachable sources, that terrible atrocities have been committed against hundreds of innocent villages in Mozambique has received world-wide publicity. In their colonial war against Africans fighting legitimately against colonial domination, the Portuguese have already used napalm, defoliants and herbicides to terrorize the African populations. Now they have resorted to "the systematic genocidal massacre of villages" — to quote a report from Spanish missionaries.
404.	In numerous resolutions, the United Nations has called on Portugal's NATO partners to stop the supply of armaments that enables Portugal to carry on this unjust and cruel war. Will there be as little response to the latest evidence of Portuguese brutality as there has been in the past to the use of internationally proscribed forms of warfare? It seems very likely. There have been protests from people all over the world against the barbarities of the Portuguese army, but the Governments whose generous support makes the Portuguese war of oppression possible, have maintained a deafening silence.
405.	The other event which should shatter any complacency that has developed about the southern African scene is the recent killing of 11 mine workers in the Western deep mine in Carletonville, South Africa. The killing dramatizes a basic fact about South African society which may have been forgotten. As Chief Butelezi expressed it, "a black life is regarded as very cheap in South Africa". That comment is relevant to the shooting of workers protesting against patent economic injustice; it covers the whole enormous economic gap between black and white in South Africa and the system which keeps this
gap a constant of South African society. It covers, most of all, the inhuman, slave-like conditions which are considered suitable for hundreds of thousands of African breadwinners who must live herded together like cattle in compounds and who are denied the rights of normal family life.
406.	In spite of what is common knowledge of conditions in southern Africa, the minority regimes will no doubt continue to receive the arms they need for the suppression of the non-white peoples of southern Africa; the trade and investments they need to shore up their unjust systems; the moral support they need through social and diplomatic intercourse to prove to themselves and to the world that they are not complete outcasts and that their crimes are acceptable in the highest circles of the international community.
407.	This session of the General Assembly will be presented with a draft Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid; and it is important that this convention be established as a norm of international law. But will the convention be observed and enforced by the allies of the minority regimes any more than the arms embargo against South Africa or the sanctions against the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia, or any of the numerous resolutions which reflect the consensus of international opinion about the southern African situation? The outlook is not hopeful.
408.	One may well ask whether it is an exercise in futility for the African Members of the United Nations, for their non-aligned and third world friends and for the many other supporters of the cause of African liberation to come here, year after year, and ask for co-operation, from the Western Powers and Japan, in the international campaign against apartheid and colonialism. The time has come for a more widespread realization of the fact, emphasized in the Mogadishu Declaration of 1971 by the Seventh Summit Conference of East and Central African States and sanctioned by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU in Rabat last year, that the road to freedom for African peoples living under apartheid and colonialism is through armed struggle waged by their own liberation movements and through the help that can be given to those movements by all who have an honest concern for human rights and human liberties. The victory of the heroic people of Guinea-Bissau is the most recent example of that fact.
409.	A most welcome example of practical action in assisting the liberation movements has been given recently by the Scandinavian countries, in particular Norway, whose Government is in favour of giving increased humanitarian and other forms of financial assistance to the peoples of dependent areas who are fighting for their national liberation. Putting the question in its proper perspective, the Norwegian Government has rightly emphasized that such aid is based on the United Nations Charter and on General Assembly and Security Council decisions, and that it must be seen as a normal, internationally accepted duty. That is how aid to the liberation movements has long been viewed by OAU. It is the approach to the southern African problem that has been endorsed by 76 nations of the non-aligned group. It deserves the widest support and emulation.
410.	My Government continues to be concerned about the elimination of the remaining vestiges of colonialism not only in large areas of southern Africa but also in smaller colonial territories such as Spanish Sahara, the Comoro Islands, the Seychelles Islands and French Somaliland. The legitimate aspirations of the people of these territories continue to be kept in restraint by the ruling colonial Powers because of their own military, strategic and economic interests — a state of affairs which is contrary to the Charter and to the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
411.	My Government has, of course, a very special interest in French Somaliland, a neighbouring territory. The question of French Somaliland has been before the decolonization Committee" since 1965 and the status of the Territory remains clearly that of a colonial dependency. Decisions of the Territorial Assembly have to be communicated to the French High Commissioner before being published or implemented and can be annulled at will by the French Minister for Overseas Departments and Territories. In addition, important matters such as control of immigration, law and order, currency and foreign relations, come within the exclusive control of the French Government. Several referendums and elections have been held in French Somaliland within the past 15 years —  supposedly to determine the wishes of the people about their status. But it is notorious that these procedures have not been conducted in a climate free from political and other intimidation. My Government strongly hopes that the question of French Somaliland will continue to be viewed with concern by the United Nations in order to secure for the people of that Territory the free exercise of their right to self-determination, free from the intimidations to which I have just referred.
412.	It is within the context of the frustrations and sufferings of peoples such as the Palestinian refugees and the oppressed peoples of southern Africa that my Government views the question of international terrorism. We are not indifferent to the tragedies which occur when innocent people become the victims of terrorists who use violent methods to dramatize their cause. But our greatest concern must be for violence which unjustly excludes over a million Palestinians from their native land; the violence of racism which brutalizes millions in southern Africa; or the violence that subjects small States to large-scale military aggression by a bigger Power.
413.	Obviously, there is a strong desire on the part of those countries most affected by international terrorism to put into immediate effect measures to combat the problem. But it would be an even greater contribution to the cause of peace and security if the same urgency, which some nations feel about protecting the rights of the few, could be directed towards the removal of the chronic violence which is the condition of life for millions in the Middle East and southern Africa.
414. There is no lack of effective measures or just solutions to the underlying causes of international terrorism and to the underlying causes of those legitimate wars of
"Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
liberation to which the minority regimes of southern Africa would attach the label of terrorism. And so it is pertinent to ask why powerful States which have dragged their feet for the past 26 years on the question of the plight of a million Palestinians and that of 31 million victims of apartheid and colonialism are today anxious to take action which might give an air of legality to the suppression of the cause of freedom in Africa and which would certainly demonstrate to the Palestinian people that there is no equality in the justice that is meted out in the name of the United Nations.
415.	What stand is the world community to take on terrorism when the Government of a Member State —  Israel — itself indulges openly in terrorism, formerly the preserve of the hopeless and the desperate? What credible action can the United Nations take now, when Israel resorts to terrorist raids, brutal murders and the hijacking and shooting down of civilian aircraft — acts which have violated the sovereignty of a peaceful neighbour State, violated the rule of law in international civil aviation and violated the most elementary codes of human and civilized behaviour?
416.	If Governments in the national sphere were to use the methods of those who are driven by whatever "causes to desperate and criminal acts rather than duly prescribed legal processes, there would be national chaos. Similarly, there will be international chaos if Israel's actions are allowed to set a precedent and to go unreprimanded and unpunished.
417.	There must be general recognition of the fact that violence and terrorism engendered by a deep-seated sense of injustice cannot be combated with more terrorism. They can be dealt with only by the restoration of justice and human rights to those who have been deprived of them.
418.	In conclusion, I should like to express a sense of optimism about the future of international co-operation as it applies to political as well as to economic and social goals. Obviously, it would be unrealistic not to recognize the fact that many States, particularly some of the major Powers, do not yet accept all the implications of the Charter and are not yet prepared to put international peace and security above national self-interest. Still, I believe that the time must come when the international ideal will be fully accepted and when the machinery of peace will be fully used. However unsatisfactory the short-term results of our present efforts for peace may seem, in the long run they cannot fail to contribute effectively to the goals we all seek.