I wish to extend our
congratulations to Mr. Jan Kavan on his election to
lead the work of the General Assembly. We are
confident that his leadership will bring greater honour
to the United Nations, to his country and to himself.
We would also like to congratulate his predecessor, Mr.
14

Han Seung-soo, for his excellent work during the
previous session.
We would also like to express our solidarity with
Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his defence of the
will of the many in the face of any event that places
world peace at risk.
We also wish to welcome the Swiss
Confederation and East Timor as they take their places
in the Organization.
On behalf of the people and the Government of
the Dominican Republic, I would like once again to
reiterate the profound faith that the Dominican people
have in the principles on which the universal mission
of the United Nations is based. The ideas and
ambitions that sparked the Second World War brought
humanity close to losing all hope for peaceful co-
existence. Political fanaticism, intransigent nationalism
and all sorts of prejudices cast their shadow over
leaders and over a great part of the world, leading to an
ominous undertaking whose ideological manifestation
greatly endangered the freedom and cultural diversity
of humankind.
Luckily for all, reason prevailed. In order to make
that victory a lasting one, and in order to ensure that
humankind would maintain a steady and clear path
towards peace, the nations who fought for freedom
recognized the need to create a body to watch over the
values that would improve international behaviour.
These were the reasons for both the emergence of the
United Nations and for enshrining in the Charter the
objectives of peace, justice, the rejection of aggression
and the resolution of controversies through peaceful
means and in accordance with international law.
In other words, it was very clearly set out that the
Organization would seek to use every peaceful means
to resolve conflicts between peoples or States. It was
also clearly specified that the use of force to maintain
or restore peace and international security had to be the
result of a unanimous decision of the permanent
members of the Security Council. Over five decades
have passed since the establishment of the
Organization, and the events and changes experienced
by the world in that time have been innumerable.
Many bloody conflicts in the Middle East, Asia
and Africa have challenged the authority of the United
Nations. Many unilateral actions have violated the
Organization's legal system and threatened the balance
of the world. Nevertheless, despite every provocation
and all the instances of non-compliance with the
resolutions of its highest bodies, the Organization has
clearly made its mark by asserting the need to respect
the international norms and laws governing the
behaviour of its members. Peace, and even the survival
of mankind itself, owe a great deal to the achievements
of the United Nations.
Unfortunately, threats to universal peace continue
to cast their shadow over the world today. The date of
11 September 2001 is an alarming example of the
scope and capability of the enemies of peace. We will
never be able to forget the perversity of those actions,
their criminal character or the affront they tried to
inflict upon this great nation. We understand perfectly
well that, in the face of an aggression of this nature, the
spontaneous reaction may be that of claiming
legitimate self-defence. However, we should agree that
such a response has moral limitations and conditions
embodied in the principles that rule the rights of people
and in those that form the bedrock of this Organization.
The Dominican Government has been signing all
resolutions, agreements and conventions against
terrorism. The Dominican Government has supported
Security Council resolution 1373 (2001), which created
the Counter-Terrorism Committee, and is promoting
the work to draft a comprehensive convention against
international terrorism. However, our purpose in
fighting this scourge and our solidarity with the nations
that have been and are its victims must be focused,
beyond any contingency, on the eradication of the
causes that stimulate and provoke the depravation of
the human condition that is expressed in acts of terror.
With regard to the right to confront terrorism
directly, we must be aware that unilateral action
represents a defeat of our capacity to reach agreements.
It is only logical that it is our responsibility to do so
with all the authority that this Organization grants
through its multilateral nature. This is true because the
use of force can be justified only when all means under
the Charter of United Nations available to the General
Assembly and the Security Council to assess the existence
of a real threat to world peace have been exhausted.
In his report of 13 April 1998 concerning the
issue of peace in Africa, the Secretary-General set forth
ideas which must serve as a guide on the Iraqi
situation. Among other ideas, Kofi Annan stated:
15

“For the United Nations there is no higher
goal, no deeper commitment and no greater
ambition than preventing armed conflict. The
prevention of conflict begins and ends with the
promotion of human security and human
development.” (A/52/871, para. 2)
It is obvious that we are not the only ones to think
that, in the face of market globalization processes, cultural
exchanges, technologies and communications, it has
become imperative to resume on the path laid down at
the Millennium Summit in order to correct the imbalances
and to halt the growing total marginalization of large
sectors of the world population. Allow me to quote a
paragraph from the Millennium Declaration as a
reminder of our priorities:
“We believe that the central challenge we
face today is to ensure that globalization becomes
a positive force for all the world's people. For
while globalization offers great opportunities, at
present its benefits are very unevenly shared,
while its costs are unevenly distributed. We
recognize that developing countries and countries
with economies in transition face special
difficulties in responding to this central
challenge.” (resolution 55/2, para. 5)
Moreover, the Millennium Summit prioritized
issues such as poverty, illiteracy, illness, gender
inequality and environmental depletion as causes that
conspire decisively against peace and universal
coexistence. These troubling situations beg the
question: How much have we done at the national and
international levels to eliminate the obstacles that
hinder the growth of the developing countries?
Right from its assumption of power in August
2000, the Government of the Dominican Republic,
headed by agronomist Hipólito Mej'a, has taken a
series of measures aimed at adapting legislation in both
public and private institutions to the demands of the
unavoidable globalization process. With respect to
social reform, the Dominican Government has
launched a programme to reduce poverty and has
increased its support in the fight against illiteracy. The
creation of ministries of women and the environment
are also significant initiatives in view of the lack of
attention from which these sectors of society
traditionally suffered.
We know that other countries have made similar
changes, but the truth of the matter is that, as a whole,
global statistics leave little room for optimism when
compared to those relating to the great majority of
developing countries. Unfortunately, at the global
level, we cannot say that developed countries have
manifested any understanding of or solidarity towards
these issues in positive terms. The opportunities
offered by the developed countries for developing
countries to participate in the globalization process
through cooperation leading to harmonious, gradual
and equitable adaptation leave much to be desired.
Within this sombre picture, the United Nations has
to act decisively in favour of the development of nations
unjustifiably constrained by protectionism and subsidies,
which create barriers that hinder competition on equal
terms and which, consequently, negate free trade.
Year after year, speaker after speaker, we speak in
this solemn Hall about the mandate — also ratified at
the Millennium Summit — to proceed with decisive
reforms in the Security Council and the General
Assembly. However, a sort of indifference or adverse
purport postpones or paralyses the opportunity to
actually undertake such reform. If the universal
conscience is to enjoy genuine representation, the
reform of such bodies is imperative. Thus, this
Organization needs its multilateral role to become the
true expression of the political composition acquired
by the world over the past 57 years.
On behalf of the Dominican Government, we
wish to express our satisfaction for the decision taken
by the Organization of American States regarding
Haiti. Indeed, through its resolution 822 of 4
September 2002, entitled “Support for strengthening
democracy in Haiti”, that regional organization decided
to support the regularization of economic cooperation
between the Haitian Government and international
financial institutions. Following the instructions of the
President of the Dominican Republic, we appeal to the
conscience of the United Nations to proceed in the
same manner and to extend its support in reaching
those nations capable of generous cooperation with our
sister nation.
I wish to take this opportunity to share the most
recent decisions concerning the International Research
and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women,
headquartered in the Dominican Republic, which is one of
the few United Nations bodies located in a developing
country and the only one working on women's research
and training. On 19 December 2001, by resolution
16

56/125, the General Assembly decided to create a
working group with the mandate to make
recommendations on the future work of the Institute. That
working group met eight times in July and August 2002.
The Dominican Republic is confident that this session
of the General Assembly will accept the working
group's recommendations and that the Institute will
soon be able to continue to fulfil its mandate.
In conclusion, I must recall that, at the beginning
of my statement, I reaffirmed the faith of the Dominican
people and Government in the mission of the United
Nations. This Organization is more necessary today than
ever before, at a time when the world is shrinking and
when we increasingly need more than one interlocutor
to which we can turn when faced with issues that could
provoke violence and war. In other words, today more
than ever all nations aspire to having an Organization
that, through its traditional mandate and its universal
scope, can strike a balance among all States for the
benefit of genuine democratic security.


First of all, I wish to
extend to Mr. Jan Kavan congratulations on his election
as President of the fifty-seventh session of the United
Nations General Assembly. I also wish to take this
opportunity to commend his predecessor for his
invaluable contribution to what was achieved at the
fifty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Allow me
also to express our appreciation to our Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the effort he has been
making to ensure that the United Nations becomes a
more effective instrument for tackling the very many
challenges faced by the international community.
My delegation would like to join others in
welcoming the admission of the Swiss Confederation
to the United Nations. It is a country that has, indeed,
contributed so much to the Organization over the years.
Our continent, Africa, and its peoples, continue to
face enormous and daunting challenges. This is not
new. This is something that has been going on for the
last few decades, with the general economic and social
situation in the continent deteriorating even further.
The general trend has been one of an ever-faster
marginalization of Africa. The continent has yet to see
the benefits of globalization. Africa still awaits the
creation of an enabling international economic context
for progress in its efforts to wage war against poverty.
That effort is unlikely to succeed without greater
international cooperation. Many in Africa, including
my own country, Ethiopia, are unlikely to meet the
internationally agreed poverty-related targets and
goals, including those set by the United Nations
Millennium Declaration, without greater readiness on
the part of the international community to contribute
more to Africa's fight against poverty.
The eradication of poverty is not only Africa's
challenge or only that of the developing world. As was
reiterated at the Johannesburg World Summit on
Sustainable Development, poverty is the greatest global
challenge facing the world. The despair and
hopelessness engendered by poverty have implications
for the world in general — not only for the people of
the South but for those of the North, as well.
Many might have felt that the Johannesburg
Summit failed to rise to the occasion and that its
achievement was not commensurate with the gravity of
the challenges faced by the peoples of the world in a
variety of areas, most of all, in areas most relevant to
the eradication of poverty. But there was one thing
which was unambiguously evident at the Johannesburg
Summit. Those from both the North and the South
stressed with one voice that the global apartheid we
currently have is unsustainable. How can one
implement that vision? This is what continues to elude
the international community. It remains the case
despite some progress that has been made, including at
Monterrey.
The eradication of poverty in Africa, and in my
own country, is not primarily the responsibility of the
international community. It is primarily our
responsibility to put our houses in order and to take the
lead in rejuvenating Africa.
That is where in fact today there is a new
development in Africa. Many in Africa are more
prepared than ever before to take charge of their
destiny. There is a new thinking in Africa today and a
realistic resolve to ensure the regeneration of the
continent. I am referring to the New Partnership for
Africa's Development (NEPAD). It is an initiative by
Africa which demonstrates the readiness of the
continent to take charge of its future. It is a concrete
18

commitment by Africa to take the necessary steps in
both the economic and political areas towards creating
enabling conditions for economic and social
transformation. It is a realistic initiative that specifies
and underlines the obligation of African countries in all
areas relevant to the creation of conditions conducive
to economic and social development. Good governance
is one such vital obligation to which the initiative
accords the necessary importance. It is a major step for
Africa and one whose significance should be
underlined. The commitment to democracy and good
governance has major implications for Africa not only
in economic development but also in creating
conditions for nurturing peace and stability.
Nonetheless, NEPAD cannot succeed without the
cooperation of Africa's partners and the international
community. And succeed it must, not only because
NEPAD's success is in the vital interest of Africa but
also because it is in the interest of the world in general.
The logic of globalization makes it obvious that no part
of the globe is immune to the negative influences
emanating from its other, less fortunate parts.
Realistically speaking, we swim or sink together. It
would be unwise to believe that the growing
marginalization and decay of Africa will have no
significant adverse implications for the stability and
viability of the globalizing world. It is this common
interest that we all share which is the basis for our
mutual obligation for the success of NEPAD. I must
state here that we have been encouraged by the
preliminary response to NEPAD by many members of
the international community, including the G-8
countries and others. We are still hopeful that even
greater support and enthusiasm will be demonstrated
by the international community to ensure that NEPAD
will be workable.
Ethiopia subscribes fully to the NEPAD
framework. We are indeed at present in the process of
implementing the principles and ideas promoted by the
initiative. We will continue to be committed to carrying
out our obligations for good governance, for creating
enabling conditions for economic development and for
eradicating poverty.
All the efforts we are making to ensure success in
the fight against poverty are bound to fail without
peace and durable stability. Here as well, Africa,
including our subregion, the Horn of Africa, requires
the effective support of the international community.
What we need is enlightened support which is
transparent and targeted at ensuring durable peace and
stability. What we require is support not compromised
by tactical considerations which are short-sighted and
likely to aggravate already existing problems. Coddling
unaccountable Governments would not promote peace
in the long run and would not bring about durable
stability.
Ours is a region which has suffered so much,
among other things because of strategic considerations
which made expedient the propping up of
unaccountable and authoritarian regimes. The result of
all that has been disastrous for the region. Peace and
stability in the Horn of Africa, as is true in all parts of
the world, is dependent in a critical manner on the
creation of conditions for good governance. This is a
value which ought to be universally applied, including
in our subregion. Durable peace demands it. The
welfare of the people of our subregion makes it
imperative.
Ethiopia will leave no stone unturned for peace in
our subregion and in Africa as a whole. The effort we
have been making for peace in Somalia within the
framework of the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development is being made in that spirit. It is also in
that same spirit that we shall continue to do our share
for peace and national reconciliation in the Sudan.
Most of all, we draw satisfaction from the fact that we
have managed to come out of a war that was imposed
on us. For our part, we are determined to leave behind
the crisis we had with Eritrea. We shall remain
committed to the peace process until its conclusion.
It has always been our conviction that it is in the
vital interest of Ethiopia to nurture peace in our
subregion. That is required by the war we have to wage
against poverty, which is the only real enemy we have.
But the promotion of the cause of peace in the Horn of
Africa has not been that easy. Our subregion is an area
of the world that has long been vulnerable to terrorist
activities. Ours has been an area that, due in part to the
prevalence of poverty, has been taken advantage of
very recklessly. My own country has been among those
to have suffered as a result. This is a challenge that we
still have to contend with, and which we still continue
to face. This first-hand experience of ours put us in a
position where we can deeply share the anguish of the
people of the United States over the 11 September
terrorist attack, which we have condemned vehemently.
As we mark the first anniversary of that evil deed, we
19

wish once again to express our solidarity with the
United States and its people.
It is our conviction that success in the fight
against international terrorism requires the genuine
cooperation and solidarity of the entire international
community, no matter who might be the target of such
terrorism. All those who directly or indirectly support
and encourage terrorism should be held accountable.
Resources made available to terrorist groups, in
whatever guise, should not be tolerated regardless of
the area where this is taking place. In short, what is
required is zero tolerance for terrorism regardless of its
intended targets. It is not without reason that I am
reiterating this point. For us in Ethiopia, terrorism is
not a theoretical threat. It is a practical and immediate
threat that we have had to face both before and after 11
September, including most recently. It is our earnest
hope that the international community will do whatever
is necessary to eliminate this scourge. We also hope
that there will be better days ahead, when we will all
concentrate on addressing the challenges that trouble
our planet.
I would like to conclude by renewing Ethiopia's
commitment to the United Nations and to what it
stands for. We wish to see the United Nations become
an even a more effective universal Organization and a
more forceful and faithful custodian of the principles of
international law. Our hope and our dream is that the
United Nations will be an even more robust universal
Organization catering to the legitimate interests of both
big and small counties. We in Ethiopia will continue to
contribute our share to the greater nurturing of
multilateralism and to making the United Nations an
effective custodian of those values.


At the outset, I wish to
congratulate Mr. Kavan on his successful election to
the leadership post of this Assembly and to offer my
country's welcome to East Timor and Switzerland
following their recent admission into our family of
nations.
We gather here slightly more than one year after
the appalling, unconscionable events of 11 September
2001. The world is still striving to come to grips with
the full implications of the inhumane savagery of the
attacks here in New York and in Alexandria, Virginia.
Given the great number of areas in which the various
Members of this Organization have differing and often
competing interests, we can all derive hope and pride
from the fact that the solidarity so evident in the
General Assembly last year is still largely intact today.
Governments around the world continue to cooperate
in efforts to identify, locate and shut down terrorist
organizations and those who would give comfort and
aid to such organizations.
Palau, in spite of the inherent limitations imposed
by its size, remoteness, capacity constraints and
economic vulnerability, has fully committed itself to
working with the community of nations to defeat
terrorists and their sympathizers. We have aggressively
pursued revisions in our laws which make it easier to
gather information on suspicious persons and activities,
to share information with other jurisdictions, to block
suspect financial transactions, to establish domestic
criminal penalties for transnational crimes, to
specifically recognize acts of terror as crimes under our
domestic legal system, and to streamline our
procedures for asset seizure and extradition in order to
better cooperate with our comrades in this war on
terrorism.
However, the limitations to which I have referred
are hampering our efforts to fully implement these
2

laws. No matter how much we may wish to support the
global war on terrorism, Palau, like many other
developing nations, will not be able to participate
meaningfully in this vital campaign without the
assistance of the developed nations. Therefore, to those
leading the combat against terrorism, Palau says:
“Please, give us the tools we need to make a substantial
contribution to this fight and render practical support
for your efforts.”
While the great majority of nations remain united
in their desire to see terrorism defeated — and that is a
cause for hope — there are also grounds for concern.
Some nations appear to be wavering in their resolve to
take concrete actions to prevent terrorist attacks, while
some others seem not to fully appreciate the new
dynamic of the post-11 September world. Those who
supported or condone the events of 11 September take
heart when they hear members of this body speak of
waiting for a consensus before acting to remove
credible threats to national and international stability.
Terrorists and their sympathizers are likewise
comforted when they hear leaders continue to talk in
the old language of how to react to terrorism, rather
than speak of how to prevent and pre-empt the next
attack. Nothing pleases the forces of global terror more
than hearing members of the world coalition against
terrorism speak of measured and agreed-upon
responses to the next atrocity.
The bottom line is this: The potential for
catastrophic harm is so great that we cannot wait for
the next attack. In this regard, Palau fully supports the
United States in its resolve to pre-empt further attacks
and loss of life. The very laudable ideal of multilateral,
consensus-driven action is good, but it cannot justify
and will not excuse the loss of human lives and the
degradation of human life that will result from giving
those who rely on or sponsor terror the opportunity to
strike first, either directly or by proxy. Palau therefore
calls upon the Members of the United Nations once
again to come together in their commitment to forestall
future tragedies.
As noted earlier, we can derive some satisfaction
from the fact that the goodwill and unity of purpose
that prevailed immediately after last year's subhuman
attacks in large part continue to exist. However, Palau
also notes that the recent World Summit on Sustainable
Development revealed a dismal lack of commitment to
addressing the development needs of the great majority
of nations. The failure of key nations to recommit to
the goals of the Rio Earth Summit is equally
disappointing. Taken together, those developments
demonstrate that such goodwill and solidarity
apparently are confined to matters that most concern
the developed world.
The lack of progress on sustainable development
also strongly suggests that the developed world still
sees developing nations such as Palau as mere token
members of the international community, rather than as
viable partners. The current view the developed nations
seem to have of the developing world is unacceptable
and can lead only to greater unrest and instability in the
future.
It is time for the unity of purpose that
characterizes the global war on terror to be brought to
bear in an equally global campaign for sustainable
development. It is time to take affirmative action to
counteract the effects of globalization and correct the
technological imbalances that are widening the gap
between developed and developing nations. It is time to
take concrete action to give developing nations the
tools they need to manage and speed up their own
development in ways that will lead to the replacement
of dependence on foreign aid with dependence on
domestic industry. It is time to implement measures to
end the marginalization of developing countries in the
new global economy. In that regard, Palau welcomes
and applauds the Koizumi Initiative as one of the sadly
few positive outcomes of the World Summit on
Sustainable Development and calls upon all developed
members of the United Nations to develop similar
initiatives.
The position of certain members of this body on
fundamental environmental issues also suggests that
global solidarity is limited to areas that concern the
major Powers of the developed world. United Nations
Members that have enjoyed and continue to enjoy the
highest standard of living have done so and continue to
do so at the expense of the environmental integrity of
our planet. Those major emitters are threatening the
lives of small island States such as Palau, placing their
mere comfort above our very existence. At the same
time, they seek our support for their goals and
initiatives. That, too, is unacceptable.
Fortunately, most of the developed world,
including the governments of the major industrialized
economies of Japan and the European Union, has
recognized its responsibility and has endorsed the only
3

viable response to the existing and worsening adverse
impact of climate change, the Kyoto Protocol, and the
no-regrets philosophy it embodies. It is time for those
developed nations which have shirked their
responsibilities and shunned the Kyoto Protocol to end
their callous disregard for the fate of those nations
most vulnerable to the adverse impacts of climate
change, to admit that the Kyoto Protocol remains the
only meaningful first step towards comprehensively
addressing climate change and to join the great body of
nations that have pledged to work together through the
Kyoto Protocol and beyond to combat the effects of
climate change.
It is time to take the lessons we have learned from
the war on terror, lessons regarding the fundamental
importance of working together to respond to a
common threat, lessons regarding the very real
interdependence of all nations and lessons regarding
the need for, and ability of, nations to balance genuine
global concerns against perceived self-interests and
apply them to the threats posed by climate change and
sea-level rise.
Throughout my remarks today, I have emphasized
Palau's strong support — in some cases, demands —
for global action to address the major threats to
stability and progress in this new global order. That is
because it has become apparent, as never before, that
the widest possible participation in responding to those
threats must be encouraged, if real and lasting solutions
are to be found.
In light of that fact, Palau must once again note
the folly of excluding any potential partner from the
efforts of the United Nations to meet the challenges we
now face and to prepare against the challenges to
come. Such exclusion is particularly short-sighted in
efforts of the international community that go beyond
politics and address fundamental human concerns, such
as health and education. For that reason, Palau must
again call upon the members of the United Nations to
welcome the Republic of China — Taiwan — into this
Organization. At the very least, the membership at this
body should endorse the participation of the Republic
of China, Taiwan, in the World Health Organization,
the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, the United Nations Development
Programme and similar bodies dedicated to improving
the human condition. Mere politics should not be
allowed to compromise or prevent the development of
a truly global effort to alleviate human suffering and
better mankind.
In the area of health, I have appeared before this
body in the past, where I discussed the ill effects of
tobacco use and our responsibility to protect our youth
from the threat of tobacco addiction. I appear before
the Assembly today to ask again for its complete
support for the Framework Convention on Tobacco
Control, in order to combat tobacco-related illnesses
and complications.
Throughout these remarks, I have also repeatedly
returned to the idea of security. That is primarily
because we feel less secure in the aftermath of the
monstrous attacks of 11 September 2001. The very idea
of security has taken on new meaning. Our collective
understanding of the kind of cooperation and
integration that is necessary to provide effective
security has changed radically. Yet, one of the foremost
bodies for dealing with security, the Security Council,
has remained unchanged. That can hardly be right. In
this new environment, it is time to re-examine the
composition and powers of the Security Council, to
consider how it may be made both more accessible and
more accountable and to find ways to increase its
ability to respond in a prompt, flexible and effective
manner to the threats to peace that are sure to arise in
the future.
In closing, let me again confirm Palau's
dedication to, and determination to take part in, the
global efforts to meet the challenges facing us all.
Palau will continue to do all it can to support universal
responses to threats to peace and stability, especially
mid- and long-term threats, such as climate change and
sea-level rise and the widening gaps between
developed and developing nations. On behalf of the
people and Government of the Republic of Palau, I call
upon all Members of this great Organization to do
likewise.


Over the Assembly
hangs a cloud of uncertainty — indeed, of unease —
about the future of multilateralism and of international
relations generally. The tragedy of 11 September 2001,
which we commemorated just three days ago, has so
numbed our minds that we have yet to fully understand
its consequences. Therefore, it is meet that, as a family
of nations, we should not only remember the disaster,
but also seek to learn from it how we can best restore
to mankind some measure of faith and hope in our
common humanity.
My delegation is pleased to see Mr. Jan Kavan
presiding over the Assembly, since, as the
representative of a country that has known the horror
of war, he will undoubtedly inspire us to find our way
forward. In wishing his presidency well, I would also
like to place on record our gratitude to His Excellency
Mr. Han Seung-soo of the Republic of Korea for
21

guiding us through a most difficult and challenging
time. Our appreciation and thanks must also extend to
the Secretary-General, who, throughout these past
months, has helped to sustain our commitment to the
purposes and principles of the United Nations.
We are pleased to welcome Switzerland as a full
member of the family of nations, and we look forward
to doing the same for East Timor when it takes its place
among us.
The international system is now plagued by
dangerous instability which threatens to undermine —
if not to destroy — many of our States. Not only do we
face terrorism, with its horrific violence, but we must
also live with other manifestations of terror in the form
of poverty, hunger and disease, which, although more
silent, are no less deadly.
Conflict, both within and among States, clearly
demonstrates how poorly an economy functions
without political and social cohesion. Divisions that
rend the fabric of our societies — divisions that derive
ultimately from ethnicity and race — are not only
severely counterproductive to our attempts to better the
commonweal, but preclude the emergence of the
durable peace and tranquillity without which we will
never be able to prosper.
Recent global conferences have focused our
attention on the importance of a rights-based approach
to social inclusion. However, commitment to inclusive
policies rests not only with States but with civil society
as a whole. Poverty and underdevelopment are now
easily exploited by some elements in our societies to
undermine the authority of democratically elected
Governments and to exacerbate ethnic and other
tensions.
This instability is further compounded by the
rampant trade in illegal drugs and arms, with its
attendant corruption and violence, which daily tests the
legal, financial, security and governance capabilities of
most small States. The social contract between the
State and its citizens has been seriously jeopardized by
these new political developments. Greater national
endeavours and international solidarity are now
necessary if we are to confront these challenges and
ensure the economic and social progress of our
peoples.
Old conflicts persist, denying entire populations
the opportunity to live in peace and security. The
situation in the Middle East must be of special concern
to us all, since it threatens to become a wider conflict.
The right of the Palestinian people to national self-
determination — a right guaranteed by international
law — must be upheld if there is to be a just and
lasting solution to the region's problems.
The tensions which exist in India-Pakistan
relations with regard to Kashmir should not be allowed
to persist, given the risk of calamitous nuclear conflict.
As a country which is committed to the pacific
settlement of disputes and as a friend of those two
important countries of Asia, from which many of our
own ancestors originated, Guyana wishes to encourage
them to continue their search for a definitive solution.
Global instability results also from our failure to
implement the Agenda for Development. After more
than a decade of development-related conferences, we
have yet to grasp fully the implications for
international cooperation of an increasingly
interdependent world and a globalized economy. The
recent meetings in Doha, Monterrey and Johannesburg
brought the international community full circle in
assessing the effectiveness of global collective action
aimed at the realization of the millennium development
goals and the eradication of poverty. We should now be
fully persuaded that global action remains
indispensable to the development process.
What is less clear, however, is the relationship
that should underlie such action, which continues to be
a daunting challenge. To what extent can equality be
achieved in a system of skewed economic and military
power? Will sovereignty ever subject itself to the
imperatives of the global good? How can trustworthy
procedures be found for international intervention in
situations characterized by the threat of collapse of
national social and economic structures? What more
can be done so that the current international trading
system is beneficial for all States, not for only a select
few? How can the policies of the Bretton Woods
institutions be made more responsive to the concerns
and needs of the developing countries in particular?
I know that there are no easy answers to these
questions. Indeed, each international conference and
every general debate that takes place in this Assembly
has made us more aware of how difficult it is to find a
consensual approach to these issues. Dialogue and
engagement are continuously balanced against hasty
attempts to achieve short-term goals. Yet the
22

imperative of global stability — both political and
economic — requires a greater symbiotic relationship
among States. The increased permeability of borders,
which has made all countries vulnerable to contagion
from outside, is a reality which we cannot ignore.
Meanwhile, the debate on the benefits of
globalization is becoming increasingly polarized.
Despite their own best efforts at reform and
restructuring, many developing countries have not
really seen any significant improvement in their
economic and social condition. The growth rate of
most developing countries was 2 per cent lower in the
1990s than it was in the oil crisis years of the 1970s.
Similarly, although the number of people living in
extreme poverty, on less than one dollar a day, has
reportedly decreased the past 15 years, those living on
less than two dollars a day — an insignificant sum —
has increased. Thus, poverty figures have in effect
remained high, despite an improvement in world
income over the past decade by an average of 2.5 per
cent annually.
The situation has been especially difficult for
small States. Over the past 10 years, the States
members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM),
of which we are one, have been pursuing aggressive
socio-economic reform measures designed to enhance
the region's economic competitiveness so as to benefit
from globalization. The results have generally been
disappointing, in large part due to the small size, and
the geographic location of the CARICOM countries, as
well as their limited natural resource base and high
dependence on international trade, all of which make
their economies vulnerable to changes in the global
economy. The situation is further aggravated by the
high incidence of HIV/AIDS — the second highest in
the world.
Small States such as ours in the Caribbean require
development cooperation that is based on mutual trust
and the fulfilment of commitments. One major step in
this direction should be to focus on new ways of
balancing equity, economics and ecology in order to
create opportunities for small economies without
inflicting disillusionment and despair. Every effort
should also be made to ensure the full implementation
of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative
so as to liquidate the debt burden in the poorest
countries. To address the challenge of development, an
integrated strategy must be found to address all the
different elements of the problem.
Now — especially since Monterrey — it is
fashionable to speak of partnership for sustainable
development. Indeed, partnership, if properly
conceived and implemented, can serve to eradicate
poverty and promote economic growth. However, as
the President of Guyana stated at the World Summit on
Sustainable Development, in Johannesburg, if it is to
succeed, partnership between States must be based not
on double standards but on mutual trust and respect and
on the interests of all parties. Public/private-sector
partnerships must be founded on equity and
transparency, with full regard to the laws of our
countries. Finally, partnerships with multilateral
financial institutions must be informed more by an
understanding of the situation in our countries and less
by a doctrinaire approach to policy-making. To quote
the President directly, “Progress will only come if there
is an enlightened understanding of partnership.”
Concerned by the inadequacy of past
development models and the trend towards leaving
development matters largely to market forces, Guyana
has sought to promote at the United Nations the
concept of a new global human order based on a
genuine partnership for cooperation. By addressing the
problems of peace and development in a holistic
manner, this “concordat” would provide developing
countries with the structural, strategic and long-term
support that they need. Guyana hopes to build upon
resolution 55/48 in the coming months with the aim of
bringing greater predictability and stability to
international development cooperation.
It is clear that the period ahead of us is fraught
with difficulty, and that some of the challenges are
historically unprecedented in scale. The instability and
uncertainty by which so many societies around the
world are afflicted must be attended to if we are to
avoid failure. We must therefore ready the United
Nations, the most important and most widely supported
international governmental organization in existence,
to address these problems. There is simply nowhere
else to take them.


I
congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I
believe your extensive diplomatic experience will
continue the successful and useful work done by your
predecessor, Mr. Han Seung-soo.
Belarus welcomes the further expansion of the
community of nations. We welcome the Swiss
Confederation to the United Nations membership. We
believe that the new Member State and the United
Nations will be good partners and will contribute to
peace and progress in the world.
The last session of the General Assembly was a
landmark for all of us. Last year the world changed
dramatically. The challenges of globalization have
turned out to be more serious than they seemed to all of
us when leaders of the Member States adopted the
Millennium Declaration.
The tragic events of 11 September 2001 were a
serious test of the stability of the United Nations and
our commitment to the principles and objectives of the
Charter. We bow our heads in memory of the victims of
the terrorist attacks. The American tragedy must never
be allowed to be repeated anywhere in the world. The
President of the Republic of Belarus, Alyaksandr
Lukashenka, wrote in a letter dated 11 September 2002,
to President George Bush of the United States:
Today we still bear in our hearts the memory of
the innocent people who perished in New York,
Washington and Pennsylvania on that dreadful
morning of 11 September 2001 ... Early in the
twenty-first century the world perceived the grave
reality of new challenges and threats. We also
came to understand that the evil of international
terrorism can be eradicated only through joint
concerted efforts.'
Today, we have every reason to state that the
world community has managed to confront the threat of
global terrorism by creating a broad international
coalition. The measures taken by the United Nations in
response to the unprecedented acts of international
terrorism mark a new and significant direction in the
Organization's activities.
Belarus considers itself an integral part of the
anti-terrorism coalition. We fully support the Counter-
Terrorism Committee and have been actively involved
with it in the context of unconditional implementation
of Security Council resolutions. We also believe the
Counter-Terrorism Committee provides a fruitful
exchange of experience in the area of combating
terrorism that involves the Member States,
international organizations and regional institutions.
The President, Government and Security Council
of the Republic of Belarus have been focusing on ways
to combat terrorism. In January 2002, we adopted a law
to combat terrorism, which has entered into force. Our
22

country is a party to 9 of the 12 major multilateral
international treaties on combating terrorism. We are
now working on accession to the three other treaties.
The outcome of the groundbreaking work of the
Counter-Terrorism Committee will serve as a basis for
setting up a universal model for counter-terrorism
legislation and for its implementation.
The Republic of Belarus will contribute to
elaborating a comprehensive convention on combating
international terrorism and acts of nuclear terrorism.
Work on those two instruments should be the focus of
the Secretary-General's attention, since international
terrorism today has challenged two Powers, two
permanent members of the Security Council: the
United States and Russia. It has also challenged the
entire international community. We have accepted that
challenge; our response is clear. We, the United
Nations, will eliminate terrorism.
The focus of attention at the last session was
people and their needs in a global world; we agree with
that approach. The Millennium Declaration is our guide
as we work on those issues. We considered possible
options for implementing the Millennium Declaration
at two recent important international forums  the
International Conference on Financing for
Development at Monterrey and the World Summit on
Sustainable Development at Johannesburg. Those two
forums marked a transition between identifying
common goals and actually implementing them. The
main task facing this session is to draw conclusions
with regard to that work and determine the specific
actions to be taken in order to implement the
agreements. Our delegation is ready to act together
with other Member States to this end.
My Government attaches paramount importance
to integrating environmental and social aspects into our
national strategy for sustainable development.
Belarus agrees with the analysis made at the
Johannesburg Summit of what has been done to
achieve sustainable development over the past decade
and how we can tackle global issues in the twenty-first
century.
Our country is entering the new millennium as an
important geopolitical element in a modern Europe. We
have a stable economic and social infrastructure and
the highest human development index among the
countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
Belarus seeks constructive interaction and mutually
beneficial partnership with our neighbouring countries
in the interest of building a united Europe. The
prospect of sustainable development in Europe cannot
be realized without a stable Belarus acting as a reliable
Eurasian bridge. On that basis, our President and
Government have been determining the role that
Belarus will play in the implementation of the
decisions of the World Summit on Sustainable
Development.
The conferences at Monterrey and Johannesburg
showed the importance of taking into account the
interests of countries with transitional economies in
structuring a stable world for the twenty-first century.
Over the past decade, our countries have come a long
way in transitioning to the market economy and
integrating fully into international trade, economic and
financial systems. But the States in that group are at
different stages of macroeconomic and financial
stability and sustained economic growth because of the
particular characteristics of their individual situations
owing to internal and external factors.
Therefore, it is important to continue
international efforts to make market reforms
irreversible in the countries with transitional
economies. We must also take account of and try to
mitigate the social consequences and ensure that our
countries are fully integrated into the world economy.
Belarus looks forward to a fruitful discussion of the
draft, which we will be introducing at this session of
the General Assembly.
Sustainable development in Belarus relates
directly to dealing with the consequences of the
Chernobyl disaster, the largest radiation disaster of the
past century. Economic damage in Belarus is estimated
at $US 235 billion. We have invested $US 13 billion in
restoring the social and economic sectors of that
region. The health of the affected population is still a
serious concern. At the same time, Chernobyl-related
issues have been losing the attention of the
international community, leaving Belarus to face the
consequences alone. Belarus has urged a shift in focus
of international Chernobyl-related cooperation away
from humanitarian assistance to socio-economic
rehabilitation and sustainable development in the
affected regions.
We welcome the active role played by the United
Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian
Affairs, Mr. Kenzo Oshima, who personally visited the
23

affected regions earlier this year. We are grateful to
Secretary-General Kofi Annan for supporting Mr.
Oshima in this endeavour. We welcome the work of
some members of the United Nations Inter-Agency
Task Force on Chernobyl, who seek to set up an
International Chernobyl Research Board to study the
long-term consequences of radiation effects on human
beings and the environment in Belarus.
Belarus supports United Nations partnership with
non-governmental organizations and the private sector.
We believe this can help to mobilize additional
resources for our purposes. However, voluntary
initiatives should supplement intergovernmental
agreements, not replace them.
Peace, security and stability are prerequisites to
sustainable development. But this past year has shown
that international peace and security are still fragile.
We witnessed a sharp escalation of confrontation in the
Middle East. This region could become the centre of a
dangerous collision between civilizations.
The Middle East Quartet, with the participation of
the United Nations, the European Union, the Russian
Federation and the United States, inspires some
optimism from the standpoint of the understanding
reached by all participants in the peace process that
two independent states  Israel and Palestine  have
to coexist. This understanding is enshrined in legally
binding documents of the United Nations. Gradually
taking steps to mutual reconciliation through
continuous dialogue between the parties involved will
help, and the United Nations must be active here.
There is no alternative to the peace process in
Afghanistan. Significant financial, material and human
resources have already been allocated to Afghanistan to
help to create a new Afghanistan, a stable and
predictable partner in modern international relations.
Belarus wishes to make its contribution. Our State
Aviation Committee has participated in transporting
humanitarian supplies from Europe to Afghanistan.
We believe the establishment of the African
Union was a landmark step for Africa. This major
regional association, with support from the
international community, will hasten a solution to
African problems, particularly ethnic and religious
conflict. Belarus will help to approve projects and
programmes for economic and humanitarian
development in Africa through the United Nations.
This year was marked by important agreements
on strategic stability. Belarus welcomes the signing in
Moscow of the Treaty on Strategic Offensive
Reductions between the Russian Federation and the
United States. We support constructive dialogue
between the nuclear States in order to create a
genuinely safe multi-polar world.
International efforts for the entry into force of the
Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) must
continue. A new impetus must be given to the
Conference on Disarmament. More work must be done
on reducing conventional weapons.
Belarus has contributed to setting up the new
security architecture from Vancouver to Vladivostok by
depositing our ratification instruments for the Open
Skies Treaty in November 2001.
At this session, we will be proposing a draft
resolution entitled Prohibition of the development and
manufacture of new types of weapons of mass
destruction and new systems of such weapons'. We
trust it will be unanimously supported, as it was last
year in the General Assembly.
Belarus believes the Security Council must play a
key role in maintaining international peace and
security, including the situation of Iraq. Belarus
welcomes the recent decision by the Government of
Iraq to allow for the immediate and unconditional
return of United Nations weapons inspectors to Iraq.
Any action or attempt to evade the authority of
the United Nations Security Council, or any non-
fulfilment by States of decisions by the Council, will
undermine the legal basis of the existing system of
international relations and jeopardize the basis of the
international legal order.
Reform of the United Nations is essential to
successfully accomplish its tasks. As a founding
member, Belarus has always advocated strengthening
the role of the United Nations. In an era of
globalization, only an institutionally strong
Organization will be capable of making a genuinely
effective contribution to coordinating member States'
efforts to attain the noble goals enshrined in the
Charter.
Although there has not been much progress in the
Working Group on Security Council reform and on
increasing the Council's membership, Belarus
welcomes the progress made in improving its working
24

methods by increasing transparency and having more
open meetings and briefings. Reform of the General
Assembly is also speeding up, and informal
consultations should serve as a basis for effective work
at this session.
We have been monitoring the work of the
Economic and Social Council, and we welcome
internal reforms there. We support more interaction
between the Economic and Social Council, the Security
Council and the General Assembly. We welcome the
coordinating role of the Council as set forth in the
Charter and the Millennium Declaration.
As we look at what we have done and what
remains to be done, we inevitably reach the conclusion
that there is little time for thought due to the speed at
which the world is changing today; therefore, we
believe that the only key to success is to purposefully
move forward to solve specific tasks. Belarus will work
together with other member States to that end.


Some
50 years ago my predecessor Paul-Henri Spaak said
before the Assembly, in a phrase that stands out in our
minds, “We are afraid”. At that time, totalitarianism
threatened democratic freedoms and our open society
was in danger. Fortunately, political and diplomatic
dialogue gradually won out over confrontation, mutual
threats and force. The advent of a freer world, more
united and more respectful of everyone is finally within
our grasp. After September 2001, all democratic forces
throughout the world felt a moment of fear, terror,
confusion and horror at the barbaric violence that
smashed their strongest beliefs into pieces. That
irrational hatred threatened the same democratic
values, fundamental freedoms and humanistic world
outlook.
The free world came together with a sense of
solidarity, compassion and survival. A coalition against
that vile crime stood side by side with the people of the
United States. We felt it was our duty; we felt that their
suffering was our suffering and that their cause was
also our cause. We could not permit there to be any
doubt in the minds of the enemies of our shared values;
we could not leave any scope for those who sought to
break the promise of a world of justice, progress and
peace.
Today we must move beyond fear. Our response
must be guided by clear-minded analysis and rational
action. The enemy is faceless but is not everywhere.
We all are now constantly vigilant, but must not reach
the point of being unable to look one another in the eye
without mistrust or suspicion. We are in an infinitely
great majority; only an infinitesimal minority is against
us. We cannot simply reduce the entire world to a
battlefield. We cannot simply make a division between
good and evil. To build a wall would be to fall into the
trap of those who openly display their hate and
intolerance. Instead, more than ever we must realize
that the source of wealth and hope in the world is
precisely its great diversity and pluralism.
The struggle against terrorism must, of course, be
based on effective methods with no room for laxity. I
want to make this point very strongly: fighting
terrorism must not lead us to distort the nature of
democratic tolerant life or respect for the rule of law.
Preserving our concept of a pluralist, open and tolerant
society must be our goal. We cannot be misled or
accept distortions of our firm belief in the fundamental
human rights and the rights of peoples. Combating
terrorism also means, above all, that we must defend
the fundamental rights and legal protections of every
man and woman. We have a humanist conviction and
we must defend it, because otherwise we would be
ceding victory to the terrorists. It would also be a
2

mistake to believe that the fight against terrorism can
be won by military means alone. Military means are
admittedly necessary, but are not themselves enough to
put an end to this horrible phenomenon.
There is absolutely nothing that can justify
terrorism. No cause can justify terror. I categorically
and definitively reject the idea that we have to look to
the inequities of the world for the source of this
perversion of the mind and soul. In my view, that
would mitigate this abominable act. The origin of the
attack cannot be found there. However, we also know
that misery, injustice, poverty, exclusion and
humiliation create fertile ground for extremism,
intolerance and hatred to flourish by taking advantage
of the hopelessness and suffering of those left behind
by a society too quickly satisfied by its clear
conscience.
Why should we deny it? As our Prime Minister
Guy Verhofstadt has said, in less than a year we have
focused at least four times on the challenges facing the
world: at Doha, Monterrey, Rome and Johannesburg.
The elimination of poverty, debt reduction and
liberalization of international trade as a factor for
development are all questions that have been
repeatedly discussed. We all come to the same
conclusions. We identify the same causes. I am certain
that we all know the solutions that must be applied.
With such unanimity, it should be easy to put an
end to inequality. It should be easy to bring together a
world which for too long has been cut in two, a world
that generates tensions and frustrations. There cannot
and should not be a superficial division at the margin
of our wealth. We need a loftier conception of
cooperation, one that derives not from paternalism but
rather from partnership and mutual respect.
Putting an end to inequality and forging a new
solidarity is the way to ensure sustainable development
for future generations. At each of our summits, the rich
world has raised the hopes of the millions of indigent
people who are searching for a glimmer of light in the
darkness. However, each time, at the end of these grand
meetings, when the speeches are over, when those who
advocate on behalf of the poor have stopped their
ritualistic pleadings, poverty remains in place. One gets
the impression that we have offered those who
expected so much of us only empty rhetoric and
posturing.
The Millennium Goals must become a benchmark
for all the work of the United Nations and for that of
each of its Member States. We have to translate them
into financial tools and into access to markets and
technology. At Monterrey, my country pledged to reach
the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product for
development cooperation by 2010. We have offered,
furthermore, new initiatives on the debt burden.
I also attach paramount importance to follow-up
of the Durban Conference against racism, and to the
implementation of the Durban Programme of Action.
Combating racism, discrimination and intolerance is
absolutely essential for the millions of human beings
who have often silently suffered from infringements on
their dignity. I stress the historic importance of the
agreement on the origins and causes of racism. It forms
the basis of a new partnership. Unless we recognize
past injustices, we will not have a solid basis for future
efforts.
Another challenge that we wish to address is to
attain absolute gender equality. This is absolutely
essential in a civilization of progress, in which our
ideals of democracy and humanism are realized. The
Secretary-General and his team, including his Deputy,
Louise Fréchette, can count on my country's
commitment and support for all the reforms under way.
We must revitalize the General Assembly, continue the
strengthening of the Economic and Social Council,
expand the Security Council and carry out
organizational reforms. I know that the United Nations
will take up these challenges.
The outstanding and far-sighted speech made by
Secretary-General Kofi Annan rightly, skilfully and
resolutely reminded us what, in the final analysis, is the
meaning of the world government and parliament. He
made his statement very convincingly and intelligently.
We share his view on reshaping our Organization so
that it can live up to our ambitions.
My country was at the forefront of combating
impunity for the most serious crimes and for the rapid
development of a true international criminal justice.
That is why we continue to support the
internationalization of the Rome Statute, and why we
are resolved to preserve its integrity. Admittedly, we
know that the dialogue is never easy when law interacts
with politics, but we are convinced that in the long-
term, nothing will block society's right to demand
justice when the most serious crimes against
3

fundamental values are committed. States have primary
responsibility for prosecuting the crimes covered in the
Statute of the Court. We urge the world community,
including the most powerful among us, to give the
Court credibility and resources commensurate with its
lofty mission.
Conflict prevention is one of my country's
foreign policy priorities. We are engaged concretely in
preventive diplomacy, particularly in Central Africa,
where Belgium is proactively supportive of the Lusaka
and Arusha peace processes. Belgium actively
advocates this approach within the European Union.
Belgium is seeking to make this concept of conflict
prevention, conflict management and post-conflict
support an essential part of international doctrine. We
need standing monitoring and warning mechanisms to
alert us in time to crises. Such mechanisms could spare
the lives of many people. For similar reasons, we need
to develop a real strategy against the illegal financing
of conflicts and the related illegal trade in natural
resources. The sordid exploitation of such resources —
for instance, conflict diamonds — too often contributes
to finance or at least prolong regional tragedies such as
civil wars and inter-ethnic conflicts.
To face this challenge, a credible international
monitoring system, based on common standards, has to
be established. Substantial improvements must be
made in the functioning of the various sanctions
committees, and we believe that a single monitoring
body, with a long-term mandate, should be set up.
Africa is at the centre of our concerns, but also of
our hopes. The creation of the African Union during
the Durban summit of the Organization of African
Unity, along with the dynamic of the New Partnership
for Africa's Development (NEPAD), are major steps
forward taken in recent months. The strengthening of
democracy and the recent successful elections in Africa
are an encouraging sign. The prospects for Africa also
include regional integration of African countries,
which we encourage. We can see some positive but still
fragile signs with regard to reconciliation in countries
that have been too long devastated by conflicts, such as
the Great Lakes region, Angola and the Sudan.
Further efforts have been made this year to find a
solution to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo. The inter-Congolese dialogue has led, first,
to the signing of a partial agreement at Sun City, which
created a dynamic of reconciliation, thanks to the
efforts of South Africa, to which I pay tribute here. The
Pretoria Agreement addresses the main causes of the
conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: its
territorial integrity and the security concerns of
Rwanda. The United Nations Organization Mission in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo has a crucial
part to play in ensuring implementation of the
Agreement, with its operation to disarm and demobilize
the armed groups.
I urge Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of
the Congo to take advantage of this opportunity to
restore to their peoples the peace and prosperity they
deserve. I would also like to pay tribute to the Special
Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Niasse, for
bringing all the Congolese parties to the negotiating
table with a view to arriving at a democratic, inclusive
agreement.
Through the many meetings I have attended in the
region, I have become acquainted with Congolese
political figures. I know that they have the will, the
authority, the competence and the grasp of history to
realize the dream of peace and prosperity of a
population which has suffered for too long.
I should like also to pay tribute to the South
African and Tanzanian mediation in the context of
negotiations for a ceasefire in Burundi. Despite the
progress made, there has been a resumption of violence
that could undermine the gains recorded in the Arusha
process — so ably facilitated by the political and moral
authority of President Nelson Mandela. I would also
urgently appeal to all international partners to consider
which concrete steps should be taken to help Burundi
emerge from its political, economic and social crisis.
The difficulties prevailing in this area are without a
doubt complicating the political solution.
Another area in need of structural stability is the
Middle East. Men, women, mothers, fathers, children
all are suffering on a daily basis from the violence, and
for this reason we must reaffirm those principles that
will enable us to find a lasting and equitable solution:
land for peace, a viable Palestinian State and security
for Israel. Rather than going beyond the gains made
through Oslo and Madrid, we should enshrine and
reconfirm them by translating them into reality. This is
what the European Union has sought to do by drawing
up a road map setting out the actions to be taken by the
parties concerned with a view to achieving a
comprehensive and lasting solution.
4

Lastly, let me ask a question that I think is of
global significance. The question of Iraq is a challenge
to all of us, because it involves questions at several
different levels: the need to eliminate a major threat to
the international community; the need to ensure the
credibility of our Organization; the need to determine
whether a country has weapons of mass destruction that
can bring death to millions of people; the need to
determine if a country is failing to meet its obligations
to the United Nations; and the need to know if a
preventive unilateral military action is or is not a
doctrinal problem under international law.
All of these questions are core issues with respect
to our Organization, its missions and its individual and
collective political responsibilities.
I wish to recall that each and every one of us, in
signing the Charter of the United Nations, solemnly
undertook to comply with that Charter. Therefore, on
behalf of my country and of its citizens, I wish to make
a clear appeal to Iraq. I formally and solemnly ask the
Iraqi authorities to implement urgently and
unconditionally the resolutions adopted by the United
Nations. Respect for our Organization and respect for
what we are, collectively and individually, is the only
way of avoiding recourse to force. I ask the Iraqi
authorities to seize this last opportunity.
All of these challenges require a united,
multilateral reaction in a spirit of solidarity. The world
is a village now, but too often we are rather narrow-
minded and do not listen to one another. Sometimes the
other is seen as a stranger or even an intruder. Human
civilizations must learn more about one another in
order to live together in harmony.
The citizens of the world have different
perspectives on life, on religion, on the way they
organize their society, on the past and the future. But
they all dream of justice, happiness and equality. Often
they dream the same dream, but the path to
implementing that dream sometimes varies. Respecting
others even though they are different will help us move
towards a more harmonious world. This is what we, as
political leaders, have a responsibility to do, in order to
broaden day after day the common area of the values
that we share.


I would like to begin
by congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh
session, and to wish you success in your work. I would
also like to thank Mr. Han Seung-soo for having so
ably conducted the work of the fifty-sixth session.
It is with special pleasure that I welcome the
admission of the Swiss Confederation to the United
Nations. That we have the pleasure and the opportunity
to welcome such a new Member — a long-standing
democracy which has only recently chosen to enter this
forum — is continuing testimony to the vitality,
viability and relevance of this unique body.
This time last year, new States and old were
thunderstruck by a terror that is still indescribable. We
were reeling from the enormity of what terrorism had
wrought, even as we sought to understand why it had
happened. Millenniums of experience of the
devastation of war had not provided us with the tools
necessary to understand that new form of combat.
Today, a year later, as we persevere with the
arduous endeavour to eradicate the affliction, we also
continue to search for causes. We distinguish, certainly,
between comprehending and concurring, awareness and
acquiescence, understanding and justification. At the
same time, we recognize that diagnosis does not always
result in a cure.
We cannot go back to where we were a year ago,
either in our assumptions or in our actions. The
fundamental question we must all answer is: what is it
that we can and cannot, should and should not, do to
other human beings? The answer must include a
rejection of flagrant injustice and abject poverty. That
would go a long way towards alleviating the
hopelessness that perpetuates such societal ills.
Bearing that in mind, we welcome the targets and
timetables adopted to spur action on a wide range of
issues at the recently concluded World Summit on
Sustainable Development. Critical among those goals
is the need to provide and manage water as a basic
element of life and a basic requirement for dignified
living. Without that, neither economic nor political
stability is possible. The other two major United
Nations events of this year — the International
Conference on Financing for Development and the
special Assembly session on children — also
demonstrate that social and economic development
must be tackled in tandem in order to attain global
peace and security.
In Armenia, too, we are focusing on both aspects
of development. The Armenian Government's poverty
reduction strategy aims to establish an umbrella for the
formulation and implementation of sustainable human
development strategies in areas damaged by
earthquakes and conflict. We shall do that by building
domestic capacities for governance and by restoring
social services in education and health, agricultural
development, reforestation and disaster preparedness.
Armenia's response to the very special session on
children is the elaboration and implementation of its
National Plan of Action for Children. The National
Plan of Action sets 10-year goals for the protection of
the rights of the child, outlines principal strategies, and
establishes indicators and mechanisms for monitoring
progress towards the enumerated goals.
The past decades of summits and forums on the
variety of social and economic ills that face modern
societies have amply demonstrated that committed
partnerships are necessary for serious progress. At
home, Government and civil society must work
together to implement the decisions of such forums,
but, at the global level, Governments and international
agencies must also provide the resources and impetus
for their universal agendas.
Economic prosperity hinges on internal, regional
and international stability. That stability, in turn,
depends on cooperation and goodwill. In our region,
despite the existence of various conflicts, we continue
to be hopeful that democratic processes will create civil
societies with responsible leaders committed to the
resolution of political issues.
In Armenia, we look forward to a year of
elections: presidential elections — the fourth held since
7

independence — will be followed by parliamentary
elections, which in turn will be followed by a
referendum on constitutional reforms. We are proud
that we have had a working Constitution for more than
seven years, and that that Constitution has seen us
through difficult periods without leading to domestic
turmoil. Nevertheless, we recognize the need — as in
any evolving society — to make some changes in order
to reflect more accurately our commitment to
becoming a society that respects the rule of law and the
rights of individuals.
We are equally proud that the Armenians of
Nagorny-Karabakh, in the midst of their ongoing
struggle for self-determination, have also completed
another presidential election cycle. Indeed, the people
of Nagorny-Karabakh deserve to be commended for
establishing the rule of law despite continuing adverse
social and economic conditions.
As the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE) and the Co-Chairmen of its Minsk
Group continue to work with Armenia, Azerbaijan and
Nagorny-Karabakh towards a settlement that will
wisely — i.e. with an eye to the realities on the
ground — determine Nagorny-Karabakh's final status,
it is self-evident that only a democratically elected
leadership that enjoys a popular mandate will be able
to participate actively and legitimately in the final
negotiations that affect the status of its own people.
With that in mind, in 1992, at the Helsinki Meeting of
the Council of Ministers of the Conference on Security
and Cooperation in Europe, it was decided that elected
and other representatives of Nagorny-Karabakh would
be invited to the Minsk Conference, entrusted with
determining the final status of Nagorny-Karabakh.
Therefore, while elections and democratization
do not presume a particular status, self-determination is
always more legitimate when accompanied by
democratic processes. The international community
seems to understand, often welcomes and sometimes
assists in electoral democratic processes in areas whose
international legal status is still in flux and ostensibly
subject to the sovereignty of an existing State. We do
not understand why such wise and non-prejudicial
approaches or strategies should be denied to Nagorny-
Karabakh, where de facto self-rule has already been in
place for almost 10 years.
Democratization and self-determination become
both necessary and inevitable when the formation of a
new independent entity takes place inside States that
are deficient in democracy and whose respect for
human rights and application of United Nations
principles is unsatisfactory. Nothing demonstrates that
fact more than East Timor's forthcoming membership
in this body. So it is with pleasure that we express to
that country the heartfelt congratulations of the
Armenian Government. East Timor's coming
membership is proof that a blanket rejection of claims
to self-determination is invalid and does not take into
account the very real fact that such movements are not,
by their nature, all alike or even similar. Different
struggles for self-determination have evolved in
decidedly different ways; therefore, each has to be
treated differently.
The challenge for the international community
continues to be to adopt policies that will contribute to
the peaceful solution of each conflict. In order to adopt
correct policies, criteria must be established by which
to evaluate and judge each case on its own merit,
realistically taking into account the real situation on the
ground in order to attain lasting peace.
That peace is what the people of Nagorny-
Karabakh and the whole region are still waiting for,
and one would think that it is also what the leadership
of Azerbaijan want. Based on the very hopeful
meetings that are taking place between the Presidents
of Armenia and Azerbaijan, we have reasons to be
positive. However, having followed the comments that
my colleague from Azerbaijan made this morning from
this podium, I am not only shocked but also dismayed
that he is not keeping pace with the progress being
made in the region by the Presidents of both our
countries.
It has been two years since the meetings at Paris
and Key West, where the international community put
forth their views on this issue. Since then, some
Azerbaijani officials, out of desperation or ignorance,
have used every means at their disposal to discredit the
initiatives of the international community, looking for
ways to artificially link them to the critical issues of
the day.
After 11 September, the talk of the threat of
international terrorism caused Azerbaijan to make
accusations that went full circle in damaging its own
reputation when, according to Western sources,
Azerbaijan's own 10-year-long relationship with
terrorists came to the surface and it was demonstrated
8

that Azerbaijan had indeed served as a regional
terrorist hub. So that did not work. Today, as the
international community speaks of countries'
responsibilities under Security Council resolutions,
Azerbaijan frivolously makes the same accusation
against Armenia, without considering that Armenia has
done exactly what the international community
expected: it has used its good offices, with the
leadership of Nagorny-Karabakh, to help find a
peaceful solution to the conflict.
Azerbaijan has a choice: continue with crude
delusional manipulation and naive wishful thinking and
hope for a return to a historical military and political
situation that ended long ago, or join the international
community, through the good offices of the Co-
Chairmen of the OSCE's Minsk Group, in order to
continue in the difficult search for peace. The people
on the ground on all sides have demonstrated their
readiness for peace and for political and economic
stability. Leaders at the highest level are maintaining
the honest dialogue that will chip away at political
obstacles. We who are entrusted with transforming
those efforts and desires into a just peace must
approach our task honestly and responsibly.
Let me say that Nagorny-Karabakh has never,
ever been a part of independent Azerbaijan. Whether
we consider history or geography, whether we adopt a
long-term political perspective or face the reality of the
facts on the ground, the men, women and children of
Nagorny-Karabakh have earned the right to live
peacefully on their historic lands.
I wish to take this opportunity to reiterate
President Kocharian's statement before the General
Assembly two years ago with respect to working for
the recognition of the Armenian genocide and
preventing the repetition of such an atrocity. We extend
our profound appreciation to all those Governments,
legislatures and international bodies that have
recognized the Armenian genocide and pledge our
cooperation to all those that are currently in the process
of reaffirming the facts of that crime against humanity.
As a signatory of the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the Armenian
Government places a high priority on the struggle to
prevent future genocide and to stand up against all
attempts to deny past genocide. We support all
initiatives that reinforce the international consensus
behind that landmark treaty.
It is becoming clear that this millennium, too,
will not be violence-free. Today, when global peace
appears a distant hope, Armenia observes the volatility
in the Caucasus, the Middle East and elsewhere with
trepidation. To face such challenges, Armenia supports
proposals by the Secretary-General aimed at the
strengthening of the Organization so that it can face
new challenges in a more satisfactory way.
Additionally, Armenia is in favour of more equitable
representation on the Security Council, as well as more
transparency in its activities.
The situation in the Middle East, in Afghanistan
and around Iraq remains a continuing example of the
need for a vibrant and strengthened United Nations
able to assert the will of the Organization's
membership and empowered with greater authority to
implement its decisions.
As States and Governments continue to search for
new ways to deal with emerging internal conflicts and
increasingly complex interrelationships, Armenia is of
the belief that the United Nations must stand for all the
easy-to-orate but difficult-to-deliver principles of
economic and political justice and equality among
peoples. Given our uneven history and problematic
geography, it is no surprise that Armenia is an advocate
of multilateralism and collective security. From the
vantage point of a country with our resources and
limitations, we realize that peace is not possible
without social justice, sustainable development and
respect for the rights of all individuals and peoples in
the community of nations.


I congratulate you, Sir,
on your election as President of the General Assembly.
Our annual gatherings in this great Hall serve
well to reaffirm our commitment to the purposes of the
United Nations: the commitment to uphold the
principles of the Charter, to assert fundamental human
rights and freedoms as we seek to improve social and
economic conditions, and to act together in sovereignty
in the maintenance of international peace and security.
The lessons of history require that nations be united in
common effort. There is no other way; not today, in
this interdependent, ever globalizing world. Certainly,
from the perspective of the very small there is no other
way. Indeed, we cannot see how any one country, no
matter what its size and power, can completely fend for
itself.
War and conflict divide nations. They rage in too
many places. Global forces operate to degrade the
environment and spread misery through poverty and
disease and through the illicit trade in arms, drugs and
people. The entire world community is now seriously
challenged by the terrible scourges of HIV/AIDS and
terrorism. Only through cooperation and multilateral
action can we hope to respond, to take
countermeasures, to find solutions and to give
protection to all.
The monstrous terrorist attacks on the United
States on 11 September 2001 were an assault on values
that are fundamental to humanity and to the United
Nations. On behalf of my country, I want to renew to
the people of the United States our feelings of
solidarity and total support. The spirit of the United
States was never in doubt. Tested, it has become more
resolute in its purpose and courage. It is that spirit that
provides global leadership. It is the spirit that unites us
all in the struggle against terrorism.
Let me reaffirm our strong support for Security
Council resolution 1373 (2001) and for the Council's
action to implement it. For its part, Samoa has put in
place appropriate policies and domestic legislation, and
we will review our arrangements as necessary, in
keeping with the work of the Counter-Terrorism
Committee.
Iraq continues to violate Security Council
resolutions. It has done so for a considerable time
far too long. We commend Secretary-General Kofi
Annan for his repeated efforts to encourage
compliance. We think there must be full compliance
with obligations pursuant to Security Council
resolutions: compliance without preconditions, without
delay.
We welcome the broad acknowledgement in the
statements we have heard in this debate that actions
that need to be taken will be taken within the
framework of the United Nations and under the
authority of the Security Council. The news this
morning of the likely return of weapons inspectors is a
positive development, and we hope it is one of
complete seriousness.
Our concern about Iraq reflects in part our very
serious concern about the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction  chemical, biological and nuclear
weapons. Those weapons pose an immediate and major
threat to international peace and security. The
international agreements and systems to control the
development and spread of weapons of mass
destruction, and to eliminate them, must be
strengthened and implemented.
We live in a part of the world where nuclear
weapons have been tested and used. Our fear of the
consequences is real. That is why we have the
Rarotonga Treaty, which declared the South Pacific a
nuclear-weapon-free-zone. We call on States that have
not yet done so to complete the ratification process of
the protocols to the Treaty. And that is why we
continue to object to the transportation of nuclear and
other radioactive material through the waters of our
region.
8

We are appalled at the suffering of families and
communities in the Middle East, and we pray for
permanent peace for all. The current situation is a
threat of utmost gravity to international peace and
security. It calls for efforts of highest priority and
urgency to bring an end to the conflict. Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397
(2001) provide the basis for a settlement. Those
resolutions should be implemented.
My delegation strongly supports the Secretary-
General in the ongoing reform of the United Nations.
We have all seen good and positive results. Reform to
make the General Assembly and the Economic and
Social Council more effective must continue. Reform
of the Security Council calls for particular attention.
The issues are sensitive and complex. That is clear.
Yet, it is also clear that the Security Council needs to
reflect the geopolitical realities of our time. It needs to
be properly representative of the international
community of today and to be able to function
effectively and be secure in its authority.
We applaud the entry into force of the Rome
Statute that established the International Criminal
Court. Samoa has now ratified the Statute. The Court
will bring to justice those who commit genocide,
crimes against humanity and war crimes. It is,
therefore, a major achievement and a significant step in
the protection of human rights and in upholding
international humanitarian standards. To that end, the
Court deserves all support to allow it the strength of
universality and the rule of law. We need to ensure that
it is not undermined in any way.
This has been an especially notable year in the
international efforts to realize the Millennium
Development Goals. In March, we achieved the
Monterrey Consensus. Earlier this month, we agreed in
Johannesburg on a Plan to implement sustainable
development in every land. Rightly, the focus is on
halving extreme poverty by 2015. The condition of
utter misery that condemns so many of our fellow
humans worldwide is simply unacceptable. The
outstanding leadership of South Africa ensured the
success of the Johannesburg Summit. We extend to
President Mbeki, to his ministers and to his other
colleagues our warm thanks and congratulations.
In this context, let me also congratulate the
leadership of Africa on the establishment of the
African Union and the creation of the New Partnership
for Africa's Development (NEPAD). We have joined
hands with Africa on other issues, including our
endeavours in the context of cooperation between the
Group of African, Caribbean and Pacific States and the
European Union, and I give assurance of our close
interest and support.
Speaking in Samoa's capacity as Chairman of the
Alliance of Small Island States, let me note our
particular satisfaction with the provisions in the
Johannesburg Plan of Implementation dedicated to the
sustainable development of small island States. We
greatly appreciate the role played by all countries in
finding agreement on those provisions. We look
forward to their continuing support as we move to
prepare for the agreed international meeting in 2004 to
review the Barbados Programme of Action.
Overcoming the well-recognized vulnerability of small
island States, and the exposure of island countries to
the effects of global climate change, natural disasters,
environmental damage and global economic shocks is
fundamental to long-term sustainability in all small
island regions.
Climate change poses immediate and the most
serious of threats for our communities. Largely by the
acts of others, it puts at risk countries like my own that
are least responsible for the causes and least able to
adapt. In Johannesburg, we were greatly heartened by
the declarations from many countries  the Russian
Federation, China, India and Canada among them  of
their plans to ratify the Kyoto Protocol. This serious
problem deserves no less than this type of global
solidarity and leadership.
As I close, let me welcome Switzerland upon its
having taken up full membership of the United
Nations. Switzerland's role and its contribution to the
Organization are known to all and are well appreciated.
Let me also voice our satisfaction with the
situation in East Timor. It is a success story in every
sense: in the determination of its people and in the
response of the international community. Samoa is
pleased to have been able to contribute to the United
Nations peacekeeping effort in that country; we plan to
continue doing so. Last month, we welcomed East
Timor as an observer to the Pacific Islands Forum. We
look forward to its joining the United Nations soon.