It is a source of great satisfaction for me to
congratulate you, Sir, a former Prime Minister of
Finland, on your election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its fifty-fifth session, which
faithfully reflects your personal virtues and diplomatic
experience.
I am also pleased to offer my most sincere
congratulations to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Namibia, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, for his excellent work
at the previous session, and in particular for his work to
coordinate the preparatory activities for the Millennium
Summit.
Special mention should be made of Secretary-
General Kofi Annan for his indefatigable work to
promote the mandate of this Organization and for his
vision for strengthening its future activities, set out in
his excellent report We, the peoples: the role of the
United Nations in the twenty-first century.
With regard to the situation in El Salvador, the
process of implementing the peace agreements has
been an exceptionally arduous and highly complex task
that has been made possible by the firm political will
of the Government; by the willingness of the
Salvadoran people and all the country's political
forces; and by national efforts that have enjoyed the
valuable cooperation of the international community, in
particular the group of friendly countries, which have
always remained close to us, and the United Nations,
whose verification work has contributed to the success
of peace in El Salvador and to national reconciliation.
We are now entering a new phase of our history
in which political and economic freedoms prevail. This
will ensure the continuity of a broader and deeper
process requiring the cooperation and participation of
all national sectors and the renewed support of the
international community in consolidating the progress
achieved and in making further advances towards more
humane and supportive forms of co-existence within
the framework imposed by our institutions and
democratic Government.
During this phase, we have opened up new
possibilities and opportunities for all sectors of the
country to benefit from peace in democracy and to
meet together the challenge of continuing to work to
reduce existing disparities in our society, particularly
economic and social ones. In this vein, poverty in its
various forms is and always has been a structural
problem, of which every country in the world is aware.
In our case, we are according it priority attention, not
only to ensure that these phenomena do not undermine
our emerging democracy, which was won by our people
with so much pain and blood, but also so that we can
assign it due support and social context.
On this basis, President Francisco Flores of El
Salvador has focused his government plan on
increasing the levels of well-being and progress for all
Salvadorans. He has concentrated his attention on the
most vulnerable and dispossessed sectors in order to
improve their quality of life through a policy to
generate employment and job opportunities via
enhanced productivity, the promotion of trade and
increased investments on the basis of shared
responsibility. As President Flores has already done in
this forum, I would emphasize the fact that the future
of our nation is in our own hands. Each individual,
group and sector of our society must assume its own
responsibilities and duties in order to overcome the
problems of and obstacles to the promotion of growth
and sustainable human development.
Similarly, President Flores has emphasized the
fact that in a globalized and interdependent world,
solidarity and international cooperation are vital to
complement the efforts of the developing countries in
order to face the global challenges jointly and with
greater capacity. It must be understood that this does
not mean that the international community, and the
industrialized countries in particular, are going to solve
our problems, but rather that they can contribute to the
creation of an international environment that provides
opportunities, including policies that offer greater
access to their markets for the products of developing
countries, investment opportunities, the transfer of
technology and information, and fulfilling the
commitments made to improve development assistance.
We know that we are facing an enormous and
complex task, and in this effort we hope that we can
continue to rely on the valuable support of the
multilateral institutions and the community of nations,
with whom we share interests and problems  in
particular the joint mission to preserve and consolidate
peace after conflicts have come to an end. In this
regard, as we celebrate the International Year for the
Culture of Peace, I would like to reiterate the
importance that El Salvador attaches to the continuity
of the efforts focused on strengthening a culture of
peace, especially on the eve of the International
16

Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for
the Children of the World.
In Central America, since 1987, when the
agreement on the Procedures for the establishment of
a firm and lasting peace in Central America was
signed, our peoples have welcomed with hope and have
supported national, regional and international
initiatives to achieve pacification in the region. These
efforts culminated in specific agreements that made it
possible to end the armed conflicts in the affected
countries and to carry out profound political and
institutional transformations, which have contributed to
improving living conditions for all the peoples in the
region.
Along the way we have adopted and implemented
measures and mechanisms that, in a general sense, have
made it possible to guarantee human rights and
fundamental freedoms, establishing the base from
which Central America can begin democratic life, free
from armed conflicts and with legitimate and
sovereignly elected Governments. These Governments,
in fulfilment of their historical responsibilities, have
established institutions and developed a process of
consultation in order to coordinate and harmonize
efforts to overcome the profound causes of conflicts
and to avoid retreating from the advances achieved.
It is important to reiterate in this forum that the
countries of Central America have reaffirmed our
commitments to make Central America a region of
peace, liberty, democracy and development, and in
particular to foster gradually and progressively a
Central American union. This is the best route for
ensuring a prosperous future for the region and, at the
same time, to strengthen our capacity to confront our
problems in the best possible way, as well as to take on
the new challenges arising from globalization and
interdependence.
There is no doubt that the progress achieved at
the regional level in the coordination and unification of
the internal and external policies of the countries of the
region represents real proof of the determination of our
Governments to make sure that unity prevails over
division. In our opinion there are more reasons that
unite us than divide us, and we affirm with complete
confidence that in a globalized and interdependent
context the viability of Central America will depend on
the joint effort to build our common historic future.
This is why we must reorient our efforts so that they
meet the requirements, aspirations and needs of our
Central American people, through specific programmes
that provide our people direct and tangible benefits.
Allow me to speak about other important items on
the agenda and in the current international situation
that are of interest to the Government of El Salvador.
A few days ago the Millennium Summit was
concluded, and we can say that the results obtained in
the deliberations and reflected in the final Declaration
have inspired us with hope. In particular we are
heartened by the commitments made to strengthen
peace, security and disarmament. Among the most
notable of these commitments are to eliminate weapons
of mass destruction and to fight against transnational
crime in all its dimensions, including the global
problem of drugs and related crimes, against the illicit
trafficking in small arms, and against international
terrorism.
We also are hopeful because of the commitments
on a highly sensitive and worrisome issue for our
countries: development and the eradication of poverty,
and also on the need to develop a multilateral trade and
financial system that is open and equitable and is based
on rules that are predictable and non-discriminatory.
And we are also hopeful because of the commitments
to make sure that the high-level intergovernmental
meeting on financing for development is a success.
We should mention as well the decision to reduce
by half, by the year 2015, the percentage of people on
the Earth whose income is less than one dollar a day,
including reducing hunger, and on access to drinking
water, promoting equal access to various levels of
education and promoting gender equality, reducing
maternal mortality and the propagation of diseases
including AIDS, and protecting vulnerable individuals.
We would also highlight the commitments made
to preserve the environment and to intensify efforts to
reduce the number and effects of natural disasters. We
would highlight as well the commitments regarding
violations of human rights, democracy and the good
management of political affairs.
In our opinion the issue of the strengthening of
the United Nations deserves special attention because
of the situation that the Organization currently faces
with regard to fulfilling its mandate, which has been
apparent during the last 10 years more than at any other
time in its history. A crisis of confidence, credibility
17

and capacity has increased the conviction of the
majority of Member States that it is absolutely
necessary to introduce substantive changes in the basic
structure of the Organization and in its decision-
making processes in order to reflect the realities of the
current international order, which has greatly changed
since the adoption of the Charter of the United Nations.
The international situation today is more
complex, multifaceted and uncertain, blending
problems and conflicts that have become permanent
fixtures on the international agenda, and there are new
challenges and threats that transcend national borders.
These include phenomena that undermine the security,
sovereignty and independence of States. Taken
together, these developments provide yet further
justification for the existence of the United Nations, as
well as for the validity of its objectives and principles.
We recognize and welcome the changes
introduced in the basic functional and administrative
structure of the United Nations in order to improve its
efficiency. Nevertheless, we share the general opinion
regarding the imperative need to undertake integral
reform. This reform should include substantial
transformations in the principal organs, not only so that
the Organization can better fulfil its mandate, but also
to overcome the contradictions underlying provisions
in the Charter so that the system will function in a truly
democratic and transparent manner.
First, we must recognize that for many years now
the mandate of the Economic and Social Council has
been questioned. Therefore, we believe it is necessary
to resume negotiations aimed at adopting measures to
revitalize one the main functions of the United Nations,
which is the promotion of economic and social
development. In particular, priority should be granted
to sustainable development, with special emphasis on
fighting poverty, the fight against drugs and AIDS, the
protection of the environment and respect for human
rights. All of this is in conformity with the
commitments in the Millennium Declaration and
especially with the objectives pursued through
preventive diplomacy. For this purpose, we believe it is
appropriate to reexamine the initiative to create an
economic security council which would be responsible
for dealing with development problems.
Secondly, we believe it is extremely important to
examine and evaluate the functions and powers of the
General Assembly, given that this is an essential organ
and the most representative body in the structure of the
Organization. Nevertheless, its decisions are limited
and are not binding upon the Member States. As a
result efforts must be made to strengthen and broaden
the Assembly's competence as a political forum in
order to ensure the true role that it must play in world
affairs. In particular the Assembly should be given
greater responsibility in the decision-making process.
This would not only strengthen the democratization
and transparency of the actions of the Organization; it
would also give the Assembly the legitimacy it requires
in order to carry out collective action.
Thirdly, the reform of the Security Council is,
from our point of view, one of the biggest challenges
facing Member States, for my Government it is a
matter of concern that after seven years of negotiations
we have not made progress on the substantive points
related to the category, number and privileges of new
members, as well as on the question of the veto, which
is currently an exclusive privilege of the permanent
members.
The differences and the inflexible positions we
have seen are unacceptable because they create a
situation which, in our view, contributes to the lack of
credibility and a loss of confidence in the system of
collective security. It is urgent and we cannot postpone
overcoming our differences and granting each other
concessions so that we can reach a general, fair and
equitable agreement in order to achieve the aims of the
reform and realize the legitimate interests and hopes of
most of the countries of the international community.
El Salvador joins in the very fair demand,
expressed so many times in this forum, to increase the
number of permanent and non-permanent members to
include industrialized and developing countries,
faithfully reflecting the current world configuration.
The numbers should reflect the current membership of
the Organization with equal responsibilities and due
respect for geographic distribution. The use of the veto
privilege should be limited to Chapter VII of the
Charter.
I would like now to refer to other important
issues which are part of the Assembly's agenda in the
new millennium. These issues have important
repercussions for Member States as regards
international peace and security, as well as serious
consequences for the future of our Organization.
18

On behalf of the people and Government of El
Salvador, we welcome Tuvalu as a new Member of the
Organization. This act confirms the right of people to
be represented in this worldwide Organization and
illustrates the universal nature of the United Nations.
The Charter was adopted on behalf of the people
who comprise the international community and,
consequently, the United Nations cannot, and must not,
close the door to any people which expresses its
sovereign will and desire to be represented in the world
Organization.
May I refer to the special case which has been
discussed in the Assembly each of the last eight years
regarding the need to examine the exceptional
international situation of the Republic of China in
Taiwan with a view to guaranteeing full respect for the
fundamental rights of its 23 million inhabitants to
participate in the activities of the United Nations.
We support the establishment of a working group
in the Assembly to examine the appropriate place that
the Republic of China should have in international
bodies. We want to make it quite clear that our support
for this initiative is not intended as an intervention in
the internal affairs of another Member State. Nor does
it represent opposition to the peaceful reunification of
the Chinese people. Rather, it represents the
recognition of the right of a people to realize their just
aspirations, a people which exercises democratic rights
in a country with which we have had excellent relations
for more than 50 years.
El Salvador participated with great interest in the
2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We
recognize that, even though the results were not exactly
what we desired, encouraging agreements and
decisions were reached in the effort to achieve the
objectives of the denuclearization regime which seeks
to encourage nuclear States to act in good faith, to meet
their international responsibilities and duties and to
continue negotiations aimed at eliminating the threat of
nuclear war. With these ideas, we join the members of
the international community who have expressed their
firm support for the proposal by the Secretary-General
to convene an international conference aimed at
seeking ways to eliminate the nuclear threat.
With regard to conventional weapons, we wish to
refer specifically to small arms and light weapons in
light of the fact that El Salvador underwent the tragic
experience of an armed conflict during the 1980s  a
conflict that was intense and of long duration precisely
because of the entry and spread of this type of
weaponry  weaponry which entered our country
illegally in order to supply the irregular militias.
However, these weapons reached other parts of the
population and resulted in a large number of casualties
and the phenomenon of displaced persons and refugees
from the areas of conflict. This situation was solved
after the signing of the Peace Agreement in 1992.
Not only do small arms and light weapons affect
conflicts, be they internal or international, but traffic in
these weapons has become a danger for public security
and a threat to stability, as well as a threat to the
democracy and sovereignty of States, when these
weapons are used in activities that constitute
transnational threats, such as terrorism, drug
trafficking, money laundering and international crime.
For this reason we firmly support the United Nations
Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and
Light Weapons in All Its Aspects, to be held in 200l.
With regard to domestic or international conflicts
that continue to occupy the attention of the
international community and our Organization, we can
only express our concern and regret that agreements
have not yet been reached to guarantee peace, despite
multilateral efforts. We urge all parties directly
involved in each of the countries in conflict to abandon
their individual or group interests so that through a
national effort, political agreements can be reached
which will make it possible for lasting permanent
peace to be established in conformity with the
aspirations of the peoples.
May I also refer to the Middle East. Here we
believe that the recent negotiations at Camp David are
an important step in the difficult road to peace. We
hope that it will be possible to achieve stable and
lasting peace within sure borders for all the peoples of
the region.
In conclusion, I should like to emphasize that the
Millennium Summit and the Millennium Assembly are
historic events that could mark the beginning of a new
era in the international order. Indeed, the Millennium
Declaration is an ambitious but vital programme to
collectively resolve our common problems. Hence, it is
imperative that the commitments which we have made
become a reality and, in the short term, we should take
concrete steps and show political will for their
19

implementation. The peoples and Governments of the
developing world will be watching closely and we shall
do our utmost to implement those commitments. From
a realistic point of view they require the decisive
support of the developed world in order to be fully
implemented.


Allow me first of all to
congratulate Mr. Holkeri on his election as President of
the General Assembly at its fifty-fifth session and to
commend him for the able leadership he has shown
since the beginning of our session. With his wisdom
and vast experience, there is no doubt that he will
guide our deliberations to a successful conclusion.
In the same vein, I would also like to commend
Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, the outgoing President, for the
professional and efficient manner in which he
conducted the affairs of this Assembly.
Last but by no means least, I pay tribute to the
Secretary-General for the dynamic and visionary
manner in which he has been carrying out his mandate.
I would also like to seize this opportunity to
congratulate him for his forward-looking millennium
report, entitled, “We the peoples: the role of the United
Nations in the twenty-first century”.
May I also join previous speakers in
congratulating Tuvalu on its admission as the newest
Member of the United Nations.
The Millennium Summit that has just ended was a
historic event that brought together world leaders of the
highest political echelon who rededicated themselves
to the principles of the United Nations. As the
Summit's political declaration and outcome document
indicate, our leaders considered the various challenges
faced by the United Nations, exchanged views and
explored ideas on the role that the Organization is
expected to play in the twenty-first century. I am
confident that, through concerted efforts, we, the
servants of the people, will energize our United
Nations to enable it to tackle the challenges of this
century.
Some of the important issues that were raised
during the recently concluded Summit, such as conflict
resolution, poverty eradication, accessibility to health
care and debt relief, to mention only a few, have been
echoed by many speakers since the general debate
began. An issue that is of particular concern to the
President of the Republic of the Gambia and to my
delegation is that of conflict situations, particularly
those in Africa. I am referring to situations such as
those that currently prevail in Angola, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia and Eritrea, Sierra
Leone, the Comoros, Somalia, Guinea and Liberia.
In Angola, we are concerned about the continuing
civil strife and its negative impact on the well-being of
the brotherly people of that country. It is an open secret
that the intransigence of UNITA is largely responsible
for the present state of affairs. We therefore commend
the Security Council sanctions Committee on Angola,
especially the work done by Ambassador Fowler and
his Panel of Experts, to show the way forward on how
to reduce UNITA's capacity to wage war. We hope that
29

the recommendations contained in the Panel's report
will be fully and scrupulously implemented, and that
this will force UNITA to return to the negotiating table.
We are equally alarmed at the volatile situation in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its
repercussions throughout the Great Lakes region. My
delegation therefore strongly urges the belligerents,
signatories of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, to
adhere to the Agreement's terms and conditions, with a
view to accelerating the peace process.
Regarding Ethiopia and Eritrea, we are heartened
by the current adherence to the June 2000 ceasefire and
strongly urge the two brotherly countries to accelerate
negotiations on a comprehensive peace agreement that
would hopefully lead to a definitive conclusion of the
regrettable two-year-long border conflict. In this
connection, my delegation strongly supports the speedy
deployment of a peacekeeping mission to the disputed
area.
Somalia also continues to attract our attention.
We therefore commend President Ismail Omar Guelleh
for his relentless endeavour to broker the Djibouti
process that culminated in the recent election of
President Abdikassim Salad Hassan. We wish President
Salad Hassan all the best in his onerous task of forming
a representative Government, a Government of national
unity, and in the uphill task of rebuilding his war-torn
country. We also appeal to all the Somali factions to
put their differences aside, to put their country first and
to join in the concerted effort to achieve the national
unity that has eluded Somalia since 1991. We all
welcome Somalia into the international community
once more, as it has now started occupying its seats in
international meetings.
Nearer to home, the volatile situations in the
brotherly countries of Sierra Leone, Guinea and Liberia
continue to be of great concern to us. My delegation,
however, takes heart in the Security Council's decision,
by its resolution 1317 (2000), to extend the mandate of
the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone. This,
together with the efforts being deployed by the
Economic Community of West African States, will
definitely bring about positive results very soon.
At this point, we also want to commend the
Government of the United Kingdom for stepping in
with military assistance to bolster the United Nations
troops there, showing courage and leadership when it
was most needed. Other members of the Security
Council should emulate that example and show
leadership by example.
My delegation welcomes the establishment of the
special court for Sierra Leone to try war crimes and
other atrocities. Our only disappointment is that, unlike
the case of other tribunals, funding is based on
voluntary contributions. How, then, do we expect the
Sierra Leone special court to function effectively and
efficiently? Are we serious about the need to eradicate
the culture of impunity? We also appreciate the work
being done by the Security Council to ban the trade in
conflict diamonds.
At the national, regional and subregional levels,
the Secretary-General's 1998 report (A/52/871) on the
causes of conflict and the promotion of durable peace
and sustainable development in Africa remains a useful
guide in our collective efforts to resolve conflicts
around the continent and at the same time address the
problem of development.
In addition to that, the Brahimi report on United
Nations peace and security activities is indeed very
timely, but we will be doing justice to the report only if
we implement the recommendations contained in it and
do so as soon as possible.
Apart from the conflicts in Africa, we are also
closely monitoring conflict situations in other parts of
the world, such as the Middle East, the Korean
peninsula and the Taiwan Strait. In the Middle East, my
delegation strongly supports the peace process and the
indefatigable efforts of President Bill Clinton to help
the parties concerned to reach an agreement
satisfactory to all sides. We must always bear in mind,
however, that the relevant Security Council resolutions,
especially resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973),
remain the most credible basis for a just and lasting
peace in the Middle East.
If we unanimously agree that might is not right in
one part of the world, we should apply the same
principle in any other part of the world. I will refer to a
number of situations.
In regard to the situation between Kuwait and
Iraq, we in the Gambia have always maintained that the
international community should, as a matter of
urgency, find ways of alleviating the suffering of the
Iraqi people. But, at the same time, the Iraqi leadership
must be accountable for the Kuwaiti prisoners of war
and missing persons. The families of the prisoners of
30

war and missing persons have also been suffering for
too long. Furthermore, we cannot treat lightly the issue
of the Kuwaiti national archives, still in Iraqi hands.
They must be returned, as must all other property
removed illegally from Kuwait at the time of the
invasion. Let us be fair to the people of Kuwait. They
look to the international community for the justice that
they so rightly deserve.
Let justice prevail everywhere. The sanctions
imposed on Libya have been suspended, but what is
stopping the Security Council from lifting them
altogether? Libya has complied with all the conditions
laid down by the Security Council. We therefore call on
the Council to keep its part of the bargain. Still on the
subject of Libya, the Government of the Gambia would
like to congratulate President Muammar Al-Qadhafi for
the preponderant role that he played to defuse the
hostage crisis in the Philippines, in the spirit of
goodwill and respect for human rights.
We also hope that the differences between the
United States of America and the Republic of the
Sudan over the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical plant will soon
have a peaceful solution in the interests of all.
We also believe that the people of the Comoros
should be listening, too, so that, through the efforts
they are making to resolve locally the division existing
in their country they will reach a definitive solution, in
the interests of the continent of Africa as well as of the
international community as a whole, that will make us
all proud.
Let me come back to the issue of sanctions, but
this time I want to talk about Cuba. The unjust
sanctions imposed on Cuba for over 30 years should be
lifted, as called for by many people of good will
around the world, including some lawmakers here in
the United States who believe that such sanctions are
of another age and are not conducive to good-
neighbourliness and international cooperation. It is our
fervent hope that common sense will soon prevail so
that at long last we will see the normalization of
relations between the United States and Cuba, two
neighbours, two great countries that have a lot to offer
to their peoples and to the rest of the world.
It is in this spirit that my delegation hails the
thaw in relations between North and South Korea
signalled by the June 2000 Summit in Pyongyang
between Presidents Kim Jong Il and Kim Dae-jung. We
encourage the two brotherly countries to continue on
the path of reconciliation, which we hope will lead to
the eventual reunification of the two Koreas.
Meanwhile, we are here yet again to reason with
the Assembly about the pressing need to reconsider its
position with regard to the case of the Republic of
China on Taiwan. At this moment, when we the United
Nations are at a crossroads, when history is in the
making, when we are talking about inclusiveness,
universality, globalization, democratization — and the
list goes on — it defies logic that a country of 23
million people, with all that they have to offer to the
rest of mankind, is continuously barred from
participating in the work and activities of the United
Nations. The Republic of China has a national flag,
national ceremonies and systems that are recognized all
over the world. It is also one of the most advanced in
the field of technology and electronics, agriculture and
medicine.
Here is a country relatively small in size, but in
terms of social, economic, financial, cultural,
technological and scientific achievements, the Republic
of China on Taiwan is indeed a force to be reckoned
with, a formidable powerhouse. This country has
always espoused everything that our Organization
stands for: its purposes and principles, its aims and
objectives, its shared values and dreams. The Republic
of China is not discouraged. We must in the spirit of
democracy and justice allow it to hoist its flag as an
independent nation in this edifice of the United
Nations.
It is my delegation's firm belief that this historic
occasion of the Millennium Summit is the time to
embrace opportunities, make progress on issues that
divide us, move forward and look to the future with
confidence, rather than living in the past, burying our
heads in the sand or turning the other way. If we look
closely at the documents prepared for the Millennium
Summit — whether the one introduced by the
Secretary-General or the working draft prepared by the
General Assembly President — it will be seen that on
almost all the issues raised in these important
documents the Republic of China has much to offer.
Let us take human rights, democracy and good
governance. It will be recalled that on 18 March this
year, the Republic of China held its second presidential
election. Nearly 12.8 million people, approximately 83
per cent of all eligible voters in Taiwan, participated in
the election, vigorously contested by candidates from
31

all political parties. The opposition won the election,
which resulted in an unprecedented transition of power
from one political party to another, in an orderly and
peaceful process. After that result the country still
seeks to be a part of this house.
In the area of development and poverty
eradication, we have witnessed on a number of
occasions how the Republic of China has, through its
International Economic Cooperation and Development
Fund, been collaborating with such agencies as the
Asian Development Bank, the Central American Bank
for Economic Integration and the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development to support
development projects around the world.
As for the crucial sector of information and
communications technology and the revolution in this
field, it is an open secret that the Republic of China is
in the vanguard. We will be talking a great deal about
the growing digital divide. We have to bridge this
divide, and it goes without saying that one of the major
pillars of this bridge is the Republic of China.
How, then, can this country be excluded from the
United Nations family? Furthermore, in this era of
globalization and liberalization, it is impossible to
understand how a leading trading nation like the
Republic of China could be excluded from playing its
rightful role in the comity of nations. The Republic of
China is one of the most successful examples of
economic development in the twentieth century and is
now the world's nineteenth largest economy in terms of
gross domestic product and the fourteenth most
important trading nation. And, yes, it possesses the
third largest amount of foreign reserves in the world.
What is even more praiseworthy is that the
Republic of China has over the years sent more than
10,000 experts to train technicians in countries all over
the world, especially in developing countries. In
addition, it has also been providing disaster relief
around the world amounting to billions of dollars. This
country continues to respond promptly and positively
to United Nations appeals for emergency relief and
rehabilitation for countries suffering from natural
disasters and wars.
It will also be useful and helpful to talk about
cross-strait relations just to show that the door to
dialogue is not completely shut between the Republic
of China and the People's Republic of China. In fact
since 1987 more than 12 million visits have been
arranged and 100 million letters and phone calls
exchanged. Last year alone some 2 million visits were
exchanged. We note with a sense of great satisfaction
that cross-strait trade totalled $27 billion. These figures
speak volumes. This is why we believe that we should
not only take note of, but also support, the conciliatory
gestures of the Republic of China towards the People's
Republic of China, especially the request for a summit
to pursue cross-strait reconciliation efforts without
specifying any preconditions, format or location. The
newly elected President of the Republic of China even
went further, by expressing the hope that the leaders of
the Republic of China and the People's Republic of
China would respect the free choice of the people on
both sides and work together to resolve the question of
a future one China.
While working to achieve that goal, we, the
United Nations, should help the process by considering
how both sides of the Taiwan Strait can participate at
the same time in the United Nations. We are confident
that, as was the case with the former East Germany and
the former West Germany, parallel representation of
divided nations in the United Nations — in addition to
contributing to regional peace and security — can lead
to their peaceful unification.
Other than conflict situations in the world,
poverty eradication is a matter that is close to our
heart. Indeed, as we begin the twenty-first century,
poverty remains our number one challenge to
sustainable human development. In this connection, I
would like to mention that about three weeks ago the
Gambia launched the 1998 National Household Poverty
Survey and the 1999-2000 Participatory Assessment
National Summary reports. The poverty survey
revealed that households engaged in farming and the
informal sectors record the highest poverty incidence,
at 80 per cent and 85 per cent respectively. Some of the
causes identified were low crop yields, inaccessibility
to credit, low rainfall, poor soil fertility,
unemployment, insufficient food, lack of income for
basic needs, poor health and lack of education. We
intend to address these causes within the framework of
The Gambia's Vision 2020, our national blueprint for
socio-economic development. The President of the
Republic of The Gambia has thus reinforced the use of
tractors and mechanized ploughing and modern
agriculture techniques in order to increase the
production of rice, groundnuts and other agricultural
commodities, in an effort to achieve self-sufficiency.
32

Efforts to eradicate poverty should also include a
health component. Indeed, as the World Bank rightly
puts it, a major acceleration of growth is unlikely
without a dramatic improvement in human capital,
particularly public health. This is why my delegation
finds the concept of the Global Alliance for Vaccines
and Immunization very attractive indeed, especially in
its strategic objectives. Let me at this juncture
commend the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation for
its generous contribution towards the delivery of
vaccines in the poorest countries and for supporting
research with a view to developing vaccines.
Referring specifically to research in the area of
malaria, I am proud to state that the Medical Research
Council in the Gambia has always enjoyed the support
and encouragement of my Government. The Medical
Research Council has over the years accumulated a lot
of experience and expertise. I am sure that the Global
Alliance can make use of such experience and expertise
in carrying out its own mandate.
For us in West Africa, the eradication of malaria
is among our highest priorities. We, particularly the
Gambia, Senegal, Guinea-Bissau and the Republic of
Guinea, have been meeting at the subregional level to
give effect to the World Health Organization's Roll
Back Malaria strategy and to develop other preventive
and curative remedies for implementation at the
national level.
The recent breakthrough in human science
through the successful decoding of the human genome,
and the bright prospects for genome science, will allow
for the development of vaccines and medicines as
remedies for deadly diseases all over the world. What
is even more amazing about that major scientific
breakthrough is its reaffirmation of our common
humanity. The language of the book of life is in fact the
same for all peoples, irrespective of race, religion or
region.
In efforts to make the world a better place for
humankind, we also need to adopt a fresher approach
regarding economic development issues, such as the
debt burden and trade access, official development
assistance and financing for development, to mention
only a few. As one of the least developed countries, the
Gambia looks forward to the forthcoming Third United
Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries,
to be held in March 2001. My delegation fully supports
the Secretary-General's proposal to urge industrialized
countries to consider granting duty-free and quota-free
access for essentially all exports from least developed
countries.
I must add that in addressing the specific
problems of least developed countries, extra efforts
should be made to tackle the excruciating debt burden
across the board, rather than limiting the approach to a
select number of countries as provided for under the
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Debt
Initiative. We note, sadly, that the international
community's effort to resolve Africa's external debt
problems continues to fall short of the desired results.
The adoption of the HIPC initiative by the World Bank
and the International Monetary Fund, while
complementing global efforts, also falls short of the
expected target: complete cancellation of the debt stock
of all developing countries is what should happen.
Unless that is done, the debt burden will continue to
have a negative impact on the availability of adequate
resources to finance Africa's economic recovery and
social development.
The task of peace-building and peacemaking at
the national and international levels and the other tasks
within the United Nations mandate are facilitated
because we are fortunate to have an organization such
as the United Nations to provide the framework for
such efforts. As the Secretary-General aptly puts it in
his “We the peoples” report, the United Nations is
“the only body of its kind with universal
membership and comprehensive scope, and
encompassing so many areas of human
endeavour. These features make it a uniquely
useful forum — for sharing information,
conducting negotiations, elaborating norms and
voicing expectations, coordinating the behaviour
of States and other actors, and pursuing common
plans of action.” (A/54/2000, para. 8)
Regrettably, the Organization has not always been
in a position to carry out its peacekeeping and other
important roles effectively. This is due mainly to a
dearth of financial resources. Therefore, if it is to
assume the important role the founding fathers
assigned it in the first place, that of meeting the needs
of the world's peoples, we the Member States have to
provide it with the necessary financial and other
resources. The United Nations is expected to play an
even greater role in the twenty-first century.
33

Quite apart from providing the Organization with
the necessary resources, there will be a need to carry
out some reforms, especially of the Security Council.
We must begin by making its membership more
reflective of present-day realities. Any reform of the
Security Council must first and foremost address the
serious anomaly which excludes Africa from the
present permanent membership category. This must be
corrected; Africa must be given a minimum of two
permanent seats if and when the Council is ever
reformed. In an organization like ours, the right of veto
is a rebellion against democracy. For the five
permanent members of the Security Council to
understand the present situation as being unfair will be
a mark of their sense of equity and justice. We will
then know that they too want a Council based on
mutual respect and fraternal cooperation in the service
of humanity at large.
In conclusion, I would like to emphasize once
again that the United Nations is the best legacy that the
founding fathers could have left for the peoples of the
world. It has served us reasonably well for the past 55
years, nations big and small, rich and poor. It can serve
us even better in the twenty-first century provided that
we have the political will to strengthen the
Organization so that it can carry on with the difficult
but not impossible task of making this world a better
place for all nations. That is the hope of my country.
We are certain that all together we will be able to
achieve it.
We should remain optimistic, because we know
that, as Professor Pierre-Henri Simon was wont to say
in his lectures at the Sorbonne, life begins on the other
side of despair. The United Nations was created in the
midst of despair as a haven of hope, peace, progress
and justice for all. It should also be, for all of us, in
justice and in truth, an asylum from the cruelty and
pain of the outside world.


I will deliver this statement
on behalf of Mr. Erkki Tuomioja, the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Finland.
The heads of State and Government have just
completed the largest-ever United Nations gathering,
the Millennium Summit. They adopted a forward-
looking and ambitious Millennium Declaration. This,
together with the Secretary-General's report for the
Summit, sets a demanding agenda for the United
Nations for the new millennium. A new spirit was
kindled in the Summit. We need to keep that spirit alive
in the Assembly, which now has the responsibility to
start the implementation of the Millennium
Declaration.
The President of Finland made a statement on the
need for the United Nations to be relevant for the
Member States and their people. I should like to
elaborate on some of her ideas a little further, fully
supporting the statement made by the French Foreign
Minister, Mr. VÈdrine, on behalf of the European
Union.
One of the most inspiring concepts that the
Secretary-General has advocated is the culture of
prevention. If we want the United Nations to be
relevant, we must equip it with the means to be one
step ahead of developments. Successful prevention
requires a profound understanding of underlying
causes. By understanding these causes, we can
establish an early warning system that allows us to act
in time, before the conflicts erupt.
One of the root causes of conflicts is poverty. As
almost half of the world's population still have to make
do with less than $2 dollars a day, and struggle for
existence, conflicts can flare up easily. Poverty is also
an affront to human dignity. Trying to halve the
proportion of people living in extreme poverty requires
common efforts. Democracy and respect for human
rights are important preconditions for all development
and for poverty eradication to be sustained. Without
democratic decision-making, respect for the rule of
law, human rights and fundamental freedoms, gender
equality and good governance, it is unrealistic to
expect sustainable results in poverty reduction.
Demand for respect for human rights will
continue to shape the destiny of humankind in the
future. One of the greatest achievements of the United
Nations has been the codification of a core set of
human rights standards. Governments have the
obligation to implement these standards. The United
Nations is the only global organization primarily
mandated to ensure respect for human rights. It should
devote more attention and resources to the full
realization and enjoyment of these rights universally.
Globalization is not only an unavoidable process
but also something which is on the whole beneficial for
human development. Globalization today is not merely
a continuation of the familiar process of
internationalization of trade, market integration and
growing interdependence. In these processes, we
encounter the phenomenon of quantity changing into
quality. The development of new technologies greatly
multiplies the effects, both positive and negative, of
globalization. I believe that the great majority of the
world's population have benefited from globalization.
Some have certainly made vast profits from it. As such,
this is not to be deplored; but, at the same time, too
many people are losers in the same process. Many
more fear the potential threats and losses they perceive
as negative effects of globalization. Still more are
anxious as to whether global processes are under
control any longer. For these reasons, it is of the utmost
importance for us to be able to face the challenges of
globalization and to counter many of its negative
effects.

The United Nations, the Bretton Woods
institutions and the World Trade Organization (WTO),
as well as other international actors, must join forces in
adopting and implementing the common rules needed
to harness the positive power of globalization. Trade
liberalization and trade rules under the auspices of the
WTO should be implemented in such a way that they
benefit all, particularly the poorest, as well as
safeguard our common environment.
One aspect of managing globalization is the need
to enhance stability, transparency and responsible
behaviour in international financial markets. We must
counter disturbances caused, for example, by short-
term speculative capital movements. Initiatives such as
currency transaction taxes, the so-called Tobin tax,
deserve careful consideration. If, as some studies
indicate, such a tax is unworkable, it is all the more
important to propose and adopt other means and
instruments to achieve the same aims.
19

One of the most recent challenges is the digital
divide created by the revolution in information and
communication technology. Computerization and
Internet literacy are not an end as such. They should
serve the purposes of development: education, literacy,
health care, empowerment and inclusion. By closing
the digital gap, we help developing countries join the
knowledge-based global economy. In the long run, the
digital revolution has the greatest potential for the
developing countries. Information and communication
technology (ICT) will make technological leap-
frogging possible for developing countries.
The global agenda set in the United Nations
conferences and summits in the 1990s addressed many
such basic needs of human life which need common
attention in the process of globalization. Progress was
made on human rights, gender equality, population,
social development, sustainable development, drugs,
environmental issues and many others. In the new
millennium, we must focus on the accelerated
implementation of the plans of action adopted at these
conferences. Still, our agenda keeps growing. Children,
HIV/AIDS, racism and racial discrimination, financing
for development, least developed countries as well as
sustainable development and the environment require
more profound attention from the world community.
Even with these issues, I am afraid that our agenda is
not exhausted. The growing agenda poses valid
demands of coherence on the United Nations system
and its work, as well as on the Member States.
No matter how well we implement the global
agenda and no matter how much we resort to
preventive actions, we have to have improved means to
solve crises and conflicts as peacefully and rapidly as
possible. Finland welcomes the Secretary-General's
initiative to take a critical look at the United Nations
peace operations by a Panel of eminent persons. The
Brahimi report suggests a comprehensive reform of
peace operations. We need a detailed discussion on the
report without delay. There are lessons to be learned
for the United Nations and its Member States. We
should particularly learn from the failures so as not to
repeat them, but we also must learn from successes and
see what works.
We need to address the whole continuum of peace
operations from the standpoint of prevention. It is most
important to try to prevent crises from erupting.
Prevention is an important element during a crisis as
we try to stop its escalation. Prevention continues after
crises in post-conflict peace-building, as we need to
minimize their consequences and their duration, not to
speak of their repetition. Kosovo is a prime example of
this.
I am stating the obvious when I say that the
United Nations needs a rapid-reaction capability,
qualified and experienced personnel to perform the
operations, as well as the money to pay for them. This
would make it easier to address an increased demand
for United Nations peacekeeping.
The critical approach taken in the Brahimi report
should also be extended to other fields and activities of
the United Nations in order to attain efficiency within
the Organization. Reorganization and prioritization
would free both human and financial resources for the
core areas of our responsibilities.
There have been positive developments in some
crises that have long been on the United Nations
agenda. A most encouraging example is the
rapprochement in the Korean peninsula. Finland
welcomes the positive development to bring peace,
stability and reunification to the Korean peninsula and
encourages the two parties to advance the process of
dialogue. Finland also welcomes the withdrawal of
Israeli troops from southern Lebanon in accordance
with Security Council resolution 425 (1978). We hope
this leads to a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in
the Middle East.
The nation-building process in East Timor has
started successfully. I hope that the present transition
period will soon lead to full independence for East
Timor. Recent incidents in West Timor against United
Nations personnel, however, jeopardize the progress
and the capabilities of the United Nations system to
help. We also strongly support the Secretary-General's
efforts to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the
Cyprus problem.
Developments in Africa have not been
encouraging. I regret deeply that the safety and security
of United Nations personnel have not been guaranteed
in all United Nations operations, such as that in Sierra
Leone. However, Eritrea and Ethiopia have reached an
agreement and international monitoring can start. I am
happy to announce that Finland will participate in the
United Nations mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea.
The continuum of multidimensional crises must
be prevented, managed and solved with appropriate
20

multidimensional means. Addressing them requires
cooperation among different organizations, such as the
United Nations, the European Union, the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Organization of
African Unity and the Organization of American
States, to mention but a few. The complexity of crises
has shown that no single organization is capable of
dealing with all aspects of a crisis  military, civilian
and humanitarian. Sad experiences, for example from
the Balkans, remind us that many weaknesses still exist
in the conflict-prevention and management capabilities
of the international community. A clearer division of
labour between the organizations is needed. They must
concentrate on what they can do best, following the
principle of comparative advantage. Complementarity
and cooperation are the friends, and rivalry the enemy,
of any operation.
Coherent action is needed to address the
situations, bearing in mind the comprehensive concept
of security. I stress the need to enhance our civilian
crisis-management capabilities in all relevant fields.
Complex crises need expertise in the fields of civilian
police, the rule of law, human rights, justice, electoral
assistance, institution-building, economic reconstruction
and rehabilitation, as well as impartial media. As stated
in the Brahimi report, doctrinal shifts and more
thorough strategic planning are needed at the United
Nations to address complex and often intrastate
conflicts.
Peace and security are indivisible. Disarmament
is a part of comprehensive and integrated action in
preventing conflicts and in promoting a global dialogue
on peace and stability. Arms control agreements,
including the Treaty between the United States of
America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems,
remain a cornerstone of international security. The
successful outcome of the Review Conference of the
States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT) created a new momentum in
nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. The
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty must be
ratified by all. We hope for a swift entry into force of
the START II Treaty and we are looking forward to the
commencement of the START III negotiations.
One of the main concerns is the regional arms
race. We need to ensure that the few countries
remaining outside the NPT regime do not develop
weapons of mass destruction. Also, conventional arms,
and in particular anti-personnel landmines, small arms
and light weapons, remain a concern in regional and
internal conflicts. The United Nations Conference on
the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in
All Its Aspects should aim at achieving significant
results in adopting a comprehensive approach
integrating security and development.
Enhanced international action is also needed in
humanitarian demining, particularly in post-conflict
situations where civilian populations continue to be
victims of anti-personnel landmines.
I wish to join the Secretary-General's call on all
States to sign and ratify the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court (ICC) at the earliest
possible date. It is important now to build on what has
been achieved in and after the Rome Conference and to
secure the early establishment of the ICC, fully
respecting the integrity of its Statute. More and more
States, including my own, are approaching the stage of
ratification of the Rome Statute. We are confident that,
in the long run, all States will recognize the benefits of
a permanent International Criminal Court.
Terrorism is an evil we must combat decisively
and effectively so that everyone can live and travel
freely in the world without having to fear crime and
kidnappings. We have negotiated 12 major anti-
terrorism conventions within the United Nations
framework that make it clear that terrorist acts are
criminal and can never be justified by any ends. This
obviously also applies to the means used to combat
terrorism.
Finland welcomes the initiative of the Secretary-
General to offer an opportunity to sign any treaty or
convention of which the Secretary-General is the
depositary. In this connection, I should also like to
make reference to the Tampere Convention on the
Provision of Telecommunication Resources for
Disaster Mitigation and Relief Operations. As the host
country of the relevant conference, Finland would like
to encourage all States to sign and ratify the
Convention in order to bring it into force as soon as
possible.
The purposes enshrined in the Charter and the
new challenges the United Nations is facing require
unwavering support for the United Nations and for
multilateralism from its Member States. The United
Nations is an expression of the will of its Member
21

States to deliberate and act multilaterally. There are
many reasons why multilateralism is the preferred, as
well as perhaps the only sustainable, way to deal with
problems. It involves all the actors that are needed for
the long-term solution of conflicts. It provides the
transparency that modern conflict resolution requires.
It strengthens respect for international law in general.
Last but not least, it diminishes the possibility that
force will be used unnecessarily or disproportionately.
A tendency towards unilateralism would only
reopen old divisions or create new ones. The United
Nations is a stronghold of multilateralism, and it
should be used to safeguard the primacy of multilateral
action. In this respect, we must ensure that the United
Nations is able to act effectively when the need arises.
The role and ability of the Secretary-General must be
enhanced to enable the Organization to act when it is
otherwise threatened with paralysis.
In this context, I want to make it clear that the
crisis management capacity under construction in the
European Union will be at the service of the
international community. It is not intended for
unilateral interventionism. The Union will contribute to
international peace and security in accordance with the
principles of the United Nations Charter and the
principles and objectives of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe Charter on
European Security.
For this kind of a multilateralism to work, United
Nations finances must be put on a sound, sustainable
and equitable basis. This is crucial for its strength and
credibility. Charter obligations related to the payment
of contributions must be fulfilled by all, on time, in full
and without conditions.
Cooperation between the United Nations,
Governments and non-governmental organizations has
been very successful, and it must be intensified and
facilitated. It has to be extended to cover the whole of
civil society. Present challenges are too heavy for the
United Nations to carry alone. I commend the
Secretary-General for his several initiatives in this
respect. In particular, I would mention his Global
Compact initiative, which seeks to engage corporations
in the promotion of equitable labour standards, respect
for human rights and the protection of the environment.
Cooperation with civil society is a necessity for the
new millennium. Strong partnerships are needed to
meet the challenges posed every day in the present
world. This trend should be strengthened and
encouraged.


It
gives me pleasure at the outset of the fifty-fifth session
of the General Assembly of the United Nations to
convey to His Excellency our sincerest congratulation
for his election to the presidency of this session. His
election to this important position reflects the respect
of the international community for him personally, as
well as the appreciation of the Member States for the
positive role played by his country, Finland, in the
international arena. I am confident that his presidency
of this session will contribute effectively to our efforts
to achieve the objectives towards which the
international community aspires under the present,
delicate international circumstances.
I also wish to take this opportunity to express our
appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab,
Foreign Minister of Namibia and president of the
previous session of the United Nations General
Assembly, who managed the affairs of the session with
great competence and experience and who deserves our
compliments and appreciation.
I am also pleased to express my thanks and
appreciation to His Excellency, the Secretary-General
of the United Nations Mr. Kofi Annan, for his
continuous and tireless efforts to achieve peace and
enhance security and stability in our contemporary
world, as well as for the competence and ability he has
demonstrated in leading the affairs of this
Organization, relying on his rich and exceptional
experience in the international arena. In particular, I
wish to commend His Excellency for his sincere and
extensive efforts in organizing the Millennium Summit,
which, God willing, will contribute to achieving
fruitful results with positive effect on our peoples and
nations while ushering in a new century full of
challenges and opportunities.
On this occasion, I wish to welcome the Republic
of Tuvalu to the membership of the United Nations,
hoping that its membership will enhance the
effectiveness of the Organization and its noble
objectives.
The present session of the General Assembly has
followed immediately the Millennium Summit, a
unique historical event. World leaders met in a
dignified gathering that exemplified the unity of the
human race and their collective endeavour to live in
peace, security and prosperity. That Summit
represented a valuable opportunity to reflect on and to
discuss whatever might lead to a better life for
humanity. The world leaders pledged in the final
Declaration of the Summit to exert all possible efforts
to achieve peace, security and disarmament and
eradicate poverty and disease. They affirmed the
sovereign equality of nations, respect for their
territorial integrity and political independence, and
non-interference in the internal affairs of States. The
Summit also provided a valuable opportunity to
12

evaluate the course of this Organization throughout its
history, which has been full of opportunities and
challenges, so as to enable it to achieve its declared
principles and purposes.
In this regard, a thorough and candid evaluation
of the role of the United Nations was presented by His
Royal Highness Prince Abdullah Bin Abdul-Aziz, the
Crown Prince and the head of the Saudi delegation to
the Millennium Summit. He discussed the challenges
and problems that have impeded the United Nations
from achieving the goals and objectives to which the
human community aspires.
His Royal Highness presented a number of ideas
and notions that represent a valuable contribution to
efforts aimed at promoting and vitalizing the role of the
United Nations. He mentioned the importance of
linkage between modernizing the Organization's
mechanisms and the nature of the issues it confronts.
The effects of these reforms should consider the
viability and performance of United Nations bodies in
a way that enables the United Nations it to fulfil its
required role in dealing effectively with the new
developments in modern international relations.
One of the most apparent features of the new
world order is the emerging phenomenon of
globalization, which, as a developed framework for
international relations, has occupied a large portion of
the current political thought of nations. We view
globalization as a phenomenon that should reflect the
natural closeness between nations aimed at achieving
social justice, overall development, equality among
nations, and broadening the scope of cooperation in a
manner that serves the issues of peace and security and
stability throughout the world. However, and I read
here from a statement by His Royal Highness Prince
Abdullah Bin Abdul-Aziz at the Millennium Summit:
“We hope that the United Nations will
support us in standing against a globalization that
results in the hegemony of the strong over the
weak, increases the causes of the oppression and
exploitation of nations, and fosters injustice and
inequality in international relations. We
particularly warn of the ramifications of
unbridled globalization and its use as an umbrella
to violate the sovereignty of States and interfere
with their internal affairs under a variety of
pretexts especially from the angle of human
rights issues.”
The United Nations call for a civilized dialogue
and declaring 2001 a year for Dialogue among
Civilizations comes at an appropriate time as a
civilized response to those who propagate the themes
and doctrines of conflict and inevitable clash of
civilizations. A dialogue among civilizations
represents, in fact, a constructive beginning towards
achieving globalization in its positive sense and its
human aspect, something to which all peoples and
nations aspire. A dialogue among civilizations would
contribute to strengthening the values and principles of
understanding and cooperation among cultures and
civilizations. It will further promote respect for other
religious beliefs and the cultural legacies of other
nations in a way that consolidates the principles of
peaceful coexistence and proliferates the culture of
peace and tolerance.
Deviation from the values and principles of
justice, equality and non-compliance with the rules of
international legitimacy in resolving differences and
disputes through peaceful means has led to the
proliferation of wars and armed conflicts in many parts
of the world. This has caused painful humanitarian
suffering that continues to arouse the conscience of the
world community. In our region, Israel continues to
take intransigent positions and to reject the
requirements for peace. This became evident during the
recent talks at Camp David where the Israeli side
insisted on maintaining positions that are diametrically
opposed to the principles of peace that were agreed to
in Madrid and to what was stated in United Nations
resolutions with respect to the status of Al-Quds Al-
Sharif. Both the final communiqué of the Al-Quds
Committee, which convened recently in Agadir,
Morocco, and the resolution of the Council of the Arab
League, adopted at its 114th session, reaffirmed the
unshakeable Arab and Islamic positions with respect to
the issue of Al-Quds Al-Sharif. It also reaffirmed the
impossibility of attaining a durable and comprehensive
peace without reaching a just solution to this problem
in a way that preserves Arab and Muslim rights, in
accordance with United Nations resolutions, and that
respects complete Palestinian sovereignty over Al-
Quds Al-Sharif.
Israel is making a big mistake if it believes that
the peace process can proceed without total respect for
the legitimate rights of the Palestinians to return to
their homeland and establish their own independent
State with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Al-Quds
13

Al-Sharif is an integral part of the occupied territories
and is subject to Security Council resolution 242
(1967). Moreover, a comprehensive peace cannot be
achieved without Israeli withdrawal from the occupied
Syrian Golan to the 4 June 1967 line.
We continue to feel for the suffering of the
fraternal Iraqi people as a result of the continuing
refusal of their Government to abide fully by United
Nations resolutions, which would allow for the lifting
of the sanctions. In reiterating its concern over the
suffering of the Iraqi people, the Government of the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia proposed an initiative that
would allow Iraq to import all the materials and goods
it needed — except those that fall within the context of
military items that threaten Iraq's neighbours. If such
an initiative had been accepted, the needs of the Iraqi
people would have been met and their suffering
alleviated. However, the Iraqi Government was swift in
rejecting this gesture, and thus it has prolonged the
suffering of the Iraqi people. We once again express the
hope that the Iraqi Government will act quickly to
comply with Security Council resolution 1284 (1999)
and the mandate of the United Nations Monitoring,
Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC)
and of other international committees concerned with
the release and repatriation of all Kuwaiti and Saudi
prisoners, as well as with the return of Kuwaiti
property. We once again reiterate the need to respect
Iraq's independence, unity and territorial integrity.
We also strongly desire the removal of the causes
of tension in the Gulf region. Accordingly, we hope
that the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran
will cooperate with the efforts of the tripartite
committee, which has been entrusted with creating a
conducive climate for direct negotiations between the
United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran
in order to reach an amicable and acceptable solution
to the issue of the three islands.
As regards Somalia, my country welcomed the
outcome of the national reconciliation conference,
which took place in the town of Arta in Djibouti and
which included the election of President Abdikassin
Salad Hassan. We hope that the other Somali factions
will join the reconciliation efforts aimed at promoting
national accord and at achieving unity and stability in
Somalia.
In Afghanistan fierce fighting continues and is
denying Afghanistan and its people the fruits of
liberation from foreign occupation.
The Pakistani-Indian conflict over Jammu and
Kashmir remains a source of tension between the two
neighbouring countries. We call on both sides to
exercise the utmost restraint and to solve the conflict
through negotiations, in accordance with United
Nations resolutions, which give the people of Jammu
and Kashmir the right to self-determination.
The continuation of these disputes and armed
conflicts — which have claimed the lives of millions,
depleted huge quantities of resources and caused
destruction and serious damage to the environment —
makes it incumbent upon the international community
to make every possible effort to put an end to these
conflicts and to find peaceful solutions to them. In this
regard, we look to the United Nations to make greater
efforts to reaffirm its role as a peacemaker and not just
a peacekeeper. It has become evident that working to
prevent conflicts from erupting is more effective and
less costly than concentrating on peacekeeping.
In this respect and in compliance with the
principle of resolving conflicts through peaceful
means, our region witnessed two important events that
marked a positive sign in relations between nations. In
June 2000, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the
Republic of Yemen signed the Jeddah agreement
establishing final and permanent, international land and
sea borders. This ended more than 60 years of border
disputes. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has also
concluded an agreement with the State of Kuwait for
the demarcation of the shallow seas adjacent to the
former neutral zone between the two countries.
The issue of disarmament is of great concern to
my country, and we call for greater efforts in this area,
especially as regards weapons of mass destruction. The
presence of these weapons represents a great danger to
international peace and security. We hope that the
nuclear States will fulfil the pledges they made at the
2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and adhere
to the commitment to eradicate their nuclear arsenals.
In this context, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is
very concerned about Israel's refusal to accede to the
Non-Proliferation Treaty and about its decision to keep
its nuclear programme outside the scope of
international controls. Israel's refusal to adhere to the
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international will and to become part of this Treaty has
aborted all efforts exerted by the peoples and countries
of the Middle East to live in a region free from all
weapons of mass destruction. Israel is the only country
in the region that has yet to accede to the Non-
Proliferation Treaty, a fact that has disrupted the
balance of security and threatened peace in the region.
It is this imperative to stress the need to increase
the effectiveness of the Non-Proliferation Treaty by
making it universal and mandatory.
Cooperation on social and political issues has
become a necessity that cannot be avoided or
neglected. The economic and social problems of the
developing countries make it incumbent upon us all to
promote policies that can alleviate the effects of these
problems, which in most cases exacerbate tension
within and among nations. We believe that the
developed countries have an obligation to assist in
combating poverty, food scarcities, drought and
famine.
It is unrealistic to apply the concept of
globalization only as a means to liberalize the
markets — removing restrictions — without also
drafting a framework for action that stresses the need
to consider the economic situation in many of the
developing countries and to assist them in moving to a
stage where they can participate in development. It is
therefore important for the industrialized and
technically advanced countries to help those
developing nations without subjecting them to selective
policies in technology transfer. Moreover, globalization
should be a two-way street that requires the developed,
industrialized nations to liberalize their markets and
open them up to products from developing nations.
We are truly objective when dealing with
environmental issues. We support conducting serious
and informed studies based on evidence, studies that
take into consideration the process of development in
the developing countries. In this regard, we call upon
all States to abide by Agenda 21 and urge the
industrialized States to honour their international
commitments regarding the transfer of environmentally
friendly technology to the developing countries.
In conclusion, I would like to emphasise that we
are facing enormous challenges in the new era, which
makes it incumbent upon all of us to strive to achieve
the maximum possible level of cooperation and
solidarity. This is not confined to political and military
challenges, but also includes new waves of challenges
that result from the contemporary way of life with all
its problems and complications and cannot be solved or
managed except through organized collective efforts.
Our firm belief in the important role of the United
Nations in dealing with current issues and in
facilitating appropriate international cooperation to
address and contain these problems, makes us more
determined than ever to support this Organization and
help consolidate its constructive role.
It is my wish that we enter the new millennium
with stronger determination and commitment to our
collective goal to establish a secure world where values
triumph and justice, equality and peace prevail.
Allah says in the Holy Koran:
“Help ye one another in righteousness and piety
but help ye not one another in sin and rancour.”
(The Holy Koran, V:2)
May peace and the blessing of Allah be upon you,
Sir.


The current political
debate is taking place against the background that is
not quite usual. This Hall just heard statements by the
participants in the Millennium Summit. Unprecedented
round tables have just been conducted. The last several
days have brought unusual hectic activity to the United
Nations and the city that hosts the headquarters of our
Organization.
The most spectacular thing, however, is that the
Summit has triggered an intellectual burst, an
explosion of collective thinking. Apparently, this has
been predetermined by a special quality of this
particular moment in time, as we find ourselves at the
threshold not just of a new century, but of a new
millennium. Our acquisitive mind tries to look forward
as far as possible and aspires to see there, against all
odds, a better future. Such is the predominant human
trait  to look forward with optimism.
Our past experience, however, warns us against
excessive euphoria and illusions. We realize that the
world is still full of threats, and our common impulse is
to understand these threats and their causes and to find
ways to overcome them collectively.
This is what I felt during the days I spent at the
Summit. I am probably not the only one who thinks the
same way. But let us hope that the intellectual tide
generated by the Summit will not just die down in the
humdrum of everyday life, but will force us to get
down to business in order to make our planet a safe and
prosperous place.
As we approach the new millennium, we surely
want to take a fresh look at the road we have travelled
so far. At the threshold of a new century, we are in a
position to say that our most important achievement is
that the world has become freer. I believe that the key
word explaining the substance of the changes that are
taking place today should be the word renewal. By our
definition, it means an absolutely new era of relations
between nations, free of the vestiges of the past:
pressure and diktat. It should be a triumph of the
principle of genuine democracy and justice when all
States have equal rights and obligations, irrespective of
their economic and political differences.
The renewal of international relations should be
guided by the understanding that we live now in a
global and interdependent world whose overriding
principle is global partnership. The United Nations
Secretary-General has rightly proclaimed a three-
pronged task: freedom from fear, freedom from want
and saving the human environment, precisely in the
context of globalization. It is also true that
globalization should not overshadow the problems and
concerns of the ordinary man. Our efforts will be futile
if we do not address the issues we face today in this
logical sequence.
Let me dwell on the three main components of
our common goal: making the world a safe, free and
prosperous place.
While recognizing that global security and
stability increasingly depend on economic,
environmental and humanitarian aspects of
development, we should not belittle the importance of
the military and political dimension of security. A
fundamental issue of the elimination of weapons of
mass destruction continues to be a matter of our
common concern. International instruments in this
field, first of all the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty and the Chemical Weapons Convention
have not yet gained universal support and, thus, cannot
be fully effective. The situation with regard to the Anti-
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Ballistic Missile Treaty is also a cause for concern. We
call on all countries to radically change this state of
affairs and to support the Secretary-General's proposal
to hold an international conference to find ways to
avert the nuclear threat.
Kazakhstan, having been the epicentre of cold-
war nuclear confrontation and having resolutely
resisted the temptation to turn into a nuclear power
after it gained independence, has every right to raise
this issue with vigour.
As for Kazakhstan, it continues to contribute to
efforts to ensure global security. Fully respecting its
obligations under the above-mentioned international
instruments, Kazakhstan has been consistently
promoting its initiatives with regard to the Conference
on Interaction and Confidence-building Measures in
Asia (CICA) and the establishment of a nuclear-free
zone in Central Asia. We are convinced that the CICA
initiative has a rational kernel, and we call on the
United Nations and the Asian States to continue their
support of the CICA process in the interests of Asian
and global security.
We should be no less and, probably, more
concerned by new threats: international terrorism,
extremism, illegal trafficking in arms and drugs, and
organized crime. Our newly independent State has
come into direct contact with these threats. We are
seriously alarmed by the situation in Central Asia and
view the conflict in Afghanistan, the bandit groups'
infiltrations in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, and the
situation in Chechnya in Russia as links in one and the
same chain. Members have heard our neighbours -
Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan - talking here
about the same thing.
I want to emphasize again that the way we see it,
the root of the evil is the prolonged war in Afghanistan,
and we urge the Security Council to seriously address
the problem in that country on a long-term basis.
Without addressing it, it would be naÔve to hope for the
elimination of the threat to stability in our region and,
thus, in the whole world. At the same time, we believe
that the key to the solution of the Afghan problem is in
the economic revival of Afghanistan. Our common
experience points to the futility of palliative measures
and attempts to bring the conflicting sides to the
negotiation table without a clear economic plan. There
should be a comprehensive plan for the economic
rehabilitation of Afghanistan which, together with
economic measures, should incorporate the fight
against the production of drugs, illegal arms trade,
terrorism and extremism, and should take into account
the specificity of the ethnic and religious situation in
Afghanistan. Of course, adequate financial resources
should bolster this comprehensive approach. The price
of peace and human life is worth it.
I would like now to look at the threat to the
stability in our region through the prism of the Caspian
Sea. The Caspian treasure-trove has turned now into
the centre of attention. The interests of many States,
not just of our region, converge there. The recent
discovery in Kazakhstan's part of the Caspian Sea of
the Kashagan oilfield, which is the largest one in the
last 30 years, with forecasted reserves of 7 billion
tonnes of high-quality oil, confirms once again that the
potential of the Caspian Sea is enormous. It is our
genuine desire and intention to see that this gift of God
serves the interests of peace and prosperity.
Globalization involves a new level of interaction
and interdependence of States. However, along with the
obvious benefits, globalization entails the danger of a
lopsided distribution of these benefits, both at the inter-
State and intra-State levels.
A widening gap between developed and
developing countries is a burning issue. In fact, this
gap is getting bigger, and debates are underway as to
the forms of involvement of both groups of countries in
the processes of globalization, particularly from the
point of view of the solution of the problems facing the
developing countries.
The situation with regard to the future of the
World Trade Organization (WTO) provides a good
example of the differences in appraising the
globalization phenomenon. This organization, uniting
some 140 States, has become a trade and economic
counterpart of the United Nations. It should be said,
however, that the WTO has to be thoroughly reformed
in order to really liberalize and democratize trade
relations. It should not be a controlling and selectively
discriminating body of world trade policy.
The Bretton Woods institutions also have to be
reformed. We believe that the most important goals in
reforming them are to ensure their openness and
democratization, competence and adequacy and to
improve cooperation with the United Nations. We share
the criticism of the International Monetary Fund
regarding its arm-twisting policy when loans are
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conditioned on many political factors that have nothing
to do with the actual economic situation.
In the context of the role of the Bretton Woods
institutions in the world, I would like to mention the
issue of the integration into the world economy of the
economies in transition. The role and importance of
this group of countries, which includes my own, in the
world economy and politics will grow. I stress that it is
important for Kazakhstan to continue constructive
cooperation with the agencies of the United Nations
family, as well as with the Bretton Woods institutions
and other international organizations, in promoting
economic reforms in my country.
Kazakhstan continues to give priority attention to
the development of the transit transport system in the
States of Central Asia and in neighbouring developing
countries. We think it is important to actively pursue
the improvement of existing programmes and the
development of new ones designed to raise the
efficiency of the present transit system in Central Asia.
Our landlocked country, and the region as a whole,
should have secure multiple access to the world
market. This is a matter of strengthening our
sovereignty and independence.
Environmental issues  particularly the
management of transboundary water resources,
environmental pollution and the greenhouse effect
long ago moved from the social and economic plane to
the political one, and have acquired truly global
significance. All countries face the problems of
protecting the environment. Yet the effect on the
environment experienced by developing countries and
economies in transition is immeasurably much greater.
Economic growth has increased the pressure on all the
natural resources of our planet. The problem of lack of
natural resources and their depletion creates serious
economic problems and poverty. Economic
development cannot stop. However, it should follow a
different path. It should cease to destroy the
environment so aggressively. It is because of the
underestimation of environmental factors that
Kazakhstan today faces such ecological disasters as
those involving the Aral and Caspian Seas and the
former Semipalatinsk testing ground.
There have been many cases in history of nations
and States being in conflict over the lack of drinking
water and water for irrigation. Thousands and
thousands of people have often had to pull up their
roots because of problems with water. Reducing the
number of people without access to safe water is as
vital today as ever. Kazakhstan calls for every country
to adopt, under bilateral and multilateral treaties,
legislative and administrative measures with regard to
transboundary water resources and their management.
The United Nations Economic Commission for
Europe and the United Nations Economic and Social
Commission for Asia and the Pacific have devised a
joint Special Programme for the Economies of Central
Asia (SPECA), which encompasses all priority issues
facing the region: development of the transit transport
capacity and multiple pipeline systems; the
management of energy and water resources;
environmental protection; and technological growth.
Such a comprehensive approach promotes better
regional cooperation in Central Asia and the
integration of its considerable potential into the world
economy. It serves common interests. We therefore
urge the international donor community to actively
contribute to the SPECA programmes and to promote
the economic and democratic growth of Kazakhstan
and other newly independent States in Central Asia.
The three-pronged goal of global development,
which I mentioned at the beginning of my statement,
would be unattainable without an effective common
tool. Such a took we see in the United Nations, and we
are convinced that there is no alternative to our
Organization. But the next century and the new, highly
complex tasks we face will demand a radically renewed
Organization free from the stereotypes of the past. This
matter is in our hands. We should support the genuine
desire of the Secretary-General to drastically revamp
our Organization.
We believe that it is important to start from the
head  that is, the Security Council. The debates on
that subject have gone on far too long. Shall we
continue to mark time, or shall we take a responsible
collective decision? We stand for the expansion of the
Security Council, in both categories of membership, on
the basis of equitable geographic representation and
respect for the sovereign equality of all United Nations
Member States. Kazakhstan supports the inclusion of
Germany and Japan, as well as major developing
countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, as
permanent members of the Security Council, and also
supports an increase in the number of non-permanent
members.
14

We believe that the peacemaking capacity of the
United Nations should also be strengthened
considerably, and we support the conclusions of the
report (A/55/305) by the Brahimi Panel. As for
Kazakhstan, it is forming peacekeeping forces through
its participation in the Central Asian battalion,
composed of three States of Central Asia, and through
the creation of its own Kazakhstan battalion.
There is no doubt that the financial capacity of
the United Nations should be commensurate with the
new tasks that the Organization is asked to perform.
All Member States should meet their financial
obligations under the United Nations Charter. In spite
of its temporary economic difficulties, Kazakhstan is
striving to do just that and is taking practical steps in
that direction. As to the scale of assessments and its
methodology, we have always believed, and continue to
believe, that the main criterion should be a country's
real capacity to pay.
We have set ambitious tasks for ourselves. Are
we up to them? I am absolutely sure that we are, if we
join our efforts. In fact, there is no other way. Such is
the imperative of a new era, such are the aspirations of
our nations.
I thank the Assembly for its attention and wish it
success in its endeavour to build a safer and better
world in the next century.