Mr. President, it gives the delegation of the Republic of Iraq great pleasure to extend to you its heartfelt felicitations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I wish you complete success in the discharge of the duties of this high office, and would like to stress that the delegation of my country will exert its best endeavours, as it has done at past sessions, to participate actively in the work of this session in order to attain the goals assigned to it. Your vast experience at the United Nations, particularly your chairmanship over many years of the Special Committee on decolonization, ensure that you will preside over the deliberations of the General Assembly efficiently and successfully.
313.	I am also glad to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, for is valuable efforts as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
314.	The developments witnessed by the world this year are grave and constitute a threat to peace in many regions of the world. Perhaps the gravest of these developments are the schemes perpetrated in our Arab region, the implementation of which has begun to threaten our security and stability and constitute a setback to the cause of peace in the world as a whole.
315.	In my statement last year 1 called attention to the risks involved in the plans for the so-called peaceful settlement in the Middle East, which the United States of America has exerted all its material and moral efforts to implement successfully in the Arab region. I made special reference to the results of the Camp David agreements and tried to give a true picture of the aims of the so-called peaceful settlement which are based on nullifying the Palestinian existence and liquidating the cause of the Palestinian people. We declared at the time, as did the entire Arab nation, particularly the Palestinian people, inside and outside its occupied homeland, our vehement and categorical rejection of the two agreements, and singled out a number of essential elements in discussing the Palestinian question and the Middle East. We stressed that the United Nations should assume its full responsibility to make the Zionist forces of occupation withdraw from the Palestinian and Arab territories without giving the Zionist entity any political advantages. We reiterate our position that the Palestinian question should be discussed within the framework of the United Nations and in the presence of the representatives of the Palestinian people in conformity with General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX). We reject all unilateral schemes for settlements which would not be conducive to a just and durable peace.
316.	We have warned that the continuation of material and particularly military support for the racist regime in Tel Aviv will lead to the escalation of tension and the continuation of conflict in the Arab region which, in turn, will threaten peace and security in the world, particularly with the proliferation of nuclear weapons to the Middle East which has become a reality. In this context I wish to refer to agenda item 121, entitled "Israeli nuclear armament", proposed by our delegation this year in document A/34/142, which reflects the mounting Zionist expansionist attempts to impose capitulation on the Arab nation through the use of every method of terror and blackmail, including nuclear blackmail. I trust that this question will receive the attention it merits from the General Assembly at its current session.
317.	The Zionist schemes for imposing occupation and capitulation on the Palestinian people and the Arab nation, with full support from United States imperialism, culminated in the signing of a separate peace treaty on 26 March 1979 between the Egyptian Government and the Zionist entity. Notwithstanding the fact that this treaty is a bilateral agreement, its effects on the Palestinian question, the Arab world and the international community are grave indeed. The treaty is in essence a tripartite alliance which basically contradicts the United Nations resolutions on the Palestinian question and runs counter to the interests of the Arab Palestinian people and the interests of all Arab States. Its aim is well-known to all since the Camp David agreements set up its framework with the goal of perpetuating Zionist occupation, liquidating the Palestinian question and imposing domination on the Arab States.
318.	Article VI, paragraph 5, of the Egyptian-Israeli treaty provides that:
" . . . in the event of conflict between the obligations of the parties under the present treaty and any of their Other obligations, the obligations under this treaty will be binding and implemented."
This provision nullifies any obligations undertaken by the Egyptian Government in support of the Palestinian cause in conformity with the resolutions of the United Nations and of the non-aligned movement. The Egyptian Government did not stop at withdrawing its support from this issue of the destiny of the Palestinians under the agreement, but it also took it upon itself to speak and negotiate on behalf of the Palestinians regarding the autonomy formula proposed by Israel, which had been categorically rejected by the Palestinian people. On this matter, the Zionist leaders have always insisted on the fact that this constituted nothing more than a limited, local administrative government relating to the people, and not to the land.
319.	The pressures on the Palestinian people to force them to accept the formula of autonomy, which were created by the treaty of capitulation and continue with the support of the United States, violate the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to their inalienable rights which have been recognized by the General Assembly in numerous resolutions.
320.	The Camp David agreements and the separate treaty, as well as the exchange of letters that accompanied the treaty, contradict United Nations resolutions on Jerusalem, since those letters confirmed Israel's control over Arab Jerusalem, which the Zionist leaders stress will remain for ever the capital of Israel. Those separate agreements also violate the resolutions of the General Assembly on the right of those Palestinians who have left their lands since 1948 as a result of the Zionist aggression, which has continued through the 1967 aggression. These agreements give Israel the right of veto on the return of the Palestinians who left the occupied territories in 1967. The rights of the Palestinians who were the victims of Zionist aggression in 1948 were totally ignored.
321.	If the Egyptian-Israeli treaty is really a treaty of peace, why is there a continuous flow of United States weapons, more highly sophisticated than ever before, to the Israeli military establishment in larger quantities than ever before? The requests of the Egyptian regime for United States military weapons expose the area to the dangers of a new war and leave the door wide open for United States military presence and an escalation of tension in the Middle East.
322.	The United States press reported that Sadat had expressed his willingness to play a major military role in support of the West if he were provided by the United States with modern weapons worth billions of dollars. Responsible United States sources said that Sadat had made this offer to United States Secretary of Defence Harold Brown during a long meeting between the two. Those sources affirmed that the Egyptian President requested 300 F-16 fighter-bombers, hundreds of tanks and missiles, and thousands of military personnel carriers and trucks. In return, Sadat would undertake to ensure the stability of the area extending between Algeria and Afghanistan and from the Mediterranean to Somalia. Sadat stressed that he would not use those weapons in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Should the United States respond to Egypt's request, Sadat would contribute to the establishment of a military balance in the Middle East through Egypt's force and distribute the Soviet weapons in Egypt's possession among the small friendly States in the Middle East and Africa. The United States sources added that Sadat's thinking was for him to be the policeman of the area and for his role to extend beyond his near neighbours. In other words, Sadat made it clear that he wanted Egypt to be an alternative to Iran but on a more massive scale than Iran during the days of the Shah.
323.	Cairo was visited by numerous United States military delegations for this purpose in order to work out the details of the large-scale shipment of military hardware to be received by Egypt from the United States as part of the Egyptian-Israeli peaceful settlement. How can one reconcile a peaceful settlement with the United States weapons transactions which have begun to threaten the security of the Arab and African countries? The United States leaders do not hesitate to issue open threats to the effect that they are prepared to use force in the Arab area, and especially in the Arabian Gulf, if their interests are exposed to ' danger. In fact, the size of the United States naval presence in the region has recently increased. The escalation of the United States military presence in the region has as its aim the strengthening of ties and cooperation with the racist regimes in southern Africa and the creation of an axis between those regimes and Egypt and Israel in order to suppress the national liberation movements and protect United States imperialist interests.
324.	It has become clear, particularly since the signing of the separate Egyptian-Israeli treaty and the signing of the Camp David agreements, that the aim of all these agreements is to heighten tension in the region and impose capitulation on the Palestinian people and the Arab nation, and not the reverse. The tragedy in southern Lebanon and the daily open aggression, death and destruction against civilian targets and the Lebanese and Palestinian population constitute irrefutable evidence of the insistence of Israel on its expansionist aggression against the Arab nation with the full support of the United States. We are now witnessing the most modern United States F-15 planes making daily raids against our defenceless people in Lebanon and hurling death and destruction at them. Where is the peace which the Zionist circles and their allies are persistently proclaiming?
325.	We call upon the United Nations to reject and condemn those agreements, which totally flout the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly over the years on the Palestine question and the situation in the Middle East. We wish to recall that the Arab States, as represented by the League of Arab States, vehemently rejected those agreements in their entirety during the meeting of the League Council in Baghdad from 27 to 31 March 1979. The same position was taken by the Tenth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers convened at Fez from 8 to 12 May 1979 and the Ministerial Meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned States in Colombo from 4 to 9 June 1979.
326.	Lastly, the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries decided by consensus to condemn the Camp David agreements and the Egyptian-Israeli treaty, The Conference also referred the question of suspension of Egypt's membership in the movement to the Co-ordinating Bureau—in its capacity as a special committee—to examine the damages caused by the Egyptian Government to the Arab nation and the Palestinian people, and to present a report to the Foreign Ministers of the movement in 1981, when a decision will be taken regarding the status of Egypt in the movement.
327.	Ever since the signing of the Camp David agreements and the Egyptian-Israeli treaty, attempts have been made to involve the United Nations, in one way or another, in their implementation. We warn against any attempts to give international legitimacy to that unjust treaty, which ignores all the United Nations resolutions relating to the Palestinian question and the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, such as their right to regain their homeland, their right to self-determination, the unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the Arab territories without any gains, and the recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. All the contacts and consultations between Egypt and the Zionist entity with the support of the United States have been held outside the framework of the United Nations and not within it. This constitutes a clear denial of the role of the Organization and an intentional disregard of its resolutions, although the Organization has been playing a central role in this question. Today, our Organization is asked to act as a witness and a party to schemes and conspiracies perpetrated by Zionism and United States imperialism against the Palestinian people and the Arab nation.
328.	The Arab nation rejected from the outset the Camp David agreements. It also vehemently rejected the unilateral peace treaty and considered it to be an aggression causing great harm to the rights and interests of the Arab nation. The Arab Kings and Presidents at the Ninth Arab Summit Conference, as well as the meeting of the Council of the League of Arab States in Baghdad at the level of Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Economy, declared their categorical rejection of these agreements. They condemned the Egyptian regime, the Zionist entity and the United States, and decided not to deal with those agreements and to reject all their political, economic, legal and other consequences. Today, this international Organization is called upon to stand firmly against all attempts to involve it in the implementation of unjust provisions which the United Nations had no role in formulating.
329.	Iraq has always considered the Palestinian question to be the central and pivotal question in its foreign policy. It has provided and continues to provide all help it can to the Palestinian people in the struggle against the Zionist invasion. Despite all the Zionist and the imperialist attempts directed against our Arab nation, our struggle will continue and grow in strength until our just goals are attained and our usurped rights are restored. The Arab nation will not be deflected from this course by treaties and schemes concocted to the exclusion of the people directly concerned, with the aim of usurping their rights and liquidating their cause. In the event of the outbreak of war and the collapse of peace in our region, the Arab nation can never be held responsible, because we are defending our legitimate rights, our land, our very existence and our civilization. World Zionism and those supporting it, particularly the United States, will bear the responsibility for the dire consequences in all spheres of the collapse of peace and the outbreak of war. We will never accept capitulation, whatever the price. The peoples of the world and peace- loving States should discharge their responsibilities before it is too late.
330.	Iraq fully supports the non-aligned movement and is working actively to increase its role and effectiveness and its march toward the establishment of a new system of political and economic relations in the world. The great success of the Sixth Conference of the movement in Havana is a source of deep gratification for us. The Conference deepened the progressive character of non-alignment and adopted firm and clear positions against colonialism, imperialism, racism, including Zionism, and all other forms of foreign domination. Iraq, which considers non-alignment the cornerstone of its foreign policy, is contributing actively and constructively to support the movement at all levels and is looking forward to 1982, when it will play host to the next summit conference of non-aligned countries.
331.	Among the most important goals and principles of the non-aligned movement are total support for and assistance to the liberation movements in southern Africa in their final efforts to put an end to colonialism and racism in the continent. Iraq fully supports the liberation movements of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe and the front-line African States in their just struggle to attain this goal which the United Nations has advocated for so long.
332.	Western imperialist circles continue to conduct a well-planned and vicious campaign in a vain attempt to blame certain petroleum-exporting developing countries for the economic problems besetting the capitalist countries. These same circles do not hesitate to blame the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries for the imported inflation of the developing countries, notwithstanding all the available evidence and statistics to the contrary. With a sense of responsibility, Iraq took the initiative of proposing the establishment of an international fund to assist the developing countries in facing the effects of inflation, a fund to which the industrialized countries, regardless of their systems, would contribute annually the equivalent of the inflation which they export to the developing countries. The members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries would also contribute to the fund on the same basis.
333.	Proposals from various quarters are made from time to time calling for the consideration of the energy problems in isolation from other important issues. We wish to reiterate our firm position that, whether inside the United Nations or elsewhere, the problems of energy should be approached within a comprehensive framework designed to tackle all the principal problems of international economy as decided at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly in the context of the new international economic order.
334.	All attempts to use the energy problem in order to divide the ranks of the developing countries have thus far met with failure, because the developing countries have maintained their unity and their determination to adopt a comprehensive approach in all discussion of the international economy. We have no doubt that the new wave of proposals will meet the same fate.
335.	The position of Iraq on all the subjects included in the agenda of this session is well known and I shall refrain from repeating it at this time in order to save the time of the Assembly. Our delegation will, as usual, present our views and positions during the deliberations of the Main Committees and in the Assembly's plenary meetings when we discuss various items on the agenda.


It gives me great pride and pleasure to congratulate the President on his unanimous election and to say that my delegation fully concurs in the highest praise and admiration, which all delegations, without exception, have expressed for his competence and achievement as President of this Assembly. He is an illustrious son of Africa and comes from the sister United Republic of Tanzania, which has never hesitated to be in the vanguard of the just struggle of our people for freedom and independence. Bearing in mind his personal contributions as Chairman of the Special Committee on decolonization, my delegation pledges to support him fully in the performance of his onerous functions and responsibilities.
77.	May I also express our congratulations and gratitude to his worthy predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, for his impeccable record as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
78.	Over the years, our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has in the name of our Organization, managed the endless, crises of our age with dedication, compassion and perseverance. The fact that nations tend to judge the successes of the United Nations by his successes is the measure of the hope and confidence we all place in his office. I pay a very warm tribute to him for all his efforts.
79.	The vision of the founding fathers of the United Nations was eventual universality of membership. With the accession of Saint Lucia to independence and its admission to the United Nations as the one hundred and fifty-second Member State, our Organization is fast approaching its goal of universality. On behalf of Nigeria, I most warmly welcome the membership of Saint Lucia, with which Nigeria shares many bonds as a result of Commonwealth membership and history. It is our desire to maintain cordial relations of friendship and close co-operation with Saint Lucia.
80.	Only a few weeks ago, we all learned with shock and grief of the death of Agostinho Neto, the President of Angola. During the lifetime of that towering architect of Angola's freedom and independence, my country enjoyed fraternal relations with his Government and people. We shared his aspirations and his dreams for his country and Africa. His death has deprived Africa and the entire world of a wise, erudite and humane statesman. We shall all miss his candour and unswerving commitment to the vision of a just international order.
81.	Permit me to say how happy and honoured I am to convey to this Assembly the personal greetings and good wishes of Alhaji Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, I also take special satisfaction and pride in addressing the Assembly at this major turning-point in Nigeria's history.
82.	After 13 years of military rule in Nigeria, we have just concluded a unique experiment of orderly and peaceful transition to a democratically-elected, civilian Government. Last July and August, my compatriots in six weeks went to the polls in five separate national elections to fill 19 state assemblies, the Federal House of Representatives and the National Senate, in addition to electing 19 state governors, and finally the President of our country. All these elections, which were conducted peacefully and in a free, open manner, marked a significant milestone in my country's political and constitutional history,
83.	On Monday, I October 1979, the former head of the Federal Military Government, Commander-in- Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, General Oluse-gun Obasanjo, formally handed over power to the new President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in a solemn ceremony at the Tafawa Balewa Square, Lagos, the same site where the rebirth of our nation was consecrated nearly two decades ago. The moral impact and, I daresay, the political significance of the ceremony cannot be exaggerated.
84.	Nations, like men and women, sometimes make mistakes. This is regrettable. But it is more regrettable when they miss the opportunity to make history. The Armed Forces of Nigeria have made history because they have lived up their honour and duty. They took up the sword to defend and preserve our national integrity and sovereignty, which was threatened in 1966. They pledged to hand over power to a civilian Government, democratically elected and freely inaugurated, once the constitutional arrangements had come into effect. They have lived up to this expectation. Given this tradition and precedent of peaceful and orderly transition from military to civilian Government, Nigeria is today not only irreversibly united as a nation, but completely at one and at peace with itself. Not only have we solved our problems of divisions and secessions—legacies of a colonialism whose sole raison d’être was to pit brother against brother in order to consolidate its exploitative stranglehold—but we have also embarked on an honourable national course that fully respects and promotes all human, social, economic and political rights of every citizen, regardless of race, colour, creed or sex. Above all, we are committed to the simple precept that independence is nothing but the government of the people by themselves. Thus, with their tasks accomplished, the armed forces of Nigeria have now proudly marched back to the barracks of their own volition to perform their traditional role of defending our fatherland against external aggression.
85.	New Governments tend to address all issues at the same time. Mine is no exception. But we have the advantage of hindsight, perspective and continuity. This is because the cardinal principles of my country's foreign policy have their roots as deep in the genius of our people as in the history and circumstances of our country and continent. We are proud that many nations and peoples identify with these principles.
86.	Those who speculate that our new civilian Government will be less dynamic in the pursuit of our foreign policy objectives will be disillusioned. If anything, and because we shall be operating from a firm foundation, we intend to pursue them with greater drive and greater vigour. Let me therefore emphasize that the quintessence of Nigeria's foreign policy has been, and will remain, the pursuit of international peace and security; strict non-alignment; international solidarity and adherence to the principles and purposes of the Charters of the United Nations and of the OAU; the protection and defence of human dignity; constructive partnership in the campaign for the enjoyment by all states of equitable economic and political rights; an unswerving commitment to the total liberation of Africa; and the eradication from southern Africa of the twin evils of colonialism and apartheid.
87.	Naturally, we shall give primacy to the pursuit of peace and security in Africa, without which we can neither be safe nor prosper. In this connexion, my Government condemns most vigorously recent interferences by some European countries, notably France, in the internal affairs of some African countries. Like the Bourbons of old, they have clearly proved that they have learned nothing, and forgotten nothing. Leadership in any State is as good as the people of that State want it to be. Those African leaders who parody themselves after foreign models or who degrade themselves by exploiting their people through insensitivity, corruption or callous brutality will be swept away by their own people into the dust-bin of history, just as their colonial masters were driven out of Africa in ignominy and revulsion. It is only the leadership which grows out of the people that will endure. In recognition of this fact, the OAU long ago affirmed as one of its cardinal principles the "unreserved condemnation, in all its forms, of political assassination as well as of subversive activities on the part of neighbouring States or any other State". The era of self-appointed kingmakers for Africa is gone. Africa will no longer tolerate intervention and destabilization exercises in the continent. Dependence of political institutions on foreigners from whatever continent is both anathema and a betrayal of Africa's freedom and liberty.
88.	Africa stood on the eve of the 1960s proud and defiant. The promise of independence was vibrant and challenging. If the dream in some cases turned into a nightmare, the fault does not lie on our stars. While we derive no consolation from the fact that no country anywhere in the world has a more glorious account of its first 20 years of history to give than those of most independent African States, and while our detractors must bear in mind that the stresses and changes which have unsettled all nations, developed and developing alike, were bound to take their toll more on the new nations of Africa, it is reasonable to state that, given its enormous resources and potential, Africa has not been left alone to develop its own institutions and to provide for its well-being, as others were allowed to at the comparable stage of their history. Former colonial masters not only left behind time-bombs in the form of latent instability and insurrection, but, nurturing their nostalgias and myths of indispensability, they carefully planned their return for insidious political domination and economic exploitation. In fact, it may be true to say that the colonialists never left Africa. They merely exchanged their roles and masks to make their presence less suspect and objectionable.
89.	But as we meet on the eve of the 1980s, let no one assume that Africa has not learned its lesson. Those States which profess genuine friendship for Africa must come to terms with a new relationship with that continent. Africa is for the Africans. It is not for sale, nor for division into spheres of influence. We want no dependent status, nor surrogate roles. We seek external economic aid and assistance, fully conscious of our dignity and inalienable rights. Let all foreign Powers recognize that. Whatever they can do for us now can never compensate for the debt they owe Africa, directly or indirectly.
90.	One area in which we intend in Nigeria to subject to the acid test all professions of friendship by each and every State for Africa is in southern Africa. The rabid racism which apartheid represents to all men of conscience; the inhuman exploitation of man by man, unprecedented in the annals of man since the slave trade of the eighteenth century, which apartheid constitutes; the grotesque dehumanization of an entire people which apartheid has institutionalized; the systematic and massive violation of human rights which apartheid promotes, and the blatant and consistent destruction of life which it encourages—all these and more make apartheid a crime against humanity. That a minority racist regime in a country which has no claims to be a world Power can defy the United Nations at will has ominous implications for the survival of our Organization. How else can one judge the efficacy of the international will, if the United Nations cannot implement its decisions arrived at unanimously and in accordance with the provisions of its Charter? What recourses there for the peaceful resolution of the problems of southern Africa, when South Africa, in violation of international law, bombs refugee camps and invades the territory of neighbouring countries in naked pursuit of a policy of aggression, intimidation, and terrorism?
91.	Nigeria has been following closely Zimbabwe's progress to full independence. The colonial Power, the United Kingdom, has recognized, albeit belatedly, that it has to negotiate with the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe for the transfer of power to the people of Zimbabwe, if the hope for a just and durable settlement in Zimbabwe is to be realized. From all accounts so far, the contributions of the Patriotic Front, under the leadership of Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe, to the current Rhodesia Constitutional Conference in London have been constructive, imaginative and most helpful. It is Nigeria's hope that justice and realism will prevail, and that the London talks will restore power and sovereignty to the Zimbabwean peoples on a basis which will justify international acceptance and recognition. Otherwise, international sanctions against the illegal regime must continue, and the armed struggle for freedom and independence, under the leadership of the Patriotic Front, will be intensified.
92.	The situation in Namibia is no less intolerable. Early this year, we had hoped that the plans of the Security Council for Namibia's transition to independence would be implemented. Events have belied that hope. Instead of progress, the United Nations now seems to have allowed itself to be lulled into inaction. In my delegation's judgement, there has been too much bending over backwards to accommodate the so-called Government of South Africa that is in illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia. And not enough is being done to assist SWAPO and the people of Namibia to regain their independence. In strict terms of international law, morality or natural justice, the United Nations should not put itself in a position of appearing to condone an illegal and illegitimate act of piracy by a State which has forfeited the goodwill and respect of the international community.
93.	The United Nations Charter brooks no double standards. There is no ambiguity regarding how it should deal with errant Member States. It was in recognition of this that the last session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held in Monrovia, called upon the United Nations to invoke the provisions of Chapter VII, in its entirety, against South Africa over Namibia. Nigeria is committed to press for the implementation of that decision.
94.	Behind all these problems of southern Africa is the racist minority regime of South Africa, whose conduct now raises the spectre of a racial war in our continent. South Africa continues to be emboldened it its intransigence by its supporters and friends, particularly in the Western bloc, who make a ritual of condemning its apartheid policies, while they increase their trade, investments, arms and technological transfers, as well as their assistance in the development of nuclear capability, with its regime. Perhaps the time has come for the United Nations to undertake a comprehensive study of how much the attitude of some Western States is determined by their dependence on the strategic minerals and commodities of South Africa. We shall initiate the necessary studies in due course. Further, as internal and international opposition to its policies intensifies, it is painfully obvious that South Africa intends, through the employment of mercenaries and subversion, to threaten the peace and security of our continent, In the past year alone, the OAU has had to adopt two urgent resolutions calling attention to the menace of mercenaries and requesting that its convention against mercenaries be reinforced to deal effectively with the problem. Nigeria therefore intends, in co-operation with its African sister countries, and countries such as Barbados, to submit formal proposals for an international convention to ban the recruitment and activities of mercenaries in Africa and throughout the world.
95.	The situation in the Middle East continues to pose a very serious threat to international peace and security, For too long has that region, whose ties with Africa are as intimate as they are eternal, has been the tinder- box of hostilities and the cockpit of wars, with the accompanying defilement of its populations. We firmly believe in a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question in which peace and justice triumph together. We cannot therefore but remind the protagonists of any peace initiative in the region that the question of Palestine and the rights of its people remain at the core of the continuing crisis in the Middle East and that, unless this central issue is addressed fully and directly, no just and durable solution to the crisis should be expected.
96.	As Nigeria has had cause to state before, the relationship between the problem of the Middle East and the question of Palestine is integral, both in its consideration and in its solution. Consequently, partial treaties and partial agreements will not suffice. The Palestinians, in common with all of us, have a God- given, inalienable right to a national homeland. They must achieve independence with full sovereignty. They must not be held hostages to the security or boundary considerations of any State in the region.
97.	We therefore call again upon Israel to withdraw from Arab lands occupied since June 1967. We call upon Israel to desist from building new settlements in the occupied Arab lands and to stop administrative and other measures designed to alter the demographic and cultural character of the occupied lands in violation of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949. We recognize the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinians. We re-emphasize that Arab Jerusalem is an integral part of the occupied West Bank, which must be liberated.
98.	The harrowing experience and suffering in Lebanon oblige us to emphasize the need for an early and viable peace in the Middle East. It is unimaginable that the United Nations should appear to be so impotent in the face of persistent attempts by Israel to undermine a United Nations peace-keeping operation in a beleaguered Member State. The United Nations should evolve a more strict and practical solution with a view to ensuring the integrity of the Lebanese nation and to guarantee the right of its peoples to live in their traditional peace and freedom.
99.	The mandate of UNIFIL to secure the return of the Lebanese Government's authority to southern Lebanon must be fulfilled. As a country contributing to that Force, Nigeria fully endorses the view that an adequate security zone must be established around UNIFIL headquarters, that the renegade Haddad's forces must end their harassment of the UNIFIL troops and that over-all co-operation of all parties concerned must be forthcoming. In addition, Nigeria expects that a more determined effort will be made to remove all the obstacles in the way of UNIFIL; for instance, all Member States must share its prescriptive obligations. It is our hope that delegations will not demur at making their contributions to the upkeep of UNIFIL and in extending it their full co-operation in its complex and delicate task.
100.	Another issue which must be addressed in this connexion is the continued harassment by the Israeli authorities in the form of arrests and trials of members of UNIFIL. This raises the question of whether the time has not come for the United Nations to enunciate more precise norms and rules in a convention defining the status and immunities of United Nations peacekeeping troops as international civil servants not subject to capricious blackmail and harassment by a national government. I am aware that there are various peace-keeping agreements relating to this matter, but they all differ. Perhaps the Special Committee on Peace-Keeping Operations, of which I have the privilege of being the Chairman, may be directed to consider the need for an instrument that would establish standard and uniform rights, obligations and immunities for peace-keeping personnel.
101.	Many years ago, when UNFICYP was set up, with its double mandate for peace-keeping and peacemaking, it was hoped that it would play the decisive role in ensuring the return of tranquillity to Cyprus and thereby assist in upholding the principles of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of that country, with which Nigeria has close ties of friendship. Just as the stalemate in the intervening years, exacerbated by the tragic events of 1974, has remained a matter of grave concern to Nigeria, so also was the failure to build upon the ten-point agreement reached after the Secretary-General's personal intervention last May. Nigeria believes that the various decisions and resolutions of the United Nations, as well as those of the Conferences of non-aligned countries, provide a basis for a just peace.
102.	At the end of its eighth session recently, we learned with relief that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has entered its final stages, and that it is scheduled to end next year. The fact that the negotiations have been protracted and difficult should steel us in our determination to ensure that the convention to be adopted will bequeath to future generations a peaceful regime for the exploitation of the sea. The exploitation of the sea and its resources must be fair and rational.
103.	One of the most serious crises facing mankind today is the chaotic state of the world economic situation. There is an ominous indication that the poor developing countries beset by the difficulties of underdevelopment, natural disasters, inflation, unemployment and exchange-rate fluctuations, among others, are being made to subsidize the rich industrialized nations through structural and institutional defects in the world economic system. We had expected that dispassionate discussion of economic matters within the context of dialogues between the developing and the developed countries would have removed these anomalies.
104.	We note with deep regret that the economic negotiations held so far this year have been most disappointing. At the Fourth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, held in Arusha in February, the developing countries agreed on a programme of collective self- reliance, in which great hopes were placed. That was to have been the basis for realistic negotiations between the developed and developing countries at the fifth session of UNCTAD in Manila. Unfortunately, instead of addressing the main issues facing the economy of the international community, the Conference concentrated on matters of secondary importance, and wasted precious time on trying to sow division and discord in the ranks of the developing countries. Similarly, the Tokyo Round on multilateral trade negotiations, which was h6ld in Geneva within the framework of GATT, ended by protecting only the interests of the developed industrialized countries. We hope that the recent agreement on the constitution of UNIDO as a specialized agency, the outcome of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development and the decision to convene a special session of the General Assembly in 1980, in order to assess the progress made in the various forums of the United Nations system in establishing the New International Economic Order will remedy some of these short-comings.
105.	The goal which the developing countries have set for themselves is the restructuring of international economic relations in a way which would accelerate the narrowing of the ever-widening gap between the developed and the developing countries, through trade and aid, and increased net flows of real resources. To this end they wish to initiate measures that will enable them to deal with their mass poverty, mass unemployment and galloping food deficits. In response, the developed countries have merely demonstrated their hesitation, if not lack of political will, in achieving the desired goal of establishing the New International Economic Order. There is no gainsaying that the struggle to eliminate the inequities of the existing international economic system and to establish the New International Economic Order is an integral part of the struggle for the elimination of colonialism, foreign exploitation and all forms of subjugation and interference in the internal affairs of States. It is against that background that Nigeria fully endorses the new strategy adopted at the Sixth Conference of non-aligned countries in Havana to strengthen mutual co-operation among the developing countries, and to begin international negotiations within the framework of the United Nations on all the social and economic problems facing the international community.
106.	The economies of many rich, industrialized countries were built and nurtured on the availability of cheap petroleum, to the detriment of the oil-producing countries. However, since they have succeeded in establishing quite satisfactory pricing mechanisms in conformity with the dictates of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, the members of OPEC are being cast in the role of scapegoats. They are being blamed for virtually all the economic difficulties in the world, from inflation to the artificially manipulated price of gold. It is very strange that those who speak lightly of the subject have not stopped to consider seriously what component of international inflation is contributed by oil. It is even stranger that they have not questioned why each of the industrialized countries with economies that work, like Japan and the Federal Republic of Germany, hold far greater foreign reserves than all the OPEC countries put together.
107.	Nigeria fully appreciates the plight of the developing countries, particularly the least developed, a majority of which are in Africa. We admit that recent increases in the price of oil have aggravated their hardships. But oil is only a part of the problem. We need to consider carefully and collectively relevant solutions to the global issues of raw materials, development, finance and energy. And this must be done soberly and with full comprehension. The challenge we all of us face collectively is how to evolve during the next United Nations development decade rational procedures for the utilization of the world's shrinking natural resources, bearing in mind, of course, the crying needs of the developing countries.
108.	It is superficial to speak of the inherent contradictions and distortions in the world economic system which militate against the poor nations without referring to the disproportionate resources being consumed by armaments, particularly nuclear armaments. Every nuclear test—and there were over 250 nuclear tests in the past year alone—blights the hopes and aspirations of over 1 million children for education and health care. The annual unproductive expenditure of $400 billion on armaments far exceeds five times the total net flow of resources to developing countries as a whole from all sources, which stood at $63.93 billion in 1977. In fact, it is more than half of the combined gross domestic product of all the developing countries together. Viewed from another angle, the least developed countries of the world had a total outstanding external debt of $10 billion, and as a result had to mortgage 15 per cent of their export earnings in that year for debt payments. How relieved they could have been—what a prospect for a fresh economic start they could have had—if one fortieth of 1 per cent of the annual armaments budget of the nuclear-weapon States had been diverted to cancel out their external debts.
109.	Another illustration will show how resources which could have brought stability and development to some region of the world, say Africa, are being frittered away in the production of nuclear armaments that no one dares to use. The 49 independent African States have with the approval of the United Nations launched a Transport and Communications Decade in Africa, which, they hope, will enable them to integrate their economies and provide a viable basis for accelerated progress. The programme is estimated to cost $8 billion over 10 years. The Powers that do not hesitate to budget $400 billion for destructive purposes are wary of supporting and making pledges for such a constructive scheme as Africa's Transport and Communications Decade.
110.	In consideration of these facts, Nigeria had fervently hoped that the text of a comprehensive test-ban treaty between three of the nuclear-weapon States would have been submitted for consideration at this session, as promised. It is a matter of deep regret and concern that once again we are being asked to accept their word on trust. It is also because we believe in the existence of an organic link between disarmament and development that we have over the years supported all moves for the elimination of nuclear weapons during the first Disarmament Decade and, failing that, the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones, particularly in Africa. Hence also our proposal two years ago that perhaps through fellowship grants and enhanced dissemination of public information mankind could be made more aware of the dangers of nuclear weapons and of their debilitating effects on the world economy. And hence we also welcome the agreement reached at the second round of SALT, for that agreement only makes sense because it puts a ceiling on the probable amount of resources that could be burnt up in a mindless nuclear arms race.
111.	The dangers we face as we enter the 1980s are too real for us to despair. Beset as mankind is, on the one hand, by economic burdens and, on the other, by fear of a nuclear holocaust, constructive and collective action through the United Nations remains the only hope and opportunity we have to face the challenges of the future. Only thus can we leave a legacy worthy of our civilization to our children, as we meet to consider their prospects and problems in this International Year of the Child.


Mr. President, I should like first of all, on behalf of my Government, the people of the Republic of Senegal and His Excellency Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, to express to you our most heartfelt congratulations on the occasion of your brilliant election to the presidency of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. The outstanding personal qualities you have already shown as Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, your thorough knowledge of the work and procedures of the United Nations and the very effective and positive way in which you have joined the constructive and progressive forces of a new world order free of injustice and discrimination—all this confirms our conviction that this session of the General Assembly will, under your wise and clear guidance, discharge its heavy responsibilities at this difficult time for mankind, which is today buffeted by crises of all kinds.
85.	We should also like to convey our congratulations to our colleague Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia, who so competently guided the work of the last session of the General Assembly. He deserves our warmest praise, and my delegation and I congratulate him on the way in which he directed the work of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
86.	We should be remiss in fulfilling our duties if we did not also express our thanks and gratitude to the person who for a number of years has so perfectly embodied the ideals of our international Organization, the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his very lucid and comprehensive report on the work of the Organization in which he has so well described the present state of international relations and through which he has demonstrated his true qualities as an intelligent diplomat in his sincere and constant efforts to promote the establishment of genuine international peace and security, which is indispensable for the well- being of mankind.
87.	On behalf of my country, Senegal, I should like to extend our warmest congratulations to the delegation of Saint Lucia, whose country has just been admitted as the one hundred and fifty-second Member of our Organization.
88.	Every session of our Assembly gives us an opportunity to look back at the year gone by, to review the problems which are at the forefront of our concerns and at the same time to suggest the most appropriate ways and means of achieving a just and lasting solution to those problems.
89.	The latest sessions of the General Assembly have been characterized by the emergence of rather deep differences, which have sometimes made of our yearly debates a kind of confrontation, the genuine significance of which has not always been clearly perceived by all.
90.	This is true as regards the evolution of the situation in Africa, and especially southern Africa, where the time for decisions finally seems to have arrived. Such a spectacular change is certainly not due only to the fact that international public opinion has suddenly awoken to events in this region of our continent, although it had been kept well informed of them. It is first and foremost the result of the work of the Africans themselves, who, with the help of their friends, have throughout the years learned better to defend their rights in order to reconquer their freedom in dignity and equality.
91.	The fact is that the peoples of Africa are becoming aware of their affinities, and constantly drawing close together. While Africans have in the past been divided by seemingly insurmountable barriers, they are today becoming more and more aware of their indivisibility, in spite of forces of tension, conflict and the social advantages or disadvantages that tend to distract them year after year from the basic concerns of their peoples. Africans are indeed becoming more and more aware— and this is a positive factor—that their main source of peace and security resides in mutual understanding of their respective problems and in steadfast and constant collective efforts to overcome inertia.
92.	Nevertheless, our present hope is seriously threatened by pressing problems affecting both the awareness of this human quest for peace and social justice and its continuity. These problems, as they appear to us in the situation in southern Africa, have today reached crisis dimensions. Indeed, persistent colonialism, the effective domination by a racist minority and an odious policy of apartheid seem to be determined to oppose the inevitable emancipation of all of Africa. This unjust and cruel effort must not, however, prevail over the firm determination and desire of the African peoples to free themselves of the chains of oppression and injustice.
93.	My country, Senegal, has always provided unfailing and constructive support to all oppressed peoples struggling for their freedom and inalienable rights. We hereby solemnly reaffirm this support, and we should like at the same time to renew our commitment unreservedly to support the legitimate efforts of all peoples throughout the world struggling to achieve self-determination and independence, to regain peace and to safeguard justice.
94.	Thus, my country, Senegal, had with regard to Namibia in the past stressed and rightly valued the constructive efforts made individually or collectively by certain African or Western States to find a solution on the basis of the resolutions and decision of the United Nations. Unfortunately, we must once more acknowledge that these efforts have not yet been successful because of the obvious stubbornness of South Africa to maintain its colonial domination over the Territory of Namibia. But our efforts will eventually be crowned with victory.
95.	It will be recalled that on 20 May last, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of South Africa announced his Government's decision to transform the so-called Constituent Assembly of Windhoek into a National Assembly and at the same time to confer executive powers upon some of its members.
96.	By that decision, the Government of South Africa was putting an end to all hopes for the implementation of the plan adopted by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978). That defiance of the entire international community as well as of the United Nations itself shows the extent to which the South African Government has disregarded the international Organization, our Organization. It is time for our Assembly to assume its responsibilities and to put an end to the illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia.
97.	Senegal believes that the United Nations Council for Namibia and its powers must be strengthened. The United Nations Council for Namibia remains the legal authority for Namibia until the Territory becomes truly independent. In this connexion it must be given the full support of all the Members of our Organization, as well as their consistent understanding.
98.	Senegal also believes that our brothers from SWAPO, the sole and authentic liberation movement of the Namibian people, must be given the material, moral, diplomatic and, if need be, military assistance to enable them to achieve the aspirations of the Namibian people for genuine independence within a united Namibia.
99.	In this respect, I should like to pay a resounding tribute from this rostrum, and on behalf of our President, Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, to the SWAPO freedom fighters who, despite arrests and arbitrary detention, crimes, and other acts of violence perpetrated by the illegal administration of South Africa against African populations, continue, under the guidance of our brother and friend Sam Nujoma, to fight courageously and firmly for the triumph of the aspirations of all the Namibian people, of whom they alone are the authentic representatives.
100.	One source of comfort is the fact that today it is undeniable that an equitable and lasting solution to the question of Namibia is inconceivable without the full and direct participation of SWAPO, which undeniably has demonstrated its political maturity throughout the action which has led to the settlement plan adopted by the Security Council. In this spirit, Senegal opposes the recognition of any puppet regime which South Africa might one day wish to impose on the Namibians. We continue to believe that only concerted international action, both powerful and organized, can compel South Africa to accept the implementation of the Western settlement plan, whose fate has become more and more uncertain.
101.	In the face of this situation, my country once more appeals to the international community for support and assistance so that effective sanctions may be applied against South Africa pursuant to Chapter VII of our Charter as a means of pressure to induce the South African Government to comply with Security Council resolutions 385(1976) and 435(1978). Senegal wishes to take this opportunity to invite the Security Council to take all necessary measures to implement its settlement plan.
102.	As regards the problem of Zimbabwe and in keeping with the position adopted by most of the States Members of the United Nations, Senegal feels that there can be no genuine independence without the establishment of a majority Government. We feel that any settlement concerning the future of that Territory must be prepared with the full participation of the Patriotic Front, the only genuine liberation movement of the people of Zimbabwe, under the enlightened guidance of our brothers Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe.
103.	It is now time to recall solemnly that an inaccurate press release had indicated that my country had recognized the Muzorewa regime a few months ago. This was never the case and never will be the case. I should like, on behalf of my Government, and most categorically, to disclaim such a piece of information.
104.	During the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, the delegation of Senegal, it will be recalled, actively participated in the preparation and adoption of resolutions 33/38 A and B. It is true that new developments have occurred since then, but it is just as true that at the point where improvements were expected, further flaws, lacks of understanding and inaccuracies occurred which have further complicated the Namibian situation.
105.	But it is difficult to consider that, on the basis of these elections, it is impossible to see a favourable evolution towards a conference of all the parties concerned, thanks to the relevant work of certain African States—such as Nigeria—which stressed at Lusaka the importance of working towards an effective solution to that problem. And it was precisely in Lusaka, at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, that the idea of a conference that would include the participation of all parties concerned was put forward. That Conference is now taking place in London.
106.	The news which we have heard from London in this respect seems highly encouraging to us. It seems that, as regards the representation of the white minority, after two weeks of difficult negotiations an agreement has been reached among the parties, so that the black majority will finally hold the reins of power in Namibia.
107.	We fervently hope that on the other points remaining to be discussed, everything will be done by the Government of the United Kingdom to reach a comprehensive and honest agreement in order to spare the people of Zimbabwe the atrocities of war, which they have been experiencing for some time and whose effects and hardships are being sorely felt in all the neighbouring countries.
108.	My delegation feels that the United Kingdom, which has an important role to play in this situation, should not in any way consider the lifting of sanctions taken against Rhodesia until the negotiations underway lead to a solution which is satisfactory both to all the parties concerned and to the international community as a whole. We feel that an authentic peace, a lasting peace, in southern Africa requires constant progress on all the fronts involving the oppression and exploitation of peoples which now characterize that part of our continent. It is clear that the use of armed force to achieve liberation has not been the chosen method of Africa. In fact, that method has been imposed upon us because there has never been and there will never be any possible compromise on the sacred objective of total liberation and the complete elimination of the vestiges of colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, the domination of the racist minority, and apartheid.
109.	As regards Western Sahara, during the thirty- third session of the General Assembly, my country voted in favour of resolution 33/31 B, which invited "the Organization of African Unity to take prompt action to find a just and equitable settlement of the question of Western Sahara".
110.	It nevertheless turned out that during its Assembly of Heads of State and Government which was held at Monrovia in July, the Organization of African Unity [OA U] adopted, by a vote to which 1 do not wish to refer directly, a resolution promoting a general cease-fire and the organization on the territory of the Western Sahara of a referendum offering the populations concerned a choice between the maintenance of the status quo and independence.
111.	Since then, many events which were foreseeable in July have taken place in that area. The problem of the Sahara has become a conflict between two neighbouring Arab States, regardless of whether such a conflict was desired. This is the substantive issue, and it cannot be resolved until direct dialogue is promoted between the Heads of State of those two countries. That is why the President of the Republic of Senegal, His Excellency, Leopold Sedar Senghor, had relevantly proposed, during the last session of the OAU Assembly, a meeting of the heads of State of the parties concerned under the auspices of the special committee of the five African heads of State in order to find a just and lasting solution to this conflict which has lasted too long. But we are convinced that the wisdom and devotion of our neighbours to the sovereignty and independence of Africa will certainly prevail in this issue and will lead to a just and lasting solution of the conflict in the Western Sahara.
112.	With regard to the question of the Comorian Island of Mayotte, the delegation of Senegal is pleased at the efforts made by the French and Comorian Governments to resolve this important problem through dialogue. Contacts have taken place, and they are very encouraging for the result of the current negotiations, especially as the two parties concerned have decided, by common agreement and as a sign of goodwill, to exchange diplomatic representatives at the ambassadorial level.
113.	As is known, African problems are not the only problems of concern to my country. Indeed, Senegal is particularly concerned by the situation in the Middle East and the question of Palestine. The tension prevailing in that part of the world is, need we recall, a serious threat to international peace and security. The climate of violence as well as the attitude of Israel towards the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people are serious obstacles to peace in the region. As is known, the Government of the Republic of Senegal is and has always been in favour, both as a matter of principle and in its actions, of any dialogue between the parties to a conflict. And if, as has been mentioned here, the agreements reached between certain parties to the conflict did not cover a wide enough range of the aspects of the Middle East conflict, thus making it possible to hope for a settlement ensuring comprehensive, lasting and just peace involving all aspects of the problem, it is none the less true that these agreements do have some positive features which we cannot neglect, even though they may be inadequate to lead to a global solution. Permit me at this time to commend the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People as well as its chairman, our compatriot Mr. Medoune Fall, for the work accomplished to the benefit of the fraternal people of Palestine despite all the difficulties which must be overcome daily by that Committee in the fulfilment of its mandate.
114.	My country unreservedly condemns the occupation by Israel of Palestinian and other Arab territories, including the holy city of Jerusalem, whose Arab and Islamic nature must be preserved. My country intends to step up its efforts with the Palestinian and Arab peoples as well as with all justice-loving and peace- loving peoples to achieve that goal. Moreover, my country forcefully reaffirms that no just and lasting peace is possible in the Middle East until an acceptable and complete solution can be found to the problem of Palestine, a solution based on the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including, of course, its right of return and the right to independence and national sovereignty of Palestine under the guidance of its sole authentic representative, the PLO.
115.	In mentioning the problem and the conflict in the Middle East, my country cannot gloss over the dispute existing between Israel and my country, which, incidentally, maintain no diplomatic relations, as a result of the arrest of Regimental Sergeant-Major Papa Coly Sarr of Senegal, a member of UNIFIL.
116.	As everyone knows, my country Senegal feels no hatred towards Jews in general or towards Israelis in particular, for history has demonstrated that each of the "three suffering peoples", the blacks, the Arabs and the Jews, has brought to the world an irreplaceable message, Need we recall that during the British Mandate two peoples were struggling for independence: the Jewish people on the one hand and the Palestinian Arab people, composed of both Moslems and Christians, on the other? Our view, held by Senegalese statesmen since as early as 1948, was that each struggling people had a right to establish a free State in Palestine. The Jewish people have achieved self-determination with the foundation of the State of Israel. The United Nations must also enable the Palestinian Arab people to achieve self-determination by founding an independent State on Palestinian lands now occupied by Israel. And that is, moreover, the idea that was met by the partition decided upon by the United Nations in 1948, which led to the creation of the State of Israel. But we will go even further: there can be no definitive peace between Jews and Arabs until all occupied territories are freed and until the just cause of the struggling Palestinian people is finally satisfied. Israel must consider itself as one Semitic State among other Semitic States.
117.	In February 1979, during a supply mission. Regimental Sergeant-Major Papa Coly Sarr was arrested by the Israeli authorities, who then accused him of having supplied explosives to the Palestinians. They tried him and condemned him to 10 years imprisonment. It is an elementary principle of law that one cannot be both judge and party to a case, as the Israeli Government has been. The Secretary-General of the United Nations had the great vision to understand, quite rightly, that it was an international tribunal designated by the United Nations that should have tried Regimental Sergeant-Major Sarr. It is this that we have unceasingly requested, and we feel that it is our right. We do not intend—and let me make this very clear—to enter into any contact with the Israeli Government, or even less to negotiate with it, in order to obtain the application of international law in the case of Regimental Sergeant-Major Sarr, This is for reasons of principle and dignity. We place our confidence in the international community and particularly in the United Nations. We are in no way prejudging the decision of the future international court, but simply say that judging from the dossier of the accused, it does not seem that he could have acted—and indeed he could not have acted—from reasons of venality.
118.	The United Nations knows that it is in duty bound to require that the Israeli Government refer the case of Regimental Sergeant-Major Sarr to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. We know the qualities and the probity of Mr. Waldheim and are thus able to reaffirm here our solemn conviction that law will triumph over force and reason over injustice.
119.	I would like to reaffirm the constant support of my country, Senegal, and its President, Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, for the just struggle of the fraternal people of Palestine and the PLO, their sole authentic representative, and for our brother and our friend President Yasser Arafat, whose untiring struggle for justice, freedom and dignity for our Palestinian brothers re-quires a particular tribute.
120.	I cannot neglect to reiterate our active solidarity with our Arab brothers, so that, together, we will spare no effort for the total liberation of the Arab territories occupied by Israel in June 1967, for the restoration to Jerusalem of its Islamic and Arab character without any hindrance, as stated in resolutions adopted by the Al- Quds committee of the Tenth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers at its last meeting at Fez, Morocco in May and to ensure that the three great religions may co-operate in the region as they have done since ancient times.
121.	With regard to Lebanon, the object of repeated, senseless attacks by Israel, I should like to state that my country, which has always maintained excellent relations with Lebanon, forcefully condemns these acts of aggression, which violate the integrity, independence and sovereignty of that nation.
122.	Senegal, which is a member of UNIFIL, cannot accept these acts which undermine the credibility of the United Nations and which place in danger the existence of a Member State.
123.	On the question of Cyprus, my delegation is in favour of the resumption, in a positive and constructive way, of intercommunal negotiations conducted freely and on the basis of equality and of the detailed and specific proposals put forward by the parties concerned, in order to achieve, as soon as possible, a mutually acceptable agreement based on the legitimate rights of the two Cypriot communities, Greek and the Turkish.
124.	These hotbeds of tension, which are serious threats to international peace and security, are unfortunately not the only problems which endanger the very survival of all of mankind. A phenomenon threatens us which could have as its consequences the irremediable destruction of mankind itself: the arms race. This un-bridled race, as certain of my colleagues have already said here, takes the form of the accumulation of frightful means capable of wiping out in an instant the sum total of man's efforts and progress since the dawn of time, together with the permanent risk of nuclear holocaust, the senseless waste of non-renewable natural resources, the absence of genuine progress in disarmament negotiations and the more and more frequent use of force in international relations should give rise to a heightened awareness throughout the world of this threat of self-destruction which faces all of mankind today.
125.	Hence, the Government and people of Senegal attach great importance to this problem, and for this reason the President of my country, His Excellency Leopold Sedar Senghor, spoke personally in the general debate during the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, and stressed die dangers of this ruinous arms race to the social and economic progress of all nations and in particular to that of the developing countries. That is why His Excellency President Leopold Sedar Senghor proposed from this rostrum the imposition of a 5 per cent tax on the military budgets of States and the transfer of resources thus released to aid for the developing countries.
126.	Contrary to expectations, that special session did not fulfil all the hopes of international public opinion; although we must acknowledge that in certain sectors considerable progress was recorded. We hope that the next special session to be devoted to disarmament will yield practical, more tangible results.
127.	My country's keen interest in this question of disarmament was once more demonstrated by the convening in Dakar on 9-10 February 1979, at the request of the international community, of an international seminar on "The Interrelationship between Disarmament Problems and Development", organized under the aegis of the World Council for Peace. In his opening statement on that occasion, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Senegal, Mr. Abdou Diouf, said:
"In the developed countries which have the most sizable military budgets, it is undeniable that the arms race has taken place to the detriment of progress in sensitive social sectors and has contributed to the aggravation of certain harmful phenomena— such as inflation; trade imbalances and international payments deficits."
Mr. Diouf continued:
"But in our view as third-world countries, with the threat to international peace and security and, more seriously still, to the fate of humanity, the major consequence of the arms race is that it creates a serious obstacle to the establishment of a new inter-national economic order. Once again it is the squandering of vast resources as a result of competition in weaponry that considerably reduces the efforts that should be made to help the developing countries overcome their serious economic and social difficulties."
128.	We should also like to express our deep concern over the apparent possession of nuclear weapons by South Africa and Israel. Those two countries, which have been flagrantly violating the Charter of the United Nations, as well as principles and resolutions of our Organization, would be seriously endangering international security if by their possession of nuclear weapons they were to resort to inadmissible blackmail.
129.	I wish to reiterate at this session the proposals made by my delegation at the special session on disarm-ament and at the last session of the Disarmament Com-mission. They are: first, the establishment of a universal surveillance and verification system in connexion with the disarmament agreements; secondly, the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Africa; thirdly, the close co-ordination of activities aimed at promoting disarmament and development, especially through the reduction of military budgets and the transfer of funds thus released to the development of the least developed countries; and, fourthly, the large-scale dissemination of information and the promotion of disarmament studies so that world public opinion can be better and more accurately informed about the catastrophic dangers which the accumulation of weapons of mass destruction pose to mankind.
130.	We are pleased at the progress already achieved by our Organization in this field and hope that further progress will be recorded during this session.
131.	In a world of a few rich and many poor, peace cannot easily prosper. Similarly, in a world where the gap between rich and poor countries continues ceaselessly to widen, a policy of solidarity must be developed as the best guarantee of genuine independence and freedom.
132.	My country has always upheld the principle that just international economic relations can be achieved only if the right of each country to the sovereign exploitation of its natural resources is protected. It is no coincidence that major international conferences held since the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly on raw materials and development have had as their major concern the recovery and use, by all countries, of their natural resources, whether land-based or maritime.
133.	The particularly positive role played in this field by the developing countries should be stressed here. Indeed, inspired by an ardent desire to promote the success of the needed revolution in economic relations among nations and peoples, and motivated by the sincere desire to accord flail priority to development problems and to the stability of the world economy, they have undertaken to strengthen and co-ordinate their actions in order to create genuine horizontal cooperation in all fields, particularly that of raw materials, thus creating a united negotiating position, in order to achieve the establishment of a new international economic and cultural order through agreement rather than confrontation.
134.	That is why the Government of the Republic of Senegal attaches particular importance to the establishment of viable regional and sub-regional communities, such as the Organization for the Development of the Gambia River Basin, the Organization for the Development of the Senegal River, the West African Economic Community and the Economic Community of West African States. But for the effective functioning of such regional co-operation, developing countries must be supported and encouraged in their efforts by the developed countries, as well as by the international organizations, whose precise mission this is.
135.	In this respect, we can only rejoice over the decisions adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty-third session with regard to the Sudano-Sahelian region and the measures to be taken for its benefit, especially concerning the important problem of desertification and the expansion of the United Nations Sahelian Office within the framework of the achievement of a rehabilitation programme for that area.
136.	The more or less alarming outlook for the world economic situation is creating a mood of anxiety. In this climate of uncertainty the developing countries emerge once more the big losers, subjected as they are to the disastrous effects of this crisis, on the one hand, and, on the other, to the measures taken by the wealthy countries to protect their own economies, which are suffering the effects of recession, inflation and unemployment. Overburdened with debts, the developing countries find their development efforts greatly obstructed by a crisis which is imposed upon them. There-fore, it becomes more and more essential for economic co-operation between developing and developed countries to be considered a basic, priority element, a privileged instrument, for the establishment of a new international economic and cultural order.
137.	Yet, on the eve of the proclamation of the third United Nations development decade, we join you, Mr. President, in venturing to hope that the work of the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy will yield results to everyone's satisfaction. To that end, the international community will have to plan its strategy in order to promote the comprehensive development of the developing countries, as they are the ones which suffer the most from imbalances and short-comings in the current inter-national economic system.
138.	Unfortunately, the legitimate hopes of the developing countries are dwindling, particularly because the failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the problems that cropped up during the Second United Nations Development Decade have revealed that there is still a long way to go before the establishment of a new international economic order. The inertia of the developed countries during earlier economic negotiations give us no cause for optimism.
139.	None the less, it does remain undeniable that increased assistance to the developing countries would lead to an upsurge in the world economy and have positive effects on the economies of the developed countries, especially in the area of employment.
140.	In this respect the proposal made by the Group of 77 during the last session of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/ 174, for a series of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development, with the participation of all States, should be accepted as quickly as possible during this session. A positive reaction to this proposal would make it possible for the international community as a whole to demonstrate its solid commitment, its sincere will and above all its new mentality regarding major negotiations, with a view to achieving dynamic and realistic compromises in building the new international economic order. It is in this spirit that my delegation would like to express its agreement with the proposal by the Mexican Head of State to discuss energy problems within a global framework, excluding no one, under the auspices of the United Nations and with a positive approach.
141.	It is true that for some years the world has been achieving some tangible progress towards this new order of international co-operation, based on economic equity and social justice. However, it is also true that the world has been unable to respond to appeals for fundamental freedom and human dignity.
142.	Therefore the United Nations should deal with the problem of human rights with full awareness of its responsibilities to men, women and children throughout the world. My country's position on this point has been constant. Senegal is a law-abiding country which oppresses no minority and its Government makes respect for human rights one of its major concerns.
143.	Thus my delegation, during this session, will ex-press support for any measure which may reinforce respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms everywhere in the world; both in South Africa, where apartheid prevails, and in the Arab and Palestinian territories occupied by Israel. However, my delegation will avoid making a distinction between types of human rights violations according to situation and place in order to look with greater favour on some of them. If the protection of human rights cannot be used as an excuse to disregard the sovereignty of States and to interfere in their internal affairs, the sovereignty of States should not serve to conceal human rights violations either.
144.	In this same spirit Senegal has always opposed the idea that economic, social and cultural rights should take priority over civil and political ones. Indeed, human rights are indivisible and interdependent and priority should not be given to one particular category of rights. The main problem is not one of priority, but one of establishing a flexible connexion between these two types of rights, taking into account the levels of economic and social development of the societies concerned.
145.	The international community has the important responsibility of establishing the conditions needed for the full achievement of economic, social and cultural rights as essential means of guaranteeing the effective enjoyment of civil and political rights and of fundamental freedoms by all individuals.
146.	In order to help our Organization fulfil its duty, my delegation will back the idea of creating a post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights as soon as possible. Without being a panacea, this post should be the framework for dynamic action for ensuring increased United Nations effectiveness in this field. Indeed it is time for our Organization urgently to adopt more effective concrete measures in order to fulfil its obligations in the human rights field.
147.	Perhaps if this post had already been in existence those countries which, on various pretexts, have pushed waves of refugees—the number and misery of which continue to move world public opinion—back across their borders or out to sea, would have shown more moderation and responsibility. Whether in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, Europe or elsewhere, these refugees suffer the most inhuman treatment. In this matter our Organization should think up lasting solutions to relieve their misery.
148.	Therefore the mission of the United Nations should increasingly consist of modelling and guiding this new order—economic, social and cultural—to which we all aspire, because the prompt achievement of that order will determine the very conditions for maintaining international peace and security and achieving our Organization's permanent aims.
149.	We are convinced that it is essentially through the United Nations, which continues to spare no effort to achieve its mission, that the real international com-munity of States can be created; this is indispensable to the fulfilment of the real aspirations of those peoples who love peace and justice, so that universal civilization may triumph throughout the world.


The delegation of the Republic of Haiti is happy and proud, Sir, to welcome your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Your brilliant intelligence, your political sense and your long experience within the United Nations have brought you well-deserved election to this high office in which no doubt you will continue to do honour not only to the Republic of Tanzania but to Africa and the African Diaspora.
382.	I should like to pay a tribute to Mr. Indalecio Lievano Aguirre, who, in conducting the work of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, showed himself to be a diplomat full of tact and devoted to the cause of humanity.
383.	The Republic of Haiti welcomes Saint Lucia to the United Nations family. The people and Government of Haiti welcome the addition of that new State and hope that it will make its contribution to the ideals of solidarity and fraternity which are the substance of the Charter of this Organization.
384.	The delegation of the Republic of Haiti would like to transmit to the valiant people of Panama and to their leaders the congratulations of my Government and people on the establishment of the sovereignty of the State of Panama over the Canal Zone. The date 1 October 1979 marks a turning-point towards realism in relations between the United States and the other countries of the Latin American continent.
385.	The Government of the Republic of Haiti would like, first, to reaffirm its attachment to the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter and to renew its determination to collaborate to find a solution to problems which require intelligence, understanding and the devotion of men who are responsible for the future of humanity.
386.	My delegation is delighted to participate in the work of this thirty-fourth session since, whatever the outcome of our debates, it is comforting to see that the qualified and legitimate representatives of the peoples of the whole world, notwithstanding the differences in their situations and their opinions, have recourse to this forum to air their opinions and, in a spirit of conciliation, to submit blueprints for solutions to problems which threaten international peace and security.
387.	I should like to take this opportunity heartily to congratulate our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and his eminent colleagues, as well as all those who, in various capacities, have contributed to maintaining the vitality of the Organization and of the specialized agencies and to preparing the work of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
388.	Before the International Year of the Child draws to a close, the delegation of the Republic of Haiti wishes to draw the attention of the Assembly to the lot of children in the third world, 60 per cent of whom suffer from hunger, two out of three of whom die from it, while a fair number of the survivors remain stunted throughout their lives.
389.	Moreover, statistics show that more than 25,000 children in developing countries become blind because of deficiencies in vitamin A; that 5 million die of diphtheria, tetanus, poliomyelitis, tuberculosis and other diseases, because of the dearth of vaccines; that 350 million do not receive any schooling.
390.	If we add to this already gloomy picture, the number of children who fall victims of apartheid and of the adoption business, it can be seen that the situation of needy children in the third-world countries is quite simply tragic.
391.	Of course UNICEF has made laudable efforts for disseminating information on family planning techniques, nutrition, pre-natal care, vaccination and disease prevention, hygiene and the improvement of the environment. But the task of governmental leaders with regard to children remains to be accomplished. Preparing for the future means caring for and educating the children of today, who will become the men and women of tomorrow.
392.	There is no need to stress the importance of child care; it suffices to recall that adult behaviour is the direct consequence of the biological, psychological and social phenomena which mark the first stages in one's life. Will the General Assembly at this thirty-fourth session have the wisdom to recommend the strengthening of the work of UNICEF and of the private organizations which devote themselves to needy children out of a noble concern to preserve the future for them?
393.	The Republic of Haiti is concerned about the grave crisis which seriously affects the world economy. Inflation and unemployment rates throughout the world threaten the stability of institutions which, from 1955 to 1970, ensured an unhoped-for expansion of the Western, economy.'
394.	But have we really taken the trouble to research the deep-seated causes of this crisis, for which total responsibility is attributed to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries? Have we thought about the way of life and production in the Western countries, based on an unimpeded exploitation of the riches of the third world, without taking into account that the third world would one day claim sovereignty and effective c6ntroI over its natural resources? Have we forgotten the obstinate retention of the international financial system, established by the Bretton Woods agreements,  when timely changes should have been introduced to adapt them to the development of the world economy?
395.	One of the most important tasks of our time is to overcome this economic crisis by making people more aware of human solidarity and the interdependence of nations in a framework of international social justice which would be established by the new international economic order.
396.	The Republic of Haiti was founded on human dignity and freedom and, since the black slave revolution, has always been in the vanguard of those that defend the basic rights of the human person. Its very existence is the expression of those rights the various component aspects of which have been stressed in turn, according to the stages of our national development.
397.	Today the Republic of Haiti gives priority to economic and social rights, as defined by His Excellency Jean-Claude Duvalier, the President-for-Life of the Republic:
What constitute rights, basic and legitimate privileges for the Haitian are the rights to food and clothing, to housing, education—in a word, the right to live decently".
398.	Because of the present constraints in international economic relations, President Jean-Claude Duvalier has undertaken a vast programme of reforms dealing with taxation, administration, the organization of rural communities, education and health, with a view to improving the standard of living of the rural and urban masses.
399.	Immediately following the Second World War, international relations were reduced to a duel between West and East. Humanity's awareness was restricted to simplistic and unsubtle Manicheanism. The spark struck in April 1955 at the African-Asian Conference in Bandung was not powerful enough to illuminate the way of newly independent people who were quickly taken over by one or the other camp.
400.	Torn apart and weak, dependent technologically and economically, the States of the third world allowed themselves to become the pawns of history in a conflict which reflected the hegemonistic will of Powers which believed that they represented the universal conscience. Gradually, the spirit of Bandung was reborn and was finally reaffirmed with the establishment of the Group of 77, the forerunner of the North-South dialogue, which replaced ideological confrontation.
401.	The new axis on which international relations were based, enshrined by the political constellation of the industrialized countries and the economically backward countries, represents an historic victory of the peoples of the third world who discovered an identity of interests and of problems. However, in certain recent international meetings the old scenario reappeared. It is important that peoples who lived through colonial domination should recall the "divide-and-rule" tactics and the localized wars in which people acted as intermediaries.
402.	Certainly the diversity of situations can cause breaches in third-world solidarity, as was observed in the discussions on energy problems. The reference to this common good, which is an abiding theme in history, should enable us to distinguish the essential from the inessential and to transcend such past incidents. Even if the deficit of the poor countries caused by rises in oil prices reaches $40 billion at the end of 1979 and even if petrodollars are not invested in the developing countries, the nations of the third world should see to it that their financial interests should not take precedence over their solidarity. Furthermore, the oil-exporting countries, by adopting a selective pricing policy according to the consignees of the oil, would close the breach which the champions of neo-colonialism want to use to sow confusion and cause disunity in the ranks of the third world.
403.	Accordingly, the Government of the Republic of Haiti makes an urgent appeal to all Governments of the third world to strengthen their solidarity in favour of a common ideology, which should be the original expression of the aspirations of our peoples, striving for effective control over their natural resources and for the right to choose in freedom and sovereignty their political, economic and social institutions. If it were otherwise, the third world would never stop being an arena for confrontation—without a value of its own, without its creative force—destined to suffer passively the contradictory influences which have Balkanized it culturally, politically and economically.
404.	If the diversity of people is an undeniable fact flowing from historical development and from the civilization peculiar to each nation community, the unity of men is none the less a certainty because of their aspirations to freedom, peace, justice and well-being.
405.	For liberated minds there are values on which all civilizations can agree. If we wish to cut off history from its tragic elements, we must find points on which to pin new hope; we must draw the distinction between what we are entitled to hope for and what we have reason to believe is attainable.
406.	Accordingly, the Republic of Haiti is prepared to make its contribution to the establishment of a better world, as was stated by His Excellency Mr. Jean- Claude Duvalier, President-for-Life of our Republic, in a message to the nation on 2 January 1979. The message was as follows:
' 'The basic goal of my Government is to seek original ways to reconcile the fundamental demands of the third world and the legitimate interests of the industrialized nations to confer a cultural and human touch on international co-operation."
407.	These are the comments of the delegation of the Republic of Haiti which we wish to submit for the consideration of the Assembly at this thirty-fourth session. We hope that the work of this session will be crowned with success.