For the United Nations and
the system of collective security that it represents, the
past year has been a traumatic one.
Our Organization could ill afford the loss of the
dedicated and experienced members of staff who were
killed by an act of terrorism in Baghdad on the 19
August. I do not diminish the contribution of each and
every one of those who lost their lives in the cause of
humanity if I give individual mention to Sergio Vieira
de Mello. I would like to pay particular tribute to his
work in bringing to birth the new State of Timor Leste,
which has become the latest Member of the United
Nations.
We are living in a period of great insecurity. We
are stalked by fear — fear of war, terrorism, weapons
of mass destruction, famine, disease, ethnic and
religious hatred, and organized crime. Governments are
acting, individually and in groups, to shield their
people from these threats. However, the nature of the
challenge requires coordinated global action.
Fortunately, we have the United Nations
Organization, which brings together the nations of the
world in the service of international peace and security.
If we did not already have such an organization, we
would surely have to invent it. The tragedy for
mankind is that we do not make the most effective use
of it. We are frequently told by commentators that the
United Nations has failed. All too often, it is difficult
to disagree.
So, who is to blame? To answer that question we
have to ask: what is the United Nations? The answer is
to be found in the Charter. This Organization was
established in the name of the peoples of the United
Nations. When the United Nations fails, it is because
we, the Governments that represent the peoples of the
United Nations, have failed, individually or
collectively, to meet our obligations.
Our most common failing, I would submit, is that
we frequently overlook the fact that this Organization
was created to serve not just our own nation, but all
mankind. Too often, Members seek to use this
20

Organization to pursue their national interests by
seeking to have it adopt resolutions that are partial or
biased; by ignoring its resolutions when these do not
suit them; and by encouraging action on certain issues
and conflicts while blocking action on or even
consideration of, others. All too many of us have been
guilty of such an approach.
We simply cannot afford to continue with this
attitude. The world is fast changing. Every day brings a
new awareness of just how interdependent we all are.
The option of shutting ourselves safely away behind
protective walls no longer exists. We have to learn to
live together, to share the resources of this planet and
to look after each other. We can retain our national,
cultural and religious identities, but we need to
recognize that we are, first and foremost, all members
of the human race, and we must act accordingly.
We need a viable system of global governance
that can ensure international peace and security. To be
viable, such a system must possess two essential
qualities: effectiveness and legitimacy. To be effective,
it requires the unambiguous support of the entire
community of nation States. Its decisions must be
respected and, where necessary, we must be ready and
able to act to secure such respect. To retain legitimacy,
the system must be seen to work in the interests of the
entire international community.
I appeal, therefore, to the Governments
represented at this session of the General Assembly for
a change in our attitude to the United Nations. Let us
cease treating it as a tool useful only to the extent that
it can deliver on our national agenda. Instead, let us use
the United Nations to harness our collective resources
in the interests of each and every member of mankind.
To adapt the words of President John F. Kennedy, let us
ask not what the United Nations can do for us, but what
we can do for the United Nations.
The United Nations needs reform. We all accept
that. Our institutions are not sufficiently effective and,
in some instances, are not adequately representative of
today’s membership. We have discussed these issues at
great length, but we have balked at taking the hard
decisions. The time has come to put the interests of the
wider international community before narrow national
concerns.
We are fortunate, at this moment, to have as
Secretary-General a man of the stature of Kofi Annan;
a man who is held in universal regard and who is seen
to stand for the interests of the entire international
community. He has not shrunk from grasping the nettle
of reform, and in his address to this Assembly he called
on the Members of this Organization to grasp it with
him. We must find the courage and generosity to take
up this challenge.
The past two years have been a particularly sober
period in the history of mankind. There has been so
much death and destruction across the globe. How
much of this might have been avoided if the United
Nations had been better able to fulfil the noble
purposes set out in the Charter?
I do not claim that it is possible to eradicate
man’s capacity for evil or to totally eliminate the
tendency to seek to resolve disputes through violence.
But I do submit that a stronger, more resolute, more
respected and more active United Nations might have
prevented some of the suffering of the past two years.
The world today is very different from that which
existed when the Charter was drawn up. It is smaller,
more crowded, more combustible. Isolated pockets of
human habitation have been brought together by a
population explosion, migration, faster and cheaper air
travel, television, the Internet, the growth of free trade
and the development of weapons of mass destruction.
What happens in one part of the world can increasingly
have an instant and dramatic effect in another part.
This evolution has raised questions concerning
the interpretation of two important provisions of the
Charter. The first is paragraph 7 of Article 2, which in
effect excludes the United Nations from intervening in
matters that are essentially within the domestic
jurisdiction of any State. Yet the problem arises
increasingly in our global society as to whether and
when a matter can be considered as falling entirely
within the domestic jurisdiction of a State. Some
situations are clearer than others.
In my view, when events within a country
threaten international peace and security, they become
the legitimate interest of the international community.
Similarly, I cannot accept that the international
community should stand by and accept the large-scale,
flagrant and persistent violation of human rights. We
have received sharp lessons in the past. The trigger for
intervening to prevent an attempted genocide should
not be the moment that refugees begin to flood across
the border.
21

At the same time, international intervention raises
serious questions. It can also pose serious risks to the
international regime. Clearly, intervention is
objectively called for in some extreme cases. But there
is a need to work carefully through this concept with a
view to forging an international consensus around it.
Another issue that has recently come to the fore
and was highlighted by the Secretary-General is that of
Article 51 of the Charter and the conditions under
which Member States have the right to act in self-
defence. The development of weapons of mass
destruction in the period since the signing of the
Charter, and the appearance of non-State actors with
the capacity for mass destruction, raise serious
questions as to the point at which a State might
consider it necessary to act in self-defence. This is also
an issue that requires serious reflection.
My Government would be deeply concerned at
the widespread acceptance of a doctrine of pre-emptive
strike. Given the ever more lethal nature of modern
weapons, the risk of large-scale death, destruction and
escalation are enormous.
More effective than striking pre-emptively, of
course, is to pre-empt the risk of conflict through a
wide range of steps in the diplomatic, economic,
humanitarian and other areas.
We should devote more attention to dealing with
the root causes of conflict. We must seek to identify
potential conflicts as early as possible and deal with
them before they get out of hand. Where conflict
nevertheless becomes a possibility, we should act more
assertively to head it off. We simply cannot afford to
accept the existence of so-called forgotten or ignored
conflicts. Any conflict that threatens international peace
and security is the United Nations legitimate business and
should be on the agenda of the Security Council.
I would now like to touch briefly on a number of
specific issues that are of concern to my Government.
The conflict between Israel and the Palestinian
people continues to pose a serious threat to world
peace. My own country’s difficult national experience
shows that there is no such thing as a straight line to
peace. Our experience in Ireland clearly demonstrates
that farsighted leaders cannot allow their efforts to be
held hostage by terrorists and extremists. They must
have the wisdom to look beyond the politics of the last
atrocity.
What is more, leaders must be prepared to deal
with each other. As the Nobel Laureate John Hume
once said, “you make peace with your enemies, not
your friends”. President Arafat has a responsibility to
lead his people away from violence and back to the
negotiating table. It is a responsibility that he must
assume. Threats to expel or assassinate him are deeply
misguided and dangerous and can only further delay
efforts to achieve a settlement.
Lasting peace can only be achieved through
negotiation. Palestinians must realize that violence has
failed. Terrorism is wrong and has brought nothing but
misery to both Israel and Palestine. It has made
compromise more difficult than ever.
Israel must see that repression and attempts at
physical separation will not deliver long-term security.
The most effective means for Israel to secure a
peaceful future would be to accept the Palestinian
people’s right to a viable State of their own on the basis
of the 1967 borders. Israel should immediately reverse
its policy of building settlements, settler-only roads
and a security wall on Palestinian territory.
It is imperative that the parties re-engage in the
task of implementing the road map, leading to a two-
State solution based on the vision enshrined in Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397
(2002). They need the support of the Quartet. But such
mediation will not succeed if it is, or is perceived to be,
one-sided. We must be careful to ensure that our
demands are balanced and that we hold both sides
equally to account.
The people of Iraq are suffering from events that
in most cases are not of their making. We want to see
this suffering brought to an end as soon as possible.
The Iraqi people can only play a part in that by
rejecting those who engage in violence and industrial
sabotage. The occupying Powers must be scrupulous in
meeting their obligations under international law.
The Iraqi people need and deserve the support of
a united international community in the political and
economic reconstruction of their country. The United
Nations, with its unique experience and legitimacy, is
essential to efforts to help the Iraqi people recover their
sovereignty as soon as possible and to forge a new Iraq,
at peace with itself and with its neighbours. We look to
the members of the Security Council at this crucial
moment to assume their responsibilities and to reach an
agreement on a new resolution that reflects the interests
22

of the people of Iraq and that can enjoy the necessary
support of the region and of the broad international
community.
The proliferation of nuclear, chemical and
biological weapons poses a serious threat to international
peace and security. We must recommit ourselves to
controlling the spread of such weapons, and working
towards their complete elimination. This can only be
achieved through a comprehensive and rigorous system
of international treaties and obligations that are
verifiable and universal.
Ireland, with its partners in the New Agenda
Coalition, will continue its efforts in respect of nuclear
disarmament during this year’s General Assembly.
Ireland calls on all States who are concerned about the
issue of weapons of mass destruction to become
constructively engaged in the multilateral disarmament
and non-proliferation process. There can be no room
for double standards.
We must also remain resolute in our
determination to counter the threat of terrorism. We
owe it to the victims of 11 September, and to the
victims of terrorist atrocities before and since then. The
measures put in place by the Security Council have
made it more difficult for international terrorist
networks to organize and to finance their activities.
These organizations, however, do not stand still. We
must remain vigilant and redouble our efforts to make
it impossible for the agents of international terror to
operate.
In doing so, however, we must be clear that the need
to act against terrorism offers no license for action
contrary to the United Nations Charter, or against the
body of international human rights and humanitarian
law that we have so painstakingly constructed.
We must also seek to deal with the causes of
terrorism. Terrorism is not some kind of original sin.
No child is born a terrorist. At some point in their
lives, some people become terrorists. We have to
identify how and why.
And if we find that young people are being
indoctrinated into terrorism, we have to deal with those
who seek to incite hatred and terror. If we find that
they act, however wrongly, in reaction to real or
perceived injustice, we have to confront that fact and,
as far as it is possible, seek to eliminate the reality or
perception of that injustice. To seek to understand the
causes of terrorism should not be misunderstood as
being soft on terrorism. On the contrary, it is an
essential step in its elimination. I can speak from
experience of developments in my own country for
many decades.
The Government and people of Afghanistan face
important challenges in the coming year, in particular
the adoption of a constitution and the holding of
national elections. Severe difficulties stand in the way,
especially the precarious security situation. The
sustained and wholehearted support of the international
community is required if Afghanistan is to recover
from its long ordeal. For Ireland’s part, it has delivered
on its pledges to the reconstruction of Afghanistan.
In Africa, encouraging progress has been made in
the past year towards the resolution of some long-
standing and intractable conflicts. We urge the parties to
the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to
implement the commitments that they have entered into.
Neighbouring States must abide by their commitments
and their obligation not to interfere in the area.
Sierra Leone remains on track, with the help of
the United Nations, towards a future and peaceful
development. And progress has been achieved in
Liberia. I want to pay tribute to the efforts of those
Member States that have contributed to this positive
development. Their continued engagement, along with
the United Nations, will be indispensable in helping the
people of Liberia to consolidate what has been
achieved and to build peace in their country. I am
pleased to inform the Assembly that my Government in
the next few days will recommend to our Parliament
that Ireland’s Defence Forces participate with a
sizeable contingent in the forthcoming United
peacekeeping operation in Liberia.
Respect for human rights is an essential foundation
for peace and security. Lack of respect for human rights is
at the root of many conflicts, internal and international.
The promotion of human rights is rightly the concern
of the international community as a whole. It must
remain a central task of the United Nations and must be
integrated into all United Nations activities.
There is no room for complacency. We must all
recognize that no country, including our own, is
perfect. We can all do better.
I pay tribute to the many brave individuals around
the world — defenders of human rights — who risk
23

discrimination, imprisonment or worse to ensure that
Governments live up to their human rights obligations.
The establishment of the International Criminal
Court was a clear signal of the determination of the
international community to bring to justice those who
are involved in genocide, crimes against humanity and
war crimes. Ireland, together with its partners in the
European Union, will continue to offer firm support to
the International Criminal Court, as its work gets under
way. I urge those who have not signed or ratified the
Rome Statute to do so, and I urge all States to adhere
firmly to the principles on which it is based.
The peace process in Northern Ireland remains a
major priority for the Irish Government. Regrettably,
due to diminishing trust between the political parties,
the devolved political institutions in Northern Ireland
were suspended nearly one year ago. Since then, we have
been working to re-establish the trust and confidence
necessary to restore and sustain these institutions.
This involves both ensuring that all vestiges of
paramilitary activity are consigned to the past and that
all parties commit themselves to the full and stable
operation of the democratic institutions of the Good
Friday Agreement. Following intensive negotiations,
we came tantalizingly close in April to making the
required breakthrough but unfortunately did not get
matters fully resolved at that time.
After one of the most peaceful summers on the
streets of Northern Ireland, the process is now entering
another decisive phase of challenge and opportunity.
Developments over the next few weeks will have a
crucial bearing on whether elections — which I believe
should take place before the end of the year — will be
held in an atmosphere that is conducive to forming a
working administration on the other side of the polling
day.
For this to happen, all of the pro-Agreement
parties must show leadership and courage, face up to
their responsibilities and take the decisions they know
are right, and encourage their constituencies to reach
out to others. As partners in this process, Prime
Minister Blair and I — and our two Governments —
are working closely together to support and encourage
all those political and community leaders who are
taking risks for peace.
From other areas around the world struggling to
escape from a legacy of violence, we in Ireland know
all too well that a process of conflict resolution cannot
rest still. Either it continues to move forward or it loses
momentum and direction and falters. To complacently
assume that current opportunities for progress can be
deferred until a more politically convenient moment is
both wrong and dangerous. In the case of Northern
Ireland, the moment of opportunity is now and it is my
hope that in the weeks and months ahead all of the
parties who subscribed to the Good Friday Agreement
will collectively rise to that challenge.
Poverty and insecurity go hand in hand. The
efforts of the United Nations to promote international
peace and security must be closely aligned with its
work in tackling the root causes of poverty.
When I launched the United Nations Human
Development Report in Dublin last July, I noted how
powerful a reminder it was that the world is becoming
a more unequal place. According to the report, 54
countries — the great majority of them in Africa — are
poorer now than they were in 1990. A world where
more than 1.2 billion people continue to live on less
than a dollar a day, where 14 million children are
orphaned because of HIV/AIDS and where women in
the poorest countries are 175 times more likely to die
in childbirth than women in rich countries is inherently
unjust and hence insecure.
At the United Nations special session on
HIV/AIDS in 2001, I said Ireland would increase its
contribution to the fight against HIV/AIDS by an
additional $30 million per year. Last year, our spending
on HIV/AIDS programmes exceeded $40 million — a
ten-fold increase over the past three years.
The Millennium Declaration called for a global
partnership for development, and as in any partnership,
there are responsibilities on all sides. Undertakings on
official development assistance, debt relief, and
governance must be achieved. We must be rigorous in
assessing our progress in 2005, as we committed
ourselves to doing.
At the Millennium Summit, I committed Ireland
to reaching the United Nations target for official
development assistance of 0.7 per cent of gross
national product by 2007. Since then, Ireland has
increased its official development assistance to 0.41
per cent and remains committed to reaching the target
by 2007.
24

Fair and open international trade is essential for
global peace and prosperity. It is an integral part of the
multilateral system that we are pledged to protect. I
regret that it did not prove possible to reach agreement
at the recent World Trade Organization talks in
Cancun. I understand the frustration of those who
consider themselves unfairly treated in global markets.
But if we turn our back on the multilateral trading
system and allow trade and investment to be diverted
and distorted by bilateral and regional arrangements,
we will damage — perhaps irreparably — the best tool
available to us to make serious inroads into poverty
and to raise standards of living on a global basis. Let us
redouble our efforts to achieve an agreement that offers
fair market access and at the same time allows all of us
to preserve the essence of our unique cultures and
environments.
The past year might have been a difficult one for
the United Nations, but events have demonstrated that
for the people of the world it is the indispensable
Organization at the centre of our system of collective
security. We have invested it with unique legitimacy
and authority. People around the world look to it in
hope and expectation. Let us work together to make
sure that the United Nations is an organization worthy
of the ideals enshrined in its Charter, worthy of the
trust of those who rely on it for help and protection,
worthy of the idealism and dedication of those who
work for it and worthy of the sacrifice of those who
have given their lives in its service.
As the Secretary-General made clear when he
addressed this session of General Assembly: we are at
a fork in the road. Let us be sure to take the right road.


Let me first
extend to you, Sir, on behalf of my delegation and in
my own name, our sincere congratulations on your
election as President of the General Assembly at this
session. Indeed, it is a matter of pride for all small
island States, and Mauritius in particular, to see you
presiding over the Assembly. My delegation wishes to
assure you of its full support and cooperation during
your tenure of office.
Let me also express my Government's deepest
appreciation to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr.
Jan Kavan of the Czech Republic, for the remarkable
manner in which he presided over the General
Assembly at its fifty-seventh session and to the
Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, for
his dedicated leadership of our Organization. I wish to
assure him of our full support in his appeal for radical
reforms of our Organization and the setting up of a
high-level panel to address the issues of peace and
security, and institutional reform.
Since we were here last autumn, many events of
global importance have occurred. The war against Iraq
was waged and hostilities were declared at an end, but
peace and stability in Iraq have yet to be restored.
Terrorism has continued relentlessly on its path of
ghastly attacks and indiscriminate killing of innocent
civilians. The geographical shift, however, in the
terrorist attacks is becoming increasingly a disturbing
development.
Multilateralism, which was almost condemned to
a premature burial, is being re-energized.
Unfortunately, the recurring problems of HIV/AIDS,
malaria, poverty, lack of development, conflicts and the
ready supply of small arms and light weapons have
continued to inflict death and suffering on an
unprecedented scale, particularly in Africa.
The attack against the United Nations compound
in Baghdad contains countless messages. The most
significant of them is that our Organization is in urgent
need of major overhaul and reform, as rightly stated by
the Secretary-General.
The premature deaths of the Special Envoy of the
Secretary-General to Iraq, the late Sergio Vieira de
Mello, and other dedicated staff members of the United
Nations, whom we deeply mourn, should make us
reflect on the dangers behind foreign policy initiatives
that undermine or ignore the United Nations.
The international community is deeply attached
to the legitimacy the United Nations confers on its
actions. It is our collective duty to refrain from taking
any measures likely to weaken it.
These horrendous terrorist acts have
demonstrated anew the crucial need for the
international community to tackle the root causes of
terrorism.
As all small islands, we in Mauritius remain
highly vulnerable in respect of our security and
terrorist threats. With limited means at our disposal,
coupled with the multiple demands on our scanty
resources, we find that it is only through international
efforts and cooperation that we can win the war against
terrorism. We are particularly anxious that there should
be concerted and sustained action and a commitment to
cooperation at the international level with a view to
eradicating the scourge of terrorism. All countries must
cooperate to stem the flow of cross-border infiltration.
The financing of terrorism and the proceeds of
transnational organized crime need to be closely
monitored.
Not winning the war against terrorism as well as
that against transnational organized crime is not an
option for the world today. Mauritius views with
concern that, despite the stated commitment of the
international community to the cause of disarmament,
the actions of many countries do not match their
rhetoric.
The new challenges to security and disarmament
should compel us to look anew at the potential threat
posed by nuclear weapons and weapons of mass
destruction and to pursue more vigorously efforts
towards their total elimination.
We reiterate our appeal to the nuclear Powers for
the early convening of a conference on nuclear
disarmament as a first step towards complete
disarmament, keeping in mind that such a regime must
be comprehensive and non-discriminatory.
25

Over the last year the international community's
ability to tackle political conflicts and find lasting
solutions has been dismal.
The situation in the Middle East continues to
preoccupy us. Despite the various initiatives, including
the latest Road Map, violence remains unabated and we
fear that recent developments in the region will unleash
further killings and destruction.
No solution will be possible there unless all the
protagonists are taken on board. Exclusion as a policy
is destined to fail. We continue to believe that President
Arafat is an essential part of the solution, and any
attempt to sideline him will be detrimental to any peace
initiative.
We call on both Israel and the Palestinian
Authority to exercise utmost restraint and to pursue
their efforts for the implementation of the Road Map
with a view to putting an end to the occupation and the
succeeding generations of Palestinians in refugee
camps. The establishment of a Palestinian State at the
earliest should be the priority of the international
community.
The situation in Iraq is disquieting. It is important
that the Iraqis regain as soon as possible total
sovereignty and assume control over their own destiny
through a democratic process. The United Nations has,
in the view of my delegation, a leading role to play in
this process and must be empowered to do so.
The African continent has been plagued for too
long by conflicts and wars, which have led to the loss
of thousands of innocent lives and the squandering of
enormous wealth and resources. Small arms and light
weapons have in fact become the weapons of mass
destruction on the African continent. These weapons
drain African resources and we appeal to those
countries that manufacture and market those weapons
of destruction to ensure that Africa does not continue
to be their killing field.
Nonetheless, during the past two years, the
African continent has demonstrated an unprecedented
momentum in its efforts to seriously address these
conflicts and to search for lasting solutions. There is,
however, some good news out of Africa and everything
is not gloomy.
The transformation of the Organization of African
Unity into the African Union, the coming into
operation of the various commissions of the Union and
the election of commissioners on a gender-equal basis
at the Maputo Summit in July last are clear indications
that Africa has chosen a new path and is confident that
it will be able to meet the challenges ahead.
It is a matter of great satisfaction that peace is
now slowly returning to the troubled areas on the
continent. The conflicts in Sierra Leone and Angola
have ended. A government of national unity is in office
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Efforts under
the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD) for a comprehensive and lasting
resolution to the conflict in Somalia have been
crowned with success. We do recognize that years of
conflict will not be easily forgotten, but what is
reassuring is that African leaders are maintaining a
hands-on approach to these situations.
The recent developments in Liberia and the
restoration of the constitutional order in Sao Tome and
Principe confirm the ability of African leaders to
effectively address issues affecting their continent.
There is fresh confidence in the African leaders'
ability to deal with flashpoints. The implementation of
the Peace and Security Council of the African Union
will go a long way towards preventive action being
taken. We recognize that we will have to bear primary
responsibility for the peace and security of our
continent.
The New Partnership for Africa's Development
(NEPAD) is our basic instrument of empowerment.
Having decided to take our destiny in our own hands,
we are not going to engage in the blame game, but we
will take action to reverse poverty and to promote good
governance. We will do whatever is necessary to attract
investment. The establishment of the African Peer
Review Mechanism within NEPAD will ensure that
economic development takes place in the spirit of good
governance, democracy, transparency and
accountability.
It is comforting, therefore, that this homegrown
African initiative has received global recognition. The
assistance of the Group of Eight and countries like
India in the implementation of the objectives of
NEPAD is much appreciated.
We noted with regret that the rate of official
development assistance to developing countries is
decreasing, contrary to the commitment made in
Monterrey.
26

We therefore call on the developed countries and
other key specialized institutions in the monetary,
financial and development fields to deliver on their
implementation plans for the Monterrey Consensus
during the October high-level dialogue.
Monday's high-level segment on HIV/AIDS, in
which more than a hundred delegations took part,
demonstrates the extent of the concern of the United
Nations membership to the pandemic of HIV/AIDS.
We welcome the initiative of the General Assembly to
maintain global awareness of the problem and to ensure
that effective action is taken urgently to stop the spread
of the pandemic.
I mentioned earlier the need for reform of our
Organization. It is imperative that the necessary
reforms of the United Nations be undertaken to reflect
in a more realistic manner the political realities in the
world today.
The United Nations Charter must be amended to
provide for a Security Council that is more democratic
and more representative of today's world. Should
permanent membership of the Security Council with
veto power be retained, we consider that India should
be admitted with such a membership at the earliest.
Likewise we believe that the African continent should
be adequately represented at the same level.
We would also urge a review of the veto power,
which has been used in the past and continues to be
used for purposes outside the letter and spirit of the
Charter.
May I welcome the decision of the Security
Council to lift the sanctions on the Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya.
The situation of small island developing States
(SIDS) will be the focus of attention in September
2004, when Mauritius hosts an international meeting
for the 10-year review of the Barbados Programme of
Action. This Barbados +10 meeting will allow us to
make a full assessment of the Programme of Action
and evaluate its success and shortcomings.
We need to constantly remind the international
community about the fragility and vulnerability of
SIDS where ecology and geography combine to inflict
irreparable damage.
Mauritius and all other small island developing
States attach great importance to this international
meeting and hope that it will harness more efforts on
the part of the international community to provide the
required assistance to the small island developing
States. I call on this Assembly to lend the necessary
support to make this international meeting a success.
In this regard, let me express my appreciation to
the Commonwealth and La Francophonie for their
active interest in supporting the cause of small island
States.
As the current Chairman of the Alliance of Small
Island States (AOSIS), may I inform the Assembly that
the 44 Alliance Member States and Observers consider
the International Meeting to be a very important
occasion for reaffirming the partnership for sustainable
development that grew out of the Rio Conference. In
Mauritius next year we expect to establish an
appropriate framework for partnership and cooperation.
The time has come to enshrine the special case of
Small Island Developing States as an important
component of focus and attention on the part of the
international community.
We appeal to the international community to
support this process and ensure the full and effective
participation of all SIDS at the meeting and to ensure,
as well, its own participation in it.
Access to information and communication
technologies remains a fundamental concern in Africa.
While such technologies are often promoted as an
instrument that will allow countries to leapfrog stages
in development, there is a real fear that the digital
divide could very well prove to be yet another handicap
that adds to Africa's marginalization.
We therefore urge that particular attention be paid
to issues of access and infrastructure. My delegation
wishes to underscore that Mauritius, like many other
small island States, has high hopes that the Plan of
Action of the World Summit on the Information
Society will provide concrete action in favour of small
island developing States, whose geographical isolation,
remoteness and other inherent constraints warrant
special attention.
The failure of the World Trade Organization
(WTO) Ministerial Conference at Cancun has dealt a
blow to the multilateral trading system. That is very
unfortunate, as there are no winners but only losers.
For small developing countries in particular, a strong
rules-based global trading system provides protection
27

against the unilateralism of powerful trading countries
or blocs. The serious imbalances in the WTO system,
coupled with the lack of effective and operational rules
and disciplines to address their development concerns,
resulted the failure of Cancun. We should pick up the
pieces from Cancun and try to construct a trading
system that guarantees equity and fairness for
developing countries. Only such an approach will
provide the legitimacy that the WTO system so badly
needs to deliver on the Doha Development Agenda.
In order to successfully respond to the
multifaceted challenges we are facing in the world
today, we are convinced that the international
community should rededicate itself to the values of
solidarity, tolerance, mutual respect and cooperation.
The belief that countries can be immune from
what other countries do is no longer tenable. The need
for international cooperation, rather than confrontation,
is critical. A new international order is essential if we
are to avoid a collision of cultures and religious beliefs.
This is the last occasion on which I will address
the General Assembly in my capacity as Prime
Minister. In six days' time, I will relinquish my current
post and accede to the presidency, while my Deputy
Prime Minister will be sworn in as Prime Minister. I
am confident that he will be accorded the same
collaboration and friendship that I have enjoyed during
my tenure in office.
Before I conclude, however, I renew my appeal to
the United Kingdom to take all measures to complete
the process of the decolonization of Mauritius. For
years, Mauritius has consistently reaffirmed its
sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago, including
Diego Garcia, here and in all international forums. I
sincerely regret that this issue has not been resolved. I
therefore reiterate our appeal to the United Kingdom,
as a country known for its fair play and for
championing human rights, and to our friends in the
United States, to engage in a serious dialogue with
Mauritius over the issue of the Chagos Archipelago so
that an early solution may be found.
The removal of the Chagossians under false
pretences resulted in gross violations of human rights.
Hopefully this aspect of the matter will be resolved
through the British courts shortly.

I also appeal to the French Republic, with which
we have excellent relations, to resume the dialogue
with a view to returning Tromelin island to Mauritian
sovereignty.

With those words, I bid the Assembly goodbye.


It is with great pleasure
that I extend to you, Mr. President, our warmest
felicitations on your election. I also congratulate your
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jan Kavan, for his
effective leadership during the previous session of the
General Assembly.
We support Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s
efforts to infuse a new sense of mission into the United
Nations and maintain the centrality of its role in the
promotion of global peace and security. We pay tribute
to the memory of Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello and the
other United Nations officials who sacrificed their lives
in the service of peace.
When the Berlin Wall collapsed, hopes revived
for a new age of cooperation and peace, free from
ideological confrontations. Sadly, those hopes were
dashed — by ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, and then in
Kosovo; by the failure to end the occupation of
Palestine, leading to the revived intifada against Israeli
occupation; by the brutal suppression of the Kashmiri’s
demand for self-determination and freedom from
Indian occupation; by the unending war in Afghanistan
and the international neglect which created a climate in
which extremism and terrorism could breed; and by the
series of international financial crises and the rise of
poverty as a consequence of unequal economic
globalization.
The terrible terrorist atrocity of 11 September
2001 jolted the foundations of the international system.
The response has weakened al Qaeda, but it has not
eliminated its associates. Terrorists have struck
repeatedly around the world — in Indonesia, Tunisia,
Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Russia, Kenya and my country,
Pakistan.
18

The tragedy of 11 September 2001 transformed
security policies and changed geopolitical calculations.
Pakistan took a strategic decision, based on our
principles of humanity and national interest, to support
the war on terrorism. There should be no doubt
whatsoever about intentions. Our actions speak louder
than words. Our capabilities were limited, but they
have been progressively improved. We are acting
against al Qaeda and its associates very effectively. We
have also acted against other organizations or groups
involved in any form of terrorism. Pakistan will remain
at the forefront of the war on terrorism.
The war against terrorism must be fought
comprehensively, on a global front, with vision and
understanding. It should not erode the moral values of
our societies. It must not be hijacked by those who
seek to use it as an excuse to suppress other peoples.
It must not be allowed to engender a clash of
civilizations — a clash between Islam and the West.
It is unfortunate that great religions — which
should be a source of hope, tolerance and peace — are
seen as being pitted against each other. Many Muslims
believe their eternal faith is being demonized. They see
Muslim peoples being cruelly suppressed for
demanding freedom and equality, or targeted for
discrimination and worse. On the other hand, the West
perceives the Islamic world as volatile and hostile, bent
upon striking at Western values. Muslims are often
seen as fanatics, extremists and terrorists.
Against the background of this volatile milieu,
the recent war in Iraq evoked negative reactions in
most Arab and Islamic countries.
This moment in history calls for reflection,
introspection and action. The thesis of a clash of
civilizations is a travesty. We must bridge the gulf of
misunderstanding between Islam and the West. We
must be the catalysts of change, not the prophets of
doom.
Islam is a faith of peace, harmony and justice.
Islam is democracy in action. It upholds human rights,
social equality, non-discrimination and freedom of
speech. The protection of minorities is an article of
faith in Islam. It does not discriminate on the basis of
colour, caste, creed or religion. Our faith is dynamic,
promoting constant renewal and adaptation, through
the process of ijtihad — interpretation through
consultation. Islam’s vision is not trapped in any one
period of history; it is modern and futuristic. Islam
must not be confused with the narrow vision of a few
extremists.
I believe the way forward is to adopt a two-
pronged — or double-pincer — strategy to build
harmony, promote moderation, oppose extremism and
ensure justice. I call this the strategy of enlightened
moderation.
On the one hand, Muslim nations must assume
their responsibility for internal reform and renewal.
They are at the crossroads. They must eschew
extremism and confrontation. They must embrace the
march of human civilization. They must address the
deficits in their social and economic development.
They must seek science and technology, higher
education and human resource development.
The international community — especially the
advanced countries of the West — must deliver the
other pincer in this strategy of enlightened moderation.
They can do so by helping to resolve political disputes
and situations in which Muslim peoples are being
suppressed, such as in Palestine and Kashmir; by
rejecting attempts to equate terrorism with Islam; and
by assisting the Muslim world in poverty alleviation
and in socio-economic development. The United
Nations itself has a crucial role to play in the
conception and execution of the strategy of enlightened
moderation.
In that context, it is clear that a consensus must
be quickly developed at the United Nations on ways to
restore Iraq’s stability, security and sovereignty. Iraq
cannot be allowed to remain an open wound. That
would have an impact on the region and could inject a
new dimension into the campaign against terrorism and
extremism. The consensus that is developed must
enable the Iraqi people, through an inclusive political
process, to determine the sequence of steps leading to a
fully representative Iraqi Government and to an end to
occupation. The Iraqi people should assume control of
their resources and of their political destiny as soon as
possible. They must receive the full support of the
international community, including Iraq’s neighbours
and the Arab and the Islamic countries, in building
security and in reconstructing their country. Pakistan
would be prepared to help in a collective United-
Nations-sanctioned Arab and Islamic effort to help the
Iraqi people, if they themselves wish us to do so.
Endeavours to stabilize Iraq will be enhanced by
progress in promoting peace with justice in the Middle
19

East. Hopes for a just and comprehensive peace were
aroused earlier this year by the Quartet’s road map;
those hopes have been progressively dimmed. But
failure is not an option at all. The fate of the
Palestinian people is the principal factor in determining
public and political perceptions in the entire Islamic
world. It is only progress towards a just peace that can
marginalize the extremists. Therefore, we must revive
faithful implementation of the road map and must
realize the vision of two States, Palestine and Israel,
living side by side in peace within recognized
boundaries.
We must ensure successful implementation of the
Bonn process in Afghanistan. The international
stabilization force should be expanded and enlarged to
ensure security and control over all parts of
Afghanistan by President Karzai’s Government.
Pakistan will continue to contribute to interdicting and
arresting al Qaeda and associated terrorists. We will
further intensify our economic cooperation with
Afghanistan. It is essential that Afghanistan’s territory
not be used by third countries for interference or for
terrorism against Afghanistan’s neighbours.
Jammu and Kashmir has been rightly described as
the most dangerous dispute in the world. A just
solution of that dispute holds the key to peace and
security in South Asia. I am glad that India has stepped
back from its dangerous and failed experiment in
coercive diplomacy last year. Despite some
improvement in the political atmosphere, India
continues to suppress the legitimate struggle of the
Kashmiri people to exercise their right of self-
determination, in accordance with Security Council
resolutions. It refuses Pakistan’s offers of dialogue to
address and resolve the Kashmir dispute once and for
all.
India cites cross-border terrorism in order to
reject dialogue. It knows full well that the Kashmiri
struggle is indigenous. India seeks to exploit the
international anti-terrorist sentiment after 11 September
to delegitimize the Kashmiri freedom struggle. On the
contrary, it is India which violates international law by
refusing to implement Security Council resolutions and
by perpetrating gross and consistent violations of
human rights in Kashmir.
Once again, from this rostrum, I invite India to
join Pakistan in a sustained dialogue to resolve the
Kashmir dispute. I am convinced that, with goodwill,
we can find a just solution which is acceptable to India,
to Pakistan and, above all, to the people of Kashmir. I
also invite India, jointly with Pakistan, to observe a
complete ceasefire along the Line of Control in
Kashmir.
Pakistan would also be prepared to encourage a
general cessation of violence within Kashmir involving
reciprocal obligations and restraints on Indian forces
and on the Kashmir freedom movement. And, may I
add, if India is genuinely concerned about infiltration
across the Line of Control, we ask that it agree to a
viable mechanism to monitor such infiltration on both
sides of the Line. The United Nations Military
Observer Group in India and Pakistan could be
enlarged for that very purpose.
Apart from addressing Kashmir, sustainable
security in South Asia requires India and Pakistan to
institute measures to ensure mutual nuclear restraint
and a conventional-arms balance. Unfortunately, India
has embarked on a massive build-up of its conventional
and non-conventional military capabilities — advanced
offensive aircraft, ballistic and cruise missiles, anti-
ballistic-missile systems, nuclear submarines and an
aircraft carrier. That will destabilize South Asia and
erode strategic deterrence. Those Powers which desire
peace, stability and security in South Asia, and oppose
the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, must
review their decisions to offer such major strategic-
weapons systems to India. They must contribute to
maintaining arms restraint and a military balance in
South Asia.
The crises and conflicts of the past decade have
enhanced, not diminished, the relevance of the United
Nations. The United Nations remains the central forum
for dialogue and diplomacy, and it must be
strengthened. The Security Council must be made more
representative by increasing the number of non-
permanent members. New permanent members will
only expand inequality. States which occupy and
suppress other peoples, and defy the resolutions of the
Council, have absolutely no credentials to aspire to
permanent Security Council membership.
We are on the cusp of a new millennium. It is a
decisive moment in history. We must decide whether to
flow with the currents that threaten confrontation and
the collapse of civilizations, or to muster the collective
will to chart the course of history towards a peaceful
and cooperative global society. The leaders assembled
20

here bear an enormous responsibility to rescue our
world from war and violence, poverty and pestilence;
to redress inequity and impoverishment, which breed
despair and destruction; and finally, to collectively
construct a new global architecture of peace and
prosperity for all peoples and all nations.


Sergio
Vieira de Mello was the pride of the United Nations.
Murdered on 19 August along with his colleagues, he
will remain in our memories. Let us dedicate this
session to that great servant of the world and of peace.
The United Nations has just emerged from one of
the most serious challenges in its history. Respect for
the Charter and the use of force were at the heart of the
debate. The war, which was launched without the
Security Council's authorization, has undermined the
multilateral system.
Having come to terms with that crisis, our
Organization can now continue to move forward; for it
is above all in this forum   the melting pot of the
international order   that we must exercise our
responsibilities to the world of today as well as to
future generations.
In an open world no one can live in isolation, no
one can act alone in the name of all and no one can
accept the anarchy of a society without rules. There is
no alternative to the United Nations. But in order to
meet today's challenges, this fundamental choice,
expressed by the Charter, requires a far-reaching
reform of our Organization.
Multilateralism is crucial, because it ensures the
participation of all in the management of world affairs.
It is a guarantee of legitimacy and democracy,
especially when decisions must be made with respect to
the use of force or to the laying down of universal
norms.
15

Multilateralism is effective. In Monterrey and
Johannesburg, it allowed us to transcend North-South
confrontation and to open the way to promising
partnerships, in particular with the African continent.
Multilateralism is modern, because it alone makes
it possible to comprehend contemporary problems
globally and in all of their complexity.
First, let me touch on the settlement of conflicts
that threaten international peace and security.
In Iraq, the transfer of sovereignty to the Iraqis,
who must have sole responsibility for their destiny, is
essential for stability and reconstruction. It is up to the
United Nations to lend its legitimacy to that process. It
is also up to the United Nations to assist with the
gradual transfer of administrative and economic
responsibilities to the Iraqi institutions, according to a
realistic timetable, and to help the Iraqis draft a
constitution and hold general elections.
Finally, it is up to the United Nations to entrust a
mandate to a multinational force, commanded,
naturally, by the main troop contributor   that is, the
United States   in order to ensure the security of Iraq
and of all those helping to rebuild the country.
Thus the international community and the Iraqi
people, united around a common project, will together
put an end to the tragic decades of that great country's
history.
In the Middle East, ravaged by despair and
hatred, only strong political will on both sides to
implement the law as stipulated by the United Nations
can pave the way for a just and lasting solution.
The international community must restore a
dynamic for peace. It must involve itself in the
implementation of the road map. That should be the
objective of the upcoming meeting of the Quartet, to be
held at the ministerial level. France believes that the
idea of a monitoring mechanism is as relevant as ever,
and that the convening of an international conference is
a goal to be attained as quickly as possible.
Given the present tense situation, France calls on
the parties not to succumb to the temptation of a test of
strength and of a futile radicalization.
Another major challenge is the fight against
international terrorism. This fight is well under way,
under the auspices of the Security Council and within
the context of our treaties. The horror of 11 September
cemented our common resolve. This threat strikes at
the very heart of our democracies and our societies. We
are using force to combat terrorism, but that is not
enough. It will re-emerge again and again if we allow
extremism and fanaticism to flourish   if we fail to
realize that it seeks justification in the world's
unresolved conflicts and economic and social
imbalances.
Given the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, we reject the policy of fait accompli. We
must stand united to guarantee the universality of
treaties and the effectiveness of non-proliferation
regimes. In order to ensure compliance, we must also
develop our means of action. France has proposed the
creation of a permanent corps of inspectors under the
authority of the Security Council. Let us give fresh
impetus to this policy. Let us convene a summit
meeting of the Security Council to outline a true plan
of action of the United Nations against proliferation.
At this time, let us demand that North Korea
completely, verifiably and irreversibly dismantle its
military programme. Let us demand that Iran sign and
implement, unconditionally and without delay, a
strengthened nuclear safeguards agreement with the
International Atomic Energy Agency.
Sustainable development poses yet another
challenge, because half of humankind is living in
conditions of insecurity or extreme poverty. Will we be
able to globalize solidarity, as our peoples demand, in
response to the inevitable globalization of the
economy?
We agree on the objectives. We are bound by the
Millennium Goals. But, in order to attain those goals,
strong political impetus remains necessary. I propose
that heads of State and Government meet in New York
in 2005 for a preliminary progress review. I hope that
this session of the General Assembly will confirm the
determination of States to overcome the failure of
Cancun and to ensure the success of the Doha
Development Round.
In order to carry out the missions entrusted to it
and to remedy its blatant shortcomings, the United
Nations must evolve. Three watchwords, I believe,
must guide us: democracy, authority, effectiveness.
Thanks to the Secretary-General, progress has been
made, and new avenues are opening up. It is now up to
States to move forward without further ado and to put
16

an end to the adverse consequences of the stalemate
over reforms.
The United Nations is suffering from the current
weakness of the General Assembly. And yet, it is here
that a debate should be organized and a consensus
crafted regarding solutions to major problems. A
culture of confrontation must give way to a culture of
action aimed at achieving our common goals, which we
should determine together.
The primary responsibility for the maintenance of
peace and security rests with the Security Council. It is
therefore essential to its legitimacy that its composition
reflect the state of the world. It must be expanded to
include new permanent members, because the presence
of major countries is necessary. France, naturally, is
thinking of Germany and of Japan, but also of some
leading countries of Asia, Africa and America. We also
need new elected members, to make the Council even
more representative. With the decisive impetus of the
five permanent members, we all need to resume
discussions, mindful of the general interest.
Such reform should be accompanied by a
strengthening of the Council's authority. It is the
Council that should set the bounds with respect to the
use of force. No one can claim the right to use force
unilaterally and preventively. Conversely, in the face of
mounting threats, States must be assured that the
Council has at its disposal the appropriate means of
evaluation and of collective action, and that it has the
will to act.
We all are very committed to the sovereignty of
States. But its scope can and should be limited in the
case of serious violations of human rights and of
humanitarian law. The Security Council is taking steps
in that direction, and France supports this development.
Meanwhile, crimes against humanity are being
suppressed more effectively with the establishment of
the International Criminal Court, whose jurisdiction is
universal. This historic step forward must be
accompanied by a strengthening of the Office of the
High Commissioner for Human Rights, under a
commission equipped to discharge its duties and its
mission.
We now realize that globalization demands
stronger economic, social and environmental
governance. To that end, France proposes the creation
of a new political forum representative of the present
economic state of today's world in all its diversity.
That council would be responsible for providing the
necessary impetus to international institutions, for
improving their coordination and for anticipating and
tackling global problems more effectively.
Effectiveness also depends on increased financial
resources. France calls for two changes.
First, the trend towards increasing voluntary
contributions at the expense of mandatory
contributions must be reversed. Failing that, we will
end up with a pick-and-choose United Nations, which
is an outdated vision and a harmful one.
Secondly, we need to make progress in
mobilizing funds for development and development
assistance. France wants to meet the official
development assistance target of 0.7 per cent by the
year 2012. But this effort, together with that of the
European Union, will obviously not suffice to release
the necessary funds needed to finance the Millennium
Goals each year. France therefore supports the
innovative concept of an international financial facility.
I would also like us to give pragmatic, speedy
consideration to international solidarity levies, a kind
of tax on the wealth generated by globalization and
given over to development.
To advance on these issues, I completely approve
of the Secretary-General's intention to gather around
him a committee of independent wise men and women
responsible for submitting proposals.
Against the risk of a world without order
delivered up to violence, let us work to establish the
rule of international law. Against the injustice and
suffering of a world of widening inequalities   even
though it has never been so rich   let us choose
solidarity. Against the chaos of a world shaken by
ecological disasters, let us call for a sharing of
responsibility around a United Nations environmental
organization. Against the barbarity of a world in which
fundamental rights are all too often held up to ridicule,
where the integrity of mankind is under threat, where
indigenous peoples   the heirs to an irreplaceable
heritage   vanish amid silence and indifference, let us
uphold the demands of ethics. Against the peril of a
clash of civilizations, finally, let us insist on the equal
dignity of cultures, respect for diversity and the value
of dialogue.
17

With the Charter adopted in the name of the
Peoples of the United Nations, the founders proclaimed
their faith in these ideals. Let us seek to be worthy of
them. Let us establish the United Nations at the heart
of this planetary democracy that is so vital in our day
and age.


Allow
me at the outset, on behalf of my delegation and in my
personal capacity, to extend my warmest
congratulations to Mr. Julian Robert Hunte on his
election to preside over our work. My country's
delegation and I wish him every success and assure
him of our full cooperation in bringing his noble
mission to fruition.
I should also like to pay a tribute to his
predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, for the skill and
competence with which he guided the work of the
General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session.
I take this opportunity to congratulate Secretary-
General Kofi Annan on the skill and dynamism with
which he has led our Organization and on his
unflagging attention to the people of Burundi in
helping them to emerge from the serious crisis they
have experienced for the past 10 years.
I should also like to voice our profound gratitude
to the Security Council for its ongoing readiness and
manifest determination to assist the Government and
people of Burundi in the quest for a lasting solution
leading to peace and national reconciliation. The
regular visits of the Security Council to my country
have encouraged the inter-Burundian peace process and
sent a message of hope to a people severely battered by
war.
Since the signing of the Arusha Peace and
Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi on 28 August
2000, the peace process under way in my country has
made significant progress. Since 1 November 2001, we
have had transitional institutions uniting all the
political factions of the country. Since then, effective
administrative reforms have been undertaken and
reforms planned for the judiciary are gradually being
made as funding becomes available.
Furthermore, the people of Burundi and the
international community were gratified by the transfer
of power at the highest level of State, which proceeded
smoothly on 30 April 2003, guaranteeing the
2

institutional framework of the Arusha Agreement. The
Transitional Government of Burundi is now involved in
negotiations with the armed groups in order to achieve
a permanent ceasefire agreement and to ensure its
effective implementation.
Thus, on 7 October 2002, we signed a ceasefire
agreement with the factions of the Forces nationales de
libÈration-Parti LibÈration du Peuple Hutu (FNL-
PALIPEHUTU) and the Conseil national pour la
dÈfense de la dÈmocratie-Front pour la dÈfense de la
dÈmocratie (CNDD-FDD), led respectively by Alain
Mugabarabona and Jean Bosco Ndayikengurukiye. On
2 December 2002, we signed a similar agreement with
the principal armed movement of CNDD-FDD led by
Pierre Nkurunziza. Today, the Transitional Government
is pursuing negotiations with the latter with a view to
integrating that group into the Republic's transitional
institutions, including the Defence and Security Corps,
the National Assembly, the Senate, the Government
and the Administration. The most recent negotiations
were those organized in Dar es Salaam on
15 September.
Dar es Salaam served as the context and
opportunity for the presentation and consideration of
the strong and effective positions of all concerned.
Above all, it provided an opportunity to exchange
views and to understand and reaffirm the importance of
the central focus of the Arusha Peace and
Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi and for taking
into consideration the national realities that will ensure
the maintenance of stability. We refer in particular to
respect for the allocations agreed in Arusha; the
granting of visibility to CNDD-FDD in the institutions,
while avoiding a raising of the stakes and the exclusion
of others; the equitable sharing of power; respect for
the rights of citizens; and so on.
A summit of heads of State was then planned on
very short notice to arrive at the conclusions and
compromises necessary to the signing of the protocol
for the implementation of the ceasefire agreement of
2 December 2002 and for the entry of CNDD-FDD into
the transitional institutions. We take this opportunity
warmly to thank the heads of State of the region and
delegations at that summit for their work leading to the
steps already undertaken.
These fairly positive results should not blind us to
a number of difficulties facing Burundi today. Indeed,
the continuation of war is a major obstacle to
implementing planned reform, even though the
Government is sparing no efforts to meet this great
challenge, and its commitment to implement the
Arusha Agreement and ceasefire agreement for peace
and reconciliation in Burundi speaks for itself.
Therefore, we continue to urge leaders of the
regional initiative for Burundi, mediators and the
international community to step up their pressure on
Pierre Nkurunziza's FDD for a ceasefire and
integration in institutions, and on Agathon Rwasa's
Parti pour la libÈration du peuple Hutu
(PALIPEHUTU) to rejoin without further delay the
transitional Government of Burundi at the negotiating
table, the only appropriate forum to voice its claims.
We also urge the international community to
make a substantial financial contribution to the African
Mission in Burundi, which is crucial to the monitoring
of the ceasefire.
Finally, the Government of Burundi is impatiently
awaiting the establishment of an international judicial
commission of inquiry in Burundi, whose work will
clearly contribute to helping Burundi to objectively
confront the crucial issue of the campaign against
impunity.
Another major challenge confronting us is
economic growth and efforts to combat poverty among
our people. Indeed, the people of Burundi are now
living in unspeakable poverty. Ten years have so
severely devastated the national economy that we no
longer have the bare minimum required to sustain
social harmony. More than 68 per cent of the
population of Burundi is living beneath the poverty
level.
Of course, we approve of efforts already made by
the international community to ensure the survival of
my country. But we also ask it to make further efforts
to quickly fulfil the promises made in Paris and
Geneva.
I am pleased to say that the peace process in my
country is now developing in a propitious subregional
environment recently characterized by significant
progress in the peace process in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and a democratic breakthrough
in Rwanda.
That positive change should lead to the definitive
end to conflicts and also make possible the
international conference on the Great Lakes region,
3

which the Government of Burundi so ardently hopes
will take place.
We wish to see the peace that we seek for
Burundi and its neighbours spread to the entire world.
During the Millennium Assembly in September 2000,
heads of State and Government agreed, inter alia, to
spare no effort to save our peoples from the scourge of
war, whether it be civil war or war between States. A
decision was also made to increase the effectiveness of
the United Nations in the maintenance of peace and
security and to take concerted steps to combat
international terrorism.
On the one hand, we can justly welcome the
commitment made by the leaders of the entire world to
work for a better planet, and we commend the
somewhat positive results in restoring international
peace and security. On the other hand, our collective
conscience places obligations on us all and requires
sustained vigilance and efforts in the face of persistent
and serious setbacks endured here and there on the path
to international peace and security. Indeed, the world of
the twenty-first century has not been spared from the
dangers of war, poverty, terrorism, disease and natural
disasters.
The efforts to combat terrorism that were stepped
up by Security Council resolution 1373 (2001) have
had mixed results thus far, in view of the frequency and
viciousness of terrorist acts throughout the world, from
which even our outstanding Organization is not spared.
These terrorist attacks have done much to contribute to
maintaining a general trend towards over-reliance on
the military and the strengthening of doctrines based on
preventive attacks, a concept that continues to fuel
political and diplomatic debate.
Despite the ever-increasing commitment of the
United Nations and regional and subregional
organizations, hotbeds of tension among or within
States have not yet been extinguished and calls for war
are enduring and threatening, like the sword of
Damocles. Mercenaries are increasingly being used as
tools to destabilize sovereign and independent States.
The threat of nuclear war continues to loom over us
and poison international relations.
Trafficking in human beings, a true form of
slavery in the twenty-first century, particularly with
respect to the child labour market, child prostitution,
the use of children as cannon fodder in conflicts and
illegal migration continue to be a reality to this day.
All these abuses have as a common denominator
an attack on human rights and international
humanitarian law that the Member States of the United
Nations are duty-bound to champion side by side
within the framework of multilateralism, one of the
most cherished principles of our Organization.
In light of the impression that we are
experiencing a genuine crisis in the architecture of
peace-building and international security, intelligent
reform of institutions entrusted with the maintenance
of international peace and security is urgently needed
to better enable them to meet the security needs of our
time.
Above all, the revitalization of the General
Assembly, the most representative organ of the United
Nations, must be tirelessly pursued. Careful
consideration should make the General Assembly much
more operational and streamlined with respect to its
working methods and, in particular, to impartial
follow-up and implementation of its resolutions and
decisions.
Reform of the Security Council in all its aspects
also continues to be a top priority for us, as the
Millennium Declaration stressed, to meet the concerns
about the regional balance of its membership. The
credibility of the Council and our Organization are at
stake here.
Moreover, multilateralism must remain a common
pillar for us all, as one of the fundamental values that
should underpin international relations in the
framework of active solidarity and shared
responsibilities, under the aegis of our Organization.
We also appeal for regular voluntary financing of
United Nations peacekeeping operations and support
for mechanisms of regional and subregional conflict-
prevention and promotion of political stability, with
particular attention given to Africa.
There is no need to recall that our world is
increasingly characterized by growing
interdependence, conflicts, pandemics and natural
disasters that have repercussions that know no borders
between States. Economic and social imbalances that
result from the unfair and non-inclusive international
financial structure prevent us from efficiently tackling
today's very complex challenges. The needs and
interests of developing countries have not been
sufficiently taken into account. The gulf between rich
4

and poor is widening. We therefore have a common
duty to establish an environment that will benefit all
poor peoples.
With respect to cooperation for development, the
fight against poverty remains a priority. Attaining the
goals set at the international level during major
conferences and summits involves the elimination of
poverty and hunger, in particular in rural areas.
This implies, among other things, significant
investment in the agricultural and rural sectors geared
towards increasing production and protecting the
environment. We are all aware that, in order to be
successful, the development efforts of poor countries
require multifaceted international support. To that end,
the commitments undertaken at the Monterrey
conference regarding aid to development are
encouraging, but we must promptly move from good
intentions to specific deeds.
The least developed countries have weak and
marginalized economies within the international
financial system. They therefore require particular
attention in terms of official development assistance,
direct foreign investment, debt relief, the strengthening
of capacities and access to international markets. We
also urge the international community to advance the
integral implementation of the Almaty plan of action as
a response to the specific difficulties linked to the
distance to the sea and to high costs of transportation
that seriously handicap the economic development of
landlocked countries.
Africa is the continent where the ills of
destitution have attained an alarming level. In a shared
impetus, Africans have created the New Partnership for
Africa's Development (NEPAD). The warm welcome
the international community gave to NEPAD must be
backed by concrete gestures of solidarity. Thus, the
spirit of partnership, which also entails the active
participation of local authorities and associations of
civil society, can, in fact, become a reality and allow
our continent to benefit from its immense riches down
to a grassroots level.
The rules of the World Trade Organization need
to be made more flexible to allow developing countries
to benefit from the liberalization of world trade. The
initiatives already undertaken along these lines in Doha
deserve to be further intensified. There is a need to end
all forms of subsidies for products exported from rich
countries, which lead to distorted exchange rates, as
well as various non-tariff obstacles. The international
community must also work to remedy the instability of
the prices of commodities, which are the major source
of revenue for poor countries.
Another major challenge is overcoming the
HIV/AIDS pandemic and halting malaria and
tuberculosis in tropical countries. AIDS is a threat to
mankind. It is devastating entire populations, making
millions of children defenceless orphans and
swallowing up all development efforts. Faced with this
common danger, urgent action is necessary. We herald
the establishment in January 2002 of the Global Fund
to combat these three scourges, and we urge those
countries that have the financial and scientific means to
do so to step up their efforts to limit and ultimately
stamp out those disasters.
I would not like to end without emphasizing
again the critical role that the United Nations Charter
bestows on our Organization in its sacred mission of
humanizing international relations each day and
contributing to building a better world. The obstacles
in the path of the United Nations are not inevitable;
rather, they are an opportunity to meet new challenges
and adapt the Organization to achieve the objectives of
the Charter and those of the Millennium Declaration.


On behalf of
the delegation of Viet Nam, I wish to warmly
congratulate Julian Hunte on his assumption of the
presidency of the fifty-eighth session of the General
Assembly. I believe that under his able guidance this
session will come to a fruitful conclusion. I also take
this opportunity to express our great appreciation for
the significant contributions made by Mr. Jan Kavan
during the previous session of the General Assembly.
Earlier last month, we were all shocked and
shared in the boundless grief over the tragic demise of
our dear Sergio Vieira de Mello, United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and Special
Representative of the Secretary-General for Iraq, and
his colleagues in the barbarous bombing of the United
Nations offices in Baghdad. We will not be discouraged
by that loss. Instead, we should pursue even further the
efforts of the United Nations to help the Iraqi people to
restore stability and reconstruct their country.
We are living in a world full of events with
profound implications for the various aspects of
international life. They include the war in Iraq, the
bombing of the United Nations offices in Baghdad, the
outbreak of the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome
(SARS), increased violence in the Middle East, as well
as continuing terrorist attacks in various parts of the
world. Coupled with poverty, disease, floods, droughts
and conflicts, they continue to take many innocent
lives. This breaks our hearts and should not be
condoned, especially when mankind has entered the
third millennium of human civilization. We must make
full use of the great achievements registered in the
areas of science and technology and economy and
trade, uphold the values of civilization, and serve the
common development and prosperity of all nations.
Strengthening international peace and security
and enhancing development remain our primary task.
Only in an environment of peace and stability can
nations concentrate their energy to meet the challenges
of development and to achieve poverty eradication.
Healthy, equitable international relations can be built
only on the principles of the United Nations Charter
23

and international law, in particular the principle of
respect for national independence, sovereignty and
territorial integrity and the principle of non-
interference in the internal affairs of States.
Development cooperation and international
economic and trade relations can be built only when all
participate on an equal footing, on the basis of mutual
benefit and with favourable assistance to developing
countries. However, there continue to be certain egoistic
tendencies that are contrary to that good. Protectionist
measures, including anti-dumping measures, have been
imposed to prevent developing countries’ products from
entering developed countries’ markets. That runs
counter not only to World Trade Organization (WTO)
agreements but also to normal trade practices.
A typical case was that of the recent unfair
lawsuit against the sale of Viet Nam’s catfish in the
United States market. The same story recurs in the case
of cotton-growers in Burkina Faso and again in the
case of indigenous cultivators of medicinal herbs in
Brazil. These examples should serve as a further lesson
that developing countries will always be at a
disadvantage in the current international trade system,
as the Secretary-General himself recently observed. By
the same token, the failure to reach agreement at the
fifth WTO Ministerial Conference in Cancún is truly
regrettable. We must enhance efforts to restructure the
world trade and financial systems to make them more
democratic and open, giving developing countries a
better chance.
Despite the considerable efforts by the United
Nations to achieve the goals set out in the Millennium
Declaration, there is still a long way to go to meet
common needs and expectations. Today, global
problems increasingly affect human security and
survival. The SARS outbreak and AIDS were examples
of how devastating such problems can be.
We must be resolute in solving global problems,
especially those related to development, poverty
eradication and disease prevention. Priority should be
given to building cooperative frameworks based on
reliable partnerships, mutual respect, shared responsibility
and the serious undertaking of commitments. Practical
and effective measures must be taken to pursue the United
Nations Millennium Development Goals and the
commitments made at various international
conferences. In that regard, we welcome the efforts of
the Secretary-General to elaborate a road map for the
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals.
We also call upon developed countries to better fulfil
the commitment of allocating 0.7 per cent of gross
national product to official development assistance.
Multilateralism is crucial to resolving global
issues. The United Nations, the universal Organization,
continues to play an important role in the fields of
peace and development and in building healthy
international relations; to meet the confidence and
expectations of nations, it must do so more effectively
and practically. That requires a stronger and more
democratic United Nations and Security Council,
ensuring the better representation of the developing
countries and those able to make a positive
contribution to common objectives. I wish to reaffirm
Viet Nam’s support for Japan, Germany, India and
other capable members from various continents being
among the future permanent members of a reformed
Security Council.
Following the events of 11 September 2001, the
world has made great efforts to combat terrorism. The
message is very clear: terrorism must be condemned
and eliminated from human civilization. As this
common fight may be long and arduous, we need to
cooperate on the basis of the principles of the United
Nations Charter, as well as to join in an endeavour to
solve, inter alia, the problems of poverty, injustice and
oppression, which give rise to terrorism.
Viet Nam supports international efforts aimed at
disarmament and at the peaceful resolution of conflicts
on the basis of respect for the sovereignty and
legitimate interests of the parties concerned. We call
for an end to embargoes and sanctions imposed against
other countries, especially the unilateral embargo
against Cuba that for many decades has caused its
people to endure untold suffering.
Peace, security and reconstruction are now the
most urgent tasks in Iraq. Viet Nam reaffirms its
support for Iraq’s independence and sovereignty. We
hope that stability will soon be restored and that a
Government chosen by the Iraqi people will be
established at an early date so that they can focus on
national reconstruction and development in keeping
with their self-determination. The United Nations
should continue its worthy, active role in resolving the
Iraqi issue and in reconstructing the country. In that
regard, Viet Nam has decided to contribute
humanitarian assistance to the Iraqi people.
24

Viet Nam reaffirms its consistent support for the
just cause and inalienable rights of the Palestinian
people. We call upon the parties concerned to exercise
restraint, to persevere in negotiation and to accelerate
their pace on the road to a just and durable peace in the
Middle East that takes due account of the legitimate
interests of the parties. Any unilateral action can only
worsen the already volatile situation in the region.
Viet Nam supports peaceful efforts aimed at
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We hope that
the negotiations initiated through the six-party talks in
Beijing last August will lead to a satisfactory
conclusion for the sake of peace, stability and
development on the Peninsula, in the region and in the
rest of the world.
In our region, faced with complex and rapid
developments and challenges in the international and
regional landscape, the Association of South-East
Asian Nations (ASEAN) has produced new initiatives
and concrete steps to strengthen its solidarity,
resilience and equitable development while further
intensifying its relations with friends and partners
abroad. At its forthcoming Summit, to be held early
next month in Bali, Indonesia, ASEAN will redouble
its efforts to realize ASEAN Vision 2020, the Hanoi
Plan of Action and the Hanoi Declaration on narrowing
the development gap for closer ASEAN integration.
As an outward-looking association, ASEAN
continues to attach great importance to broadening and
deepening its relations with other countries. China,
Russia and India will accede to the ASEAN Treaty of
Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia, thus
making the Treaty the code of conduct in inter-State
relations. Having adopted the Declaration on the
Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, ASEAN
and China are embarking on a search for concrete ways
to implement the Declaration, thus contributing to
confidence and cooperation in that important part of
the world. In the economic field, ASEAN has been
discussing closer economic partnership, including a
possible free trade agreement, with its dialogue
partners — the United States, the European Union,
Russia and India, to name only a few.
Viet Nam consistently pursues a foreign policy of
national independence, self-reliance, openness,
diversification and multilateralization of international
relations, and being a friend and reliable partner in the
international community. Along those lines, Viet Nam
has increasingly enhanced friendly and cooperative
relations with other countries as well as with regional
and international organizations. At present, we are
actively preparing for Viet Nam’s early admission to
the World Trade Organization. With an annual
economic growth rate of approximately 7 per cent, a
favourable and secure investment environment,
hospitable people, beautiful landscapes and other
rewarding discoveries, Viet Nam continues to be a
most attractive country for investors and tourists. Later
this year, we will host the South-East Asian Games, the
largest sports event in the region. Next will be the
Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) Summit in 2004,
followed by the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) Summit in 2006. We are confident that we will
live up to expectations.
Today’s challenges, both old and new, are
becoming global; they require measures of a more
global and multilateral nature. The United Nations
therefore plays an important role in coordinating
international efforts to effectively respond to those
challenges and to work for peace and development. In that
regard, the principles of the United Nations Charter must
be upheld, and their actual implementation must be
ensured. For its part, Viet Nam, as a responsible Member
State and reliable partner, will continue to contribute
actively to that common endeavour.


May I extend
my heartfelt congratulations to the President for his
unanimous election as President of the fifty-eighth
session of the United Nations General Assembly and
express my confidence that under his able stewardship
this session will successfully accomplish its mission.
For the 58-year-old United Nations, which has
been working throughout to maintain international
peace and security, the promotion of human rights and
fundamental freedoms and to foster development and
progress, the passing year has proved to be a
challenging period. Moreover, we feel deeply
concerned that the United Nations and its staff
members, who dedicate their lives to helping peoples
and countries affected by wars and armed conflicts
have turned into targets of terrorist acts. But it is our
earnest belief that the noble mission of the late Special
Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Sergio
Vieira de Mello, and other United Nations staff
members who lost their precious lives while helping
and assisting the people of Iraq, will not be in vain.
At the Millennium Summit, held at the turn of a
new century, world leaders reaffirmed their
commitment to the purposes and principles of the
United Nations Charter and proclaimed their firm
resolve to work together towards a more efficient and
revitalized United Nations.
However, the emergence of a complex
international situation and its subsequent developments
cast into doubt the ability of the United Nations to
develop a fast and adequate response to international
crises, to maintain international peace and security, to
prevent armed conflicts, to resolve pressing issues in
war-torn countries and effectively assist them in
building national reconciliation and reconstruction.
Even more important, the relevance of the United
Nations itself has been put into question.
It is therefore incumbent upon us to reaffirm
anew, at the highest level, our shared commitment to
implement the Millennium Development Goals
unanimously adopted at the Summit and to reiterate the
importance of enhancing the role of the United Nations
and multilateralism in addressing the formidable
challenges of the twenty-first century.
Mongolia has consistently supported the United
Nations as the singular world Organization to serve the
interests of its Member States and as a principal
instrument of multilateral cooperation, given its
underlying purposes and principles as well as its
universal representation. Mongolia stands for a
reformed and revitalized United Nations, adapted to the
evolving international realities, for its enhanced role
and greater involvement in all areas pertaining to the
maintenance of international peace and security,
resolution of pressing economic and social issues and
promotion of sustainable development.
As its practical contribution to United Nations
peacekeeping operations, Mongolia endeavours to
provide the relevant personnel to its various missions
and supports the efforts to make peace-building
missions more effective with an increased emphasis on
preventive diplomacy. While emphasizing the
increasing importance of ensuring the safety and
security of United Nations personnel engaged in
peacekeeping and humanitarian missions, my
delegation fully endorses the additional measures
recently adopted by the Security Council to this effect.
Mongolia has signed the Convention on the Safety of
United Nations and Associated Personnel and intends
to ratify it in the near future.
My delegation shares the concern over the slow
pace of the reform process of the United Nations
initiated by the Secretary-General a few years ago.
Hence, we believe that there is an urgent need to speed
up the reform through identifying innovative
approaches so that the United Nations and its Security
Council are able to effectively address the challenges
ahead.
Mongolia reiterates its support for a just and
equitable enlargement of the Security Council by
increasing the number of permanent and non-
permanent seats and ensuring representation of both
developing and developed countries, reviewing the
veto power and democratizing working methods of the
Security Council through enhancing the openness and
transparency of its work. We support the proposal of
the Secretary-General to establish a high-level panel of
eminent personalities entrusted with a mandate to
conduct a comprehensive analysis of evolving
challenges and ways of strengthening the United
Nations.
Some are portraying the contours of today's
world as unipolar. Others are challenging this, arguing
for a multi-polar world. It seems unreasonable to seek
to command humankind and the patterns of its
6

existence under any particular roof or leadership, or to
try to tear it apart into different directions.
In today's world, characterized by globalization
and interdependence, it has become increasingly
evident that, despite divergent views, we all live in one
global village, breathe the same air and share a
common future. Mutual understanding and cooperation
are becoming the order of the day, rather than division,
fragmentation, marginalization or discrimination.
Indeed, contemporary human philosophy teaches us not
to alienate or estrange, but, rather, to interact and align
with one another.
In addition to the traditional threats emanating
from the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
the spread of missile technology and inter- and- intra-
State conflicts, non-traditional threats, including
terrorism, organized crime, illegal drug trafficking,
scarce drinking water, environmental pollution and
global climate change, are having adverse effects on
regional and international security.
As a State party to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), conventions
banning chemical and biological weapons and the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, Mongolia
deems it important to ensure their universality; to
address disarmament issues in a comprehensive
manner; to further reduce all types of weapons; to help
the Conference on Disarmament to break through its
ongoing impasse; and to strengthen monitoring
mechanisms for the relevant multilateral treaties and
agreements.
As a nuclear-weapon-free country, Mongolia
actively supports the establishment of nuclear-weapon-
free zones in other parts of the world. Mongolia
believes that the nuclear-weapon States should provide
security guarantees to non-nuclear-weapon States and
States parties to the NPT, and supports the conclusion
of a multilateral treaty to that effect.
Mongolia is in favour of a nuclear-free Korean
peninsula and of a peaceful resolution of the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea's nuclear
programme issue. In this regard, we are in favour of
continuing the relevant multilateral talks.
Mongolia fully supports the efforts being
undertaken by the international community to revive
the Middle East peace process and to implement the
road map, and supports the establishment of a just and
durable peace in the region, on the basis of ensuring
the legitimate interests of the parties concerned.
Mongolia shares the concern of other nations over
the precarious situation and continued loss of life in
Iraq despite the termination of major combat
operations. Mongolia is in favour of an increased role
and involvement of the United Nations in restoring
peace and stability in Iraq and in providing
humanitarian assistance to the Iraqi people.
With the rapid advance of globalization and
technological breakthroughs, we deem it important to
create an enabling environment for all countries
especially weak, small or vulnerable economies
equally to benefit from globalization, and for the
international community to offer support and assistance
to those countries in their social and economic
development and to enhance global partnerships for
development.
Recent years have been marked by an increased
emphasis on social and development issues, resulting
in a host of international conferences on sustainable
development, financing for development and food
security, all organized under the auspices of the United
Nations. The speedy implementation, at the national,
regional and international levels, of the decisions taken
at the social summits, as well as efforts to achieve the
goals agreed by the Millennium Summit and at
Monterrey, Johannesburg and Rome, have become the
top priority of the world community. The recent
Cancun Ministerial Conference of the World Trade
Organization has revealed the complexity of the
process, leading to a new round of talks on the Doha
Development Agenda.
Growing development disparities between haves
and have-nots; increasing poverty and unemployment
in the developing world, in particular the least
developed countries; the spread of HIV/AIDS; the debt
burden and trade inequalities, and the further
aggravation of such pressing issues remain our
immediate cause of concern. We cannot ignore the fact
that underdevelopment, poverty and social inequality
could serve as a breeding ground for confrontations
and armed conflicts. Hence, it has become imperative
for the international community to display genuine
solidarity and shared responsibility for our common
good.
International cooperation is crucial in effectively
addressing environmental challenges, including natural
7

disasters, global climate change, air and water
pollution, and desertification. In this respect, small and
poor nations warrant greater attention and support.
Mongolia commends the outcome of the first
International Ministerial Conference of Landlocked
and Transit Developing Countries and Donor Countries
and International Financial and Development
Institutions on Transit Transport Cooperation, held in
Almaty, Kazakhstan, in August this year, under the
auspices of the United Nations. We consider that the
timely and expeditious implementation of the Almaty
Plan of Action will help landlocked developing
countries to become actively engaged in global
economic integration.
Fifty-five years have elapsed since the adoption
by the Assembly of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. The relevance of this fundamental
document has stood the test of time, as its underlying
ideals have been enshrined in both international treaties
and conventions and in national legislation, thus
becoming the universal norms of humankind. The ideas
contained in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights have been carefully integrated into Mongolia's
1992 Constitution, and my country is firmly pursuing
policies to consolidate democracy and to protect and
promote human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Thirteen years ago, Mongolia irreversibly
embarked on the road to democracy and has
endeavoured to make its own contribution to the cause
of promoting democratic ideals. Earlier this month
Mongolia hosted the Fifth International Conference of
New or Restored Democracies, which resulted in the
adoption of the Ulaanbaatar Declaration and Plan of
Action. More than 600 representatives from 119
countries and a host of international and non-
governmental organizations participated in the
Conference, thoroughly discussing and sharing their
experiences on a wide range of issues under the main
theme of Democracy, Good Governance and Civil
Society'. It is gratifying to note that the Conference
successfully completed its ambitious agenda. My
delegation will actively collaborate with others in
ensuring effective follow-up to the implementation of
the Ulaanbaatar Declaration and the Plan of Action at
the national, regional and international levels.
The State and Government of Mongolia are
pursuing an open and multifaceted foreign policy and
undertaking specific measures to consolidate the
democratic reforms with a view to ensuring human-
centred development and human security, promoting
and protecting human rights and fundamental
freedoms, fostering political and economic stability
and achieving sustained economic growth.
In conclusion, may I express my confidence that
deliberations on the pressing issues before the
international community during this session of the
General Assembly will be productive and result in
sound decisions that contribute to the strengthening of
international peace and security and the advancement
of social progress and development. In this context,
you may rest assured, Sir, of the continued support and
full cooperation of my delegation.