1.	Sir, on behalf of the Government and people of Brazil, I wish to congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
2.	I warmly greet the representatives of the Member States gathered together in this Hall. I extend warm greetings o the Secretary -General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar,  brilliant diplomat who is a credit to Latin America. I also wish to extend my sincere compliments to Mr. Ismat Kittani, representative of Iraq, who with assurance and ability presided over the work of the thirty-sixth session.
3.	At this time, as the general debate begins, I wish to express my hope that this session of the General Assembly will effectively contribute to a just solution of the controversies which are jeopardizing international peace and security and to the removal of the threat to the stability of the world's economy.
4.	A few decades ago, an unprecedented economic depression and uncontrolled political tension brought about a catastrophic war. The society of sovereign States decided then, in 1945, to create a vast network of institutions to further co-operation between Governments in order to avoid a repetition of such severe economic crises, promote economic and social development, ease political tension and spare future generations from the scourge of war.
5.	Symptoms dramatically reminiscent of the events of the 1930s are reappearing today. A new economic crisis of global dimensions indiscriminately affects countries under different systems and resists orthodox therapies.

6.	Paradoxically, the United Nations, which was established in order to examine and resolve controversy between States, has all too often been transformed into a forum for sterile confrontation. We are aware, however, that alternative forms of organizing international life inevitably depend on the arbitrary will of the most powerful States which, at times, runs counter to the cause of freedom and justice among nations and men.
7.	Having these considerations in mind, the Government of Brazil renews its pledge to work together with the other Member States in order to make the United Nations a true centre for harmonizing the actions of States. I do not hesitate to call on all Governments represented here to adhere strictly in their international behaviour to the purposes and principles of the Organization. I launch a pressing appeal that we rededicate ourselves to the task of building peace.
8.	There is no future—nor can there possibly be one—in that sad, unacceptable substitute for peace which is the balance of terror. We cannot persist in the illusion that world harmony can be founded on an excess capacity for destruction. Decades of talks and attempts at negotiation have not prevented the increase, improvement and diversification of nuclear arsenals capable of destroying mankind in various ways and under various circumstances, several times over.
9.	in view with great apprehension the persistence of the Middle East crisis, the major features of which are the conflict between Iraq and Ira a and the consequences of the military action that has engulfed Lebanon, a country with which we have close fraternal relations. The recent massacre of Palestinian civilians in Beirut has deeply shocked the world public. We are all aware that the question of the Middle East will be solved only when the Arab territories now under military occupation are evacuated and when the right of the Palestinian people to a sovereign State is recognized, as well as the right of all countries in the region, including Israel, to live in peace within recognized borders.
10.	In southern Africa, also, there persist situations of tension caused by the occupation of Namibia and by repeated acts of aggression against independent countries, notably Angola. Brazil cannot fail to condemn racial discrimination, particularly its institutionalized forms, which threaten international peace itself. The success of the on-going negotiations for the speedy independence of Namibia on he basis of United Nations resolutions is the right way to remove the tension which has so terribly frustrated the just aspirations of the peoples in the area to economic development and true independence.

11.	My country is deeply troubled by the increasing transfer to the less developed areas of the tension generated by the confrontation between the super-Powers. The policy of prestige and power applied to the third world engenders divisions and seriously affects the prospects for co-operation among developing nations. It is the firm stand of Brazil that such a process should be immediately stopped and
reversed, and we are ready to continue our efforts to that end.
12.	We cannot accept that, as a result of power- bloc policies, sovereign countries should be occupied, their domestic affairs subjected to interference and their freedom restricted, as is the case in Afghanistan. The principle of the non-use of force should be strictly observed in today's main areas of tension.
13.	In Central America, there are recurring symptoms of a deep crisis of historic proportions, with social, political and economic implications. In accordance with the principles of self-determination and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, Brazil believes that a political solution to Central America's problems must be found by the peoples involved, free from any overt or covert outside interference. In the economic sphere, one cannot isolate the difficulties of Central America from the world crisis or minimize the responsibility of the industrialized countries to work for the creation of conditions favourable to the resumption of economic and social development. Peace and stability in that region are basic prerequisites for sound hemispheric cooperation.
14.	In the South Atlantic, the mechanisms of violence were recently set in motion for a while. My Government has made considerable efforts during the last few months to help find a permanent political solution to the question of the Malvinas, and we are determined to pursue these efforts in the interests of peace, security and harmony among nations. Since the beginning of the controversy in 1833 Brazil has recognized the sovereign rights of the Republic of Argentina over the Malvinas, and it continues to insist on the necessity for negotiations as a suitable means of solving that problem.
15.	I wish to stress the importance of consideration by the General Assembly of the question of the Malvinas. An initial step must be the implementation of all the provisions of Security Council resolution 502 (1982). It is time for those who so vigorously condemn the use of force in the solution of controversies to demonstrate the consistency and sincerity of their designs. Negotiations must start in order to avoid the risk of increasing tension in an area naturally inclined to co-operation and prosperity.
16.	Brazil lives in peace with its neighbours in Latin America and with all nations which observe the principles of sound international behaviour. Relations between Brazil and friendly countries of Latin America are clear testimony to the success achieved when the path of mutual respect and non-interference is taken with determination and when the search for harmonious and profitable co-operation prevails over controversies or topical divergences.
17.	As part of Latin America, Brazil trusts that its neighbours will know how to resolve their differences, including those of a territorial nature, by peaceful and conciliatory means, and hopes that our sister countries in Latin America will strengthen their capacity for dialogue and understanding at the regional level. We must all work to see that our region attains higher levels of development and co-operation and engage in positive actions on the world scene.
18.	With sister countries of Africa—our neighbours across the sea, with which we are linked by a common history—Brazil's objective is to develop close, direct and cordial relations. Equally friendly purposes guide our policy of strengthening ties with the other nations of the third world.
19.	As part of the Western world, Brazil strives to fulfil its national aspirations with total respect for freedom, democracy and human rights. These lofty values and the Western tradition of pluralism and equality among nations provide Brazil with a framework for action outside the constraints of the hegemony of the super-Powers and of the pressures of opposing ideologies.
20.	With the Eastern European countries Brazil seeks to maintain correct relations, particularly in the economic and commercial fields, on the basis of mutual interests and reciprocal respect for the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States.
21.	For my country, peace and development are not ideals detached from the goals of and action on foreign policy. Brazil is firmly committed to the principles of universalism, friendly co-operation and national dignity.
22.	It is the seriousness of the international situation that, for the first time, has brought the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil to the United Nations. Never in the history of the Organization have the risks and threats to the peace, security and progress of nations been so serious. Never have the challenges been so great. I call on the Governments of all Member States to make a determined effort together to tackle the mounting international problems and turn back the tide which leads to despair. It is our common duty to fulfil the expectations of our predecessors, who, having themselves experienced the direct consequences of political disorder, economic depression and war, pledged their resolve, as well as ours, to promote peace and development.
23.	There are too many shortcomings in the present international order. It is a picture poor in accomplishments, yet rich in problems, poor in creativity, yet rich in disorder; poor in efficacy and justice, yet rich in waste and imbalances. It is not possible for me to remain indifferent to this picture. I believe it to be imperative to correct the serious flaws that so clearly stand out.
24.	The society of nations is essentially a political community. Just as domestic decisions cannot be taken without consulting the interests and yearnings of the people, so it is impossible to ignore in this forum the just and legitimate claims of the great majority of nations, thus preserving vertical structures of international power.
' 26. The United Nations has a crucial political role to play in the struggle against conformism, intransigence and ambitions for absolute victories. Only through the Organization can a truly democratic framework of relations among States be created.
27. The extraordinary release of productive forces on a world-wide scale in the post-war period wrought within a few decades the intricate patterns of a different world, a complex and unstable world, but
also a diversified and promising one. The interdependence of nations has thus become a historic necessity.
28.	Yet the improvements we have been able to introduce in the structures of international life have been few and unsatisfactory. Regrettably, even the efforts towards international co-operation for development, however meagre, are being scaled down. The practice of the interdependence of nations appears at times to degenerate into attempts to reconstruct hegemonistic situations or systems of subordination, which in no way contribute to prosperity, either in the industrialized or in the developing world. As actually practised in many cases, interdependence seems to have become a new name for inequality.
29.	The interests of the North and the South are not in contradiction. In truth, there is no crisis between North and South; there is, rather, a profound crisis in the international economic system itself. The same situation affects both groupings. It is a uniquely adverse situation, which can be overcome only through mutual understanding and solidarity, not through a retreat into acrimony and confrontation. The challenges faced by all countries alike is that of adjusting to the new realities of the 1980s.
30.	The North must understand to its full extent—and its potential for enriching international trade—the inescapable fact of the definitive emergence of the third world as a dynamic partner, and of its search for a position of greater prominence in the world economy.
31.	As for the South, the moment has come for us to give effective expression to the cohesion we have been able to preserve above external difficulties and internal differences. We must move towards the consolidation of a truly solidary interdependence between Latin America, Africa and Asia. We must make it clear, by deeds as well as words, that the diversity within the third world contains unsuspected opportunities for economic complementarity, and is a uniting element, not a fact to be used as a pretext for initiatives—such as the arbitrary discrimination among developing countries embodied in the concept of "graduation"—which aim at undermining the cohesion of the third world international cooperation for development and North-South dialogue.
32.	We must also demonstrate our capacity for seeking, in a serene and constructive spirit, the fulfilment of our claims. However legitimate, our claims should not lead us into rigid and maximalist negotiating postures—lest we weaken our own principles and ideals and exacerbate even further the intransigence which characterizes certain sectors of the developed world.
33.	The efforts of the third world to change normative frameworks, decision-making structures and discriminatory rules in institutions such as International Monetary Fund [/MP], the World Bank and GATT, among others, have been fruitless. Claims repeated for years or even decades clash against the impenetrable wall of the veto power of a few countries, which are in a position to oppose the most obvious considerations of rationality or the soundest requisites of equity. But initiatives multiply whenever the interests of the great powers are at stake.
34.	GATT's role should not be diverted towards new normative tasks in areas such as the export of services and investment policies, with a view to creating rules which might hamper access of developing countries to international markets and even hinder their capacity to regulate their own internal markets. By the same token, fundamental questions related to the improvement of GATT and to the satisfaction of the claims of the developing countries should not be neglected.
35.	In financial institutions, measures are devised —sometimes adopted against the will of the majority, as a result of inadequate decision-making processes— which restrict the flexibility of operations, add to the requirements of conditionally, and unjustly discriminate against the developing countries. Paradoxically, certain countries endeavour to maintain control over organizations which they appear to condemn, if not to disappearance, at least to insignificance, so great is the disproportion between the growing needs of the developing countries and the financial resources placed at the disposal of those organizations.
36.	The principles of free trade must not be applied selectively and arbitrarily to the flow of capital, while the transfer of technology is inhibited and the capacity for action by capital-importing developing countries is restricted. The ideals of free trade cannot be in contradiction with the preservation and even strengthening of the autonomy of the countries of the third world. Interdependence should not be a concept inimical to national sovereignty.
37.	The developing countries, which for so long have striven for the principle of permanent sovereignty over their natural resources, today face the new challenge of maintaining sovereignty over their own economic space. That does not mean, however, that the developing countries should oppose or show lack of interest in greater interaction at the international level, with respect to the flows of capital and technology and even operations of multinational corporations. Quite the contrary. It is undeniable that the vast majority of developing countries, beginning with those which have a clear Western identity, such as Brazil, but including others with a different political- economic organization—aim at improving and diversifying their links with the developed West, which is a valuable source of the factors of production necessary for their development.
38.	The preservation and strengthening of the national economic space of those countries will not hamper the expansion of the international economic system, but will rather be a factor in the broadening of the global economic space, for the benefit of us all.
39.	Although I was unable, for reasons of health, to attend the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, which was held at Cancun in October 1981, I followed that event with interest and hope, and even with emotion. I cannot therefore fail to voice here, on behalf of the Government and people of Brazil, the feeling of deep disappointment at the lack, so far, of any practical follow-up action to the Cancun meeting.
40.	We are watching with anxiety the continuous and even accelerated erosion of the instruments and institutions which should bring about a solution to
international problems. We are troubled to see that there is even more resistance by important sectors of the developed world to what had been the great conceptual achievement of Cancun, namely, the recognition of the fact that the paths to the solution of the present crisis pass also through the South, and should lead towards co-operation among nations, instead of being subject only to the uncertainties of the market.
41.	The crisis we face is global in more than one sense: it affects practically all countries and encompasses both the financial and commercial spheres. It is not only broad, but also deep: productive investment is being stifled on a world-wide scale under the impact of high interest rates, and of the uncertainties over the prospects of international trade and finance. It is as if a sudden paralysis of a large economic Power in the developed world had taken place: such is the situation created by the fact that 30 million highly qualified workers are now unemployed in North America and Western Europe.
42.	However, the effects of this crisis situation on the countries of the South are even more devastating. The non-oil-exporting developing countries have experienced over the past three years a deterioration in their terms of trade unequalled in history. Their often successful efforts to increase exports have been neutralized by declining foreign exchange revenues, leading to spiralling pauperization Years of patient investment in the creation of an export infrastructure, which made it possible for consumers in developed countries to acquire products from the South on advantageous terms, have been frustrated by insurmountable protectionist barriers. The persistence of high interest rates makes existing long-term investments unprofitable and threatens to undermine the viability of projects which are indispensable for overcoming present difficulties. The high cost of foreign debt servicing has created impossible situations for certain countries, as shown by recent events which have dramatically affected a few of the most promising countries of the South.
43.	All this sacrifice could be tolerated if, in return, a restructuring of the international economic order could be seen on the horizon within a reasonable period of time. Regrettably, this is not the case. The present economic policy of the great Powers is destroying riches without building anything in their place. The decreasing fluidity in financial flows and the mounting difficulties in international trade are destroying the prospects for overcoming present difficulties.
44.	The circumstances require that we all assume an attitude of reciprocal understanding and flexibility. The North-South dialogue must be urgently reinvigorated. Long-term efforts—for which the launching of the global negotiations is so necessary—must be ' supplemented now by a discussion of the short-term aspects of the crisis.
45.	The shaping of the future world economy necessarily requires the overcoming of our present problems. The task of reformulating the international economic system cannot be deferred but, in the present circumstances, we must begin it by an effort to prevent the disruption of the system itself.
46.	Therefore it is essential that the major international organizations begin immediately to undertake an integrated and objective examination of emergency measures which can unblock the international flow of trade and finances. It is essential that the developed countries agree to take initiatives in order to liberalize trade, expand international financial flows, adopt a new policy on interest rates, and urgently start revising the international monetary system. The developing countries, because of their structural tendency to deficits in current accounts, cannot be the first to eliminate trade barriers, a measure which would only add to their deficits without creating sufficient momentum towards a recovery in the world economy. The developed countries have to accept the idea that a restructuring of their economies is inevitable. Only when the developed countries give up the protection of sectors which are no longer competitive can the manufactured and semi-manufactured goods from developing countries take their place in international markets, thus benefiting both the consumers of the North and the producers of the South.
47.	It is urgent that there be an increase both in the availability of resources controlled by the international financial organizations and in the participation of monetary authorities in the preservation of the liquidity and stability of the international financial system, Only thus will the international community, particularly the developing countries, be freed from the strait-jacket resulting from the simultaneous contraction of trade and of official financial flows.
48.	As for the question of interest rates, there need be no discrepancy between the major objectives of the economic policies of the countries of the North and a management of the interest rates compatible with the economic and financial viability of the developing economies. Indeed, it is in everybody's interest to avoid a dislocation of the developing economies which would result in an undesirable destabilizing effect on the countries of the North.
49.	Furthermore, it must be recognized that one of the essential conditions for reactivating world trade is the recovery of a minimum of stability in the international monetary system, which must not become a factor of turbulence, left to the whims of unilateral changes in the economic policies of a few great Powers.
50.	The solution of the present crisis lies not in aid for developing countries but in ensuring conditions that would enable them to meet their obligations through a fair return for their work.
51.	I have come here to express the most legitimate aspirations of my country. I am motivated, above all, by the desire to ensure my people's well-being. We have made considerable efforts towards economic development, with promising results which fill with hope not only the people of Brazil but also all peoples yearning to attain standards of living compatible with human dignity and present-day levels of social, economic, scientific and technological development.
52.	It is my duty to seek international conditions propitious for the pursuit of this noble effort by my people, for Brazil will never give up its rightful place in the concert of nations.
53.	I hope that the competition from the South will be understood as a valid expression of the political and economic dynamism of peoples that aspire to development. I hope that this competition will not serve as a pretext for the compliant preservation of unjust and inefficient patterns of exchange but will instead be a motivation for a courageous search for renewal. I am convinced that the most powerful countries will respond creatively to the reality of the emergence of the developing world as an active partner in the many sectors of international life. I have unshakable confidence in the international society's capacity for renewal.
54.	Today, however, the climate of conflict among nations in the political and economic fields is reaching threatening levels. It is in times like these that the moral and political imperative of international co-operation has to be fully acknowledged if the destinies of the society of nations are to be rationally assured.
55.	The awareness that the international community today faces the broadest challenge to its capacity for action makes necessary bold and urgent efforts in the following areas: negotiated solutions to the tension and disputes which are poisoning international relations, both on the East-West level and in third world areas; greater use of dialogue and compromise and the strengthening of international institutions, starting with the United Nations itself; effective resumption of the North-South dialogue, including the launching of global negotiations, as a token of the will to respond to the expectations of the great majority of nations; concrete and immediate action, without prejudice to the resumption of that dialogue, on the most pressing economic questions which present a short-term threat to the international community.
I express my hope that this session of the General Assembly will be most successful. I urge representatives of the Governments assembled here to shoulder to the full their inalienable historic responsibility to live up to the hopes and expectations of those who founded the Organization in 1945 and to build for future generations a broader road to peace and development. We are on the threshold of a new world. May God grant that, thanks to our efforts, it will be a better world. Brazil, I can assure the Assembly, is ready to undertake its share of this task.


I should like first to express to Mr. Hollai on this occasion my
sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to the
distinguished office of the President of the thirty- seventh session
of the General Assembly and also to extend our congratulations to the
other members of the General Committee. The presidency of the General
Assembly constitutes a singular honour to the Member State that
occupies it, as well as to its regional group. My delegation also
congratulates Mr. Kittani, who presided over the thirty-sixth session
of the General Assembly with great success. My delegation also wishes
to express its gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez
de Cuellar, whose experience and hard work in the service of the
United Nations have already been clearly demonstrated, and represent
for the countries of the American continent a source of legitimate
pride and satisfaction. The report which he has submitted to the
General Assembly is brilliant, and is proof of this; of the many
documents that the Organization produces, only a very few are as
important as this call to reflection. His words not only enumerate
the great problems that oppress the world, but also propose solutions
to these grave and multiple problems. With the sincerity and emotion
essential to the task of considering the fate of peoples, the
Secretary-General has made recommendations that do not shrink from
criticism of and alternatives for the action of bodies within the
United Nations itself, such as the Security Council. His considered
and valuable presentation has won the support and general approval of
world opinion, and my delegation supports it fully.
The Dominican Republic is conscious of the complex and serious
problems affecting the international community that are being debated
at this session, and of the fact that those problems require measures
commensurate with their seriousness and urgency, We are confident
that within the framework of the law and the principles of the
Charter will be possible to adopt the measures that can lead to a
better and more just international order.
It is for me a source of great satisfaction to participate in the
Assembly as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the new
constitutional Government of my country, inaugurated on 16 August of
this year. The Government headed by President Salvador Jorge Blanco
assumed office in the Dominican Republic through the free and
sovereign will of our people, expressed in free elections.
This Government is the result of the institutional strength of a
country that has been fulfilling its democratic vocation through
constant struggle and great sacrifice. During the last 20 years we
have not only removed the obstacles that checked our democratic
development, but we have also overcome situations that affected our
standing as a sovereign nation.
The Dominican Republic is now enjoying a period characterized by the
consolidation of its political democracy and is facing the urgent
task of promoting economic development and social justice. At this
time, within our institutional framework and with full respect for
human rights, ideological pluralism and absolute freedom, the
Government intends to make those changes and reforms that are
necessary to strengthen our economic democracy, one of the most
legitimate aspirations of developing countries.
We consider it appropriate to point out those accomplishments because
we firmly believe that the continuous and strengthening exercise of
democracy in a small country such as ours, belonging to the group of
third world nations, is an example to be proud of and strengthens our
national purpose to achieve our own destiny without interference.
The political stability of Dominican Republic has created conditions
which enable us to increase our effective participation in
international relations, and to that end we offer our full
co-operation in the search for peaceful solutions, strictly adhering
to the principles of international law and of the Charter, at a time
when great conflicts and tension are shaking the international
community. This activity will be exercised within our sovereign
rights, without prejudices, inflexible positions or hegemonic
constraints.
The strengthening of the traditional bonds of friendship that join us
to certain countries will not be an obstacle to the substantial
broadening of our frontiers in the vast and complex field of
international relations, in as far as this is required by our
national interests. Above any other consideration, the unchangeable
norm of our conduct in the international community will be absolute
respect for and adherence to the legal and moral principles sustained
and supported by the nations which together with ours form the
Organization.
In his inaugural speech as constitutional President of the Dominican
Republic, Mr. Salvador Jorge Blanco outlined the attitude of his
Government in international affairs in the following words: "We
declare ourselves men of America, an essential part of an
international community full of heroic deeds, an integral part of the
new world searching daily for a collective existence, of the union of
wills and efforts dedicated to the defense of social justice, to the
struggle against underdevelopment. "In these difficult moments for
the countries of the third world the solidarity of the people of
America is necessary and urgent and requires mutual support to help
them overcome their pressing problems of subsistence and their
terrible economic and political problems. In these difficult times,
America, our Magna Patria, as it was called by Pedro Hennquez Urena,
should be a spearhead to thwart the constant menaces of a world
holocaust and should be a bulwark of equilibrium in the concert of
nations of the world." Within this new spirit, the Dominican
Government has decided to exercise further its traditional vocation
for peaceful action and to participate as an active element in the
search for solutions to the conflicts presently afflicting our
brother countries of Central America, and we are also prepared to
collaborate in alleviating the international tension that affects
other nations in the Caribbean basin.
This attitude on the part of the Dominican Government is reflected in
the decision to offer our immediate support for the purposes
expressed jointly by the Presidents of Mexico and Venezuela in a
letter they addressed to the President of the United States of
America, to the Council of Government of Nicaragua and to the
President of Honduras, expressing their concern over the tense
situation existing between the latter two countries.
In this instance the Dominican Government did not confine itself to
simple support but expressed its willingness to participate, in
whatever useful way it could, without detriment to the principle of
non-intervention, in any effort to normalize relations between those
two brother countries.
This position on the part of my Government had already been expressed
in the joint declaration issued in Santo Domingo on 16 August last by
the heads of State of Venezuela, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Belize and
the Dominican Republic, on the express initiative of my Government,
in which those distinguished statesmen ratified their support for the
fundamental principles of international law, which include the
sovereign equality of all countries, respect for their independence
and the territorial integrity, respect for the principle of
non-intervention, non recourse to threats or use of force to resolve
international conflicts, ideological pluralism, the
self-determination of nations and respect for and faithful compliance
with international treaties.
The declaration emphasizes: "within the framework of the different
proposals for peace in the Central American region and the mechanisms
to implement them, rejection of violent solutions, negotiations and
dialogue are necessary for the solution of this crisis, a solution
which must be the exclusive product of a common will and effort, with
a view to promoting democracy, economic development and social
justice."
Moreover, we also made a cordial appeal to those democratic countries
interested in the establishment of peace to apply their best efforts
to achieve that end. For my country that declaration forms part of a
profound commitment. We must help to stop the present bloodshed and
thus avert the possible danger of cruel and extended confrontations.
For our brother nations of Central America we desire the full
exercise of human rights. We consider it just and urgent that these
countries be able to choose freely their own destiny and to devote
their energies to full economic and social development.
We must emphasize that there is perhaps no other region as cohesive
in its geography, its history, its ethnology, its economy and its
culture as the Caribbean. This region is characterized by the
coexistence of traditional and emerging States. However, due to
causes alien to the interests of its peoples, interchanges among the
countries of the region have not been achieved to the extent that we
would desire and welcome. The Dominican Republic has special
characteristics which make it an ideal bridge for the realization of
such exchanges among Caribbean countries, especially at a time when
we are strengthening our relations with the region's new States.
For the Dominican Republic it is not Utopian to believe and to say
that the Central American and Caribbean region must become a zone of
peace, of balance, stability, pluralism and the total rejection of
military solutions.
This year there occurred in the South Atlantic a deplorable event
that disturbed the region but brought about solidarity in support of
the just territorial claims of a brother nation.
An invariable aspect of the foreign policy of the Dominican Republic
is our opposition to all forms and vestiges of colonialism in any
part of the world. This has been a firm and consistent position
expressed on innumerable occasions and in different international
forums. Within the Organization, from the very outset, the Dominican
delegation has constantly supported all anti-colonial recommendations
and measures and has with clear determination contributed to the
worthy process of decolonization that has been realized by the United
Nations.
Throughout its history the Dominican Republic has been a peace-loving
country. This position is unchangeable and is universally recognized.
We believe that peace is the common goal of all mankind, the highest
of social values, the indispensable norm for a harmonious and
civilized life within each country and internationally.
We therefore address a cordial appeal to the Republic of Argentina
and the United Kingdom to resume within the framework of the United
Nations the necessary negotiations that will through dialogue and
understanding permit a dignified, honourable and permanent solution
to the conflict through the peaceful mechanism available to sovereign
States under the Charter of the United Nations and international law.
We consider it appropriate to point out that this deplorable
experience has deeply affected public faith in the effectiveness of
the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, signed at Rio de
Janeiro in 1947, as a proper instrument for the preservation of peace
in our hemisphere and has once again demonstrated the urgent need to
enrich and strengthen the system of collective security in that part
of the world with the same firm will and resolve manifest in Bogota
when the Organization of American States was founded there.
The Dominican Republic expresses its deep concern at the grave
economic crisis affecting the international community, which is
characterized by a reduced rate of economic growth, a deterioration
in the terms of trade, the stagnation of trade, a decrease in the
prices of raw materials, high interest rates and increasing
protectionism by the industrialized nations, together with the
reduction of international economic aid and co-operation. To give
just one revealing example, the increase in the gross national
product barely reached 1 per cent in the industrialized countries for
1980 and 1981, and it will probably be at zero in 1982. This has
produced a considerable increase in unemployment and thereby a drasticreduction
in the demand for the products and raw materials on the export of
which the existence of the third world depends.
Although this problem affects all countries, it is undeniable that
the countries within the underdeveloped group that do not produce oil
are those that suffer most as a result of the present international
economic crisis. In fact, in real terms, the prices of our
commodities have reached the lowest level recorded in the last three
decades and are substantially lower than those that prevailed during
the recession of the mid-1970s. The most important consequence of
this situation for the underdeveloped countries that do not produce
oil is that in most of tl.cm real per capita income has been
drastically reduced for the first time since the Second World War.
This situation has created a grave imbalance in the external sector
of our economies characterized by high deficits, for which we have
been compelled to compensate with unprecedented increases in our
foreign debt. This high level of debt today constitutes one of the
most serious threats to the financial stability of many nations. We
want to use this international forum to request the flexibility that
the international banking community must show as regards the
repayment of those debts, because it must be remembered that they
have been caused by a very unusual economic situation.
We support the conclusions set forth at the recent meeting of the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in Toronto stressing
the enormous responsibility now facing the main industrialized
countries as regards the recovery of their economies, the reduction
of present interest rates and reversal of the present isolationist
trend so as to bring about closer and more generalized international
co-operation.
We also propose the study and identification of proper
recommendations to curtail the increasing protectionist trend in
industrialized nations, which manifests itself in the establishment
of unjustified trade barriers that obstruct international trade and
limit the expansion of markets for the products of the third- world
nations.
In other words our delegation considers that the North-South dialogue
must be awakened from its present stagnation and be activated as an
instrument for frank discussions concerning the contradictions
between the developed and the developing worlds. The present
condition of the international economy reveals symptoms similar-too
similar to be ignored- to those that existed before the world
depression of the 1930s, whose disastrous consequences we all know.
Let us pledge that during the current decade, through global
negotiations within the framework of the Organization, those
indispensable measures required for the achievement of the much
awaited new international economic order will be taken and make it
possible for us to live in a more secure and just world.
As we examine the problems that affect the international community,
we cannot forget the danger posed by the policies of increasing
armaments pursued by the super-Powers. Our concern increases when we
observe with anxiety and frustration the paralysis of negotiations on
disarmament and the fact that we cannot foresee the establishment of
a new order that will give peace to the world. It is a paradox that
while the great nations argue over formulas to reduce the tremendous
power of their forces of mutual destruction new installations with
nuclear missiles of incalculable efficiency are being set up on their
territories. If this latent menace became reality, it would imply the
total destruction of the world that we live in. The danger becomes
greater with the outbreak of limited conflicts in sensitive areas of
the world, conflicts that could easily become uncontrollable and
result in a nuclear holocaust.
In this situation of extreme danger to all mankind, there is an
urgent need for all Member States to act together to create the
proper climate for constructive dialogue between the big world Powers.
One of the dangers is the explosive situation of increasing violence
in the Middle East which during recent decades has been a negative
factor for the prospects for balance and peace in the world. The
seriousness of the situation has been made tragically evident by the
recent horrible massacre of Palestinian refugees in the camps of
Lebanon, a dreadful act of genocide that has shaken the conscience of
the entire international community. Our Government has publicly
emphatically condemned that horrible massacre, and has demanded that
international bodies prevent its repetition and determine
responsibility for it.
Our voice has joined those of other nations clamouring for an
effective guarantee of the integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon, an
unfortunate country with which we have very cordial relations. We are
aware that the problems in that area of conflict have demonstrated
that the Palestinian question is one of the decisive factors in the
crisis. We believe that no permanent, serious solution can be reached
if we do not provide a mechanism that assures the Palestinian people
the exercise of its inalienable right to self- determination, which
has been recognized by the United Nations.
Similarly, we reiterate our policy that any serious attempt to
achieve peace and coexistence in that tormented region must take into
account Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which, among other
things, affirms the State of Israel's right to exist.
We regard as timely and essential to the peace effort the proposal
made by the Secretary-General to convert the Security Council into a
world forum where "all the parties concerned" in the problem of the
Middle East may sit at the same negotiating table.
The Dominican Republic feels closely linked to the Arab world by the
strong connections created by the historical emigrations to our
territory of Syrian, Lebanese and Palestinian citizens, who have
enriched the cultural, social and economic heritage of our country
over the years. Consequently, my Government has affirmed its
determination to establish or strengthen political, economic and
other ties with many of the countries of the Arab world, within the
framework of international law and the principles of the Charter.
The war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran, an unfortunate
confrontation between two Moslem countries, is a cause of deep
concern to us. We hope that a solution will be found in the near
future, one restoring peace and making possible a policy of
good-neighbourliness, with the full guarantee of reciprocal
rights-within the framework of the United Nations, of course.
Fundamentally, the composition of the Dominican people is the product
of an interracial union of Indians, whites and blacks. The result of
this ethnic mixture is a mixed race of which we are truly proud. The
Dominican Republic reiterates in this world forum that for us any
kind of discrimination or segregation, any attempt to separate the
population on racial, religious or other lines, is a crime against
humanity. Therefore, we reject the policies and practices of
apartheid. We take this opportunity to affirm that the Dominican
Republic condemns without reservation violations of human rights in
whatever circumstances and wherever they occur.
Our profound conviction on the matter and our resulting firm
rejection of such attempts have a special meaning at this particular
time, when we have just inaugurated in the city of Santo Domingo a
monument to Brother Antonio Montesinos. A magnificent work
architecturally and sculpturally, the monument is a gift from the
Government of Mexico to the people of the Dominican Republic. Brother
Antonio Montesinos proclaimed in a sermon in our island in 151l "By
what right and with what justice do you keep these Indians under such
horrible servitude? Are they not men? Have they not rational
spirits?" That was his cry of concern from Santo Domingo, the first
act in defence of human rights in the new world.
On 12 October, Hispanic Day, our President, at the inauguration of
the monument, recalled that pronouncement and its far-reaching
consequences when, in the presence of President Jose Lopez Portillo
of Mexico,he said: "The rights of man, which, under another name,
Brother Antonio Montesinos fought for, have been a permanent guiding
light for the Dominican people. Even in those dark days when liberty
was denied to us, the pursuit of freedom became the principal motive
which unified our wills, criteria and actions. Only time has
separated those historic moments of the struggle for liberty and
democracy in our country. Our political democracy, today fully
achieved, may be the great answer to those struggles and to a full
awareness of them, and the role this plays within our continent.
Geographical differences do not prevent us from recalling the
struggles of other peoples, however distant they may be from the
Antilles. We support the efforts of the people of Namibia to regain
its independence. We also express our concern about foreign
interventions in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. We hope that through
peaceful dialogue and the use of the machinery provided by the
Charter the Korean people may be able to secure their desired
unification into one sovereign State.
At this time, when territories are the source of still-unresolved
conflicts and problems, the seas may contribute to the well-being of
the world. We are now witnessing the humanization of the seas through
the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea that
declared the sea-bed to be the common heritage of all mankind. The
Conference was one of the great successes of the General Assembly and
proof of this body's effectiveness within the United Nations. Since
1973, when the Conference on the Law of the Sea began, it has been
working with a new vision of international law and co-operation and
is laying down rules that would satisfy our aspirations to abolish
privileges, to protect the environment and to achieve peaceful
coexistence. The new Convention on the Law of the Sea, in
establishing a new and fruitful reality, is an example of the
infinite possibilities inherent in negotiation, good will and mutual
understanding.
Among the social items on the agenda of the Assembly, the Dominican
Republic considers as being particularly relevant those related to
the rights, evolution and development of women as well as to their
participation in the political, social and economic life of their
countries. In this connection, the new Dominican Government has set
up an office for the advancement of women within a Ministry of Social
Welfare as a first step towards integration of the different aspects
of human advancement. We express our deep satisfaction at the fact
that our country has been selected as host to the International
Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women, whose
formal installation will take place early next year in Santo Domingo
and for which the Dominican Government has already made a substantial
appropriation.
We are confident that the report the Secretary- General will submit
with regard to this matter, which has already been endorsed by the
Economic and Social Council, will prompt other Member States to
contribute to the support of this Institute and thereby assure the
fulfilment of its important functions.
Under the present difficult international circumstances, cultural
co-operation-widely debated and defined at the World Conference on
Cultural Policies, known as MONDIACULT, organized by UNESCO in
August-is evoked to strengthen the ties that exist between peoples.
There can be no argument that all cultures have the same dignity and
equality; that freedom is necessary to all intellectual and artistic
creation; that all patrimonies, be they architectonic, written or
oral, need to be protected and that those values are the bedrock of
an interdependence freely assumed but carefully preserving identities
and receptive to new sources of enrichment.
The Dominican Republic, which suffered for a long time from cultural
isolationism, now wishes to develop communication in education,
science, literature and art, provided such dialogues between cultures
are established on a basis of respect and reciprocity, of recognition
and a receptiveness that assures interchange in the true meaning of
that word. We wish to strengthen regional ties, the mutual
recognition of cultures, the resources and unique expressions of the
peoples of Central America and the Caribbean. To this end, the
Dominican Republic has proposed the celebration of the First Biennial
of Visual Arts in the Caribbean, to be held in Santo Domingo, a
recommendation that was approved by the General Assembly of
MONDIACULT.
However, this wish for a greater closeness to the countries of our
region and Latin America does not diminish the lively interest of the
Dominican Republic in extra-continental cultural co-operation and the
recognition of great historical events of the past that still loom
large today. We refer to the fifth centenary of the discovery of
America, and we are grateful to the Spanish Foreign Minister for
mentioning in his statement the Dominican Republic's initiative in
proposing that the United Nations General Assembly declare, in a
universal context, that 1992 be proclaimed the Year of the Fifth
Centenary of the Discovery of America.
The United Nations was founded on the ruins of that great catastrophe
that history has called the Second World War. The Organization was
conceived to guarantee international peace, to develop friendship
among peoples, to assure self-determination and to promote, through
international co-operation, their social, economic and cultural
development. The Organization was conceived in support of human
dignity, on the basis of respect for the rights and fundamental
freedoms of all mankind without distinction as to race, sex, language
or religion. The Organization was conceived to prevent the third-and
probably the last-world war.
We often forget that the founders, our predecessors who signed the
Charter of San Francisco, did so in the name of peoples, not in the
name of States or Governments. This is not a semantic artifice, nor
is it a legal subtlety. It is simply the living expression of a deep
longing for peace and solidarity that was born in the universal
conscience in those dark days. I believe that many of the problems
arise or worsen because Governments sometimes ignore the real
aspirations of their peoples. People have among themselves
spontaneous affinities, natural and pure, that are deeply rooted in
their cultural origins and common ideals. Those affinities transcend
the boundaries of circumstantial antagonisms that are characteristic
of the strict exercise of government. AH Governments, regardless of
ideology or of geopolitical location, would render a great service to
the Organization's vocation for peace should they decide to stimulate
the development of those affinities, whose roots are found in the
very depth of human awareness. A simple examination of the agenda of
the Assembly, a mere study of the multiple conflicts that divide the
international community, the anguish expressed by the brave
declaration of the Secretary- General in his memorable report, will
surely prove that we have not yet reached these ideals. However,
those harsh realities must not frustrate us to the point of losing
faith in the Organization, for if we have not been able in many cases
to prevent or to solve conflicts, we have at other times had
successes that constitute true triumphs for mankind.
In this connection, it should be pointed out that if the fear of a
nuclear holocaust is still the gravest threat to mankind today, there
is no better hope of preventing it than that offered by this exalted
forum, open without discrimination or prejudice to all the peoples
and nations of the world.
The imperfections of the Organization must not shatter our faith in
it. On the contrary, they Should inspire us to overcome them, thus
strengthening our confidence in its capacity to fulfil its
objectives. This is the best contribution we can offer to the future
of mankind.


May I first congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh
session. On this occasion it is a great pleasure
for me to recall here that Turkey and Hungary
have traditionally maintained friendly relations.
As a colleague of yours for many years I have had
the opportunity to appreciate your remarkable
diplomatic skills, and I am confident that your
guidance will enable us to channel our
deliberations and work towards constructive ends.
I wish to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr.
Ismat Kittani, who presided with diligence over
the work of the Assembly during the past year
under difficult and strenuous conditions. I wish
also to reiterate our confidence in the
Secretary- General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar. His
fortitude and his balanced, realistic approach to
the problems besetting the world are a great
asset to the United Nations as a whole.
2.	The deterioration of the international
situation has continued throughout the past year.
East-West relations remain strained because of
the infringement of the principles of the
Helsinki Final Act,' and this hampers progress in
arms control and in disarmament discussions so
vital for peace and security in the world. The
armaments race continues unabated. The world
economy is going through its worst crisis since
the Second World War. Against this background we
are witnessing a greater tendency to resort to
force and violence and a multiplication of
conflicts and con¬frontations.
3.	The thirty-seventh session is being held
at a moment when we are all under the spell of
the momentous events which have taken place in
the Middle East during recent months. The whole
world is stunned by the massacre of innocent men,
women and children in the refugee camps of west
Beirut. That outrage against humanity has
compounded the tragedy unfolding in Lebanon since
the Israelis invaded that country in early June.
4.	The responsibility of Israel in the mass
killings at the Sabra and Shatila camps is
irrefutable. Israel has shown that it is not
encumbered by any moral scruples in the pursuit
of its political ambitions in the Middle East. It
should be clear to everybody that there can be no
peace and security in the Middle East unless
Israel is deterred effectively from its
intransigence, its propens ity instantly to
resort to force and violence, its utter disregard
for the interests of other countries in the area,
its frightening contempt for human values and its
defiance of the principles of the Charter of the
United Nations and the resolutions of the General
Assembly and the Security Council.
5.	The aggression against Lebanon, the
ruthless Israeli actions, the staggering human
losses and the suffering and material damage
inflicted upon the Lebanese and Palestinian
peoples have been followed with abhorrence and
revulsion by Turkish public opinion. We reiterate
our condemnation of Israeli policies and actions.
At the same time, we wish to make clear here that
we view with mounting concern the dangerous
implications of Israeli policies for the security
of the Middle East as a whole, in which we have a
vital stake.
6.	The future course of events in Lebanon
will be crucial for the entire area. Lebanon
should be able to live as an independent and
sovereign country and preserve its territorial
integrity and unity. It should be under the
influence of no other country of the region. We
hope that, despite the convulsions it has
suffered, the people of Lebanon will be able to
achieve national reconciliation. Obviously, the
withdrawal of foreign forces from Lebanon is of
paramount necessity and every effort should be
exerted to prevent dilatory tactics by Israel.
7.	The horror in Lebanon has heightened
awareness of the fact that the Palestinian
question is at the core of the Middle East
conflict. There is greater sense of urgency in
the efforts undertaken with a view to achieving a
comprehensive, durable and just solu¬tion of the
Middle East problem. We have in particular
welcomed the recent initiative of the United
States and the very constructive approach evolved
by the Arab countries at the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference, which was held in September in Fez.
The United States proposals contain elements
which could con¬tribute significantly to the
elaboration of a framework for future
negotiations among the parties concerned. The
proposals of the Arab Conference represent a
common position and reflect the genuine desire of
the Arab countries to achieve a balanced and
realistic settlement in the interest of all the
countries in the area. It is now up to Israel to
respond in a positive manner to that approach and
finally to alter its per¬ception of security for
itself as consisting of continuous confrontation
with its neighbors.
8.	Concerning the substance of a
comprehensive settlement of the Middle East
conflict, I wish to repeat that we consider the
following as indispensable ingredients of a
lasting and just solution: withdrawal of Israel
from all the Arab territories occupied since
1967, including A1 Quds Al Sharif; recognition of
the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people,
including their right to establish an independent
State in their own territory; the participation
of the Palestine l iberation Organization [PLO]
as the legitimate representative of the
Palestinian people in all peace negotiations, on
an equal footing with the other interested
parties in the conflict; the right of every State
in the region to live within secure and
recognized boundaries; and the maintenance of the
Arab and Islamic character of the Holy City of Al
Quds Al Sharif.
9.	The war which has been going on between
Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran for the
past two years is a source of profound distress.
From the very outset, we have felt deep anxiety
over the disastrous conflict between two
neighbouring Muslim countries. That war not only
is detrimental to the interests of those two
countries but also has grave implications for the
security and stability of the entire Middle East.
10.	We are saddened by the fact that various
peace efforts have so far been of no avail.
Turkey will continue to take an active part in
the endeavors of the Islamic Peace Committee and
persevere in its efforts to support them as an
immediate neighbor of the two countries. We wish
on this occasion to renew our appeal to both Iraq
and Iran to put an end to the bloodshed and to
embark with determination on the road of peace
and reconciliation.
11.	The dramatic developments in the Middle
East cannot cloud our concern over the plight of
Afghanistan. The valiant Afghan people continue
to be deprived of their right to
self-determination and remain under foreign
military occupation. We greatly appreciate the
efforts of the Secretary-General towards a
negotiated settlement. Such a settlement should
restore to the Afghan people their right to self-
determination and lead to the withdrawal of
foreign troops from the country.
12.	We realize that refugees are a tremendous
burden for countries of asylum. As a humanitarian
measure, we have recently settled nearly 5,000
refugees in Turkey. We have provided them a
temporary home until they can return freely to
their own country, if they so wish.
13.	In Africa we follow developments
regarding Namibia with a mixture of anxiety and
guarded optimism. As a founding member of the
United Nations Council for Namibia, Turkey
extends its unreserved support to the people of
Namibia. We hope that on¬going negotiations for
the independence of Namibia within the framework
of United Nations resolutions will finally
achieve their objective and thereby remove an
important source of tension in the world. This
would be a cause for rejoicing in an otherwise
gloomy international scene.
14.	Another ray of hope comes from Cyprus.
Once the source of dangerous tension, that island
has been enjoying peace and stability for more
than eight years. Although a settlement has not
yet been reached, the two national communities
are committed to a con¬tinuous negotiating
process. As a result of the sustained efforts of
the Secretary-General, the intercommunal talks
are now proceeding within a comprehensive
framework encompassing allaspects of the Cyprus
problem. The encouraging course of the
negotiations has further strengthened our
conviction that inter¬communal talks represent
the only method for resolv¬ing the issue.
15.	The two communities should now intensify
their efforts to reshape their relations within a
federal structure. They should concentrate their
attention on dialogue. They should not be swayed
by the counsel of those who would prefer a
continuation of the con¬flict for their own
selfish ends.
16.	Turkey remains firmly committed to the
objective of a just and lasting settlement of the
Cyprus question. We will continue to encourage
the intercommunal talks under the auspices of the
Secretary-General.
17.	The Kampuchean problem is another
inter¬national issue which calls for an urgent
solution. What is required is a political
solution that would enable the people of that
country to choose their government without
coercion or intervention from outside. We should
like to express the hope that the formation of
the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea
is a step which will contribute to such an
evolution. We greatly appreciate the efforts of
the members of the Association of South-East
Asian Nations [/1SE/4JV] to bring peace to
Kampuchea and promote stability and prosperity in
South-East Asia.
18.	I should like also to say a few words
about the situation on the Korean peninsula. The
division of Korea is certainly painful for all
Koreans. We firmly believe that the reduction of
tension on the peninsula and the creation of
favorable conditions for a dialogue between the
two parties concerned will contribute not only to
the fulfillment of the national aspiration of the
Korean people to unity but also to the
maintenance of peace and stability in the region.
19.	The mounting terrorism and violence
throughout the world is a cause for concern for
the entire inter¬national community. some
countries which have allowed their territory to
be used for terrorist actions directed against
other countries or have tolerated political and
propaganda activities in support of such action
are now becoming themselves the hunting grounds
for all kinds of terrorism. That should increase
the awareness that the need for international
co-oper¬ation to curb this scourge is greater and
more urgent than ever.
20.	One manifestation of international
terrorism is the attacks directed against
diplomatic representatives. The General Assembly
resolutions on the protection of diplomatic and
consular agents and premises represent an
important step in initiating international
co-operation in this field. We hope that it will
be possible this year to devise more effective
measures for the prevention and elimination of
such acts of terror.
21.	Turkey has a special reason for feeling
grave concern on this issue. Armenian terrorists
have in recent years brutally assassinated more
than 20 Turkish diplomats and officials. In the
first week of August, Armenian terrorists
launched an attack at Ankara airport in which
nine people lost their lives and some 70 were
wounded.
22.	 	An intensive propaganda campaign,
based on blatant falsification and distortion of
history, lies behind these vile acts of terror.
The Armenian propaganda alleges that a great
number of Armenians were massacred in Turkey
during the First World War. It demands
vindication for this contrived and imaginary
martyrdom.
23.	No amount of propaganda and
disinformation can alter historical truths or
change political realities. After the First World
War the Ottoman Empire collapsed and was replaced
by a completely new State, the Turkish Republic.
Many new States came into being on the territory
of the Empire. But historical facts indicate that
the assertions in Armenian propaganda are
completely unfounded.
24.	Prior to the First World War, the
Armenians were concentrated in Istanbul, the
capital of the Ottoman Empire, and in the eastern
provinces. In none of the areas where they lived
did they constitute anything more than a small
minority. The Armenians found themselves in a
majority only in a region of the Caucasuswhere
eventually they created a State which signed a
peace treaty with Turkey recognizing the present
borders and later joined the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics.
25.	Armenian extremists began to resort to
violence in the early 1890s in a manner very
reminiscent of the activities of their successors
today. They caused the deaths of a large number
of innocent people. The outbreak of the First
World War marks the most important crisis in
relations between Turks and Arme¬nians. The
Tsarist Russian Government then instigated the
rising of the Armenians against Ottoman rule in
eastern Anatolia, by promising the establishment
of an Armenian State. That was the signal which
prompted the Armenian extremists to commit large-
scale atrocities against the Turkish population
in eastern Anatolia, as the Russian armies
advanced. It was only after these massacres that
the Ottoman Government decided to move the
Armenian population out of range of the Russian
invading forces in eastern Turkey to central
Syria, which was at that time within the
boundaries of the Ottoman State. Specific
instruc¬tions were issued for the protection of
the life and property of the deportees.
26.	Following those events, enormously
exaggerated claims were put forward by Armenian
propagandists. It was alleged that 1.5 million
Armenians died. That is nonsense, since the total
Armenian population in the Ottoman Empire did not
exceed 1.2 million. Of that number, about half a
million Armenians living in north¬east Turkey had
moved to Russia at the outbreak of hostilities in
the area. The deportees numbered approximately
400,000. A sizeable number found their way to
Europe and the United States, and about 100,000
remained in Turkey after the war. There were of
course Armenians as well as Turks who lost their
lives during the war years. The number of Turks
who died during that period was 2 million. Many
of both communities died of cold, famine and
disease and as a result of communal clashes upon
the break¬down of law and order. Because
Armenians collabor¬ated with invading Russian
armies, many also died during military operations.
27.	Neither moral nor historical
justification can be found for the callous and
senseless Armenian terrorism. It reflects a
shameful rejection of the human values which the
civilized world is trying to uphold. Armenian
propaganda and violence can achieve nothing more
than a long list of innocent victims.
28.	Most of the support and aid that the
protagonists of violence get from Armenian
communities are obtained through extortion and
intimidation. There is no doubt that the great
majority of Armenians through¬out the world abhor
the crimes committed by the fanatics among their
ranks. The Armenians who continue to live in
Turkey in full enjoyment of their rights and in
complete harmony with Turks have condemned the
acts of terror in the strongest terms. It is sad
that some countries provide shelter and support
to terrorists and encourage Armenian propaganda.
These countries cannot disassociate themselves
from the odious crimes being committed. At the
same time, they are creating on their own
territory an atmosphere propitious to the
escalation of violence, which in the end can
cause great harm to themselves.
29.	In the economic Held, it is becoming
increas¬ingly evident that the world economy is
under the most adverse economic, financial and
political pres¬sures of the post-war period. High
rates of inflation, low rates of growth and
severe current-account imbalances are indeed the
order of the day. The dif¬ficulties confronted
seem to be not transitory but lasting, as a
result of maladjustments that have accumulated
over a number of years.
30.	Against the background of unstable and
unpredictable economic conditions, many
coun¬tries, particularly the industrialized
countries, seem to be moving dangerously towards
protectionism. Such a trend not only would be
damaging to economic efficiency but also would
diminish the prospects for economic growth.
31.	It would be deceptive to think that
domestic economic problems can be resolved effectively
while the international economic system is in
turmoil. Indeed, the economies of rich and poor
countries are so interlocked that only
international co-operation can restore growth and
development. However, as the troubles of the
industrialized countries increase international
co-operation tends to diminish and con¬cern for
developing countries wanes. Unlike the last major
recession, in the mid-1970s, when increased aid
and private capital flows to developing nations
helped to shield them from its worse effects,
this time the developing countries are left to
face the full brunt largely unassisted.
Developing countries, particularly the deficit
developing countries, need more time and
resources to carry out structural adjustments in
a way that will minimize the loss of output,
employment and income.
32.	At no time has the economic
interdependence among nations been more evident
and at no time has there been greater need for
the formulation of collec¬tive policies and
reforms of established rules of conduct.
Especially in the light of the current world
recession, the formulation of a scheme for
integrated development is indispensable.
33.	It is with this conviction that my
Government supports the launching of the global
negotiations in an effort to deal with
international economic issues in a comprehensive
way. Sectoral approaches have not been sufficient
or effective. It must be remembered that, as the
major issues in international economic relations
are interlinked, they can be resolved only
through interdependence.
34.	It is understandable that the developing
coun¬tries are engaged in a process of extensive
co-oper¬ation among themselves as well as in an
effort to cope with many of the adverse effects
of the deterior¬ating world economic conditions.
We welcome the growing importance of South-South
co-operation in this respect and believe that
through such a process a: more meaningful
dialogue could be established between the North
and the South in dealing with the current
inefficiencies and inadequacies of the world
economic system.
35.	Turkey, which is geographically situated
between two continents, has always found itself
playing a role as a link between Europe, the
Middle East and the Islamic world. Indeed, it has
for centuries been the meeting place between East
and West and North and South. These factors
explain Turkey's multidimen¬sional relations,
namely, its efforts to improve relations with the
countries of the region, its membership in the
Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development, its association with the European
Community and, in particular, its expanding
relations with the countries of the third world.
36.	Although Turkey has great economic
potential, it is still a developing country
facing all the typical problems challenging other
developing countries. Like them, it has been
adversely affected by the rapidly changing and
deteriorating world economic conditions. Its
economy has for some time been in a state of
crisis. However, at the beginning of 1980 it
embarked on a vigorous stabilization program with
the support of international financial
institutions. Daring steps have been taken, and I
can say with confidence that the results have
been promising.
37.	As can be seen, Turkey has done its part,
as may have others, in good "housekeeping", and
it will continue to do so with determination. The
inter¬national community and its institutions as
a whole must prepare themselves to respond to
such positive adjustments- if we are to achieve
any progress in finding effective ways of
maintaining stable inter¬national economic
relations in the interest of world peace and
prosperity.
38.	One encouraging aspect of this session
has been the impact upon all of us of the first
report of the Secretary-General on the work of
the Organization. He has put before us with
clarity and perceptiveness the central issues the
United Nations faces today. He has analyzed
frankly and accurately the reasons preventing the
Organization from fulfilling its basic mission of
safeguarding peace and security and promoting international
co-operation. We have been reminded appropriately
of our duties and respon-sibilities. It is now
incumbent upon us to reflect on the ideas of the
Secretary-General and to come forward with
renewed determination to transform the United
Nations into an effective instrument of
international peace and security and orient our
bilateral and multilateral policies towards this
objective.


On behalf of the delegation of the Socialist
Republic of Viet Nam, I should like to extend to
Mr. Hollai, of Hungary, warmest con¬gratulations
on his election to the high office of Presi¬dent
of the thirty-seventh session of the General
Assembly, and express my conviction that with his
eminent talents and wealth of experience he will,
together with other members of the General
Com¬mittee, guide the work of the present session
to fruitful results.
80.	We are living in a period of complex
upheavals and difficult challenges. The creative
labour and the economic and other achievements of
the world's peoples in the past 37 years are in
danger of being destroyed by the tension clouding
the international situation. In the hope of
extricating itself from the prolonged economic
recession and coping with the growth of the
forces of peace, democracy, national independence
and social progress, and in an attempt to
continue to impose its will on other peoples,
during the past three years the United States—in
collusion with other reactionary forces—has
launched a global counterattack against the
independence and sover¬eignty of peoples and
against world peace. It has stepped up the arms
race to an unprecedented level in its quest for
military supremacy. Billions of dollars have been
spent on the production of weapons of mass
destruction, including the neutron bomb. It has
decided to deploy medium-range missiles in
Western Europe, shamelessly proclaimed the
doctrine of a for limited nuclear warfare ,
introduced the rapid deployment force into the
region of the Persian Gulf, reinforced its fleet
in the Caribbean Sea and built new military bases
in the Indian Ocean, with a view to preparing for
aggression and intervention in every continent,
thus creating new hotbeds of tension in various
regions of the globe.
81.	This adventurist and bellicose policy
constitutes an extremely grave threat to
international peace and security, and runs
counter to the aspirations of billions of people
throughout the world. The collusion between the
ring-leader of imperialism and international
reactionary forces is a cause of tension and
could lead to an explosive situation. More than
ever before the struggle for international peace
and security is an urgent and primary task for
all peoples. With the exception of the
military-industrial complexes of the imperialist
Powers seeking excessive profits from war and the
arms race, nobody today profits from war. The
profound aspirations to peace of billions of
peo¬ple are what give the peace movement
unprecedented power, capable of staying the
armored hands of the imperialist and reactionary
forces. The united efforts of and the
co-ordinated struggle carried on by the socialist
countries, the non-aligned countries and the
forces of peace and democracy in the Western
coun¬tries have a great opportunity of averting
the danger of a nuclear war and countering the
warlike and aggres¬sive policy of the
imperialists and international reactionaries.
82.	Having undergone 35 consecutive years of
war while the rest of the world was enjoying the
longest period of peace in the century, the
Vietnamese people are profoundly conscious of the
significance of peace. Together with all
peace-loving forces on this planet, our people
have waged and are still waging an untiring
struggle for national independence, foiling one
after another all the schemes of imperialism and
inter¬national reaction, aimed at turning
South-East Asia into the hotbed for a new world
war.
83.	In the past several months alone, 15
million Viet¬namese have participated in
demonstrations, briefings and seminars and have
signed petitions in response to a nationwide
campaign for peace and disarmament. We
unreservedly support the peace and disarmament
initiatives put forward by the socialist and
non-aligned countries. In particular, we highly
appreciate the unilateral commitment of the
Soviet Union not to be the first to use nuclear
weapons, and see in this a gesture of historic
importance. If, like the Soviet Union, all
nuclear Powers—and first of all the United States
of America—were to make similar commit¬ments, the
possibility of rebelling the danger of a
devastating nuclear war would immediately become
a reality, even at a time when the major Powers
have not yet reached an agreement on disarmament.
The new proposals of the Soviet Union, announced
by Foreign Minister Gromyko to the General
Assembly at the 13th meeting, once again prove
that the Soviet Union spares no effort to prevent
war and to defend world peace. Likewise, we give
our full support to the proposal of the Soviet
Union and the Secretary- General for a conference
of States Members of the Security Council at the
highest possible level to seek a solution to
problems relating to international peace and
security.
84.	As an Asian country bordering the Pacific
Ocean and the Indian Ocean, Viet Nam warmly
welcomes the initiatives of India and other
non-aligned countries, aimed at making the Indian
Ocean a zone of peace. Likewise, we firmly
support the proposal of the Mongolian People's
Republic on the signing of a convention on
non-aggression and non-use of force in relations
among countries in Asia and the Pacific. The
implementation of these proposals would
consti¬tute an effective contribution to
international peace and security.
85.	Those who have a conscience cannot remain
indifferent to the abominable crimes perpetrated
by the Israeli aggressors against the innocent
civilian population of Lebanon and Palestine. The
atrocious massacres in Lebanon are reminiscent of
the crimes committed by the Hitlerites during the
Second World War, by the American aggressors at
My Lai during the Viet Nam War and by the Pol Pot
clique in Kam¬puchea. As long as murderers in the
Middle East of the Hitler and Pol Pot type remain
unpunished, slaughters such as those committed in
Lebanon will not be the last crimes against
humanity. The Govern¬ment of the United States
cannot clear itself of the crimes of aggression
and genocide of the Israeli Zionists.
86.	Together with all of progressive mankind,
the Vietnamese people indignantly condemn the
Israeli aggressors and those who have provided
them with billions of dollars, and weapons, and
we demand due punishment for those aggressors.
Once again, we reaffirm the resolute support of
the people and the Government of the Socialist
Republic of Viet Nam for the just struggle of the
PLO, the Syrian Arab Republic, Lebanon and other
Arab countries against the Israeli aggressors and
their protectors. Israel must withdraw all its
troops from all the Arab terri¬tories it has
illegally occupied. A just solution for the
situation in the Middle East cannot be achieved
unless and until the legitimate rights of the
Palestinian people, whose sole authentic
representative is the PLO, are guaranteed,
including the right to found their own
independent and sovereign State. Any separate
solution is aimed only at dividing the Arab
coun¬tries and encouraging the aggressors, and is
certainly doomed to failure.
87.	The present situation in southern Africa
is causing us no less concern. Unless checked in
time, the crimes being committed in the Middle
East may be repeated in southern Africa, where
the Pretoria racists are pursuing a ferocious
policy of apartheid, violently opposing the
struggle of the peoples of Namibia and South
Africa for national liberation, and launching
piratical attacks against Angola, Mozambique and
the other front-line States. The Vietnamese
people wishes to express its profound sympathy
and firm support for the just cause of the
peoples of Namibia and South Africa, under the
leadership of SWAPO and the African National
Congress JVC], respectively, as well as that of
the front-line States. We fully support all
measures taken by Angola to deliver a well-
deserved riposte to the aggressors.
88.	We totally support the struggle of the
people of Seychelles and of Madagascar against
imperialist subversion and intervention. We
demand that the United States return Diego Garcia
to Mauritius.
89.	The Vietnamese people resolutely stand by
the peoples of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada in
their current struggle against the threat of
aggression and in defense of the fruits of
revolution. We fully sup¬port the peoples of El
Salvador, Chile and other Latin American peoples
in their fight against their dictatorial regimes.
Our special sympathy goes to the Puerto Rican
people in their struggle for independence from
colonial domination. In their struggle to regain
sover-eignty over the Malvinas Islands, the
people of Argen¬tina can rely on the solidarity
of the Vietnamese people.
90.	The Government and people of Viet Nam
vehemently condemn the policies of the
imperialist countries which use political
pressure and carry out hostile acts to interfere
in the internal affairs of the Polish People's
Republic, with a view to wiping out the socialist
achievements of the Polish people.
91.	We resolutely support the Government of
the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the
fraternal Afghan people in their struggle against
the imperialists' and international
reactionaries' undeclared war, in defense of
their independence and sovereignty, and to
safeguard the fruits of the April revolution. We
unreservedly support the just struggle of the
Korean people for the reunification of their
fatherland. The persistent struggle waged by the
people of Western Sahara for their national
independence as well as that waged by the people
of Cyprus for their territorial integrity enjoys
the constant and firm support of the Vietnamese
people.
92.	Having suffered from the yoke of
colonialism and having had to wage a protracted
struggle against the aggressors, the Vietnamese
people fully and consistently support the
struggle of the peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin
America for the elimination of the last vestiges
of colonialism, for the defense of their national
independence and for the building of a new, just
and equitable international economic order.
93.	We are of the view that at this juncture,
when the burdens of the economic crisis and of
the arms race are weighing so heavily on the
developing coun¬tries and when the United States
is resorting to its policy of embargo and
economic sanctions to impose its will on other
peoples, the struggle of the peoples of Asia,
Africa and Latin America to build a new
international economic order is of necessity
linked with the common struggle of the peoples of
the world for peace and disarmament and against
the imperialist policy of aggression and
intervention. The experiences of the past years
have taught us that only by waging a struggle on
the economic, political and other fronts can the
peoples of the developing countries become
masters of their own political destiny and
natural resources and force concessions from
imperialism.
94.	The causes of world tension in the past
three years are precisely those that threaten
peace and stability in the South-East Asian
region.
95.	After failing in their attempts at
collusion with United States imperialism in
holding back the com¬plete victory of the
Vietnamese, Lao and Kampuchean peoples in their
wars of resistance for national salva¬tion, the
reactionary elements in the Beijing ruling
circles have considered the emergence of a
unified Viet Nam as the biggest obstacle to their
strategy of expansionism in South-East Asia.
Since 1975, China has used the Pol Pot clique as
its essential instrument to weaken Viet Nam and
to carry out its policy of expansionism. Since
the overthrow of the Pol Pot clique and China's
defeat in February 1979 in its war of aggression
against Viet Nam, the new leaders of the modern
for Middle Empirefor  have waged a war of
destruction in all fields against Viet Nam and
the other Indo-Chinese countries. At the same
time, they have kept oh using the remnants of the
Pol Pot troops and have fabricated the so-called
Kampuchean prob¬lem in a bid to reinforce their
collusion with the United States and other
reactionary forces against the three Indo-Chinese
peoples and to incite confron¬tation between the
Indo-Chinese countries and those which are
members of ASEAN, with a view to under¬mining
peace and stability in South-East Asia so that
China may fish in the troubled waters.
96.	In order to conceal its expansionist and
hegemonist schemes, China has fabricated the
so-called Vietnamese threat to the ASEAN
countries, with a view to inciting the latter to
oppose Viet Nam and sowing disorder in South-East
Asia.
97.	It is necessary to point out that this is
not the first time that the aggressors have used
such a pretext to justify their acts of
aggression against Viet Nam. As is widely known,
in 1964 the United States con¬cocted the for
Tonkin Gulf incident for  as a pretext for
unleashing its air and naval war of destruction
against the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam. What
the Bering expansionists are now doing is just a
repetition of the shameful acts committed in the
past by the colonialists and imperialists against
Viet Nam.
98.	At present, China requires the settlement
of the so-called Kampuchean problem as a
pre-condition for the normalization of relations
between Viet Nam and China and claims that it is
the root cause of the Sino- Viet Nam conflict.
Yet it is only too evident that since early 1978
China has used the question of the Hoa
people—Vietnamese of Chinese descent—to launch a
campaign of subversion against Viet Nam, as it
did against Indonesia in 1965 and to invade India
in 1962. They will certainly resort to similar
pretexts when they find it necessary to provoke
conflicts with other coun¬tries in South-East
Asia.
99.	History has proved that policies based on
fabrica¬tions are always doomed to failure. At
present more and more people have become aware of
the fact that the so-called Kampuchean problem is
in essence China's opposition to Viet Nam and the
other Indo- Chinese countries, and not in the
least a conflict between the ASEAN and the
Indo-Chinese countries. The latest developments
in South-East Asia have further enlightened world
public opinion about the fact that the Beijing
leaders are the only ones who do not want peace
or stability in that region. China has time and
again rejected all our proposals aimed at easing
tension on the Viet Nam-China border and at
resuming talks between the two countries to find
a peaceful solution to the disputes. Moreover,
China has sought all ways and means to sabotage
the dialogue between the Indo-Chinese and the
ASEAN countries to settle matters relating to
peace and stability in the region.
100.	Despite the hostile policy being pursued
at pres¬ent by the Chinese leaders against Viet
Nam and the other countries of Indo-China, the
Vietnamese people never look upon the Chinese
people as their enemies. Bearing in mind the
age-old friendship between the two peoples, we
believe that the present abnormality in the
relations between Viet Nam and China is only a
temporary phenomenon. It has been our consistent
policy, and still is, to persevere in peaceful
negotia¬tions to settle all differences between
the two coun¬tries. We stand ready to resume the
Viet Nam-China talks at any level, at any place
and at the earliest pos¬sible time, with the aim
of normalizing relations between the two
countries.
101.	With the desire to promote reconciliation
among the countries in the South-East Asian
region, the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's
Democratic Republic, on behalf of the
Indo-Chinese countries, sent a letter dated 15
September 1982 to the ASEAN countries further
clarifying the proposals made by the Conference
of Foreign Ministers of the Lao People's
Republic, Kampuchea and Viet Nam, held in July
1982 in Ho Chi Minh City, on settling questions
relating to peace and stability in South-East
Asia. We regard these proposals as matters to be
negotiated between the two groups of countries.
We are ready to listen to other views and to
respond positively to the legitimate concerns of
the ASEAN countries. We hold that the two sides
should respect each other's legitimate interests,
that they should respect the principles of
equality, mutual respect, non-imposition of one
side's views upon the other and non-interference
from out¬side. Only in those conditions can all
issues con¬cerning South-East Asia be settled
properly and peace and stability in the region be
guaranteed.
102.	The situation in Kampuchea is developing
favorably. Under the leadership of the Government
of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the
Kam¬puchean people have over the past three years
overcome their most serious difficulties and
hardships and thus have continued the miraculous
rebirth of their nation after the nightmare
caused by the Pol Pot genocidal clique. World
public opinion particularly welcomes the policy
of national unity and concord of the Government
of the People's Republic of Kam¬puchea as
expounded in a recent statement by Mr. Hun Sen,
Vice-President of the Council of Ministers and
Minister for Foreign Affairs, concerning those
Kampucheans who are still in the ranks of the Pol
Pot clique or are collaborating directly or
indirectly with them. If they cease this
collaboration and respect the Constitution of the
People's Republic of Kam¬puchea, they will be
entitled to enjoy all rights of citizenship,
including the right to stand for and vote in
Kampuchea's free elections, in the presence of
foreign observers. With its foreign policy of
peace and non- alignment, the People's Republic
of Kampuchea, together with other countries in
the Indo-Chinese peninsula, is playing an
increasingly active role as a factor for peace
and stability in South-East Asia.
103.	We make this appeal to the international
com¬munity: if for the time being it is unable
actively to assist the Kampuchean people in
accelerating their rebirth and to promote
dialogue and reconciliation between the
Indo-Chinese and ASEAN countries, at least
refrain from doing anything that may poison the
atmosphere, which is improving in this region.
104.	As a Member of the United Nations, the
Socialist Republic of Viet Nam hopes that the
Organization will do its best to perform the
noble tasks entrusted to it by the peoples of the
world. It is regrettable; however, that
throughout the 37 years of its existence, in
spite of the goodwill and com¬mendable efforts of
many Member States, the United Nations has not
yet fulfilled the aspirations of mankind. The
great changes brought about by the peoples of the
world in that period of time in their struggle
for peace, democracy, national independence and
social progress have all taken place outside the
United Nations.
105.	In the course of the struggle of the
Indo- Chinese peoples and countries in the
Moodiest war in history, the United Nations did
not recognize the right of the Indo-Chinese
people to be represented, while the imperialist
and reactionary forces hostile to those three
peoples had an important voice in this
Organization. Today, when the peoples of the
world greatly rejoice at the rebirth of the
Kampuchean people who survived the genocide, the
criminals of the Pol Pot genocidal clique and
their accomplices in the for coalition government
of Democratic Kampucheafor  have not yet been
ousted from this body. However, the rebirth of
the Kampuchean people is absolutely irreversible.
All attempts to reimpose the genocidal regime on
Kampuchea will certainly fail.
106.	Mankind now faces extremely severe
trials. World peace and international security
are being threat¬ened by the frantic arms race
and the policy of insti¬gating chaos in the
world. In such a situation, the peoples of the
world are urging the United Nations to discharge
its responsibility to history. We believe that in
order to strengthen the role and effectiveness of
this Organization and to turn it into a real
instrument of peace and international
co-operation it is essential that Member States
strictly respect the purposes and principles of
the Charter and refrain from turning this
Organization into an instrument for interfering
in the internal affairs of other States and
infringing the sovereignty of other peoples. The
United Nations can accomplish its historic
mission only if it supports the struggle of the
peoples for justice and responds to the ardent
aspirations of billions of people on our planet
for the maintenance of world peace, the defense
of the national independence of peoples, the develop¬ment
of international co-operation and the building of
a prosperous and happy life for all. The
Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will spare no
effort to make its contribution to that noble
cause.