I should like first to congratulate the President, on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, and to wish him every success in this important post. I should like also to express my gratitude to his predecessor, Mr. Salim, for his successful conduct of proceedings.
143.	It is with particular satisfaction that we welcome to the membership of the United Nations the representatives of the freedom loving people of Zimbabwe who, in a long drawn-out and heroic struggle against racism and colonialism, won its independence. There is no doubt that, by its activities in the United Nations, the Republic of Zimbabwe will help promote the triumph of the ideals of peace, cooperation among States and social progress.
144.	We also welcome as a Member of the United Nations Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
145.	The Assembly will recall that, in the 1970s, as a result of the purposeful and persistent efforts of the countries of the socialist community and also of the nonaligned States and progressive and peace-loving forces, and thanks to the sober and realistic approach and sense of responsibility of a number of Western statesmen and leaders, substantial progress was registered in the struggle for peace, security and international cooperation. The danger of war was considerably reduced and diminished. As a result of the deepening process of detente, the preconditions were created for the solution of a number of international problems. Greater prospects emerged for achieving, by means of talks, the elimination of dangerous sources of conflict. Genuine prospects emerged for the accomplishment of considerable progress in efforts aimed at curbing the arms race and reducing the tremendous burden of armaments. There was an acceleration of the process of elimination of the vestiges of colonialism. A start was made on the restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. All that enabled the peoples of the world to entertain well-founded hopes for a peaceful and better future.
146.	Unfortunately, on the threshold of the 1980s, the world has witnessed a turn of events that has threatened the positive gains achieved at the expense of such tremendous effort. That reversal was the result of the activities of those very forces that so fiercely resisted detente from the very beginning and attempted to keep mankind in conditions of cold war, mistrust, hostility and confrontation. The imperialistic, reactionary and hegemonistic forces are pursuing goals that are not at all new in their exacerbation of the international situation.
147.	Recently the United States, with the support of certain countries members of NATO and the present Chinese leadership, has deliberately been stepping up tension in various parts of the world and has brusquely declared those parts of the world to be "spheres of its own vital interest". It has intervened in the internal affairs of sovereign States and has been creating Special Forces for this purpose, such as’ the Rapid Deployment Force’. It has sharply stepped up its military preparations, established new military bases, attempted to forge new military alliances, impeded talks on a number of disarmament questions, increased its military expenditures and created ever newer and more sophisticated forms of weaponry. We have seen how those forces, contrary to the universally acknowledged norms of international relations, have gone so far as to limit political, economic, cultural and other links with socialist countries. The goal of all that could not be clearer: to achieve military supremacy over the socialist countries and to pursue a policy "from a position of strength". That conclusion is most eloquently confirmed by the proclamation of the new nuclear strategy of the United States.
148.	The historic experience of mankind, however, particularly over the last few decades, has made it abundantly clear that the imperialist plans to achieve a dominant position in the world are entirely unrealistic and groundless. Efforts designed to carry out such plans lead only to one thing—the escalation of the arms race and an increase in the danger of armed conflict.
149.	A completely different course, which is in keeping with the true interests of the peoples of the world, is proposed by the socialist countries. In July of this year, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and Chairman of the Council of State of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Todor Zhivkov, stated:
"The major historic task dictated by the times, dictated by life itself, is to produce a system of measures, agreements and understandings in order to guarantee on our planet the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, peace, freedom and the progress of peoples."
150.	This is a task which it is certainly possible to perform.
151.	All that is necessary is to evince the necessary realism and goodwill and do everything possible to eliminate the dangers with which the present international situation is fraught. To this end it is necessary to increase political contacts and exchanges of views. This need was very clearly confirmed at important meetings, which were recently held at the highest level. I refer to the talks between the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, and the President of France, Valery Giscard d'Estaing, and the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Helmut Schmidt.
152.	In order to preserve detente as the dominant trend we must also mobilize all peace-loving forces and world public opinion. We are certain that a considerable contribution to this end is being made by the World Parliament of the Peoples for Peace, currently being held at Sofia, in which representatives of public opinion of more than 130 countries are taking part.
153.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria is a member of the socialist community, whose positions on international issues are well known. They are positions of principle, the aim of which is to strengthen detente, put an end to the arms race, carry out effective disarmament measures, eliminate sources of tension, eradicate the vestiges of colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and apartheid, restructure international economic relations on a just and democratic basis and ensure the observance of all the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
154.	These positions were reaffirmed at the Crimea meetings of the leaders of the socialist countries.
155.	The constancy and resolution with which our countries defend these positions are evidenced by all the proposals put forward by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty over the 25 years of its existence. Some of those proposals have already borne fruit.
156.	I shall confine myself to citing as an example the proposal concerning the convening of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, which some viewed as Utopian when it was first put forward by the countries of the socialist community.
157.	In May of this year the Conference of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty put forward a new initiative concerning the holding of a summit meeting of the leaders of States in all parts of the world to discuss problems connected with the elimination of sources of tension and the prevention of war. We are convinced that a meeting of this kind would do a great deal to ease tension in international relations.
158.	Literally all our proposals can be implemented to good effect if our partners display the political will and readiness to discuss them and to work for the achievement of a sensible compromise.
159.	The achievement of progress in resolving existing problems in any area of international life would undoubtedly contribute to an improvement of the international situation. But there is no doubt that the most important issues arc detente and disarmament, which mean a peaceful future for the world. All countries, large and small, rich and poor, developed and developing, have a vital interest in the achievement of progress in this field, for man's survival depends on whether there is war or peace. Everything depends on the decision whether the resources spent on the elimination and destruction of mankind will instead be spent for the good of mankind, for the elimination of backwardness, hunger, poverty, disease, illiteracy and ignorance. There are sufficient resources available for all needs, including the preservation and restoration of the human environment, housing, factories, irrigation, and schools—for everything that ensures man's progress. That is why the socialist countries strive consistently for the strengthening of peace and detente, the achievement of progress in disarmament and the development of cooperation among peoples. Examples and proof of this are the new initiatives put forward by the Soviet Union at the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
160.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria wholeheartedly supports the proposal to include in the agenda of this session as a particularly important and urgent matter, an item entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war". We believe that it would benefit the cause of peace and security for the General Assembly, at this session, to express its opposition to the extension of existing military and political groupings and the creation of new military blocs; to call upon all States, and above all the permanent members of the Security Council and countries linked with them by military agreements, not to increase the strength of their armed  forces or their conventional armaments as from a given date, as a first step towards their subsequent reduction; to declare that it is in favour of the nuclear Powers taking agreed steps to strengthen the security guarantees of nonnuclear States; and to support the immediate conclusion of a treaty on the general and complete prohibition of nuclear weapon tests and the declaration of a one year moratorium on nuclear tests of any kind.
161.	In the course of more than three decades the United Nations has adopted a considerable number of useful resolutions and decisions in the field of disarmament and strengthening of international security. The Assembly's agenda still contains many constructive proposals, put forward by the Soviet Union and other States, which have preserved to this very day their validity and relevance. In this connexion, a new memorandum put forward by the Soviet Union and entitled "Peace, disarmament and international security guarantees", calls for mobilization of the efforts of all States, large and small, to curb the arms race and strengthen political and international legal guarantees of prevention of the danger of a new war and of preservation of peace. This is an appeal to all State leaders, to their conscience and to their sense of responsibility before mankind.
162.	We are convinced that attention should be focused on the adoption of measures to halt the manufacture of all types of nuclear weapons and to gradually reduce existing stockpiles until their complete elimination. It is our belief that the conclusion of a treaty on the non-use of force in international relations and of an agreement on the strengthening of security guarantees for nonnuclear States would increase trust and give a powerful impetus to the process of real disarmament.
163.	Along with measures in the field of nuclear disarmament, we should persist in our efforts to ensure the elimination of other means of mass destruction, such as chemical and radiological weapons, the prevention of the emergence of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction as well as the early reduction of stockpiles of conventional weapons.
164.	Within the European context we attach primary importance to the following questions: the successful holding, at Madrid, of the second review session of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, at which a decision should be taken to convene a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe; the immediate initiation of talks on medium range nuclear missiles in the European continent simultaneously and in organic link with the forward based American nuclear weapons; and the attainment of an agreement on the mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in central Europe, real prospects for which are created by the constructive proposals recently submitted by the socialist countries.
165.	We welcome the important proposal to consider the problem of the "Historical responsibility of States for the preservation of nature for present and future generations" [item 120). Taking the necessary steps concerning this question would be a significant contribution to the solution of a problem of vital importance to mankind.
166.	Concurrently with the efforts to take new measures designed to stop the arms race and achieve disarmament, particular attention should be focused on the problem of enhancing the effectiveness of existing international instruments which are in force in this field by making the participation of States in them universal. We believe that the United Nations can and must contribute substantially to the practical solution of this important topical question.
167.	In order to ease tension in international relations it is necessary to extinguish the hotbeds of tension in various parts of the world.
168.	The seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to the question of Palestine and held from 22 to 29 July this year, has proved once again that the Middle East conflict cannot be resolved without a resolution of the Palestinian issue. It is clear to all, though not all concede it, that separate agreements not only have failed to bring about peace, but have complicated the situation in the region still further. They encourage Israel to take increasingly brazen actions, as exemplified by the annexation of East Jerusalem.
169.	The development of the Middle East crisis demonstrates that there can be no just and lasting settlement to the conflict until such time as Israel withdraws from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967, until the Arab people of Palestine exercises its inalienable right to self-determination, including the right to create its own sovereign State, and until the independent existence and security of all States and peoples in the region are guaranteed.
170.	All parties concerned, including the Arab people of Palestine, through its sole legitimate representative, PLO, must participate in the settlement of the Middle East problem.
171.	The outbreak of armed conflict between Iran and Iraq has given rise to serious disquiet. We hope that hostilities will cease and that both sides will find a solution, by peaceful means, to the problems that exist between them.
172.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria is adhering to its position of principle that the question of Cyprus should be settled in a peaceful way in the interests of both the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, on the basis of the preservation of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of the Republic of Cyprus and respect for its policy of nonalignment.
173.	Our country supports the policy of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, a policy aimed at ensuring favourable conditions for a peaceful and democratic reunification of Korea.
174.	Serious concern arises in connection with the military bases which have lately been established around socialist Ethiopia. They threaten the security of that country and of all nations in the region. We fully support the aspirations of the Ethiopian people to peaceful development, the safeguard of the territorial integrity of their homeland and the ending of any interference whatsoever in Ethiopia's internal affairs.
175.	The agenda item entitled "Question of peace, stability and cooperation in Southeast Asia" which is to be considered at this session on the proposal of a number of countries, including Bulgaria, is directly linked with the question of the relaxation of tensions and the strengthening of world peace, security and detente throughout the world. The People's Republic of Bulgaria supports the efforts of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea to make of Southeast Asia a zone of peace and stability, to promote peaceful coexistence in the region and to settle disputed questions through negotiations. Because of the incessant activities of the imperialist and hegemonistic forces, the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the States in the region are being constantly violated or threatened. These forces are stepping up their efforts to impose their will on the countries in the region. They are not giving up their efforts to undermine the peaceful reconstruction which the heroic people of Kampuchea, having thrown off for good the yoke of the criminal clique of Pol Pot, are now carrying out.
176.	The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria insists that the Kampuchean people be represented at the United Nations by their sole legitimate representative, namely, the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
177.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria supports unconditionally the struggle of peoples all over the world for national independence, against domination and exploitation and for social progress. The efforts to attain those ideals constitute an objective process which the imperialist and reactionary quarters are trying to stifle through the use of coercion, military threats and violations of the sovereignty of independent States.
178.	The "undeclared war" waged by the forces of imperialism, hegemonism and counterrevolution against the sovereign Democratic Republic of Afghanistan with the aim of destroying the acquisitions of the April revolution is still going on. This not only hinders the peaceful and constructive activity of the Afghan people, but also impedes a political settlement of the problem and represents a direct threat to international peace and security. The People's Republic of Bulgaria, which fully supports the people and the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, is confident that the political settlement of the problem can be achieved only on the basis of the constructive, realistic programme announced by the Afghan Government on 15 May 1980.
179.	Unfortunately, the imperialist and reactionary forces which continue their interference in Afghanistan have as yet given no sign whatever of a positive attitude towards such a settlement.
180.	This fact has at least one explanation: the extinguishing of the hotbed of tension in Afghanistan would deprive them of pretexts for continuing their propaganda clamour, and then it would become abundantly clear to all that the long-term plans of the imperialist and hegemonistic forces for obtaining world supremacy, rather than the events in Afghanistan, are at the bottom of the present aggravation of international tensions.
181.	Twenty years ago, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. We can now note with satisfaction the decisive role that the Declaration has played in mobilizing world public opinion for the eradication of one of the most degrading phenomena in human history, namely, colonialism. The People's Republic of Bulgaria is deservedly proud of having invariably sided, along with the other socialist and progressive States, with the colonial peoples and of continuing to render its contribution to the triumph of their just struggle for national liberation.
182.	But unfortunately that struggle has not yet ended.
183.	The question of Namibia and the policies of apartheid pursued by the racist regime of South Africa persist and are as acute as ever. My country supports the struggle of the people of Namibia led by its sole authentic representative [SWAPO].
184.	We reaffirm our position of principle in favour of the granting of full independence to the people of Namibia.
185.	However, we oppose attempts to resolve this question outside the framework of the United Nations, or to use the Organization as the means of imposing on the Namibian people a kind of "independence" which would, in essence, protect foreign interests.
186.	All that I have said so far is based on the principles which underlie our foreign policy and our relations with neighbouring and distant countries. Thanks to that policy we have good relations with all our neighbours. There is now in the Balkans a prevailing desire for peace, cooperation and good neighbourliness, and the People's Republic of Bulgaria is by no means playing the smallest role in the attainment of those objectives.
187.	The establishment of new international economic relations among all the States of the world is one of the key issues at present. The possibilities of solving this problem depend directly on the strengthening of peace and security and the development and deepening of the process of detente, as well as on the implementation of practical measures for disarmament.
188.	The deepening crisis of the capitalist economic system is having a negative impact on international economic relations. In the field of foreign trade that crisis has led to a slowing down of the rate of development of international trade, the constant growth of protectionism and the exacerbation of the monetary problems of a number of capitalist countries. As a result, the economic conditions in many developing countries have deteriorated and their ability to use their international economic ties for the solution of their development problems has been restricted. The eleventh special session of the General Assembly demonstrated once again that the scope, the depth and multifaceted nature of the contemporary crisis phenomena require a radical transformation of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis rather than a mere adjustment of the existing machinery.
189.	In accordance with the position of principle of the countries members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, we fully support the efforts of the developing countries to achieve economic independence. Our solidarity with them in their struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, for the elimination of relations of inequality and subordination imposed upon them by the imperialists and for the right to dispose freely of their own natural resources will remain firm.
190.	In conclusion, I should like to emphasize that in the 35 years of its existence, in circumstances of dynamic and contradictory international relations, the United Nations has contributed significantly to the strengthening of peace and detente, the promotion and deepening of the positive trends and processes in the world and the solution of many complicated international problems.
191.	Throughout the years of its membership in the United Nations, the People's Republic of Bulgaria has remained faithful to those noble goals and has contributed to their achievement. The people and the Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria reaffirm their willingness to continue their active and steadfast efforts to ensure the implementation of the purposes and principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, in order to support the aspirations of mankind to peace, cooperation, freedom and social progress.


 Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, to congratulate Mr. von Wechmar on his election to the high office of the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We hope that under his chairmanship the current session will make a notable contribution to the cause of strengthening international peace and security. We should like to assure him that the Afghan delegation will fully cooperate with him and help him in every way to discharge his duties.
113.	May we also express our appreciation to his predecessor, the prominent Tanzanian statesman and diplomat, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, for his skilful conduct of the deliberations of the last few sessions of the General Assembly.
114.	We should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts to make the United Nations more efficient in maintaining peace and security.
115.	Permit me at the very beginning of my statement heartily to congratulate the delegations of the Republic of Zimbabwe and of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on the admission of their newly born States to the United Nations. Their accession to independence is one more step towards the complete and final elimination of the obnoxious system of colonialism.
116.	This session of the General Assembly has begun its deliberations at a time when the international situation is not as good as one would wish it to be. Certain quarters are desperately trying to reverse the course of world developments, to quell those healthy trends in international life which became known as detente or the relaxation of international tension and to bring the world back to the ill-famed time of the cold war.
117.	The present international situation is characterized by an acute struggle between the forces coming out in defence of peace, strict respect for the rights of peoples and the lessening of international tension and those forces which propagate and practise violence, oppression, militarism and aggression.
118.	Dangerous trends in world politics are visible enough and, unless they are stopped, the world could be brought to the brink of war. The main source of danger to world peace is the reckless and irresponsible policy of United States imperialism and the Beijing hegemonists. Seeking military supremacy over the socialist countries, the United States is stepping up the arms race, pressuring its allies into following the same course and trying to avoid the settlement of outstanding problems and disputes by peaceful means of negotiation.
119.	Particularly worrisome are certain of the latest trends in the policy of the United States, namely the concept of a so-called limited nuclear war expounded by the Pentagon in the United States Presidential Directive. That concept is designed to blur the distinction between conventional and nuclear conflict and it may create fatal illusions.
120.	Afghanistan is an Asian country and as such follows with concern the development of events on the great continent of Asia. On the one hand, the characteristic feature of political life in Asia is the strengthening of the will and determination of the peoples of the continent for peace and peaceful cc operation, for social progress and the consolidation of national sovereignty. On the other hand, one can see the dangerous activities of forces which are hostile to the course of freedom of the Asian peoples. Imperialists and Chinese hegemonists are seriously aggravating and complicating the situation in Asia.
121.	Peace and security in Asia are threatened by continuing Israeli aggression against the Arab nations under the cover of separate deals supported by United States imperialism and by the fact that the Palestinian Arabs continue to be deprived of their national rights, including their rights to return to their homeland and to establish an independent sovereign national State.
122.	Peace and security in Asia are threatened by an unprecedented build-up of United States military and naval forces in the Arabian Sea, the Gulf and the Red Sea. In recent months the United States has concentrated in those areas more than 30 naval vessels, including some aircraft carrier groups, several thousand Marines and hundreds of military aircraft. United States imperialism has already tried to use those forces to commit an act of outright aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
123.	Peace and security in Asia are threatened by the attempts of the Beijing hegemonists and United States imperialists to destabilize the situation in IndoChina, for which purpose they stage military provocations on the Sino Vietnamese border and provocative actions by the remnants of the Pol Pot bands against the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
124.	Those are the real sources of tension and instability in Asia. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, together with all other peace-loving Asian countries, comes out in favour of normalization and the establishment of good neighbourly relations throughout the continent of Asia and for the elimination by peaceful means of hotbeds of tension and military conflicts.
125.	The position of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on a peaceful settlement in the Middle East is well known. It was recently spelled out in detail at the emergency special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the Palestinian question.
126.	Afghanistan resolutely condemns the separate behind the scenes deals between the Egyptian President and the Israeli Zionist clique. The capitulatory course of Sadat's regime and its separate treaty with Zionists have blocked the way to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Great damage has thus been done to the cause of the national independence of Arab and African peoples and, in the first place, to the just struggle of the Arab people of Palestine for their freedom and the restoration of their inalienable national rights.
127.	A just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be established only on the following foundations: there must be complete and unconditional withdrawal of all Israeli troops from all the Arab territories occupied by Israel in 1967, including Jerusalem, and the elimination of all the consequences of the Israeli aggression; there must also be realization of the inalienable legitimate national rights of the Arab people of Palestine and, first of all, of their right to self-determination, including the establishment of their own independent and sovereign State and the recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine, along with the participation of the PLO in all the stages of the Middle East settlement. The world community should demand strict implementation of resolution ES7/2 adopted by the General Assembly at its seventh emergency special session, devoted to Palestine, which reaffirmed the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian Arabs and demanded the complete and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli troops from all the occupied Arab lands, to start before 15 November 1980.
128.	Israeli aggression in the south of Lebanon, the victims of which are the civilian population and Palestinian refugees, must cease: longsuffering southern Lebanon should be protected from Israeli aggressors. The continued interference of Zionists in the internal affairs of the Lebanon, their attempts to split the country and to annex its southern part, should be resolutely condemned and effectively prevented.
129.	The people and the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan reject with indignation the decision of the Tel Aviv Knesset declaring Jerusalem to be the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. It is a flagrant violation of all the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, including the resolution approved by the recent emergency special session on the Palestinian question. The outright and blatant annexation by Israel of a city most sacred to all Moslems and followers of other faiths cannot leave silent or indifferent any Moslems or any peace-loving people throughout the world.
130.	The Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is of the opinion that the Security Council should without further delay take the most effective measures, including the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, in order to prevent Israel from moving its capital to Jerusalem. The restoration of the Holy City of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty is an indispensable condition for a durable peace in the Middle East. All those who try to block such a decision of the Security Council by misusing their right of veto will deeply hurt the feelings and sentiments of hundreds of millions of Moslems and be held responsible for all the consequences of such an act.
131.	The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan condemns the unprecedented military and naval build-up of the United States in the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf and the Red Sea, which has been continuing for more than a year now. We expires our concern over the feverish activity of the Pentagon aimed at the expansion of the existing United States bases in those areas, particularly the base on Diego Garcia, and the establishment of new ones. The agreements to this effect recently concluded between the United States and Oman, Somalia, Egypt and Kenya are causing concern to the other countries of the area and all peace-loving peoples of Asia. These moves create a direct threat of armed interference in the internal affairs of the oil rich countries of the Middle East, the Gulf area and the Indian Ocean region.
132.	The American military and naval build up in the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf and the Red Sea runs counter to the numerous decisions of the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement relating to the transformation of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. It is very important, therefore, to facilitate concrete measures aimed at reaching this goal. Afghanistan for its part is ready to cooperate actively in this with other countries of the area and will take part in the international Conference on the Indian Ocean, to be held at Colombo in 1981 within the United Nations framework.
133.	The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is following with concern the events in Southeast Asia. The Afghan people resolutely condemn the armed provocations of Chinese hegemonists against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. We wholeheartedly support the constructive proposals concerning the settlement of the situation in Southeast Asia put forward by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea. The three States have expressed their readiness to sign with Thailand bilateral or multilateral treaties of nonaggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs and refusal to allow anybody to use their territory as a base against the other contracting parties. We welcome other initiatives of the three Indo-China States aimed at creating a zone of peace and stability in Southeast Asia.
134.	Democratic Republic of Afghanistan condemns the continuing illegal presence in the United Nations of the Pol Pot henchmen. We demand the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the United Nations. Only the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, which enjoys the support of all the Kampuchean people and exercises complete control over the country, has the right to represent Kampuchea in the world arena, the United Nations and other international bodies.
135.	Imperialist and hegemonist quarters try to cover up their aggressive schemes in Asia by making a great hue and cry about events in Afghanistan and around it. But it must be clear to any impartial observer that Afghanistan and the Afghan people do not constitute any threat to anyone.
136.	Having launched their national democratic anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution in April 1978, the people of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan are engaged in the creative labour of eliminating the vestiges of the outdated feudal system and building a new society free from exploitation of man by man. This course was chosen by the Afghan people of their own free will and they will defend their freedom, independence, national dignity and honour to the last drop of their blood.
137.	As a nonaligned country, Afghanistan steadfastly pursues a policy of peace, friendship and cooperation with all countries willing to reciprocate. Article 12 of the Fundamental Principles of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan—the provisional constitution of the country reads as follows:
"The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, a peace loving country, will make serious efforts to protect and strengthen friendly relations with other countries, especially the neighbouring nations and all Moslem countries and States, on the basis of mutual respect for one another's national independence, national sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in one another's internal affairs."
138.	Babrak Karmal, Secretary General of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, President of the Revolutionary Council and Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan said recently:
"Afghanistan is a steadfast advocate of peace and friendship among various independent nations... and aspires to peaceful settlement of misunderstandings and problems among nations and States of the region and of the world."
139.	We regret to say that these peaceful aspirations of the Afghan people have not been reciprocated in certain quarters. Since the very beginning of the April revolution, imperialism, Chinese hegemonism and some reactionary regimes of the area have been engaged in hostile activities against Afghanistan. They help in every possible way the counterrevolutionary gangs which have taken refuge in the neighbouring countries; they supply them with modern weapons and military hardware; they send their instructors to train armed bandits, who daily intrude into the territory of Afghanistan, kill innocent people, including women, children and the elderly, burn schools and hospitals and murder teachers and doctors.
140.	Unfortunately, all these hostile activities emanating from the territories of the neighbouring countries are conducted with the connivance and even tacit support and encouragement of the authorities of these countries.
141.	The Afghan people and army, under the leadership of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, could easily suppress the resistance of the counterrevolution, if it were not for the broad and active support of these forces by imperialism, especially United States imperialism, Chinese hegemonists and some reactionary Islamic regimes. Because of this support, the scope and intensity of foreign aggression and other forms of interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan have been continuously increasing.
142.	Armed aggression from the outside and other forms of foreign interference reached such proportions that the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan had to ask the Soviet Union to send a limited contingent of troops to render assistance to the Afghan army in repelling outside aggression. This contingent was dispatched to Afghanistan upon the request of the Revolutionary Council and on the basis of the existing and valid Afghan Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighbourliness and Cooperation of 5 December 1978, and in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations to help Afghan armed forces to defend the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
143.	The hostile activities from the territories of Pakistan and Iran notwithstanding, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has on many occasions expressed its willingness and sincere desire to have normal, friendly relations with its neighbours. The peoples of Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan have centuries old traditional, historical, cultural and economic ties with common roots and a common heritage. There is nothing to divide them; they may happily live in peace and friendship. It is only the imperialists that try to divide us so as to rule in our part of the world.
144.	On 14 May of this year we put forward an elaborate programme for the political settlement of the situation that has developed around Afghanistan and the normalization of relations with Iran and Pakistan by peaceful means, by direct bilateral negotiations. The objective of such a political settlement should be guaranteed complete termination and non- resumption of all acts of armed aggression against Afghanistan and other forms of interference from the outside directed against the Government and people of Afghanistan. Negotiations on political settlement and normalization of relations with Pakistan and Iran can be held only on the basis of strict respect for the sovereignty and sovereign rights of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
145.	The question of the withdrawal of the limited Soviet military contingent from Afghanistan should be resolved within the context of a political settlement. The cessation and guaranteed non-recurrence of military incursions and all other forms of interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan would eliminate the reasons which prompted Afghanistan to request the Soviet Union to send that contingent into its territory.
146.	The constructive peaceful proposals of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to that effect were widely acclaimed by progressive and peace-loving forces all over the world. They were positively assessed by the realistic and sober-minded statesmen in some Western countries. Now it is up to the Governments at Teheran and Islamabad to respond to those proposals.
147.	The taking of practical steps in the direction of political settlement around Afghanistan and the improvement of the situation in that area have been facilitated by the withdrawal from Afghanistan, by agreement with the Afghan Government, of those Soviet troops the presence of which was no longer necessary given the conditions of continuing stabilization of the situation in the country. That stabilization is the result of serious defeats sustained by the counterrevolutionary bands sent in from the outside.
148.	We are ready to sit down at the negotiating table as soon as Pakistan and Iran are ready to do so. But it goes without saying that the conduct of negotiations should not be accompanied by the continuance of hostile activities against Afghanistan from their territories.
149.	We are well aware that all sorts of obstacles in the way to such settlement are being created by the United States as well as by the Chinese hegemonists, who for these purposes use the ruling circles of Pakistan and some reactionary circles in Iran.
150.	But we are quite confident that the trend towards political settlement will eventually prevail, and that that will have a positive effect on the situation in the area and improve the political climate in the world as a whole.
151.	Afghanistan, having friendly relations with Iraq, and being a neighbour of Iran, is following with deep concern the armed conflict between those two countries. We sincerely hope that the Governments of Iraq and Iran will desist from steps that may cause the situation to worsen still further, and that they will find peaceful ways and means of resolving their dispute.
152.	That is the position of principle of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on the issue of the elimination of hotbeds of tension in Asia in general and around Afghanistan in particular. We are grateful to all friendly countries, and to Cuba and India in particular, that have made sincere efforts to use their good offices to facilitate a peaceful political settlement of the situation in the region.
153.	It is a plain truth that durable peace and the irreversible process of detente are inconceivable unless effective measures are taken to curb the arms race and to start effective disarmament. It is a sad comment that more than $400 billion is spent annually on armaments while hundreds of millions of people go hungry and the gap between developing and developed countries is increasing at an alarming rate.
154.	It must be noted though that, thanks to the relentless efforts of the socialist and other peace-loving countries and in spite of the stubborn resistance of those in imperialist and hegemonistic quarters, it has been possible to make some tangible advance in certain directions towards stopping the arms race.
155.	But many important problems on which mankind's peaceful future and progress depend have not yet been resolved, especially in the field of ending the arms race, which continues to intensify, thus increasingly threatening the process of detente, peace and the security of peoples.
156.	Therefore Afghanistan wholeheartedly supports the initiatives and proposals put forward last May by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, in particular the proposal to hold in the near future, at the highest level, a meeting of leaders of States of all the regions of the world. Afghanistan agrees that such a meeting should concentrate on key issues of international life and chart ways to eliminate pockets of international tension and to prevent the outbreak of war.
157.	Of great significance would be the entry into force of the SALT II treaty, ratification of which continues to be delayed by the United States. Very important also are negotiations on limiting medium range missile systems in Europe, simultaneously and in organic interrelation with the United States forward based nuclear systems.
158.	There are a number of vitally important items on the agenda of the current session directly related to disarmament and the curbing of the nuclear arms race. My delegation would like to comment briefly on them.
159.	It goes without saying that a major goal of the United Nations should be to facilitate termination of the arms race and gradual transition to arms reduction. Of paramount importance is termination of the nuclear arms race, which constitutes a threat to the very existence of mankind.
160.	There is a good basis for negotiations on stopping the nuclear arms race and on disarmament—that is, the realistic set of proposals put forward by the USSR and other socialist countries, which embrace practically every aspect of this problem. Among them is a proposal to hold negotiations with the participation of all nuclear Powers and some non-nuclear States on the cessation of the production of nuclear weapons of all types and the gradual reduction of their stockpiles until they are completely liquidated. It is logical that simultaneously appropriate international legal guarantees of the security of States be worked out. An important step in that direction would be a treaty on the non-use of force in international relations.
161.	Year after year the United Nations General Assembly has kept approving a resolution on the urgent need for the cessation of the testing of nuclear weapons, calling upon nuclear weapon States to expedite the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty. We highly appreciate the constructive flexible position of the Soviet Union on this issue and call upon other participants in the negotiations to be as flexible in order to reach an agreement on this vitally important issue as soon as possible.
162.	In the context of curbing the nuclear arms race, it is urgent to strengthen still further the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Although 112 States have acceded to that Treaty, it is very important to make it truly universal. We are still far from that goal, for there are now 154 States Members of the United Nations, to say nothing of States non-members.
163.	The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan expresses great concern—and we are confident that this concern is shared by the world community—over the attempts of Israel and South Africa to get access to nuclear weapon technology. At this session the General Assembly should consider the experts' report on this issue, and stringent measures should be taken to prevent such an eventuality.
164.	The cause of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons would be considerably advanced if two important steps were taken: namely, the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of security guarantees for non-nuclear States and an agreement on the non-stationing of nuclear weapons in the territories of States where there are no such weapons at present.
165.	Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons can also be promoted by the creation of nuclear weapon free zones in various parts of the world: in Southeast Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan strongly supports that idea and is in favour of practical measures in that direction.
166.	We follow with concern the reports on the attempts by Pakistan to gain access to nuclear weapon technology. Should this happen, it may aggravate the tension in the area still further.
167.	Apart from nuclear weapons, there are other sophisticated weapons of highly destructive and lethal power. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan notes with regret the rather slow progress in the Soviet American negotiations aimed at outlawing chemical weapons: that is mainly the result of the position of the United States delegation. We hope that the current session will approve a resolution helping to solve this question.
168.	This session, in our view, should facilitate practical steps for reaching an agreement on the prohibition of the development and production of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons, as well as give an additional impetus to the negotiations on banning radiological weapons and highly inhumane neutron weapons.
169.	Afghanistan supports steps aimed at banning new types of conventional arms having a great destructive potential, in particular an agreement by the permanent members of the Security Council and their allies to renounce the build-up of their armed forces and conventional arms.
170.	It is the firm view of the Afghan delegation that the measures to which I have referred, aimed at curbing the race in conventional and nuclear weapons, should become an integral part of the programme of action of the second Disarmament Decade. An important role could be played in this respect by the second special session of the General Assembly on disarmament, scheduled for 1982, and the World Disarmament Conference. In our view, the World Disarmament Conference has to be convened soon after the special session. We hope that the 1980s will be a decade of substantial progress on the way to guaranteeing lasting peace and security in the world.
171.	In the present complicated world situation, no effort should be spared to defuse the tension, to improve the international situation and to arrest the adverse course of developments. It is in that context that we welcome the proposal of the Soviet Union to include in the agenda of this session the item entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war".
172.	The measures to this effect provided for in the Soviet draft resolution, when implemented, will ease the burden of military expenditures of States, strengthen the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and create favourable conditions for a breakthrough in the field of curbing the arms race and disarmament. The Afghan delegation is therefore willing to support this draft resolution.
173.	We also support the proposal of the USSR aimed at ensuring greater care and concern by States for the conservation of the earth's nature. Today, Mother Nature is primarily a victim of the arms race, and the most effective way to protect her is to curb the arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race.
174.	The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan belongs to the nonaligned movement, which is a considerable positive factor in present-day international politics. Within the non-aligned movement, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, together with other progressive nonaligned countries, struggles for the strengthening of peace and international security, the implementation of disarmament, the creation of zones of peace, the liquidation of foreign military bases on the territories of others, for the inadmissibility of any outside interference in the internal affairs of States and the creation of a new international economic order on a just and democratic basis.
175.	Twenty years have passed since the adoption by the United Nations of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The face of the world has changed radically during those 20 years. More than 100 countries have acceded to independence since then, and the United Nations membership has increased accordingly. The colonial system is practically dead, but not yet buried; there are still vestiges of colonialism and racism in some parts of the world. The ugly face of neo-colonialism still exists as well. The abhorrent and inhuman regime of apartheid still survives in South Africa.
176.	The best way for this Assembly to mark the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is to take effective and resolute measures to do away completely and irrevocably with the last vestiges of colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and apartheid. The best way to do that is to extend all possible assistance to all the peoples and their national liberation movements that are still fighting against these evils for their freedom, self-determination and independence, for their dignity and honour.
177.	We stand side by side with our African brothers, and we support the heroic people of Namibia who, under the leadership of SWAPO, are fighting against the South African occupation force for their freedom, self-determination and independence.
178.	We express our solidarity with the people of South Africa who are waging a valiant struggle against the brutal apartheid regime of Pretoria. Effective decisions aimed at the further economic, political and diplomatic isolation of that regime and of those countries which support it must be taken at this session.
179.	The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan supports the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, under the leadership of the POLISARIO Front, for self-determination and independence.
180.	Afghanistan condemns the brutal repression of the people of South Korea by the despotic Seoul regime and the continuing occupation of South Korea by United States troops. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan supports the just and persistent efforts of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at the peaceful and democratic reunification of Korea.
181.	The General Assembly, in our view, should denounce the attempts by the United States to annex the territory of Micronesia under various pretexts and thus to deprive the Micronesian people of their legitimate right to self-determination and independence. Such a step would be a violation of Article 76 of the Charter of the United Nations.
182.	We express our solidarity with the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in their struggle against imperialist intrigues and attempts to destabilize the situation in some countries of that area. Our sympathy goes to the peoples of Chile, Bolivia and El Salvador who are fighting the military dictatorships in those countries. We denounce those quarters which give military and financial support to these reactionary and brutally repressive regimes.
183.	Afghanistan invariably and consistently advocates the maintenance of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and strict respect for its policy of nonalignment. A realistic and viable settlement of the Cyprus problem should provide for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the island and the removal of all foreign military bases. A just and lasting solution of this problem is possible only on the basis and within the framework of the relevant decisions of the United Nations.
184.	The vestiges of neo-colonialist exploitation are felt most of all in the sphere of international economic relations. The iron grip of the transnational corporations on the economy of the developing countries and the selfish, greedy economic policies and discriminatory protectionist measures of the developed capitalist countries are the main obstacles in the way of the economic growth and development of the majority of countries of Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. We regret that the imperialist countries have not shown the desired response and political will vis-à-vis the proposals and suggestions put forward at the recent eleventh special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the economic development decade. In order to break the resistance and opposition of imperialist monopolies to the establishment of new, equitable and just economic relations based on truly democratic principles, unity is needed between the developing countries, the socialist countries and all progressive forces of the world.
185.	Afghanistan considers the United Nations to be an indispensable instrument for maintaining international peace and security, and we shall continue our efforts towards enhancing its effectiveness on the basis of strict observance of the Charter and a further strengthening of its role in responding effectively and promptly to situations which tend to threaten world peace and security.
186.	In concluding my statement, I should like to express the hope of my delegation that the first General Assembly session of the 1980s will make a tangible and positive contribution to the solution of outstanding acute world problems and will make the world a safer and better place to live in.
187.	I assure members that Afghanistan will spare no effort to bring the world nearer to a lasting peace; to put a reliable, ironclad barrier in the way of those who would like to drag mankind into a new confrontation; to preserve detente; and to save present and succeeding generations from the scourge of war.


The task of the President of the General Assembly becomes more difficult each year, due in part to the special sessions of the Assembly. It is therefore a cause for satisfaction to know that a diplomat of the stature of Baron Rudiger von Wechmar, whose outstanding personal qualities, great diplomatic ability and skill are well known to us, has been entrusted with guiding this Assembly. We also extend our greetings to him as a representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, a country with which Suriname has long-standing relations of friendship and co-operation and which plays an increasingly important role in the shaping of world affairs. We are confident that his extensive knowledge of United Nations affairs will be a major asset to the successful work of this session.
2.	We offer special thanks to his predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. At the time of his election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth General Assembly session we were certain that he would perform his task excellently in all respects, for Ambassador Salim always exceeded our expectations.
3. We include in our expressions of thanks the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who once again put forth his best efforts in the performance of his difficult tasks, especially that of promoting international peace and security.
4.	When Suriname was admitted to our international Organization in 1975, our country had reached quite satisfactory political and economic levels. Before its independence, Suriname was already autonomous in its domestic affairs, while it had the right to have a say in the foreign relations of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, of which it formed a part. The natural resources of the country, especially in the areas of land, forestry and mining, offered good prospects for a favourable economic development. Consequently, Suriname amply met the conditions which are indispensable for real independence in the community of nations.
5.	What holds true for individual persons, however— namely, that the availability of sufficient means does not guarantee growth towards spiritual adulthood—also holds true for a country, as an association of individuals. For the development of a country towards true independence, it is certainly required that the State organs act according to certain moral values in order to prevent disorder, stagnation and deterioration. I regret to say that in recent years those norms were not observed in an appropriate manner, as a result of which our country was threatened with slipping into a deep abyss.
6.	Since 15 March of this year we have had a new Government in our country, and it has undertaken a total renovation of policies. We have set ourselves the goal of arresting the process of moral and physical deterioration which had unfortunately set in during recent years and of guiding the country on a new course oriented to the development of Suriname and its people for the benefit of the people.
7.	We are well aware that this will have only symbolic value if the management of the country is not supported by our people in all walks of life. The process of renovation is already in progress and will be completed in the following sectors: the governmental and political order, the social welfare order, the social economic order and the education order.
8.	The Government of Suriname will lead the country in a truly democratic spirit, and in accordance with the best democratic standards and traditions, in order to realize these objectives, in which it has the full support of the people, the National Military Council and other functional groups. It is our desire at all costs to prevent our country from again t 'king the road of increasing injustice and arbitrariness. We particularly want to prevent development from benefiting only a small group of privileged persons, Extremism, whether from the far right or the extreme left, is not welcome in Suriname. The policy pursued by the Government is aimed at establishing social peace and justice for all. This places the Government slightly left of centre.
9.	Our country fully respects its bilateral and multilateral commitments, in particular those enshrined in the Charter of our Organization, the authentic principles of the non- aligned movement and those of the Organization of American States.
10.	It is our intention to strengthen our ties with other progressive Governments, both in the region and elsewhere. Suriname will continue to conduct its foreign policy as a truly independent State, guided by the abovementioned principles. It has no intention whatsoever of becoming a satellite State.
11.	Suriname favours a world order based on mutual respect and dialogue among States and respect for human rights. In our opinion, relations between States should not be determined by elements of power. In no way should differences in military or economic might determine these relations. Countries should be able to settle their own internal affairs, free from outside interference, and to develop along the lines decided by their people.
12.	The delegation of Suriname therefore views with great concern the expanding war between Iran and Iraq. The continued war between these two non-aligned nations could develop into a most serious threat to international peace. Consequently, my delegation urgently calls upon the Governments of Iran and Iraq to comply with Security Council resolution 479 (1980) of 28 September 1980.
13.	Within a period of seven months the Government of Suriname had to deal with two planned coups intended to end the reforming process set in motion in our country after 25 February of this year. The first action pitted against the Government elements of the old regime, which harboured the intention to return the previous incompetent, corrupt and arrogant rightist regime to power. The second action pitted extremists from the left against the Government and was even more dangerous. To keep matters under control, the Government had to declare a state of emergency and dissolve Parliament. Consequently, the Constitution had to be suspended.
14.	A new Constitution is now being drafted. As an intermediate step, an Assembly will be appointed until a new Parliament is elected. The Assembly will consist of representatives of various functional groups of the population, labour unions included. Those unions continue to function normally. In addition, a planning council will be established. It will be a tripartite organ in which representatives of Government, workers and employers will collectively bear responsibility for Suriname's economic policies.
15.	Our population warmly supports the liquidation of the old corruptive system. Those who have profiteered under that system will be held responsible. Consequently, a special court has been established to deal with the large number of corruption cases. That special court will observe internationally accepted principles of criminal law and conduct its sessions in accordance with fair judicial procedures. Therefore, the defendants are guaranteed a fair trial. We should welcome observers to the proceedings of the court, which will be open to the press and the public.
16.	' My delegation warmly welcomes the arrival in our midst of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Zimbabwe as independent States. On this happy occasion we extend our most cordial congratulations to the Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and the Government of Zimbabwe on their membership of the world Organization. We are convinced that they will make an important contribution to the translation of the objectives and principles of the United Nations into reality.
17.	Since the independence of Zimbabwe could only be achieved after the defeat of the forces of colonialism and racism, the emergence of that country on 18 April of this year as an independent nation and its subsequent admission as a new Member of the United Nations during the recent special session of the General Assembly on economic development has a special significance for peoples all over the world who are interested in justice, human dignity, and peace.
18.	The result of the struggle in Zimbabwe is the light at the end of the tunnel for peoples still struggling for justice and human dignity. We salute the courageous people of Zimbabwe and wish them well in all their future endeavours.
19.	A special tribute goes to the Government of Great Britain which as the administering Power combined wisdom and resoluteness in the critical hours of Zimbabwe's transition to independence.
20.	The admission of new Members to the world Organization in a year in which commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is envisaged highlights the important work being done by the Special Committee on the situation with regard to the implementation of that Declaration. We commend the Special Committee for its important work in eliminating colonialism from the face of the globe and wish it strength and the power to persevere in its noble task.
21.	The Charter of the United Nations calls the maintenance of international peace and security one of the Organization's most important functions. That task has become still more difficult during the course of this year owing to the increasing international political tension and the deterioration of the world economy.
22.	The worsening political situation is noticeable on almost all continents, while political problems are unfortunately not limited to the countries or regions in which they originated. Many of those crises have the potential for spreading beyond the borders of the countries and regions directly involved. It is in that context that we see the continued presence of foreign armed forces in Afghanistan in spite of the request contained in resolution ES-6/2 of 14 January 1980 adopted at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly. This is true also of the situation in South Africa and the Middle East, the Palestinian question, the annexation by Israel of the eastern part of Jerusalem, notwithstanding protests from the entire world community, the Korean question, the situation in Namibia, the still unresolved problem of the American hostages in Iran, the situation in South-East Asia, and the situation between Iran and Iraq.
23.	The Government of the Republic of Suriname is of the opinion that all those problems should be solved peacefully through dialogue in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
24.	On our continent the growing tension in Central America is a source of considerable concern to us. A bright spot is provided by the fact that the new Government of Nicaragua is raising that fraternal country from the ashes of the previous regime.
25.	The possibility of internal and external outbursts in the Caribbean area is constantly on the increase, in particular as a result of the deterioration of the social and economic situation and the increasing unemployment associated therewith.
26.	The Government of Suriname is aware of the fact that we are a part of the American continent and that many bonds connect us with the fate of the countries of the Caribbean. Therefore, it intends to strengthen the bonds linking us to our Caribbean brothers. Not only does it support the further improvement of existing bilateral relations, it is at the same time a vigorous proponent of regional co-operation with those countries.
27.	Our stand on the right of self-determination, the right of a people to chart its own destiny, led us to vote for the General Assembly resolution of 29 July 1980, which is in general consistent with the principles on which our position is based. Our positive vote on the resolution, however, does not mean that we would not have preferred a reinstatement of the right of all the States in the region—including Israel—to a secure and independent existence, as provided for in Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
28.	It is not lost on us that the separate peace agreement of 1979 between Israel and Egypt has not proved contagious and that it did not result in a solution of the central problem of the Middle East conflict.
29.	All other issues, however important they may be, such as the increasingly harsh Israeli military occupation, the rigid attitude of the Government of Mr. Begin and the latest sad act of the Knesset regarding the eastern part of Jerusalem, are more symptoms than problems. The central problem remains that the Palestinians want a State of their own and that Israel denies the Palestinians their right to determine their own political future. That is the basic issue which lies at the very core of a solution. A solution to the Middle East problem can be found only if Palestinians and Israelis accept each other's right to have a State.
30.	By its resolution 273 (III) of 11 May 1949, the General Assembly, noting that Israel was a peace-loving State able and willing to carry out the obligations contained in the Charter of the United Nations, decided to admit it to membership of the United Nations. That historic resolution was based on the acceptance by the world community of the right of the Israelis to establish their own homeland.
31.	We fervently hope that the Government of Israel will be capable of rethinking and reconsidering its traditional position and that it will be able to accept for the Palestinians the same raison d'etre which led to the establishment of the Jewish homeland and the adoption of that 1949 resolution by the world Organization.
32.	At the end of the tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, the General Assembly adopted on 30 June 1978 the Final Document of that session, which contains a Declaration from which the following is taken:
"Mankind today is confronted with an unprecedented threat of self-extinction arising from the massive and competitive accumulation of the most destructive weapons ever produced. Existing arsenals of nuclear weapons alone are more than sufficient to destroy all life on earth. Failure of efforts to halt and reverse the arms race, in particular the nuclear arms race, increases the danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Yet the arms race continues."
33.	That Final Document was adopted unanimously without any opposition from nuclear or other States. However, since its adoption, the arms race has continued unabated in the areas of both nuclear and conventional armaments.
34.	The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which has now been signed by 113 countries, was reviewed during the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty, held at Geneva from 11 August to 7 September 1980. The Government of Suriname expresses its regret that differences over nuclear arms control issues have prevented the Review Conference from adopting a comprehensive final document, despite the fact that general agreement had been reached on many significant issues. The provisions of the Treaty should have been given full support in order to avoid a possible weakening of this unique instrument for international peace and security. It is beyond any doubt that the Treaty has prevented the horizontal spread of nuclear arms and thereby strengthened international security.
35.	On the other hand, China and France are not yet parties to the Treaty, and other non-nuclear countries which are now on the verge of crossing the so-called nuclear threshold have not yet signed it. The Treaty can also bring to a halt the continuous expansion and modernization of the nuclear-weapons arsenals of the Soviet Union and the United States.
36.	For those reasons the Government of Suriname is convinced of the essential importance of this Treaty. As a country which is not an oil producer, we fully realize the enormous importance of the peaceful use of nuclear power. That, however, should in no way be an obstacle to the signing of the Treaty. Therefore, we are of the opinion that acceptance of this Treaty must be made more attractive by creating greater and easier access to the possibilities of the peaceful use of nuclear power.
37.	An outstanding and unique example of a regional approach to non-proliferation is the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of TlateIolco), which has been ratified by Suriname. It offers the possibility of preventing a nuclear holocaust in the Latin American continent. Moreover, it can serve as a prototype for other treaties for nuclear-weapon-free zones.
38.	The Government of Suriname and the 22 sister countries in which the Treaty is in force would feel more secure if its full effect were extended to Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Cuba and Guyana. In particular, we hope for rapid ratification of that Treaty by Argentina and accession to it by Cuba and Guyana. Moreover, it calls on the Governments of France and the United States to ratify its Additional Protocol I.
39.	An alarming phenomenon in the macabre tragedy of the arms race is certainly the fact that the third world countries, whose subsistence levels are under increasing pressure from external factors such as imported inflation, capital shortages and oil prices, are utilizing their already limited resources for the acquisition of arms to a constantly increasing extent. In the 1970s the total importation of arms by third world countries quadrupled compared to that of the 1960s.
40.	A serious setback in the efforts to slow down the arms race is the fact that the SALT II Treaty, which was signed by President Brezhnev and President Carter at Vienna on 18 June 1978, are at present in danger of becoming victims of the bloc policies of those super-Powers.
41.	Although the SALT II Treaty itself does not contain any drastic solution to the armaments problem, important political advantages are connected with it. In particular, it offers the hope that detente between the super-Powers will increase, which could exert a positive influence, especially if the treaty were followed immediately by new bilateral negotiations on further reductions in nuclear and conventional armaments.
42.	Political decolonization is almost complete, except for some exceptions such as Namibia and several smaller areas, even on our continent.
43.	In Namibia, the United Nations is again confronted with an attempt by the Government of the Republic of South Africa to prevent independence in that area. Pretoria originally gave the impression that it was in agreement with the so-called Western plan to hold elections under the supervision of the United Nations and with the stationing of United Nations troops there. Moreover, South Africa agreed in principle with the proposal of the Secretary- General, Mr. Waldheim, for a demilitarized zone between Angola and Namibia.  Since then, however, Pretoria has presented new conditions which are unacceptable not only to the front-line States but also to the United Nations. In this connection I should like to refer to South Africa's attempt to ignore all United Nations resolutions on Namibia, including those in which the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] is recognized as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people.
44.	The problem of Namibia cannot be considered separately from the political situation in South Africa itself, which is determined in all respects by the apartheid problem. The Government of Suriname condemns the apartheid policy of that country on moral grounds. No other position is conceivable, considering, among other things, that our population is composed of descendants from different continents. Our concept of life and our morality lead to a sharp rejection of any form of racism.
45.	Since the founding of our world Organization, much has been said about the apartheid problem and Namibia. Various measures which are unquestionably useful have been taken within the framework of the United Nations. One of them is the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, which was signed by Suriname on 3 June this year. However, the resolutions of our world Organization will be powerless as long as they do not affect the economy of South Africa.
46.	The Government of Suriname supports, for example, Security Council resolution 473 (1980) of 13 June 1980, which was introduced as a reaction to the terror perpetrated by the Government of South Africa against schoolchildren who had demonstrated against the apartheid policy.
47.	The call in that resolution on Pretoria to end its apartheid policy, to grant an amnesty to prisoners, to refrain from aggression against independent African States and so on, will always be ignored as long as no concrete measures are taken, particularly a comprehensive policy of mandatory sanctions including especially an embargo on oil products.
48.	It is important to note that South Africa expressed interest in the Western plan for Namibia only when faced with an impending embargo. The time for verbal condemnation has passed; the time for concrete action has now arrived.
49.	The Government of Suriname formally expresses its support for the oppressed peoples of Namibia and South Africa, and in particular for SWAPO, the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. It fully supports the struggle for national liberation and the eradication of racism, racial discrimination and colonialism in those areas.
50.	In this connection, allow me to make a few remarks about the spectre of a new and subtle form of apartheid which seems gradually to be emerging and which has not yet been subjected to sufficiently thorough consideration in international forums. I am referring to the problem of the cultural and ethnic minorities in parts of Europe.
51.	The rapid economic development of Western Europe could be achieved only through the importation of a large amount of cheap labour from third world countries, among them Algeria, Turkey, Morocco and countries in the Caribbean region. Those workers were lured from their homelands under numerous pretexts. Roughly one third of the total Caribbean population now live in Western European countries. Western Europe's prosperity would be unthinkable without the contribution and efforts of those so-called guest labourers or migrant workers to its industrial process.
52.	However, as a result of the current global recession, we are now witnessing emerging patterns of racism and inhuman and discriminatory treatment of those minorities. The rate of unemployment of people in that category is disproportionately high, their living conditions are deplorable and their children in many cases are being deprived of adequate education, while they are often excluded from public accommodation. They cannot participate fully in the common opportunities of public life because they are often denied access to that accommodation. The ethnic minorities are frequently de facto restricted to secluded areas and subjected to police brutality in many cases.
53.	This leads me to the conclusion that human rights problems are not limited to South Africa or to certain regimes in some third world countries. They are certainly not alien to Europe. The many cases of infringement on the human rights of ethnic minorities in that part of the world bear witness to that sad fact of life. If not checked, that problem could, in our opinion, turn into a source of tension that will not be in the interest of international peace.
54.	For these reasons my delegation suggests that a special session of the General Assembly be convened to deal with this unfortunate problem. In the meantime, we believe that the appropriate organs of our Organization should address themselves more extensively to that phenomenon.
55.	In this regard, my delegation will support every effort to improve the lot of migrant workers, a problem which appears on the agenda of the Third Committee at this session of the Assembly. More specifically, my delegation will lend its support to the coming into being of a convention aimed at furthering the cause of those workers and their families. Such a convention could also deal with the serious problem of the brain drain from developing nations. Many among us would not contest the expert opinion that the development aid given to the developing nations is surpassed by the benefits derived from that brain drain.
56.	The eleventh special session of the General Assembly, held recently, marked the beginning of the third United Nations Development Decade. The outcome of this Decade is uncertain, but it is clear that the economic development of our planet will be influenced by the achievements of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Since the first session of that Conference in December 1973, more than 66 weeks have been spent in meetings to establish a new international regime for hydrospace.
57.	Considerable progress was made at the recent session at Geneva. It is our hope that the third revision of the informal composite negotiating text of the draft convention will be transformed into a final draft treaty during the next and, I hope, final session. My Government is concerned at the unilateral mining legislation promulgated by certain States and urges other industrialized States not to follow that example. It is hoped that those States will not limit themselves to paying lip-service to the noble concept of the common heritage of mankind.
58.	With regard to general aspects of the law of the sea, the Government of Suriname deplores the fact that no compromise solution has been reached on the delimitation of maritime boundaries between opposite and adjacent States. It is regrettable that the exchange of views during the ninth session between the two interested groups has not produced any text satisfactory to the sponsors of document NG7/10/Rev.2 and like-minded delegations. It seems to us that on this issue the sea does not escape national egoism. We express the hope that a negotiated solution will be reached at the session to be held in March next year.
59.	The Conference on the Law of the Sea is now at a crossroads. The Government of Suriname is convinced that only a comprehensive and carefully balanced treaty on the law of the sea can avoid a scramble of claims to exploit the wealth of the oceans beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, in accordance with the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV).
60.	The first international development strategy, adopted in 1960, is already fading away in the mist of unfulfilled expectations. The then prevailing optimism that the gap between rich and poor countries could be narrowed seems, with hindsight, almost incomprehensible and rather frivolous. And yet the first strategy constituted a real breakthrough because of the acceptance by the advanced countries of the fact that the development problem was a matter of mutual concern and interest to both the developed and the developing nations.
61.	At that time, however, we did not fully realize that the idealistic ideas laid down in that strategy, in particular those regarding development aid, had to be confirmed by the national legislators of the advanced countries. The expectation that those legislative bodies would prove to be equally enlightened was a serious miscalculation.
62.	Having gone through the negotiating process which led to the adoption of a second strategy and after two decades of frustrating North-South discussions about the economic future of the world, we are now painfully aware that it will take gigantic efforts, if not a miracle, to prevent the rich-poor gap from widening even further.
63.	The establishment of a new international economic order, aimed at a more just relationship between the poor and the rich nations, remains a distant goal. Frankly, we are rather pessimistic about the willingness on the part of industrialized nations to make the necessary political and economic sacrifices, which are essential to the attainment of that goal. We do indeed wonder if they will lower their trade barriers, amidst the ever-increasing protectionist voices. We are not optimistic that the necessary reforms in the international monetary system will be effected. Neither are we inclined to believe that advanced countries will raise their development aid to adequate levels, and our pessimism does not appear to be unduly great against the background of recession and inflation, coupled with almost automatically rising oil prices, which seem to shatter all hopes for a brighter economic future.
64.	Only a few weeks ago, notwithstanding long and often acrimonious discussions between the advanced and the less- advanced countries, during which, as so often in the past, we seemed to talk past and not to each other, we could not even formally adopt the third international strategy for the 1980s.
65.	We still hope to improve the North-South relation-ship, since the rift between the "haves" and "have-nots" in our world is potentially as dangerous and lethal as the Middle East crisis and the arms race. Notwithstanding our somewhat restrained optimism, we vigorously support the continuation of the North-South dialogue, since the maintenance of open communications is what the United Nations is all about.
66.	During the eleventh special session of the General Assembly we wasted much time in trying to work out the ground rules for the global negotiations on essential matters relating to official development assistance, monetary affairs and the energy problem. During those discussions, many of us low-income and middle-income countries, haunted by the spectres of recession, inflation and expensive oil, felt completely dismayed and frustrated that those negotiations were prevented from getting off the ground as a result of a deadlock. We are of the opinion that those negotiations, assuming that they are decided upon, should concentrate on root problems such as development aid, energy and monetary reforms, which must be dealt with in an open and objective manner directly related to those problems.
67.	The disheartening failure of the Third General Conference of UNIDO, held at New Delhi from 21 January to 9 February 1980, and the fiasco of the fifth session of UNCTAD, held at Manila from 7 May to 3 June 1979, should serve as danger signals for all of us. In this connection, the unfair way in which international development aid is structured should be highlighted. Promises made by donor countries are well publicized and get broad media attention. But actual development aid is slow in coming and difficult to obtain because of red tape, and has many constraints. Furthermore, much of the development aid returns in one form or another to the donor country and only marginally benefits the recipient country. It is obvious that the intention of closing the gap between rich donor and poor recipient countries cannot be fulfilled in this manner.
68.	It is not generally recognized that rapid inflation adversely affects the real value of development aid offered by the donor country. Therefore, we would strongly support building inflation hedges into aid programmes. Otherwise those programmes could eventually prove to be birds in the bush and not in the hand.
69.	Understandably, we in Suriname are strong protagonists of the indexation of multilateral and bilateral aid in order to prevent offers of such aid from becoming mere token grants—in other words, grants that do not really contribute to development. This may be considered one of the reasons which may urge people to leave their homelands in search of greener pastures.
70.	In rightly criticizing the advanced States for their lack of generosity and their often myopic chauvinism or ideologies, we developing nations are inclined to forget that the stagnation in our development sometimes arises from our own shortcomings, particularly in the field of management. Those developing countries which are almost on the threshold of becoming industrialized nations often excel in one particular aspect—for example, in the management of their own affairs. My Government, for one, is willing to acknowledge this fact, since, notwithstanding our ample natural resources; our development has been seriously hampered in recent years as a result of inadequate management. We therefore believe that, apart from and perhaps owing to the absence of the necessary global, regional, sub regional and intraregional measures, we should in the next decade rely more on careful but firm management of our own capacities and of our resources.
71.	In short, in striving for a better world economy and in supporting those who aspire to a more just New International Economic Order, we must first set sail from the principle of self-reliance in the sea of continuing troubles in our world. On the other hand, having adopted so many undoubtedly highly important global strategies and programmes of action in the past decade, we think that the time has now come to gear ourselves to parallel actions more limited in scope but none the less of essential importance.
72.	More concretely, the Government of Suriname, while loyally and actively continuing its participation in the realization of comprehensive universal programmes, wishes to suggest that from now on we should concentrate to a greater degree on. the possibility of regional, sub regional and intraregional efforts.
73.	After having attained our independence five years ago and having been an isolated colony for more than three centuries, we are still trying to establish our own identity. We in Suriname have now made a fresh start towards a better future for our countrymen. In so doing, we realize that the nations of the world cannot live without international peace and security, a principle upon which the United Nations rests. For these reasons, I chose to make my first address to the international community in the forum of our world Organization.