I should like, first and
foremost, to convey, once again, my sincere sympathy
in connection with the victims of the devastation
caused by Hurricane Katrina.
Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its sixtieth session. I would also like to pay high tribute
to Mr. Jean Ping, your predecessor, for his
distinguished leadership.
The 60-year history of the United Nations has
been a pathway towards a peaceful, prosperous and just
world. The path followed by Japan during that time has
been, indeed, that of a nation striving for an honoured
place among peace-loving nations. Building upon the
determination that it will never again follow the path to
war, Japan has pursued, and will continue to pursue,
international peace and stability in partnership with the
United Nations.
Japan needs an effective and efficient United
Nations and strongly endorses the outcome document
of the summit. To that end, our leadersí commitments,
as expressed in the document, must be translated into
action with the utmost urgency. Japan will spare no
effort in that endeavour.
The new United Nations must be equipped with a
better peacebuilding capacity. We expect the proposed
Peacebuilding Commission to help to achieve that
objective. To that end, Japan will continue to play a
constructive role, making full use of its experience and
resources.
In the Gaza Strip, the reconstruction effort after
the Israeli withdrawal has been crucial. Japan has
implemented more than $110 million worth of
assistance since the beginning of this year, in the
fervent hope that we will now see the resumption of
the road map.
As the largest donor to the Trust Fund for Iraqi
reconstruction, Japan has devoted its energies to
bringing together the international community in the
reconstruction effort. Humanitarian and reconstruction
assistance by Japan's Self-Defence Forces and official
development assistance (ODA) are contributing in
tandem to progress towards a peaceful and prosperous
Iraq. Japan has pledged ODA amounting to $5 billion,
of which $1.5 billion in grant assistance has already
been implemented.
Japan has taken the lead in assisting the Afghan
efforts for disarmament, demobilization and
reintegration (DDR), in conjunction with the United
Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA).
As a result, about 63,000 ex-combatants are to
complete the reintegration programme by the end of
next June. Japanese Self-Defence Forces vessels are
engaged in activities in the Indian Ocean in support of
the countries fighting against terrorism. Japan has
announced that its contribution will total $1 billion by
the end of March 2006, including assistance in the field
of security.
It is essential to ensure a sense of justice in a
society struggling to recover from its suffering in the
aftermath of conflict. In the area of establishing the
rule of law, Japan, in cooperation with the Government
of Cambodia, has taken the lead in setting up a tribunal
to try members of the Khmer Rouge, with a
contribution of over $20 million.
41

Sixty summers have passed since Hiroshima and
Nagasaki suffered the indescribable horrors of nuclear
devastation. Japan again calls upon all Member States
to renew their determination to bring about a peaceful
world free of nuclear weapons.
To that end, Japan will submit a draft resolution
to the General Assembly presenting a concrete agenda
to strengthen the disarmament and non-proliferation
regime, including a call for the early entry into force of
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).
In that regard, it is extremely regrettable that the 2005
Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
concluded without adopting a consensus document on
substantive issues, and that the outcome document
found no consensus on disarmament and non-
proliferation.
The Democratic People's Republic of Koreaís
nuclear programmes pose a serious challenge to the
international non-proliferation regime, centring on the
NPT, and constitute a direct threat to peace and
stability in North-East Asia. Japan is committed to a
peaceful resolution of the nuclear issue through the six-
party talks and strongly hopes that the Democratic
Peopleís Republic of Korea will accept the prompt and
verifiable dismantlement of all its nuclear weapons and
nuclear programmes at the current round of talks in
Beijing. Japan will continue to make every effort to
ensure that the nuclear issue, along with the missile
and abduction issues, is comprehensively resolved in
accordance with the Pyongyang Declaration.
Japan believes that the Iranian nuclear issue
should be resolved through negotiations by diplomatic
means. To that end, Japan strongly urges Iran to
implement, in a spirit of sincerity, all the requirements
set out in the relevant resolutions of the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Board of Governors,
including the full suspension of uranium conversion
activities, and to return to the negotiating table with the
three European Union States.
In recent years, we have witnessed countless
tragedies caused by terrorist acts. Japan, for its part,
has continued to provide assistance to countries in need
of capacity-building in the area of counter-terrorism.
To consolidate the international legal framework, Japan
calls on Member States to join international counter-
terrorism conventions and protocols, including the
newly adopted International Convention for the
Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism.
Development provides a foundation for peace and
stability. The new United Nations must serve as an
effective Organization for the promotion of
development. Having recovered from the devastation
of the Second World War with global assistance, Japan
is in a better position than any other country to
demonstrate the significance of ownership and
partnership, poverty reduction through economic
growth, and human security in promoting development.
The concept of human security ó focusing on the
protection and empowerment of individuals ó offers a
meaningful approach in a world striving for freedom
and dignity. The concept also provides an important
viewpoint with respect to the protection of human
rights. I look forward to forthcoming discussions on
this concept in the General Assembly, to which leaders
committed themselves in the outcome document.
Based on its experiences as a recipient, and also a
donor for more than a half century, Japan has been
keen to make an impact on world development and
thus has contributed one-fifth of world ODA over the
past 10 years. Japan is resolved to continue its support
for achieving the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). To that end, Japan intends to increase its
ODA volume by $10 billion over the next five years.
For the achievement of the MDGs, addressing the
issues facing Africa is critically important. As Prime
Minister Koizumi announced during the Asia-Africa
summit, Japan will double its ODA to Africa in the
next three years and host the fourth Tokyo
International Conference on African Development
(TICAD) meeting in 2008. In an effort to support
Africansí own efforts to bring about peace and
stability, Japan has devoted its energies to the
consolidation of peace in such countries as the Sudan,
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone,
Burundi and Liberia.
With respect to the Sudan, Japan has decided to
disburse more than half of its pledged assistance of
$100 million, with a contribution of personnel through
the United Nations Mission in the Sudan (UNMIS).
Furthermore, to address the humanitarian crisis in
Africa and in other regions caused by infectious
diseases, Japan has announced $500 million in
financial assistance in the coming years for the Global
Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. Japan
42

will contribute $5 billion over the next five years to the
ìHealth and Developmentî Initiative. Japan has also
taken steps to address the ìforgotten crisesî in Africa
and will continue to focus on those issues.
At no other time in its history has an effective,
efficient and credible United Nations been more
needed than today. The credibility of the United
Nations is at stake. The basic structure of the Security
Council continues to reflect the world of 1945. Reform
of the Security Council therefore remains key to
achieving the overall renewal of the United Nations.
The fact that an overwhelming majority of Member
States - 166 countries in all - called for Security
Council reform during the previous session of the
General Assembly is a testament to the urgent need for
reform.
For the first time in the 60-year history of the
United Nations, during the last General Assembly
session we witnessed the submission of draft
resolutions calling for fundamental change in the
composition of the Security Council. Japan is proud to
have taken the lead in promoting Security Council
reform. It is encouraging, as well, that a large number
of leaders at the recent summit expressed their support
for reform.
I believe that Japan's path of striving for
international peace speaks for itself, and should serve
as the basis for a larger role for Japan as a permanent
member of a reformed Security Council. I can assure
you, Mr. President, that Japan will continue to make its
utmost effort to realize the reform under your
leadership. And I call on Member States to reach an
early decision at this session of the General Assembly.
The new United Nations requires an efficient and
effective Secretariat, with a strong sense of integrity.
Japan is deeply concerned about recent developments,
including the failure over the oil-for-food programme.
The management and administration of the United
Nations system must be transparent and accountable to
Member States and their citizens. In this regard, Japan
will promote and conduct more comprehensive
performance evaluation of United Nations activities.
With respect to the anachronistic ìenemy Stateî
clauses, I am pleased to note that the leaders resolved
in the outcome document (resolution 60/1) to delete
these obsolete clauses from the Charter at the earliest
opportunity.
A comprehensive review is also needed in order
to reach agreement on a scale of assessment structure
that is more equitable and fair. Japan will actively
participate in the negotiations to be concluded by the
end of next year. In the upcoming negotiation process,
Japan will make its utmost effort to ensure that the
status and responsibilities of a Member State are duly
taken into account in the scale of assessments.
We have embarked on a mission to renew the
United Nations. A great deal of work lies ahead. I call
upon all representatives in this Hall to dedicate
themselves to accomplishing this unfinished mission
by the close of this commemorative session of the
General Assembly.


Following closely, as it
does, on the heels of last week’s High-level Plenary
Meeting, the remainder of the sixtieth session of the
General Assembly is challenged to take steps towards
the early implementation of the agreed outcome. In the
eyes of many, the summit document (resolution 60/1)
is less than satisfactory in terms of both its scope and
its substance. Nonetheless, it represents a common
platform on which we can build further to reach higher
levels of international cooperation.
To you, Mr. President, my dear friend, falls the
task of spearheading that enterprise. Your outstanding
diplomatic experience assures us all that you will
succeed in the mandate given to you. If I am to give
you any advice on how you should now proceed, I
would simply echo — and then perhaps very slightly
paraphrase — the words of Dag Hammarskjöld, your
compatriot and former Secretary-General, when he
said, “Never measure the height of a mountain until
you have reached the top”. To this I would add, then
you will see that the climb was not all that bad.
We owe a debt of gratitude to His Excellency
Mr. Jean Ping of Gabon, the outgoing President, for his
effective stewardship of the work of the Assembly
during the fifty-ninth session. To the Secretary-General
I wish to express our appreciation for his effort to
equip our Organization for the challenges that we
confront today.
I would also like to offer our appreciation and
thanks to our host country, the United States, and to
renew to it our assurances of sympathy with regard to
the severe losses suffered in the wake of Hurricane
Katrina.
As was stated earlier by President Jagdeo of
Guyana (see A/60/PV.8), international development
goals — and especially the Millennium Development
Goals, which were set at the Summit five years ago and
which we have just reviewed — remain an important
benchmark for global development. Aimed at securing
the important prerequisites for our economic and social
advancement in such areas as health, education and
other basic services, they must be fully embraced and
pursued by the international community.
My own country has been diligent in working
towards those objectives. Through a visionary poverty-
reduction strategy and the allocation of more resources
to the social sector, we have been able to improve the
lot of the disadvantaged among our population and
enlarge their opportunities for a better life.
Unfortunately, however, further progress is now being
jeopardized by a number of untoward developments.
Among these has been the recent revision of Europe’s
agriculture policy, and more particularly the European
Commission’s proposal to drastically reduce the price
for the sugar exports of African, Caribbean and Pacific
States. That proposal, if implemented, will seriously
affect our own sugar industry and will plunge many of
our people who depend on it into extreme poverty.
Our economy stands to lose some $40 million per
year, a sum that nullifies the $8 million which we will
have received as a result of the recent Group of Eight
decisions on debt relief. The result is an example of the
skewed and often incoherent policies pursued by some
developed countries. Without consultation or warning,
they adopt measures that wreak enormous havoc on the
economies of developing countries, particularly the
small and the vulnerable.
The only hope on the horizon for us lies in the
promise held out by several recent initiatives, such as
the Millennium Challenge Account of the United
States, the International Finance Facility of the United
Kingdom, the Action Against Hunger and Poverty
Initiative, led by Brazil and other States, and, more
latterly, the levy on air travel suggested by France and
11

others for the financing of development. As the review
of the Millennium Development Goals has revealed, an
additional $50 billion will be needed annually to reach
the targets set. New and additional resources are
therefore clearly required if we are to make any impact
on global poverty.
While we in the developing world would prefer to
rely on trade instead of aid for our development, the
prospects for improving our position are bleak. The
road from Cancún to Dalian to Hong Kong has been
tedious, strewn with obstacles and, now, highly
uncertain. As in New York, developed countries seem
content with making broad declarations rather than
specific commitments. The calls by small economies
for special and differential treatment have thus far been
only grudgingly acknowledged. Yet, without full regard
for paragraph 35 of the Doha Declaration, countries
like mine are likely to be further marginalized by the
global economy.
Economic and social progress will come to the
developing world only when its countries are allowed
to have a say in the decision-making on development
issues. The chapter in the 2005 Human Development
Report on our interdependent world quotes an African
proverb that states that “Until the lions have their
historians … tales of hunting will always glorify the
hunter” (p. 113). It is therefore time for the developing
world, which has long been considered only an object
in the development process, to be given a more active
and participatory role in the process. Only then will we
be able properly to address the outcome of our policies.
Many of the prescriptions for poverty eradication
have been based on the time-worn theory of
development that posits that the increasing economic
prosperity of the developed world will eventually raise
the standard of living for all States — that is to say,
that a rising tide lifts all boats. But any serious analysis
of that development paradigm as it has functioned over
the past several decades will amply demonstrate that
that is a very flawed concept. The gap between rich
and poor countries continues to widen, a reality to
which the 2005 Human Development Report amply
testifies.
There therefore has to be a serious global
rethinking of what constitutes real and sustainable
development. We cannot avoid the conclusion that
while the realization of the Millennium Development
Goals will provide the necessary foundation for
development, true economic and social progress cannot
be achieved in the absence of a more comprehensive
policy framework that encompasses significant
assistance and investment flows, wider debt relief,
more equitable trade and economic cooperation and the
transfer of science and technology for development
purposes. That realization has led my Government to
advocate at the United Nations the promotion of a new
global human order: a more comprehensive and holistic
strategy based on equity and social justice.
With regard to the second major area of concern
addressed in the Secretary-General’s report entitled “In
larger freedom” (A/59/2005) — namely, the issues of
democracy, human rights and security — let me say
that Guyana, as a newly restored democracy, fully
supports the promotion of all fundamental human
freedoms and values. After all, they constitute the
bedrock of the United Nations Charter and the basic
rights of our peoples. We therefore welcome the
initiative to establish a Democracy Fund to propagate
the democratic ideal, as well as the setting up of a
Human Rights Council to replace the current
Commission on Human Rights.
Raising the status of the Commission on Human
Rights can do much to enhance respect for human
rights. We are concerned, however, about the
representative character of the proposed Council and
would be seriously distressed if it were to emerge as an
elite directorate sitting in judgement of other States
deemed to be less than equal. The holier-than-thou
attitude of some countries on matters relating to
democracy and human rights is not acceptable in an
Organization founded on the principles of the equality
of States, mutual understanding and respect. No one is
perfect, and we all fall short of the glory of God. It
would therefore be imperative for the General
Assembly, in its further consideration of that proposal,
to carefully examine such issues as the criteria for
membership, size and voting procedures, in order to
ensure that the principles of the Charter are not
vitiated.
Finally, there is the third leg of the report’s
thematic tripod, namely, security. As is now
universally recognized, security is a sine qua non for
the protection of democracy and human rights, as well
as for the promotion of development. It is therefore
essential, in view of the vast array of threats to
international peace and security, that we mount the
necessary defences against the spread of terrorism,
12

transboundary crime, arms and drug trafficking,
disease and the increasing incidence of natural
disasters, which must now be an integral process of our
development analysis. Unfortunately, however, the cost
of such measures takes a very heavy toll on our limited
human and financial resources — resources that can be
better spent in the area of development.
To illustrate the challenge we face, let me cite the
case of my own country, which, after suffering a
disastrous flood earlier this year that led to a loss of
almost 60 per cent of our gross domestic product
(GDP) — according to an assessment by the Economic
Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean —
now faces spiralling oil prices, amounting, in terms of
expenditure, to 24 per cent of GDP and heavy revenue
loss to our sugar-export earnings. How can one speak
meaningfully in such circumstances of achieving the
Millennium Development Goals? Small countries like
ours have to find solutions to these pressing problems,
or else run the risk of being thrust further back into
underdevelopment.
For several decades now, we have been seeking to
reform the United Nations system to make it more
responsive to the challenges of our times. To some
extent we have succeeded in our effort but, clearly,
much more remains to be done. We therefore urge the
President to hold to his promise and to pursue the
revitalization of the General Assembly, the most
democratic and representative of the United Nations
organs, to enable it to promote the high principles and
purposes of the Charter. The potential of the
Assembly’s role in fighting the scourge of war and
promoting development is yet to be fully explored and
exploited. At the same time, it is necessary to bring
development issues, which are now largely the purview
of multilateral financial institutions, more fully within
the ambit of the United Nations, particularly the
Economic and Social Council, where developing
countries can have a greater voice on matters
pertaining to their welfare.
Of some urgency is the reform of the Security
Council, the organ responsible for the maintenance of
international peace and security. It is time that the
Council be made more equitable in its composition,
more democratic in its decision-making and more
effective in its operation. The deliberations of the
relevant working group have generated wide-spread
agreement on the need for expansion of the Council’s
membership. The various permutations have been
explored, and all options are on the table. We are now
offered a historic opportunity to reform the Council —
an opportunity that, if not taken now, may not soon
come our way again. My delegation therefore urges the
Assembly to expedite and conclude its work in this
area.
The latest proposal for an advisory Peacebuilding
Commission is a welcome one, since there is a clear
relationship between conflict and development. Much
too often, the gains made in the area of conflict
resolution are rapidly negated by the lack of
accompanying measures to preserve stability and
encourage development. Such a commission, if
properly conceived and constituted, can usefully
complement and optimize the work of the principal
organs of the United Nations.
In the end, however, if we are to achieve a
stronger, more democratic and effective United
Nations, we will have to go beyond the reform of its
organs and agencies to a reform of the attitudes and
behaviour of States, which, while giving lip service to
such concepts as partnership, cohesion and
interdependence, fail to practice those virtues in their
relations with other States. There is always a vast
divide between declarations and deeds. Yet, the
implementation of the common agenda that we have set
ourselves at the sixtieth session is not possible without
a greater commitment to change.
As the 2005 Human Development Report states, it
cannot be business as usual for the United Nations. The
Millennium Declaration must be more than a paper
promise. We need to
“mobilize the investment resources and develop
the plans needed to build the defences that can
stop the tsunami of world poverty”. (2005 Human
Development Report, p. 2)
That is the challenge issued to the sixtieth session
of the General Assembly, and the yardstick by which
its success will be judged. For the sake of the billions
who continue to live in fear and want, we must seek to
achieve that larger freedom that is the birthright of all
humankind.


The
summit of our leaders is over. Each of us here at the
General Assembly has different feelings about it. Mine,
I must say, are anxiety and hope. I am anxious not
about the future of the United Nations as an
Organization — its existence, after all, is not an end in
itself — but about what the future of the United
Nations holds.
I place my hope in the future of the United
Nations, because the present does not evoke unbridled
optimism. There is but one source of optimism for all
of us: that the summit, just finished, may serve as a
wake-up call for us.
Ernest Hemingway, an American who lived in
Europe, evoked John Donne, who wrote, “never send
to know for whom the bell tolls, it tolls for thee”. This
turned out to be appallingly apt. Hemingway’s “For
Whom the Bell Tolls” was written in the late 1930s and
is set at the time and in the country where Guernica
was destroyed. It is no coincidence that a depiction of
that destruction hangs outside the Security Council
Chamber. We all know what happened afterwards:
from the ruins of the world the United Nations
emerged.
Belarus is not a doomsayer. Indeed, we ourselves
experienced the utter horror of the Second World War
in greater measure than anyone else and we do not
want to see it repeated. But during the sixtieth
anniversary year of the victory and of the founding of
the United Nations, it is quite appropriate to recall
these things.
I do not want to state the obvious: that the United
Nations is the Organization of all States, large and
small, rich and poor. In this Organization everyone has
equal rights and all work together to create the main
product: peace. Yet I have to mention this because
under the banner of reform there is a move to turn our
Organization — de facto and de jure — into an
instrument for the domination of some States by others.
We all have witnessed this.
A short while ago it was officially proposed that
we approve a new decision-making procedure for the
specialized agencies: those who pay more would have
more votes. Now it is being proposed that we elect
members to the main human rights body of the United
Nations on the basis of subjective criteria. This is a
dangerous trend, and a deviation from the United
Nations Charter. It will lead to the splintering of the
United Nations.
Does the United Nations really need reform
which creates preconditions for the more frequent and
more arbitrary use of force at the sole discretion of the
mighty? We are against reform which would turn the
Organization created out of the ashes of the Second
World War into an instrument of diktat by the militarily
and economically most powerful States. Does the
17

United Nations need reform which would divide
countries into those “worthy” and those “unworthy” of
international assistance, into pupils and teachers in
matters of governance and social development? We do
not want such reform.
To preserve and build upon the core values of the
United Nations Charter, taking into account the
realities of today, is the major task of genuine reform
that our Organization really needs. The diversity of
routes to progress is among those core values. At the
summit, the President of the Republic of Belarus
stressed that this can ensure the stability of the world
and is an enduring value of our civilization (see
A/60/PV.5). In today’s unipolar world, this value is not
only belittled but challenged as well.
What is behind the calls we heard in this Hall last
week to “help those who wish to help themselves”? In
practice this is a selective approach which recognizes
the right to development only for those countries which
have adopted government and economic reforms in
accordance with a strictly defined model. Let us
consider whether we need to clone this model the
world over. Does it represent the strength and the value
of our civilization? Does it represent the value of the
United Nations? What can this one-sided world give to
people? Will it be a comfortable home for our
children?
Today, as never before, we need to take an honest
look at our world, which would allow us to discuss
critical problems in a free and transparent manner and
to look together for ways to solve them.
An honest look at today’s world, for instance,
would not allow us to overlook the problem of
trafficking in human beings. This disgrace of the
twenty-first century has overtaken all regions of the
world. The most vulnerable — women and children,
whose protection should be the priority task of the
United Nations — serve as living merchandise. Forced
adolescent labour, the sexual enslavement of women
and girls and trafficking in human organs should be
decisively opposed by all States and prohibited in their
legislation.
There is much to do in this sphere. Today, after
all, fewer than half of Member States have ratified the
Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking
in Persons, Especially Women and Children. Just over
a dozen countries have adopted national strategies or
action plans to combat trafficking in human beings.
But it will be possible to turn this social evil back only
through a universal effort. In that respect, we consider
it extremely important that all parties involved in that
criminal trade be held responsible, including the
consumers of those human commodities. It is high time
for us to launch a decisive and organized campaign at
the United Nations against all forms of trafficking in
and exploitation of human beings, and to forge a global
partnership against slavery and trafficking in human
beings in the twenty-first century.
Looking honestly at today’s world we cannot
ignore the long-term effects of the Chernobyl disaster.
The largest manmade disaster of the twentieth century,
it has negatively impacted on the lives of millions of
people and caused enormous economic damage. In
Belarus alone, the disaster caused US$ 235 billion in
damages. The Government of Belarus has
accomplished much in the years since the disaster to
minimize its effects. Now the time has come to assess
the effectiveness of international assistance in that area
and to chart the priorities for our joint work for the
coming decade. Those are the issues that will be on the
agenda of the international conference on the
Chernobyl disaster to be held in April 2006 in Minsk.
We call on Member States and all those who care about
the fate of the millions of Chernobyl victims to support
the Assembly’s adoption of the draft resolution on
Chernobyl. Finally, we propose the convening of a
special meeting of the General Assembly on 26 April
2006 to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the
Chernobyl tragedy.
Belarus is a country that is used to relying on
itself. We are not seeking any unfair international
advantages nor do we follow anyone else’s political
lead. We have confidence in the strength, talent and
diligence of our people. That is what allows us to speak
and act in a principled and honest fashion in the
international arena, without reference to the wishes of
the powerful.
It is precisely for that reason that we stand for an
open and honest dialogue at the United Nations. This is
our common home. Here, the same simple,
unconditional and clear principle should apply for all
countries: equal among equals. The future of the
United Nations rests on that. Belarus is ready to work
with everyone to make that future happen.


Allow me to congratulate you most warmly, Sir, on
your election as President of the General Assembly.
Through you, I would like also to thank your
predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, for the manner in which he
conducted the preparatory work for the summit of
Heads of State and Government which has just taken
place. We are very grateful to him for having
successfully met that challenge.
Even though we had hoped for a more ambitious
agreement, the summit allowed us to create a much-
needed new impetus and new strategic guidelines for
our Organization. Only a stronger and more legitimate
United Nations will be able to respond to the
challenges of the twenty-first century and implement
the collective security consensus that we endorsed in
the summit's outcome document.
Belgium is a strong advocate of efficient
multilateralism. I emphasize the word "efficient"
because this is not just a declaration of faith. We need
credible structures and strong institutions capable of
effectively implementing our international
commitments and addressing our common concerns. It
is all too easy to indulge in rhetoric; we have to
translate our words into action. That is why, in that
context, I am pleased with the progress made during
the summit.
I am particularly pleased with the consensus
reached whereby security, peace, development and
human rights are not only interlinked but mutually
reinforcing. That is a significant step forward in our
efforts to build a more peaceful, more prosperous and
more equitable world. That idea will guide our actions
and form the basis of our approach. Without peace,
there can be no development, and human rights can
often be sorely tested. In the absence of development
and respect for human rights, stability and security
become elusive.
The link between development, stability and
human rights becomes most acutely apparent in fragile
or failing States. These are often States devastated by
conflict or by civil war - States whose leaders are no
longer capable of meeting the basic needs of their
people. Often, their economic situation has deteriorated
dramatically, and sometimes their society itself is in
disarray. A large number of the people of such States
may be displaced. They may have fled, may be subject
to abuse or exploitation and therefore cannot enjoy any
of the guarantees that a State should be able to provide
to its citizens.
Some States are at risk of becoming zones of
lawlessness, in which terrorist and criminal activities
can thrive. The uncontrolled exploitation of natural
resources can fuel all sorts of criminal networks or
conflicts - often with an ethnic dimension - in which
large numbers of weapons can circulate uncontrolled.
Such States must return to peace, stability and the
rule of law. They must take control of their own future
and gradually begin to consider their prospects for
development. This is not an easy task. The challenge is
tremendous. Almost simultaneously, it is necessary to
rebuild State institutions; disarm combatants, give
them new prospects and reintegrate them into
communities that are often impoverished; reorganize
the army and security forces; and give the State the
means to restore its authority, organize elections and
create conditions conducive to development.
We must help them break that vicious circle and
regain their place in the community of nations. In that
respect, the establishment of a Peacebuilding
Commission is crucial. The creation of such a
Commission not only illustrates our common resolve to
help such States on their path to recovery; it allows us,
first and foremost, better to coordinate and focus our
efforts. Political, humanitarian, military and financial
resources must be mobilized and used effectively to
achieve our common goals.
That is particularly true in the case of sub-
Saharan African countries that are ravaged by deadly
and prolonged conflicts, with the primary victims
being the civilian population.
The establishment of such a Commission would
generate great hope. It is our common responsibility to
make it a success. Belgium wants to contribute
actively, including by sharing the experience it
acquired in the transition processes in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and in Burundi.
Belgium also attaches great importance to
promoting the protection of human rights. My country
welcomes the strengthening of the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights and the decision to
establish a Human Rights Council. But we regret that
the summit was not able to finalize the Councilís
modalities.
11

Belgium has fully supported the reform and will
continue to focus on it. Democracy and respect for
human rights are some of our common values and
underpin our efforts to promote peace and stability.
From now on, those values will be part of our
collective security consensus and must be incorporated
into our global approach throughout the entire United
Nations system. They are our common responsibility.
Among the summit's other achievements, I
should like also to highlight the "responsibility to
protect". This represents a step forward in the quest for
solutions to the most glaring injustices. In the
aftermath of the genocides that marked our last
century, we solemnly pledged that such atrocities
would never happen again.
Let me now turn to good governance, which is
essential if our efforts to create a more stable and
prosperous world are to be successful. The summit
outcome document repeatedly underlines its
importance, and rightly so.
Good governance is not a moralistic concept
imposed from the outside. It is not about giving good
or bad grades, and even less about good and bad
students. It is not for others to say what are good
policies and what are bad policies. No ó good
governance is synonymous with effective governance
and goes hand in hand with sovereignty. It is about
governance that can produce results, make a difference
for citizens and create fertile ground for development.
Without it, the support of the international community
cannot produce the desired results. Without it, the aid
of the international community will not find the fertile
ground essential to create the conditions for greater
prosperity and stability.
We have pledged to attain the objective of
allocating 0.7 per cent of our gross national product to
official development assistance. We will keep our
promise. But we are aware that development is not
only a question of money; first and foremost, it is a
question of the effective use of resources. The
necessary conditions must be established. What matters
is the outcome on the ground. Poverty is not inevitable;
all peoples have a future that belongs to them. They
must take charge of it.
We accordingly have stated, in paragraph 11 of
the summit outcome document (resolution 60/1), "good
governance and the rule of law ... are essential for
sustained economic growth, sustainable development
and the eradication of poverty and hunger". In the same
outcome document, we also clearly reaffirmed our
commitment to good governance and the rule of law,
and reaffirmed that each country must take
responsibility for its own development. Those are the
terms of our global partnership for development, as set
out in the Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey
Consensus and the Johannesburg Plan of
Implementation.
All components of the international community
have demonstrated generosity. That is particularly true
of the European Union. But the international
community can hardly be held responsible for the
failure of States to protect or assist all or part of their
populations. It is difficult to understand why today we
must launch donor appeals to deal with the large-scale
destruction of houses by a Government that
deliberately leaves some 500,000 of its citizens
homeless.
That reasoning with regard to the subject of good
governance also applies to the similar concepts of
democracy and the rule of law. Those are extremely
important objectives, both for the development of our
societies and for the security of States. But, neither
democracy nor the rule of law can be artificially
imposed from outside. This is not about dictating
exogenous models; we must take a bottom-up approach
in creating suitable conditions for the emergence of
mechanisms that ensure people's equitable
participation in their own governance, in a spirit of
inclusivity. In that regard, our first priorities should be
the modernization of societies and States and the
emancipation of women and children and their
inclusion in the global dynamic. Past experience shows
that the shortest path to democracy and the rule of law
is the modernization of society. The role - indeed, the
responsibility - of the international community is to
galvanize that modernization process.
We have a great responsibility. Before the end of
the year, the Peacebuilding Commission must be
established. We also have the task of making the
Human Rights Council operational. I sincerely hope
that the spirit that prevailed during the summit will
also guide the work of the sixtieth session of the
General Assembly. We must continue to show
determination, perseverance and vision in carrying out
our work. Only through constant commitment will we
make the United Nations the primary instrument for
international relations.
12

That is the important task ahead of us. Our own
credibility is at stake. We must once again make the
United Nations the instrument par excellence of our
strategy to build a more stable and more prosperous
world for all. Our peoples demand that. Belgium is
willing to rise to that challenge and to shoulder its
responsibilities.


After the celebratory and
powerful statements made here by leaders from all four
corners of the world during these past few days
commemorating the sixtieth anniversary of this
Organization, all that is left for Ghana to do is to
emphasize a few points in this annual general debate of
the General Assembly.
The record attendance of heads of State and
Government at this year’s meetings is evidence that,
more and more, nations of the world are accepting and
looking up to the United Nations to provide the moral
and practical framework and leadership for the shaping
and governance of the onrushing global village.
Without doubt, the Organization has become both the
main centre for the mobilization and deployment of
resources for the relief of victims of natural and man-
made disasters alike, and also the chief agency and
catalyst for the spread of opportunities for progress and
development for all humankind. Reassuringly, it is
galvanizing the conscience of humankind to resist and
desist from inhuman conduct, whilst putting in place a
global social safety net for the poor, the weak and the
handicapped in a world of strident competition.
Ghana will therefore continue to contribute to the
ongoing debate on United Nations reform, especially
the strengthening of the Organization’s institutions at
all levels. The reforms must radiate the spirit of
common humanity in which each person is his
brother’s keeper. That will engender the trust needed to
anchor the tolerance and goodwill which must be the
cornerstone of the globalization process.
The increasing realization of our common
humanity will lessen the divisive tendencies of racial,
religious, political, gender, cultural and other social
categorizations. Already, the world, under the
leadership of this Organization, is doing well in its
many dramatic rallies in rushing aid to victims
wherever disaster occurs, such as the Indian Ocean
States after the tsunami and the aftermath of Hurricane
Katrina in New Orleans, here in the United States of
America.
In spite of those positive developments, however,
the persistent and worsening carnage and mayhem
caused by terrorism still seem to lurk everywhere.
Nowhere and nobody seems to be safe any longer.
Whatever its cause, terrorism cannot be justified or
rationalized in terms of a solution, since its effects do
not discriminate between the perceived guilty and the
innocent. That is why the world must stand together
and try to eradicate it.
African nations are now showing a strong
determination to end the conflicts that have bedevilled
the continent for decades. The setting-up of the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and
the African Peace and Security Council under the
auspices of the African Union is a demonstration of
that resolve. Through NEPAD, Africa has identified the
factors of good governance, the culture of democracy,
the rule of law, free and fair elections, sound economic
management of States, and State support for and
partnership with the private sector as critical for
sustained socio-economic development, peace and
stability.
For accelerated economic growth, Africa is
generally agreed that the way forward is through
partnerships among the African nations and with the
rest of the world to create economies of scale and to
attract both domestic and foreign direct investment.
That will create opportunities for employment, the
transfer of know-how and markets to combat the
debilitating poverty. The world community must
support Africa in those ground-breaking efforts.
Africa believes that the realization of the agenda
under the Doha Round could also bring significant
benefits to developing countries. But alongside those
efforts must come support for the call for greatly
enhanced economic aid from the United Nations and
the developed world for the struggling third world to
nurture itself into the fitness required for the
competitiveness that the global market demands. The
same rationale must back the various initiatives aimed
at providing assistance for the prevention, care and
treatment of HIV/AIDS, malaria and other infectious
diseases. It is only by containing those diseases that the
continent’s development can be kept on course.
The empowerment of women and children is
moving apace on the continent. In that regard, Ghana
has established a Ministry of Women’s and Children’s
Affairs to spearhead policies and programmes to
promote gender equality and enhance the status of
women.
This is a historic moment of truth for the
international community. The destiny of the United
18

Nations and humankind is in our hands. We have the
choice to save it, and the time to act is now.


Samoa warmly
congratulates you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at this historic
moment — a very challenging time. Samoa pledges to
you and to Sweden its full support and cooperation
throughout the sixtieth session of the General
Assembly.
I also want to pay tribute to your predecessor,
Mr. Jean Ping of the Gabonese Republic, for his
outstanding service and effective guidance during the
fifty-ninth session.
Just a few days ago in this very Hall, we met to
take stock of progress and map the way forward in the
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). The MDGs are not merely a set of targets, but
encompass a process which addresses the varied
challenges to human development. While some
progress has been made over the past five years, much
more remains to be done.
It is therefore imperative that concerted global
efforts be strengthened, in terms of political
commitment and resource mobilization, if the outcome
of the summit envisaged in the summit outcome
document is to be achieved.
Samoa is progressing well towards achieving the
MDGs by the target period of 2015. Challenges
remain, however, and they are being addressed through
legislative and policy initiatives and the creation of
innovative partnerships with the donor community and
civil society.
Samoa reiterates its support for the ongoing
efforts to modernize and strengthen the United Nations.
We thank the previous President of the Assembly, as
well as the Secretary-General, for their laudable work
and tireless efforts in advancing the reform and
revitalization of the Organization.
It is our belief that reform measures must provide
for a transparent, democratic and expanded Security
Council, in both the permanent and non-permanent
membership categories, and for an effective and
strengthened Organization that reflects the realities of
the twenty-first century. Substantive changes are
therefore required with regard to both the General
Assembly and the Security Council, as well as to other
bodies of the United Nations system.
We congratulate President Ping, in particular for
his stewardship and leadership throughout the
negotiations for and the adoption of the summit
declaration last week. This is the sixtieth anniversary
of the United Nations; the time is surely ripe now to
implement the reforms needed to revitalize our
Organization and enable it to effectively realize the
principles and goals identified in the declaration.
The courageous efforts of the Israeli and
Palestinian authorities to find a sustainable peace
solution deserve our applause and prayers for
continuing success. While there have been positive
developments in the Middle East, the violence and acts
7

of terrorism in Iraq and in other parts of the region
remain causes for grave concern.
Terrorism, perpetrated by those with no respect
for human decency and life, continues to plague our
world. No cause or grievances can justify acts that kill
and maim innocent people. Heinous and murderous
acts of terrorism serve only the purposes of those who
want to destabilize society and usher in a dark age for
our world. Samoa therefore condemns terrorism in all
its forms in the strongest terms and will continue to
support the international campaign to overcome that
scourge to human dignity and security.
The peacekeeping and security advocacy work of
the United Nations around the world has our full
support. Samoa presently has police contingents
serving with peacekeeping missions in Timor-Leste
and in Liberia. Within our Pacific region, Samoa also
contributes police support to the Regional Assistance
Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) under the
auspices of the Pacific Islands Forum. RAMSI
conforms to its regional responsibilities under Chapter
VIII of the United Nations Charter and recognizes the
sovereignty of the Solomon Islands.
Samoa is pleased to note that the membership of
the International Criminal Court will soon number 100.
Samoa adds its voice to the appeal for the early
ratification of and accession to the Rome Statute
establishing the Court by those States that have not yet
done so. The Court brings to justice those who commit
genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes and
is therefore an important institution in upholding
international humanitarian standards and the protection
of human rights. For those reasons, it would be a
mistake to undermine the effectiveness of the Court in
any way. Instead, the Court should be given the
necessary support to give it universality.
Samoa remains extremely concerned about the
proliferation of nuclear weapons and their threat, not
just to international peace and security, but to the very
existence of life on our planet. We regret deeply that
the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, held in May
2005, was unable to agree on steps to strengthen the
non-proliferation regime. The Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) are
the main instruments for controlling the spread of
nuclear weapons.
The South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty
highlights the seriousness with which the issue of the
threat of nuclear weapons is viewed in our region and
we call on States who have not done so to ratify the
Treaty’s Protocols. Clearly, adherence to the
requirements of the NPT, the CTBT and other
conventions on disarmament is vital. Samoa therefore
joins the call for all United Nations Members to sign
on to those treaties and for States parties to honour
their obligations to them.
Small arms and light weapons have been used
time and again in violent conflict, contributing to the
destabilization and devastation of communities in
many countries, including in the Pacific. The
proliferation of small weapons is a major problem. We
therefore fully support the holding of a review
conference on small arms next year, in particular with a
view to concluding a treaty to control the trade in small
arms and stop them from reaching areas of violent
conflict.
As the current Chair of the Pacific Islands Forum,
I wish to report that since the General Assembly
session last year new and positive developments have
taken place in the Pacific region. The programme of
Pacific Regional Assistance to Nauru, a regional
response to assist Nauru rebuild its economy, is in
progress. With assistance from the United Nations, an
autonomous government is now being established in
Bougainville. I am also pleased to announce that the
Pacific Plan — a road map to further strengthen
regional cooperation and integration to achieve our
region’s priority goals of economic growth, sustainable
development, good governance and security — is
nearing completion and is expected to be considered
and approved by Pacific Forum leaders at their next
summit, in Papua New Guinea, in October of this year.
The Pacific Plan will also improve Pacific countries’
capacities to achieve the Millennium Development
Goals.
The Mauritius Strategy for the Further
Implementation of the Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States, adopted in January 2005, sets out long-term
action plans for the sustainable development of small
island developing States (SIDS). While we accept that
the primary responsibility for the implementation of
the Mauritius Strategy lies with us, there is still a
critical need for the sustained and long-term
commitment of our partners to focus on the special
8

case of SIDS and to take their specific vulnerabilities,
and the challenges generated thereby, into account. We
therefore call on the United Nations system and the
international community to provide the necessary
support to implement and monitor the Mauritius
Strategy.
As has often been repeated from this rostrum,
trade is the surest path to greater wealth and a vital
component of sustainable development for SIDS. We
therefore support the successful conclusion of the Doha
Round, which took the vulnerabilities of small States
fully into account in the negotiations, particularly with
regard to special and preferential treatment for small
economies.
Let me conclude by reaffirming Samoa’s
commitment to multilateralism and to the purposes and
principles of the United Nations.


On behalf of
the Government of the Republic of San Marino, I wish
to congratulate Ambassador Jan Eliasson on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixtieth session. I also wish to express to the outgoing
President, Mr. Jean Ping, our deepest gratitude for his
commitment and determination in fulfilling his
mandate.
At the outset, I would also like to express my
appreciation for the result of the outcome document. I
am confident that, with a clear mandate for our heads
of State and Government, we will be able to reach our
goals.
The United Nations is at an extremely important
and critical juncture. Indeed, the challenge of United
Nations reform has become inevitable and necessary in
laying the foundations of its future activity. It is now
all too clear that the reform will involve its major
bodies, working methods and management of human
and economic resources. The United Nations structure
will be modified with the aim of showing the entire
world that the Organization is an efficient and
16

democratic body that can guarantee peace and
development.
The reform, which will lead to tension and
require sacrifices, will be criticized by a number of
States, as is the case with all difficult compromises.
The process will be long and encounter numerous
obstacles, but it is necessary and indispensable.
San Marino believes that the reform process
already under way will not stop. However, changes will
have to be wide-ranging and take account of the need
to face important issues, such as the reform of the
Security Council. Most importantly, the reform will
have to be supported by the widest possible consensus
and based on two principles: democracy and
transparency. We hope the enlargement will take into
account the widest possible geographical and regional
representation and that the solution’s methods and
ideas will not be forcibly imposed or privilege the
interests of only a few countries. We endorse the
principles of “Uniting for consensus” and are ready to
consider any proposal that does not create fractures and
can establish a new and lasting balance.
For San Marino, the United Nations must be
based upon democracy, which gives it its legitimacy
and moral strength. Streamlining structures and
procedures is also necessary to greater effectiveness,
because it is in the field, among people, that the United
Nations really fulfils its mission. Indeed, it is the
people who determine the importance of this
Organization in the improvement of their lives.
With regard to some essential aspects presently
under discussion, San Marino feels that the proposed
creation of a human rights council may not solve the
basic problem of the Commission on Human Rights,
which is politicization. However, San Marino is of the
view that human rights protection deserves the same
consideration given by the Economic and Social
Council to social and economic aspects and by the
Security Council to peace and security.
The human rights council should be directly
accountable to the General Assembly and have a
broad-based composition allowing for the adequate
participation of small and medium-sized countries.
Moreover, the specific competencies of the new
council vis-à-vis the Third Committee should be
established in order to avoid duplication of activities
and inefficiencies.
The proposed peacebuilding commission is an
excellent institutional response to post-conflict
situations. The commission should play an important
role not only in the resolution, but also in the
prevention of conflicts. Moreover, it should find ad hoc
solutions for countries in transition from
totalitarianism or institutional anarchy to democracy.
In our view, the commission should submit
recommendations to the Security Council on measures
to be adopted to guarantee consistency in peace
interventions, economic recovery processes, the
rebuilding of national institutions and public
administration, and the strengthening of democracy
and the rule of law. Moreover, we believe that the
Commission should be composed of members of the
Security Council and the Economic and Social
Council, as well as of countries directly involved in
specific situations.
Just a few days ago, the majority of the world
leaders gathered in this very Hall to discuss what has
been done so far to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals. Over the past five years,
development assistance activities have fallen short of
expectations. We sincerely hope that the recently
concluded summit will promote and encourage stronger
commitment by all developed and developing
countries.
San Marino has followed very attentively the
reform process initiated by the Secretary-General and
has actively participated in the discussions of the
Panel’s report and of the Secretary-General’s report
entitled “In larger freedom”, as well as in the
negotiations of the outcome document of the General
Assembly. We would have liked the latter document to
contain more incisive and comprehensive proposals.
San Marino is aware that development is the sine
qua non condition for achieving the Millennium Goals.
Today, in the twenty-first century, more than a billion
people still live on less than a dollar a day and 30,000
children die every day from hunger. Those figures
cannot leave us indifferent. Only by eradicating
poverty, underdevelopment and epidemics, and by
forgiving the crushing debt of developing countries,
will collective well-being be achieved.
Peace and security are intimately linked to the
Millennium Goals, as they are essential for a country to
improve its economic and human conditions. Peace and
security cannot be separated from concerns about
17

terrorism, as evidenced by the numerous recent
cowardly attacks. Terrorism must not divert the
international community from its commitment to
promoting democratization, the culture of peace and
respect for religions, ethnic groups and different
cultures.
All States must share the responsibility for
fighting terrorism and cooperate at the regional and
international levels to implement specific and effective
preventive measures. Every State must adopt the
necessary legislation to break the vicious cycle of
terrorism and to prevent its financing through
economic and banking cooperation.
The principle of “the responsibility to protect” is
an extremely interesting concept. That idea, however,
can be accepted only if understood not as a violation of
national sovereignty, but as a duty of all States vis-à-
vis countries plagued by massacres, genocide and
humanitarian crises.
San Marino is closely following developments in
the peace process in the Middle East. The decision of
the Israeli Government to remove its settlers from the
Gaza Strip and the West Bank has been one of the most
significant steps in the implementation of the road map
and Prime Minister Sharon has showed great courage
and determination, despite all domestic difficulties, in
taking such a decision.
San Marino shares the hope of the international
community that the Palestinian Government will also
fully respect its commitments and, by completely
rejecting terrorism perpetrated by extremist groups,
will maintain and strengthen the dialogue and
constructive relations responsibly established with the
Israeli Government.
We welcome with great satisfaction the recent
elections held in the new Afghanistan, now on its way
to democracy and with a higher degree of freedom, as
well as the elections and approval of the new
Constitution in Iraq, which we hope may lead to a real
institutional, social and cultural rebirth of that country.
We cannot fail to address and stress the situation
of women and children in our discussions on the
concerns to be addressed at the beginning of this
Millennium and on the development of humankind.
Children, in particular, are most vulnerable to war and
famine and bear the brunt of adult actions and
decisions. Bombings and conflicts, malnutrition,
poverty, treatable diseases, child labour and sexual
abuse cause them great suffering and death. If people
were merely to stop and think of those children, many
of the worst events in the world could be avoided.
This year, my country has undertaken a number
of humanitarian initiatives in favour of children,
mainly in Africa, with the support of our institutions.
Let me mention, in that regard, the recent unanimous
decision of my Parliament in favour of programmes
improving childhood conditions in Uganda.
Poverty and hunger are the prison in which many
women eke out their existence, victims of injustice and
discrimination. Our inability to free those women,
despite all the means available, is one of the major
scandals of our day. At a time of economic well-being
and progress, though not widespread, complicity with
that injustice through negligence or incapacity is
unacceptable. The mass media now at our disposal do
not allow us to ignore that situation. The
implementation of Beijing and Beijing+5 is crucial to
demolishing the walls of that prison and to
guaranteeing respect and development for the women
of the twenty-first century.
Last year, San Marino ratified the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women and, last June, Parliament approved accession
to its Optional Protocol. I deposited our instruments of
accession upon my arrival here in New York.
Moreover, San Marino is tirelessly committed to
supporting women’s complete integration into and
equality in its society.
On this occasion, I would express the hope that
the international community will strengthen its efforts
to protect the environment and prevent natural
disasters. To that end, international cooperation is of
the utmost importance, and the Kyoto Protocol is a
particularly important instrument for our country.
On that subject, I wish to reiterate my country’s
condolences and solidarity to the people tragically
struck by natural disasters, such as those in South-East
Asia some months ago and, more recently, along the
coasts of the Gulf of Mexico in the United States of
America.
The Millennium Development Goals, peace
processes, fighting injustice and our many other great
challenges may seem impossible to face, but
humankind has the necessary resources and
18

instruments to achieve those objectives and the United
Nations is one of the major tools at our disposal. I am
confident that the Organization will be up to that noble
task. To that end, I express my most sincere wishes to
you, Sir, to the Secretary-General and to all colleagues,
diplomats and officials who believe in the ideals of the
United Nations.


Seven days ago, from this rostrum, I
warned that the situation in Kosovo and Metohija - a
province of Serbia administered by the United Nations
since 10 June 1999 - poses a serious threat to the
20

stability of the Balkans. Serbia and Montenegro
supports the conclusion of the International Contact
Group that there will be no return to the situation
before 10 June 1999.
I would like to recall that, before 1999, the
regime in Serbia insisted on the limited autonomy of
Kosovo, while the Albanian political leaders insisted
on its independence. Those two opposing positions led
to an armed conflict, and later to NATO air strikes
against Serbia and Montenegro. That conflict ended
following the adoption of Security Council resolution
1244 (1999), which called for a protectorate in Kosovo
but did not call into question the territorial integrity of
Serbia and Montenegro.
The Contact Group's conclusion that there will be
no return to the situation before June 1999 has to apply
equally to both sides - Serbian and Albanian.
Consequently, there can be neither limited autonomy
nor independence for Kosovo. By proposing a status
that was greater than autonomy but less than
independence for Kosovo, the democratic Government
in Belgrade demonstrated its full commitment to
reaching a compromise solution. Unfortunately, the
Kosovo Albanians, only interested in independence,
have not budged an inch from their 1999 position.
Unfortunately, I have to note that the
international community is partly to blame for the
tragic position the Serbian and other non-Albanian
minorities in Kosovo find themselves in, as well as for
the political extremism of the Albanian majority and
the many crimes that have been committed. The
standards set for Kosovo are not even close to being
fulfilled. Are we therefore going to abandon the
ìStandards before Statusî policy? From 10 June 1999
to the present, approximately 200,000 Serbs and
Montenegrins, as well as Turks, Croats, Roma, Jews
and other non-Albanians, have been expelled from
Kosovo. Close to 80 per cent of the territory is now
inhabited only by Albanians. Several hundred Serbs
have been killed, including many children.
Approximately 40,000 Serbian homes have been
demolished or set on fire, as well as 150 churches and
monasteries that were centuries old. The remaining
Serbs and other non-Albanians live in so-called
enclaves, without guarantees for their personal safety
and their freedom of movement. No one in present-day
Europe is so tragically unprotected.
In spite the foregoing, we hope that the United
Nations military and police forces will remain in
Kosovo. Without their presence, the tragedy of Serbs
and other minorities would be complete. Troops from
the United States, Italy, France and other countries
should be given credit for keeping the Serbian
Christian monasteries designated or nominated as
international world heritage sites from being blown up
or set on fire. We would like to thank the United
Nations and ask the United Nations forces to stay in
Kosovo as long as necessary.
For months now, Albanian extremists have been
openly threatening to launch a pogrom against the
remaining Serbs, Montenegrins and other
non-Albanians - and even against United Nations
forces - unless Kosovo's independence is proclaimed.
Recent killings of young Serbs announced the
beginning of that scenario. Ultimatums and threats to
commit crimes and terrorism cannot be accepted
anywhere in the world, including in Kosovo. I hope
that that will finally and decisively be made clear to
the Albanian majority in the province. Serbia and
Montenegro demands a European level of human rights
protection for national communities in Kosovo,
protection of churches and monasteries and recognition
of the European status of the existing State borders
with the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of
Albania. No more and no less is acceptable, either
under the Charter of the United Nations or under
Security Council resolution 1244 (1999). Our rights do
not threaten any right of the Albanian majority. An
independent State of Kosovo is not a guaranteed right,
but an extreme demand.
We are truly and fully committed to a
compromise, but compromise does not mean that one
side gets everything while the other side gets nothing.
We are for reconciliation and a common European
future, in which Serbs, Montenegrins and Albanians
will be good neighbours and best friends for each
other.
A stable and European Kosovo means a stable
Western Balkans region, and vice versa. The choice is
obvious.


Let me start by
extending to the President my sincere congratulations
on his election to the presidency of the sixtieth session
of the General Assembly. I can assure him that in
fulfilling his challenging and responsible duties, he
will have the support and full cooperation of the
delegation of Hungary. Our tribute and thanks are also
due to his predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, who served us
with exemplary devotion and honour.
Effective multilateralism remains an important
objective of the foreign policy of Hungary. Therefore,
we are pleased to see the United Nations standing
ready to face the emerging threats and challenges by
making efforts to adapt its activities to the realities of
our contemporary world.
The United Nations has served for 60 years as the
core institution for collective security. In our global
and interdependent world we have to acknowledge that
development, peace, security and human rights form an
indispensable foundation for the security and well-
being of our times.
My Government is particularly pleased that issues
such as the fight against terrorism, international
protection of human rights, the proposed Human
Rights Council, the establishment of the Peacebuilding
Commission, the reform of United Nations
management, as well as challenges related to
development, have found proper reflection in the
recommendations of the summit.
International terrorism continues to be a major
threat to our societies. The recently experienced
horrors of terror are sowing the seeds of instability all
over the world. Hungary, along with its partners in the
European Union and NATO, strongly condemns all
forms of terrorism. Measures taken in the course of
combating terrorist forces, however, must always
remain in conformity with basic international
standards, in particular with human rights and refugee
and humanitarian law. We believe that the United
Nations needs to accord top priority to the fight against
the scourge of terrorism. My country is keen to see the
elaboration and adoption by the General Assembly of a
comprehensive convention on terrorism, which would,
among others things, give the proper legal definition of
terrorist acts.
Freedom, democracy and human rights should
constitute the basic framework of life for every
individual. We know from experience that they are not
granted automatically; they must be won and enforced
through hard and persistent efforts. It is of paramount
importance therefore that essential human rights-
related activities, such as servicing the treaty
implementation machinery or monitoring undertaken
by the special procedures, are given their due share in
the funding provisions of the United Nations regular
budget.
Driven by the objective to promote democracy in
the world, the Government of the Republic of Hungary
has established the Budapest International Center for
Democratic Transition. The Center is set to provide
assistance for democratic reforms drawing upon the
experience of countries that have recently undergone
political, economic and social transition. These
nations, having had to face and address the challenges
of transition in the recent past, can probably best serve
as helping hands to countries in need in this regard.
It is in the same spirit that Hungary warmly
welcomes the establishment of the United Nations
Democracy Fund. The Budapest International Center
for Democratic Transition will be eager to coordinate
its activities with the Fund in the framework of a close
cooperative relationship.
Hungary finds the resolution to establish a new
United Nations mechanism dealing with the rights of
persons belonging to national, ethnic, religious and
linguistic minorities to be highly encouraging. The
appointment of an independent expert on minority
11

issues is an important step in the right direction. The
United Nations however still has a long way to go in
meeting the full scope of its responsibilities with
regard to the international protection of minority
rights.
Educating young generations about the lessons of
the past is an essential tool to combat discrimination
and intolerance. For this reason a day of Holocaust
remembrance has been introduced into Hungarian
school curriculum. It is in that same spirit that Hungary
supports the proposal to place Holocaust remembrance
on the agenda in the United Nations General Assembly.
Hungary recognizes that development is a central
goal by itself and is ready to reaffirm its commitment
to eradicate poverty and promote sustainable
development and global prosperity for all. As a new
European Union member, Hungary is ready to
gradually increase her official development assistance.
The European Union recently made important
decisions in support of Africa’s development efforts.
We reaffirm our commitment to contribute urgently to
meeting the special needs of that continent.
We are encouraged to see that after so many years
of wars and violence, democratic changes are bearing
fruit for the peoples of the Western Balkans. It is more
than promising that the political and economic
perspectives offered by the European Union and NATO
are the main driving forces today for the countries of
this region.
In order to find lasting solutions to the yet
unresolved challenges of the Western Balkans, it is
crucial to tackle the basic issues of security and
stability in their broader regional dimensions.
Regardless of its future status, it is vital that Kosovo be
transformed into a viable entity, capable of exercising
firm administrative control with a stable law and order
situation and a transparent, dependable economy.
Given the turbulent history of the Balkans, no long-
term solution is conceivable without establishing
harmonious inter-ethnic relationships. Well-defined
and strictly implemented minority rights are the
primary precondition for peace, stability and prosperity
both in Kosovo and in the broader Western Balkans.
The Middle East conflict has wide-ranging
implications on global peace and security, on the
prospects of the world economy and, last but not least,
on the fight against international terrorism. Hungary is
of the firm view that the road map, based on the two-
States principle, still gives us the best chance for
reaching a just and lasting solution.
The implementation of the Gaza disengagement
plan by the Government of Israel has been a step of
truly historic proportions. Thus, the Middle East peace
process has been given a new lease on life, but its
sustainability is subject to further consistent, bold
measures by both sides. In order to maintain the
momentum, Israel needs to return to the road map,
while the Palestinian National Authority has to
demonstrate its own commitment to the peace process
by carrying out the long overdue internal reforms and,
most importantly, by eradicating terrorism and taking
the law and order situation under effective control.
The continued instability in Iraq is a matter of
grave concern. Hungary strongly condemns the acts of
violence and terrorism in Iraq, which aim to undermine
the process of reconstruction and political
normalization. In spite of the alarming security
situation and the obvious internal instability, the
political transition in Iraq is making progress in line
with Security Council resolution 1546 (2004). The
approval of the recently drafted constitution is
indispensable to carry on the political process. Further
consistent efforts are required to properly engage all
Iraqi communities in building a united, stable and
democratic country.
Let me reiterate Hungary’s continued commitment
to provide assistance to the people of Iraq in their
efforts to build a democratic and prosperous country
that will soon take its due place in the family of
democratic nations.
Hungary viewed the successful presidential
elections last October as an important milestone on the
way to political stabilization in Afghanistan. The
parliamentary elections held only days ago marked a
further major step leading to the establishment of
proper democratic institutions in that country. Hungary
is proud of the humanitarian assistance it has provided
to the people of Afghanistan, as well as of the
contribution it has made to facilitate the process of
political stabilization. My country is ready to undertake
further commitments in order to assist the Afghan
people in rebuilding their country in peace and
security.
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
along with their means of delivery continues to
undermine international peace and security. The threat
12

that terrorist groups and non-State actors will acquire
nuclear, biological and chemical weapons is a major
concern to us all. At the last session of the General
Assembly, Hungary expressed its strong support for the
full implementation of Security Council resolution
1540 (2004), and called on all States to establish
effective national export controls. We have noted with
satisfaction that a great number of Member States had
submitted comprehensive reports on their national
measures serving the aim and purpose of the
resolution.
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) is still a cornerstone of international
peace, security and stability. The 2005 NPT Review
Conference, however, failed to live up to our
expectations. The international community needs to
fulfil its responsibility in preserving the integrity of the
Treaty while promoting its universal character.
Recognizing the grave threat posed by biological
weapons, Hungary will work together with other
nations in the run-up to the upcoming Biological and
Toxic Weapons Review Conference. Hungary will
strive to explore opportunities to strengthen the
Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention.
My country remains committed to the Ottawa
Convention banning landmines. We will have
destroyed all equipment under the provisions of the
Convention by the end of 2005, well in advance of the
deadline.
At the current session, beyond the wide range of
issues to be tackled, we have to make important
decisions to put on track the implementation of the
outcome document adopted by the High-level Plenary
Meeting of the General Assembly. If we are guided by
a sense of common responsibility and firmly anchored
realism, the momentum for reform will be maintained.
The delegation of Hungary stands ready to work in
partnership with other delegations to make this happen.


Let me begin,
Mr. President, by congratulating you upon your
election as President of the General Assembly and
assure you of my country’s unwavering support for
your endeavours. Your previous experience at the
United Nations ensures that under your guidance the
Assembly will continue to promote the values and
principles of our Organization.
I also wish to extend our sincere thanks to the
outgoing President, Mr. Ping. His tireless efforts in all
fields, particularly in the preparations for the High-
level Plenary Meeting, have been exemplary.
Greece fully subscribes to the statement delivered
earlier by the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom
on behalf of the European Union, as well as to the
European Union priorities presented to the General
Assembly.
I would also like to express our appreciation to
the Secretary-General for his relentless efforts to
promote peace and security and to safeguard the moral
authority and the pre-eminent role of our United
Nations.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, we
continue to face many threats and challenges that
undermine the basic values and principles of our
societies and test our will and determination to abide
by the obligations and restraints inherent in those
values and principles. Only through concerted
collective action, dialogue and mutual understanding
can we confront them and pave the way for a better and
brighter future.
Terrorism has emerged as the most important
challenge of our times, creating an atmosphere of
collective fear, intolerance and a never-ending cycle of
violence. Throughout history, violence has never
proven to be an answer to our problems. Peace,
stability and security can only be achieved through
tolerance, acceptance and the realization that our
common interests far outweigh our differences. There
is no justification whatsoever for terrorism. It is high
time for an urgent collective effort to put an immediate
end to that modern scourge.
Natural disasters, like the tsunami in Asia and the
recent hurricane in the southern part of the United
States — with so many victims and unimaginable
destruction — also demonstrate sufficiently the
importance of international cooperation and the urgent
need for human solidarity.
I am fully aware of the importance of economic
development for a considerable part of the world.
Security and sustainable development go hand in hand.
Our collective commitment and efforts are needed to
correct the imbalances and disparities in the world. It is
only a matter of time before extreme poverty, hunger
and the catastrophic impact of widespread diseases will
lead to strife, internal or external. The foremost
example of that is in Africa, where the vicious cycle of
poverty, conflict and HIV/AIDS produces an explosive
combination ripping apart the fabric of their societies
and threatening them with unprecedented and dire
consequences.
22

Multilateral cooperation is the only way to a
better world. The international multilateral system
must be enhanced and strengthened. Greece fully
participates in the policies formulated by the European
Union and the various international organizations that
contribute to the economic development of all areas of
the world in order to redress existing imbalances.
We appreciate the value of cultural diversity in a
world unfortunately so often divided by discrimination.
We believe in dialogue among cultures, among people
and among societies. We fully support the peaceful
resolution of all our disputes on the basis of
international law and the United Nations Charter. We
are deeply committed to the United Nations and what it
represents and to effective multilateralism and the pre-
eminence of international law.
Looking at Greece’s immediate neighbourhood,
the Balkans, we realize that it has not yet been fully
transformed into a region of peace, stability and
prosperity.
In Kosovo, the trauma created by the repression
of the past and the inter-ethnic violence that plagued
the region for so long has yet to be healed. There is a
need for a settlement that is in conformity with
international legality, as expressed by the United
Nations, and with European standards and values — a
settlement which will enhance regional stability.
We remain convinced that European integration is
the only way to find permanent solutions to existing
problems and challenges in the area. At the same time,
regional cooperation must be strengthened so as to
effectively address the problems of the neighbourhood.
Greece, which holds the chairmanship-in-office of the
South-East European Cooperation Process, is
determined to strengthen the institutional aspects of
that process and to develop it into the real voice of the
region.
I deeply regret that the Cyprus problem remains
unresolved. In the 31 years of military occupation of
more than one third of the territory of Cyprus, Greece
has strongly supported every attempt and initiative by
the United Nations to achieve a comprehensive
settlement of the Cyprus problem.
In the light of the outcome of last year’s
referendums, which should be fully respected, any new
initiative will have to be carefully prepared so as to
ensure real chances for success. For our part, we are
ready to work towards building the necessary common
ground, which will render possible the re-launching of
meaningful negotiations.
Our ultimate goal remains an agreed solution
between the two parties. We remain steadfastly
committed to reaching a just and viable solution for the
reunification of the island following negotiations on
the basis of the Secretary-General’s plan and the
relevant Security Council resolutions, and in
conformity with European Union principles and acquis.
In this endeavour, Greece will spare no effort.
The climate of our bilateral relations with Turkey
over recent years has been constantly improving. We
have made vigorous efforts to put our relations on a
new, solid track. Significant progress has been
achieved in several areas of our bilateral cooperation,
and Turkey’s European Union perspective will further
broaden the scope of our relations.
The latest developments in the Middle East allow
us to maintain a certain level of reserved optimism.
The Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and parts of the
northern West Bank does, indeed, constitute an
important milestone. This is a momentous opportunity
to revitalize the road map and to move the process a
step closer to achieving a fair, lasting and
comprehensive peace in the Middle East.
The road map remains the framework for the
achievement of a just and lasting peace. Both parties
should concentrate on fulfilling their respective
obligations and commitments and refrain from any and
all unilateral actions which threaten to prejudge the
outcome of final status negotiations and undermine
efforts at building confidence on the ground.
Our shared goal remains the realization of a two-
State solution: Israel and a democratic, viable and
territorially contiguous State of Palestine, living side
by side in peace and security.
With regard to Iraq, Greece underlines the
importance of its territorial integrity and unity in the
framework of a federal system. We remain particularly
concerned, however, about the ongoing violence,
which makes it imperative to follow the timetable of
the political process that will lead the country to
normalcy, which is of vital importance for peace and
stability in the entire region. We fully support Iraq in
this difficult mission.
23

My country has a long, historic relationship with
the African continent and its peoples. We have
witnessed with great concern the series of conflict
situations that have been plaguing Africa for many
years. We are following developments in all cases and
are trying to make positive contributions, whether in
the Sudan, in the Democratic Republic of Congo or
other countries of West Africa, in the settlement of the
dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and elsewhere.
The emerging pivotal role of the African Union in
dealing with African crises has our full support and
deep appreciation.
Last Friday, we adopted a historic declaration,
which constitutes a new and important step in the
direction of enforcing collective security and
strengthening the United Nations capacity to deal with
the new challenges and threats that our societies are
facing today. Our efforts should now focus on the
implementation of the commitments made, so that
generations to come can live in a better and more
secure world.


At the outset I
would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your
election to the presidency of the sixtieth session of the
General Assembly. I have known you personally for a
long time as a very skilful and highly professional
diplomat and I wish you every success in making new
achievements in that highly responsible post. I would
also like to express our appreciation to your
predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, for the competence and
dedication with which he guided the work of the fifty-
ninth session of the General Assembly.
While it is too early to assess the impact of the
2005 World Summit Outcome (resolution 60/1)
adopted at the High-level Plenary Meeting, I will
venture to say that the path leading up to it was thorny,
if not challenging, at times.
Azerbaijan has always been and will remain
committed to the purposes, principles and values
enshrined in the United Nations Charter and other
landmark documents. Respect for the norms and
principles of international law and diligent observance
of international obligations by Member States serve as
indicators of their adherence to those values and
principles.
Azerbaijan fully supports a collective approach to
security. We are committed to taking concerted action,
in conformity with the United Nations Charter, to
remove threats to peace and security, foster sustainable
24

economic development and support democracy-
building and protection of human rights.
We reaffirm our determination to continue the
reforms that will eventually improve the functional
capacity of the United Nations and its decision-making
processes, especially with regard to crisis and conflict
management.
Since our accession to the United Nations, the
Organization has been closely associated in our society
with our hopes for the liberation of the territories of
Azerbaijan occupied by Armenia. Although the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) is deeply involved in the settlement process,
the prompt response of the Security Council to the
occupation of the territories of Azerbaijan and the
adoption of four Security Council resolutions — 822
(1993), 853 (1993), 874 (1993) and 884 (1993) — still
gives us hope for the peaceful settlement of the conflict
in and around the Nagorny Karabakh region of the
Republic of Azerbaijan. The principles unanimously
adopted by the Security Council in those resolutions
continue to be the basis for the settlement of the
conflict.
Last year the General Assembly’s consideration
of the agenda item entitled “The situation in the
occupied territories of Azerbaijan” played a crucial
role in attracting attention to the dangerous practices
carried out by Armenia in the occupied territories of
Azerbaijan.
As for the negotiation process itself, I must admit
that we are now at a critical juncture where the chances
for resolution of the conflict are cautiously optimistic.
The Government of Azerbaijan remains committed to
the peaceful settlement of this protracted conflict,
based on respect for the norms and principles of
international law, the implementation of the relevant
Security Council resolutions and related OSCE
documents and decisions. We expect that the Armenian
side will take a similarly constructive approach and
will not miss this window of opportunity.
There is no room for illusions. Azerbaijan will
never compromise its territorial integrity. Only the
return of all the occupied territories to Azerbaijan will
help restore our trust and confidence in Armenia and
its declared intention of establishing good-neighbourly
relations with Azerbaijan. Such a step would remove
the label of aggressor from the Government of
Armenia — a label it inherited after it occupied the
territories of Azerbaijan — and allow both parties to
benefit from the opportunities the settlement of the
conflict will bring.
We are ready to provide security assurances for
the Armenian population of the Nagorny Karabakh
region of Azerbaijan. As for the status of the region, it
is necessary to create favourable conditions for the
secure and dignified return of the expelled Azerbaijani
population to the Nagorny Karabakh region and to
other occupied territories, to establish normal living
conditions there and to provide opportunities for
economic development for both communities.
Once the agreement is achieved, for both political
and legal guarantees of its implementation we will
need the international community’s support for the
deployment of multinational peacekeeping forces,
demining, the restoration of communications, the
rehabilitation of lands and the provision of security
guarantees for the population in the Nagorny Karabakh
region of Azerbaijan, including the creation of local
police forces in the region for both Armenian and
Azerbaijani communities.
Last but not least, I should like to make a point
on conflict resolution. It concerns the issue of the
communication of Armenians living in the Nagorny
Karabakh region of Azerbaijan with Armenia and that
of Azerbaijanis living in the Nakhchivan region of
Azerbaijan with the rest of the country. We suggest that
the so-called Lachin corridor — which should be called
a road of peace — be used by both sides in both
directions, provided that security on the road is ensured
by the multinational peacekeeping force in the initial
stage.
The road’s importance extends beyond the
practical benefits of direct transport communications
between Armenia and Azerbaijan; the road should be
considered, first and foremost, as the path leading to
peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus region.
Today, from this rostrum, after the recent meeting of
the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia, held in
Kazan on 26 August 2005, I urge the Armenian side
not to miss this opportunity to move the negotiation
process forward with the assistance of the
Co-Chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group, in
accordance with the key understandings reached in the
Prague process.
Azerbaijan believes that development reinforces
democratic transformation, the rule of law and respect
25

for human rights. We agree that it is urgent and
important to achieve the international development
agenda. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
remain an indispensable part of that agenda and
represent measures of States’ contributions to and
impacts on global efforts in their quest for a better
existence.
Cooperation in the areas of debt, assistance and
trade can open up new opportunities for development
financing and can reinforce national efforts to mobilize
needed resources. Here, the special development needs
of Africa deserve serious attention. Azerbaijan
therefore welcomes the recent decision by the Group of
Eight Governments to cancel the debt of heavily
indebted poor countries.
We also consider official development assistance
to be an important investment in self-sustaining
development. We firmly believe that, if aid is to be
effective, greater interagency coordination is required
at all levels. The United Nations Development Group
and the United Nations Resident Coordinator have a
critical role to play in this field. We fully support the
strengthening of both structures.
Yet another area requiring increased cooperation
is international trade. Addressing issues related to
improving market access and terms of trade as well as
overcoming supply side constraints can revive the
Doha round. Azerbaijan believes that the 2005 world
summit will renew the sense of urgency to build strong
political will and a coherent policy approach aimed at
creating a more favourable multilateral trade system
during the forthcoming ministerial meeting of the
World Trade Organization, to be held in Hong Kong. In
the meantime, we believe that the development
challenges of landlocked developing countries should
be effectively addressed, bearing in mind the recently
adopted Asunción Platform for the Doha Development
Round.
We recognize the crucial role of regional
organizations, including United Nations regional
commissions, in enhancing regional cooperation to
promote sustainable development. Azerbaijan places
emphasis on the development of transregional transport
and communication lines and makes its contribution
through the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the
Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum natural gas pipeline. We also
look forward to the building of a new Baku-
Akhalkalaki-Tbilisi-Kars railroad.
Azerbaijan is committed to poverty eradication
and has identified it as an overarching goal in its
development strategies. Although we are encouraged
by the implementation perspectives presented in the
report of the Millennium Project, we highlight the need
for assistance to complement the efforts of national
leadership, especially in the areas of capacity-building,
science and technology and environmental protection.
The achievement of the Millennium Development
Goals requires not only public investment in
infrastructure and human capital, but also investment
in improving governance, which includes an efficient,
properly resourced and adequately staffed institutional
system as well as political accountability, transparency
and participation. Azerbaijan attaches particular
importance to progress in this area. In recognition of
the central role of good governance in poverty
reduction and development, we have formulated
additional national MDGs to address governance
issues. Specific targets in that area include, inter alia,
reform of the overall State system of public
administration, legislation and policy by the year 2015.
Recognizing the destructive effects of natural
disasters on the sustainable development of countries
and communities, Azerbaijan, as a disaster-prone
country, believes that efforts aimed at disaster
mitigation should place particular emphasis on
awareness-raising programmes and on the development
of early warning capacities.
It is clear that national ownership of the design,
implementation and coordination of humanitarian
response and transition programmes in both post-
disaster and post-conflict situations is essential to
ensure the desired impact and the sustainability of such
programmes. However, there is a need for the efficient
sharing of responsibilities between national authorities
and international humanitarian and development actors,
particularly in protracted humanitarian situations with
mass displacement and limited national capacities to
tackle all existing problems. Humanitarian assistance
and funding should not be limited to providing
immediate responses to crises; they must take into
account long-term needs in the transition phase.
Promoting human rights and the rule of law has
been an integral part of our national development
strategy as a result of our conviction that the full
enjoyment of human rights, while a goal in itself,
serves as a foundation for sustainable development. We
26

need to increase our ability to deal with human rights
challenges and to adequately respond to them,
particularly in times of conflict and crisis.
In conclusion, I would like to assure the
Assembly that Azerbaijan will remain committed to the
ideals that are the foundation of the Organization, and
to express my confidence that at this critical juncture
for multilateralism, the international community will
spare no effort to make the United Nations more
efficient and more relevant to the needs of its Member
States.