 Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your, election to the office of president of this session of the General Assembly. I extend to you, as well as to the Secretary-General, best wishes for success in your work. I should also like to pay a tribute to the work of your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar.
52.	I welcome the admission of two new States, Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu, to membership in the United Nations. I extend to them sincere congratulations on the attainment of their independence.
53.	Every year the Assembly meets to discuss the most important issues relating to the state of the world. Every year from this rostrum important appeals are made for an arrangement of world affairs that would rid mankind of fear and mutual mistrust, so that it could advance along the road on which the ideals of the Charter could find general application, in keeping with the greatness of man and his ceaseless creative activity.
54.	However, never before have we had to face such a contradictory and peculiar dilemma. Efforts to continue the process of detente exist side by side with feverish efforts to return to the "cold war". The endeavors of the peace loving forces in the vanguard of which Czechoslovakia is actively struggling to avert confrontation are at the same time being opposed by attempts to achieve military superiority and world economic hegemony. The general awareness of the inadmissibility of nuclear war is being opposed by plans and preparations for the waging of a supposedly limited version of such a war.
55.	This state of affairs prevails only because the policy of detente does not suit the bellicose forces of imperialism and hegemonism. Thus, while intimidating people through imputing a nonexistent threat from the East, they initiate new rounds of the arms race. Thus, while hypocritically labelling others as "international terrorists", they themselves terrorize entire continents. While demagogically accusing socialist countries of alleged violations of human rights, they themselves allow political prisoners to die of hunger and are unjustly condemning millions of people to the iniquity of unemployment. While groundlessly condemning others, they are shedding the blood of innocent persons in El Salvador, southern Africa and elsewhere. Thus, in representing the question, for example, of free trade or of stimulating investment as practically the only key problems of the world today, they are distracting attention from what are in fact the most important problems of the day the preservation of peace and security, disarmament and the struggle against the exploitation of the developing countries by transnational corporations, against colonialism, neocolonialism, racism, Zionism and apartheid. There is no doubt that it is those forces which are to blame for the complication of international developments.
56.	As is always the case in such complex circumstances, increased responsibility falls on all those who are concerned for the fate of mankind, as increased responsibility falls on the Organization to put an end to these adventures. The flight of an arrow must not be halted after it has been shot from the bow. Not a single resolution on the maintenance of peace and disarmament should be allowed to become nothing more than a stock number in the archives of unresolved problems. Every politician and every diplomat must be consistently committed to the implementation of these resolutions.
57.	The unending armament programs of imperialism aimed at achieving military superiority should serve as a warning to everyone. Although they remind one of the futile attempts to square a circle, their objective and actual results are ever more modern, more sophisticated, more destructive and more fearsome types of weapons. How timely once again today are Friedrich Engels' remarks that "new technology daily discards as scrap all inventions which have just been introduced, and ever new explosive substances of unprecedented scope and effectiveness constantly emerge. At the same time, however, it is not entirely clear who exactly, in the final analysis, is going to suffer from the effects of these weapons those who fire them or those at whom they are aimed."
58.	It is therefore in the interest of all of us that we, in time and effectively, erect a barrier to war and to material preparations for it. Let us expose the sophisms that are being used to justify war and armaments: all the lies about the "compatibility between closing the armaments gap and disarmament"; all those fallacious arguments about the so-called humane manner of waging a nuclear war; and all those attempts to have war in Europe waged by Europeans, in Asia by Asians and in Africa by Africans and thereby to transform our continents into theaters of limited nuclear war; all steps which, in the final analysis, have led to the production of the neutron bomb, which the Czechoslovak people together with peace-loving people throughout the world categorically condemn, and which warrants the condemnation of the Organization. Does it not make a mockery of the peaceful, peacemaking Organization when the representative of one of the permanent members of the Security Council asserts that there are more important matters than peace, while another states that each generation must have its own war? Is this naivete, or is it in fact actual preparation for war?
59.	It is only by means of dialog and cooperation that tangible and realistic solutions can be found for all the controversial issues of international relations. There is no problem that we would not be willing to try to resolve by means of negotiations.
60.	The time when one country could conduct the world with a nuclear baton has ended irrevocably. What we must do now is come to terms with this fact once and for all. Similarly, it is impossible to be a part of the existing system of international relations and at the same time to disregard the appeal for peace of the overwhelming majority of mankind. Look hew tenaciously the European nations are resisting American military plans. Thus what we are presented with is a proved and time-tested realistic solution, which is to resume the cooperation of the 1970s and to continue the implementation of both the spirit and the letter of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, held at Helsinki in 1975.
61.	That appears to us to be precisely the reason why, listening carefully to this debate, we hear a strong appeal from all continents for a continuation of the policy of detente, which reflects the swelling wave of antimissile and antineutron bomb protests on the part of the broad mass of people in Western Europe and elsewhere.
62.	It is certainly true, as was stated a few days ago, that when a bureaucrat who has only recently assumed his new post has fabricated a new doctrine, not everyone has to dance to his tune; such times have gone forever.
63.	What means can we seek to restore the current complicated international climate to a healthy state? What method of effective action is to be used to further develop the process of detente? In our view, both the means and the method are contained in the broad range of peace proposals put forward at the twenty-sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union by Leonid Brezhnev. As President Gustdv Husfik stated at the sixteenth Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, this peace program for the 1980s represents a concentrated reflection of our own vital interests.
64.	Therefore, it would be unforgivable to disregard the most vital interests of nations if those to whom the peace message of the Soviet people was addressed did not proceed beyond mere examination of it, or indeed it they were to go so far as to reject it. After all, the mere discussion of any of these proposals, not to mention their actual implementation, would allow mankind to breathe more freely.
65.	The main proposals are as follows: the Soviet Union calls for the immediate resumption of a comprehensive dialog with the United States at the highest level and, in particular, talks on the limitation of strategic arms with the preservation of everything that has already been achieved; it proposes the convening of a carefully prepared special session of the Security Council at the highest level in order to improve the international situation and to prevent war; it proposes a moratorium on the deployment of new medium range nuclear weapons; it proposes the expansion of regional security measures, which would represent an immensely valuable impetus to the solution of the key problem of the Madrid meeting, namely, the long-prepared and universally expected decision on convening a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe. We hope that the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO\ will be aware of their political responsibility and will contribute, in the second.stage of that meeting, to its successful conclusion. Finally, the Soviet Union proposes consideration at this session of the question of concluding a treaty prohibiting the stationing of any weapons in outer space. Like all peace-loving countries, we are keenly interested in ensuring that outer space never becomes another arena of the arms race. This desire is strengthened by the fact that three years ago Czechoslovakia, thanks to its cooperation with the Soviet Union, became the third country after the Soviet Union and the United States to send one of its citizens into space.
66.	Special emphasis must be placed on the appeal made at the seventh meeting by the Soviet Minister for Foreign Affairs, Andrei Gromyko, that the United Nations should adopt a new political document of fundamental importance, namely, a declaration on preventing a nuclear catastrophe and condemning the first use of nuclear weapons as the gravest crime against humanity.
67.	We wish to express our conviction that the current session will also prove to be an important stage in the preparation for the forthcoming second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, which can serve as a bridgehead for the convening of a world disarmament conference. In this context, we are prepared to cooperate actively with all delegations, as we have in the Committee on Disarmament and in the Preparatory Committee.
68.	We advocate a speedy and specific solution of the broad range of disarmament problems, ranging from questions of nuclear disarmament to partial measures, such as a complete ban on nuclear weapon tests, the prohibition of chemical and radiological weapons and the strengthening of security safeguards for nonnuclear countries, and including the creation of zones of peace in various parts of the world and the reduction of military budgets. All of that would be on the basis of the principles of equality and security.
69.	However, these goals can be achieved oriTy if there is a sincere interest and political will on the part of all States. It is these States that form the supporting pillars of the Declaration on International Cooperation for Disarmament [General Assembly resolution 34188], which was adopted, on our initiative, in 1979. We believe it to be necessary for the world forum, especially in the current international situation, to reaffirm the importance of the Declaration as a basic code bf conduct for States in disarmament negotiations. It would be useful if the General Assembly appealed for the consistent observance and implementation of that Declaration and once again mobilized the political will of States to develop international cooperation in disarmament talks, unrestricted by any preconditions or questions not directly related to them. The General Assembly should also appeal to all States to refrain from any actions that would make more difficult or impossible the achievement of specific disarmament results. In this regard we intend to submit an appropriate draft resolution to the Assembly at its current session.
70.	We have a vital interest in seeing Europe become permanently a region of stable peace and constructive cooperation. As a country in the very heart of Europe, we feel vitally threatened by the plans of NATO to deploy new United States medium-range nuclear missiles in a number of Western European countries. The implementation of that decision, motivated by the endeavors of the West to achieve strategic military superiority, is fraught with far reaching harmful consequences for peace and security, and not only on our continent.
71.	We therefore repose great hopes in the talks between the Soviet Union and the United States on the limitation of the nuclear weapons in Europe, agreed upon, virtually a few steps from this hall, at the recent meeting between Foreign Minister Gromyko and Secretary of State Haig. The talks will concentrate on the conclusion of an agreement on .the limitation or, what is even better, the reduction, of medium range nuclear weapons, an agreement that should at the same time be concluded in close relation with the corresponding forward-based nuclear system of the United States, with due account being taken of all the factors affecting the strategic situation in Europe. That is, in fact, the only way to maintain the existing approximate parity.
72.	The strengthening of detente and security in Europe would also promote progress in the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe, talks that for several years now, through no fault of ours, have been deadlocked.
73.	We are very interested in the efforts to establish a nuclear-free zone in northern Europe.
74.	We believe that the Mediterranean also should be transformed into a region of lasting peace and fruitful cooperation. The need for this has been underscored by the recent attack by United States armed forces against Libya.
75.	Socialist Czechoslovakia, as a firm link in the Warsaw Treaty and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, is consistently pursuing the coordinated policy of the socialist countries aimed at securing world peace and the development of detente. That policy, worked out by the congresses of our parties and given valuable impetus by the sessions of the Political Consultative Committee, the Crimea meetings at the highest level and the meetings of the
Committee or the Ministers for Foreign Affairs oftfie'Warsaw Treaty, is our longterm as well as our everyday program.
76.	Thus we are all the more deeply concerned over the situation in the Polish People's Republic, our immediate neighbor with which we are connected by thousands of years of history, a long common border and what is most important a common path to socialist construction. We wish to express our conviction that the Polish leadership will rebuff the attacks of both external and internal enemies of socialism. We fully share its view that only a socialist Poland, the class ally of its friends, can constructively promote the cause of peaceful relations in Europe and be a factor in a stable Europe.
77.	Equally, we cannot remain indifferent to the imperialist intrigues around socialist Cuba; we most emphatically denounce those intrigues and resolutely demand that an end be put to them without delay.
78.	In order to pursue our policy of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, we believe it to be extremely valuable and virtually indispensable to maintain vigorous and continuous political contacts with the participants in the Helsinki conference. That is why we are developing such contacts systematically and on a longterm basis. We unswervingly observe the treaties by means of which we have normalized our relations with a number of those countries, in particular the Federal Republic of Germany and Austria, and we are striving for good-neighborly relations and cooperation with them. We maintain an effectively operating system of political consultations with Finland, France, the United Kingdom, Canada, Turkey, Greece, Cyprus, Italy, Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and Luxembourg. We are constantly developing a broad, unprecedented economic cooperation, as well as vigorous cultural contacts. In that context, we also expect that our constructive approach to the settlement of outstanding financial property claims in our relations with the United States will lead to the return of our gold treasure stolen by the Nazis and thus to the removal of the obstacles that still burden our relations. We take an analogous position concerning similar negotiations with the United Kingdom, and in our turn we expect the same approach from the other side.
79.	At the same time, Czechoslovakia is developing all round, mutually beneficial relations with the overwhelming majority of the nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America. The results of the recent official visit by the President of Czechoslovakia, Gustav Husak, to Libya, Ethiopia and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen are further proof of this. We intend to continue our traditionally good relations with India and to develop our relations with other countries too.
80.	At the thirty-fifth session [18th meeting], I stated that a settlement of the situation in the Middle East had not come any closer. This year, regrettably, I can only add that it has become even further removed. The reason for this, as in the past, has been the aggressive policy of Tel Aviv and the support it receives from imperialists as the guarantors of its unprecedented piratical raids. What else can we call the barbarous raids carried out by Israel on Beirut, Saida, Nabatiyah those Coventries of Lebanon? How else can we view their unprecedented attack on the Iraqi nuclear reactor near Baghdad? How can one reconcile oneself to the fact that the sovereign territory of neighboring Lebanon is penetrated by Israeli commandos? How else can one judge the efforts by the United States to gain a military foothold there?
81.	It is becoming increasingly apparent, as we have been saying from the beginning, that no deals of the Camp David type will lead to the settlement of the crisis in the Middle East. A comprehensive political settlement must be based on respect for the legitimate interests of all the States and peoples in that region. This requires an immediate withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, full respect for the right of the Arab people of Palestine to self-determinationF, including the establishment of their own independent State, and the safeguarding of the security and sovereignty of all the States of the Middle East. We further advocate the convening of an international conference to eliminate that dangerous hotbed of tension, with the participation of all interested parties, including the PLO.
82.	We also fully support the just endeavors of the Afghan people to develop and defend the achievements of the April 1978 revolution and their national independence in the face of attacks by counterrevolutionary forces supported by imperialism and hegemonism. As we stressed during the recent visit to Czechoslovakia by a delegation from the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan headed by Babrak Karmal, we resolutely support the concrete and realistic proposals put forward by the Government of Afghanistan on 14 May 1980 for the normalization of relations with the neighboring countries of Pakistan and Iran, proposals which were further amplified in the statement of 24 August 1981 [Al361457, annex]. It is our view that the cause of peace in the region would be well served if both those countries accepted the constructive appeal that the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan, who is present here, made from this rostrum [8th meeting] for the consideration of those proposals, on a bilateral or trilateral basis, during this very session. However, no negotiations can be held without the participation of the sole legitimate Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Deliberations on the internal situation in that country are completely unacceptable.
83.	We fully associate ourselves with those who support the initiatives and constructive proposals of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, of Laos and of Kampuchea aimed at strengthening confidence and transforming SouthEast Asia into a region of peace and stability, including the proposal to hold a regional conference with the participation of the countries of IndoChina and the member countries of the Association of SouthEast Asian Nations [AS£A/V] [see A!36186, annex I]. At the same time, we most emphatically denounce the hostile manoeuvres connected with the artificially created question of Kampuchea. That fully applies also to the socalled international conference on Kampuchea, which constituted a flagrant violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and an interference in the internal affairs of that country. We hope that no one will again succeed in misusing the name of the United Nations for the selfish and dubious designs pursued by certain countries.
84.	It is our irreversible position that an end should be put to a situation, in which persons representing nobody and responsible for the genocide of millions of their fellow citizens should occupy a seat that should long since have belonged to the legitimate representatives of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
85.	The policy of stirring up unrest, instability and conflict in SouthEast Asia and other regions, which is the product of the collusion between imperialism and the current Chinese leadership, is sharply at variance with the interests of world peace and with the vital needs of all nations. Nor can Peking's hegemonistic and aggressive policy bring anything good to China itself or to its people. As for ourselves, Czechoslovakia is ready, as we have repeatedly stressed, to improve its relations with the People's Republic of China, while consistently preserving the fundamental principles of our foreign policy.
86.	The strengthening of security and peace in that area and throughout the continent of Asia would also be significantly enhanced by concrete talks on confidence-building measures in the regions of the Indian Ocean and the far East, as proposed by the Soviet Union.4 We also regard as highly valuable the proposal by the Mongolian People's Republic for the conclusion of a convention on mutual non aggression and non-use of force among the States in Asia and the Pacific region [see A/36/388].
87.	As for the question of Korea, we believe that it must be resolved by peaceful means. We, too, are of the opinion that the corresponding proposals of President Kim II Sung of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea constitute a suitable basis for such a solution, as presented at the Sixth Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea.
88.	We continue to stand for the safeguarding of the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and nonaligned status of the Republic of Cyprus. We trust that the continuing contacts between representatives of both Cypriot communities will lead precisely in that direction.
89.	The racist Pretoria regime, with the continuous, comprehensive and overt support of the West, continues its flagrant violation of the fundamental human rights of the African population. In contravention of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), it illegally occupies Namibia in an attempt to transform it, with the assistance of the so-called group of five, into a neo-colonial State and to paralyse SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. Czechoslovakia maintains complete solidarity with the just struggle of the people of Namibia, led by SWAPO, for the achievement of full independence. We equally support the efforts of the people of South Africa to eliminate the regime of apartheid and racial discrimination.
90.	We categorically condemn the overt and arrogant aggression of the South African racists against Angola, which is a crude affront to our Organization and a threat to international peace and security.
91.	We resolutely support the implementation of the decisions of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris from 20 to 27 May 1981,5 and of the recent eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, on Namibia [resolution ES8/2]. We favor the imposition by the Security Council of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the racist regime of South Africa, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter.
92.	We attach the greatest importance to the struggle of the nonaligned movement against imperialism, colonialism and racism and for peace and social progress. In the 20 years of its existence, the movement has proved beyond doubt that it is an important indeed, indispensable positive factor in international life. While maintaining the peaceful and anti-imperialist principles on which it was built, the movement can, particularly at this time, make a significant contribution to improving the complicated international situation. ' »
93.	We continue to support the demands of the developing countries for the restructuring of international economic relations on a just, equal and democratic basis. In so doing we proceed from our position of principle with regard to the solution of that problem.
94.	The whole history of mankind proves that the wisdom and responsibility of statesmen are put to the test particularly in complicated international conditions. After all, it is not difficult to make the international political situation worse. It is much more difficult to ease tension and to prevent the worst from happening, which must be the primary concern of us all.
95.	Since the very first days of the existence of the United Nations, at whose' birth in San Francisco we were present, we have always held the view that the Organization should hold a place of honor in mankind's endeavors to safeguard a secure peace both for the present and for the future. That is what the people of Czechoslovakia believe. We have striven consistently for support by all Member States for the Charter, the content of which is outside any time-frame and therefore requires no change.
96.	We trust that this session will place at the service of the most noble ideal of human society, the ideal of peace and cooperation, all the potential, influence and authority of this body as a world Organization.
97.	Socialist Czechoslovakia will commit all its endeavors to the success of that cause.


Sir, at the outset I should like to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that you will preside over our work with the experience and wisdom for which you are well known. I should also like to take this opportunity to convey, through you, to the brotherly people of Iraq the greetings of the Arab people of Egypt and their best wishes for a bright future, progress, peace and prosperity.
242.	I also wish, on behalf of my Government, to pay a special tribute to the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. von Wechmar. I particularly wish to commend him on his wisdom and experience in presiding over the work of the Assembly and also for the impeccable manner in which he represented his friendly country, the Federal Republic of Germany, and its great and industrious people.
243.	It gives me great pleasure, on behalf of the people and Government of Egypt, to welcome the admission of Vanuatu to the United Nations. I wish to convey to the people and Government of Vanuatu our heartfelt congratulations.
244.	I also wish, on behalf of the people and Government of Egypt, to congratulate the people and Government of Belize on their independence and their admission to the international community of the United Nations.
245.	It has been a year since we met here at the beginning of the last session of the General Assembly, in September 1980. It has been a year crowded, with serious political developments, ranging from political problems to economic crises to human tragedies, the result of which is the deterioration of conditions in many areas of the world in a way that now threatens the accomplishments of our civilization. There has been no distinction between one continent and another or between one society and another. All these ominous developments, which seem to be minimal when compared to the problems of poverty and underdevelopment of the third world, place on the Assembly the responsibility of pausing and assessing the international situation and the destiny towards which we are moving.
246.	Members will recall that the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Egypt stated in his statement to the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session [16th meeting, paras. 41 and 42] that the existing international political order requires serious scrutiny. He stated that:
"The recent alarming developments that have challenged the Charter and the international order that we have subscribed to and adhered to since 1945 have not only created a perilous situation of political upheaval sometimes even bordering on chaos, but have also accentuated the disparities between the powerful and the weak countries. Moreover, such challenges have resulted in the continuance and exacerbation of racist policies and ideologies, the use of force in international relations, the acquisition of territory by war, the denial of legitimate national rights foremost among them the right to self determination and last but not least the aggravation of the situation which has caused the efforts to achieve disarmament to become locked in a vicious circle.
"The continuance of such policies and the situation resulting therefrom have had a negative impact on the conduct of international relations. The time has therefore come for us to intensify our efforts to put an end to the problems posed by such policies and to explore means of satisfying the requirements of the international community and therefore the interests of the peoples and nations."
247.	A close examination of the report of the Secretary General on the work of the Organization, presented to the current session [A/36/1], reflects an identical view and urges that appropriate measures should be undertaken to address the situation with courage and a constructive spirit.
248.	Egypt's position of the use of force in all its manifestations war, aggression or occupation has been made abundantly clear.~We resolutely oppose what has befallen the sister State of Afghanistan, what is being perpetrated against the fraternal people of Lebanon and what has occurred in Kampuchea. We also view with deep regret the fratricidal wars which have taken place and are still taking place around the world. It is for these reasons that I wish to reiterate once again this year the proposal made by my Government in its statement during the general debate at the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
249.	The Egyptian Government will propose, at the appropriate time, the convening in the near future of a special session of the General Assembly to assess the role of the existing international machinery and its potential, in particular the role of the collective security system in the maintenance of international peace and security. The fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations may be an appropriate occasion for the convening of such a special session. Meanwhile, it is incumbent upon us to utilize fully the possibilities afforded by the existing machinery. In this connection, I wish to propose the revitalization of periodic meetings of the Security Council with the participation of ministers or special representatives, as envisaged in Article 28, paragraph 2, of the Charter. We all recall that periodic meetings of the Council at the ministerial level were held at the beginning of the 1970s. It may therefore be timely for similar meetings to be held in the near future, now that we are at the beginning of the 1980s and the challenges we face are greater and more urgent and pressing.
250.	Towards this objective, it is important that the Security Council have a clear and permanent set of rules of procedure that unambiguously stipulate the majority required for decisions on the various issues before the Council, along the lines of Article 18 of the Charter which deals with decisions of the General Assembly on the same matters. This will make the legal system of the United Nations more competent to deal with the many developments that have occurred in the international system and with the requirements inherent in the pursuit of an order based on freedom, equality and fraternity.
251.	I address myself particularly to the nonaligned nations, with whom we share our ideals and objectives, and ask them to play the role expected of them in supporting these proposals. For there is no one more competent and more able than the countries of the nonaligned movement to sustain that initiative so as to ensure that we do not deviate from our objective. The movement was established as a vigorous and universal movement dedicated to the liberation and independence of peoples and as a shield against the cold war and instability in the relations between the superPowers. At present the movement is, without a doubt, better equipped to undertake that role. Egypt, as a pioneer of the nonaligned movement and a firm believer in its ideals and objectives, is gratified to see the movement proceed along its correct path, regaining its vitality by ridding itself of many of the factors which during the past decade contributed to its polarization and deviation from its true course and to its sabotage from within. The ministerial meeting of the nonaligned movement held at New Delhi last February was a milestone on the road back towards the true and constructive course of non alignment and good sense.
252.	I have spoken with candor on the international political order. I shall speak in the same way about the international economic order, a subject that has been considerably debated, particularly the question of a new international economic order as a possible alternative. Although seven years have elapsed since the sixth special session of the General Assembly, held in 1974, the international community has not been able to reach an agreement on the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equality.
253.	The limited results generated by various United Nations conferences towards obtaining effective solutions to the problems that we face have been, to say the least, a matter of great disappointment and dismay. The inability of the international community to resolve such an impasse will no doubt heighten tension and instability and thus endanger world peace.
254.	One of the most serious problems confronting the developing countries is the food crisis. Statistics show that between 400 million and 500 million people, the majority of whom live in Africa and Asia, are threatened with famine. Such a problem, in its manifold economic, political, social and humanitarian dimensions, requires urgent and radical remedies.
255.	There is a solid and firm conviction within the international community of the need to reconsider the present pattern of international economic relations so that they may be based on justice, cooperation and international solidarity and interdependence. That is the only way to arrive at a comprehensive and global approach to solving international economic problems. Such an approach was adopted by the Group of 77 in its untiring efforts to conduct international global negotiations between the North and the South. It is our hope that such negotiations will be launched during this session, after such a long period of inaction.
256.	Egypt calls upon the international community and in particular the developed countries to redouble their efforts in order to understand the problems of the developing world and to exhibit more flexibility in their positions so that those negotiations may yield positive results that would ultimately benefit all parties concerned and would thus form the foundation for the establishment of equitable and balanced international relations. In this connection, we are closely following the efforts undertaken by a number of developed and developing countries, foremost among which is the International Conference on Cooperation and Development to be held at Cancun. In spite of our appreciation for any effort to promote international cooperation and foster mutual understanding between developed and developing countries, we see no alternative to international global negotiations within the framework of the NorthSouth dialog.
257.	At the same time, Egypt is actively participating in the efforts undertaken by the developing countries to achieve individual and collective self-reliance. We participated effectively in the High-level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries held at Caracas, which succeeded in laying down a framework for the coordination, monitoring and implementation of economic cooperation among developing countries. This constitutes not only an important step towards fostering greater cooperation between the North and the South but also a turning point from the planning to the implementation stage. It is relevant to point out in this regard that the African countries, for their part, have adopted a program for autonomous development contained in the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa.7 That step is worthy of encouragement and support so that the objectives of the Plan of Action may be fully realized.
258.	Political stability in this world is primarily dependent on economic stability. That is equally true for the first, second and third worlds. Whereas developing countries should exercise more effort towards autonomous economic and social development, the responsibility towards those who possess fewer resources and are encumbered with greater burdens falls upon the entire international community.
259.	Egypt is an intrinsic and major part of a region of the world that is plagued with an immense tragedy: the tragedy of the Palestinian people.
260.	At the risk of repeating what has previously been stated by my Government, I wish to reiterate that the Palestinian question is the core of the Middle East conflict. The solution of this problem is understood by the entire world to be central to total peace in the Middle East. No settlement of the Middle East problem is possible without the just solution of the Palestinian problem on the basis of the realization of Palestinian national rights.
261.	Egypt does not consider the Palestinian problem to be a humanitarian problem that requires merely moral and material support, but rather it is a problem that is closely intertwined with the problems of the Egyptian people themselves. Anything that affects the Palestinian people and their security finds an echo in Egypt, and the Egyptian people cannot but respond.
262.	Egypt is fully aware that the continuation of the Palestinian problem without a speedy and just solution will heighten the tensions and aggravate the instability that already plague our region. Thus it will not only obstruct the efforts that Egypt is undertaking for development and progress, but also usher alien ideologies are unwelcome foreign interference into our region. Resident Sadat undertook his historic initiative against that background, fully aware that the continuation of the Palestinian tragedy would deal a heavy blow to the aspirations of the Arab nation to progress, rendering it incapable of developing and forcing it to remain static, a prisoner of empty slogans and unrealistic dreams.
263.	Egypt sustained a 30 year war in order to regain the rights of the Palestinian people, during which it became a victim of aggression on more than one occasion and suffered the loss of much of its material and human resources because of its support of the Palestinian people. Egypt will continue to maintain its commitment to the Palestinian cause and in particular to the right of the Palestinian people to self determination without foreign interference. It is our conviction that the right to self-determination is a natural right that cannot be forfeited or derogated and that comprehensive peace cannot be realized until the Palestinian people regain their rights within the framework of a comprehensive settlement that also recognizes the right to security of Israel and all other concerned parties, foremost among them the Palestinian people.
264.	It has proved futile for Egypt to continue on a dead-end road, merely bearing the slogan of Palestine and soliciting endless resolutions, as advocated by some, as though such resolutions were an end in themselves, representing victory and the fruit of success. In fact, such slogans and resolutions merely serve to fuel the auctioneering and outbidding that plague the Arab arena, drowning out the Palestinian problem.
265.	Egypt has struggled both in peace and in war. It spearheaded the struggle for the resolution of the Palestinian problem. It played a principal role in supporting the creation of the PLO. The universal recognition accorded to the PLO was a direct result of Egyptian diplomatic efforts and the granting of observer status to the PLO was the outcome of efforts in which Egypt played an instrumental part. When the time came even before the 1973 October war for the General Assembly to pronounce itself on the Palestinian problem and the rights of the Palestinian people, the first proposal in that regard since resolution 181 (II) of 1947, which contains the Plan of Partition of Palestine, was that of Egypt in 1970. During the 1973 October war, when President Sadat issued his historic statement calling for the convening of a peace conference, he emphasized the need for the full participation of the representatives of the Palestinian people. Our efforts to reconvene the Geneva Conference focused on the importance of the participation of the Palestinian people in any meeting or conference to be held on the Middle East problem. All those efforts constituted one phase, preparatory to the subsequent phases in our struggle. For us, failure to proceed along those lines would have meant dropping into the abyss of stagnation and becoming a victim of our own policies, thus reverting to our starting point.
266.	In full cognizance of that fact, Egypt considered the circumstances prevailing in the final months of 1977 to be conducive to this new phase a difficult phase, but one that could generate practical results towards a comprehensive settlement. That was the background for President Sadat's statement before the Israeli Knesset, a statement aimed at putting an end to the status quo situation, which Israel was trying hard to impose, and at initiating a new phase. Egypt's historic position, as reflected in President Sadat's statement, was based on the premises that constitute the international consensus for the resolution of the Palestinian problem as laid down by the international community at the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity and in the nonaligned movement. First and foremost among those premises is the right to self-determination, a right which Egypt played a major role in evolving and upholding.
267.	Egypt's signing of the Camp David accords in 1978 stemmed from that conviction, as well as from its firm belief that the accords constitute an important step towards the full implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and all its principles and provisions. The accords, we believe, also represent a transitional phase setting the stage for the exercise of self-determination by the Palestinian people. Thus, if supported in good faith by the concerned parties, they would open the door towards PalestinianIsraeli cooperation and coexistence, which would lead to mutual recognition that would enable each party to realize its legitimate rights without adversely affecting the rights of the other.
268.	The framework for a comprehensive peace, as set forth in the Camp David accords, is based, as far as the Palestinian aspect is concerned, on the following five elements, in which we believe: first recognition by Israel of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and the necessity to negotiate with them; second, he establishment of an interim Palestinian authority to replace the Israeli military occupation administration; third, the establishment of transitional arrangements; fourth, the commencement of the withdrawal of Israel forces from the West Bank and Gaza; and fifth, security for all parties concerned.
269.	The purpose of the negotiations on full autonomy that took place over the period of one year, from May 1979 to May 1980, was to attain those objectives. However, little progress, if any, has been achieved to date. It was our hope that such a transition period would contribute to alleviating the plight of the Palestinian people and to enabling them to establish their authority over their territory. However, conscious that the door to the attainment of their national rights by the Palestinian people has been irreversibly opened, the Israeli authorities have tried to prevent the success of the negotiations on autonomy. This policy has dealt a considerable blow to the chances of establishing full autonomy in the
West Bank and Gaza. Egypt responded by suspending the autonomy negotiations. In fact, that Israeli policy can only be compared to the vilification campaign waged by the rejectionists in the Arab world, who have yet to produce a single positive contribution for the benefit of the Palestinian people.
270.	In spite of Egypt's condemnation of both the Israeli policy and rejectionist schemes, we continue to maintain that a possibility for tangible progress exists. Egypt is convinced that the Palestinian people should not be forced to forfeit an opportunity because of the obstructionist policies of one party or the other. In the next few weeks intensive efforts will be made and it is our hope that they will lead to substantive progress in the area of confidence-building measures and the establishment of the interim period, which constitutes the essence of the present phase of the peace process.
271.	In undertaking these efforts to pave the way to the resolution of the Palestinian problem we do not propose to monopolize the task of finding a solution or to speak on behalf of the Palestinian people. That is not our position at all. The Palestinian problem has its own principals, and our commitment is to prepare the ground for a just solution. It is a commitment that does, not deny and is not negated by the fact that the Palestinian people have their own representative. It merely confirms the organic relationship between Egypt and the Palestinian problem. In saying that, I wish to affirm that the Palestinians a principal component of whose structure is the PLO—should be present at all consultations and negotiations concerning their problem, for it is inconceivable that the Palestinian problem should be discussed without the participation of the representatives of the Palestinian people, who are entitled to recognition and consultation.
272.	In this context, Egypt welcomes any initiative that would contribute to the real solution of the Palestinian problem. In this spirit we welcome the efforts undertaken by the European Community and the proposals for the convening of an international conference by the Secretary General, the President of Romania, Mr. Ceausescu, and the President of the Soviet Union, Mr. Brezhnev. Nevertheless, we consider that the proposed international conference should be the final, not the first, step in establishing a comprehensive peace. We are also following with great interest the efforts undertaken by a number of African leaders. We are open to any initiative, regardless of its origin, that seeks to give a new impetus to the search for a just solution of the Palestinian problem. However, I wish to reiterate before the Assembly that any initiative, proposal or idea must take due account of the following considerations: first, the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to their own State, as an inalienable right, equal to that of all other peoples, in freedom and independence; secondly, the right of all States in the region to live in peace; thirdly, the need to complement and enforce the efforts already under way for the peaceful solution of the problem; fourthly, the need to contribute towards mutual recognition by Israel and the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people.
273.	I wish to take this opportunity to convey to the Assembly the proposal of President Sadat that the Palestinian people establish a Government in exile as the nucleus of the international identity of the Palestinian entity and that there be mutual recognition by it and the Israeli Government, contributing to the peace process and preserving the impetus necessary for a just settlement of the Palestinian problem.
274.	I cannot conclude my remarks on the Palestinian problem without referring to the issue of the Holy City of Jerusalem. Egypt, like all other States and international bodies, categorically rejects any attempt to change the geographic, demographic or legal character of Jerusalem. Occupied Jerusalem is Arab territory and must therefore be returned to Arab sovereignty. We must distinguish between the quest for a united city and the quest for annexation. In the first case there are a number of proposals that, while taking into account the need to have a united city, also take account of the rights of all the parties concerned, foremost among them being the Arab right to sovereignty. Concerning the second case, such an approach is totally rejected on the basis that any expansion based on the use of force is illegitimate and therefore cannot constitute a right.
275.	I have dealt in detail with the Palestinian problem because it constitutes the core of the Middle East conflict. There are, however, certain matters concerning the situation in the Middle East as a whole that I wish to put before the Assembly. It is a very complicated and intertwined question.I am happy to present to the Assembly a report on the final Israeli withdrawal from Sinai, preparations for which are now being made so that it may be finalized by April 1982, God willing.
276.	In conformity with the principles and provisions of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), the EgyptianIsraeli treaty stipulates that all Israeli forces, settlements and civilians will be withdrawn beyond the boundaries that existed between Egypt and mandated Palestine without jeopardizing the Gaza Strip. According to the annexes to the treaty, Israel's withdrawal will take place in two stages. The first stage was completed nine months after ratification of the treaty and the second stage ends no later than three years from the date of ratification, that is oh 25 April 1982.
277.	We are pleased to inform the Assembly that the withdrawal arrangements are proceeding as agreed upon. We feel sure that in the near future we will be in a position to inform the United Nations of Israel's complete withdrawal from all Egyptian territories occupied since 5 June 1967, which will constitute an important step towards a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem and a model to be followed to ensure Israel's withdrawal from the remaining Arab territories.
278.	However, I wish at this juncture to put on record that the EgyptianIsraeli treaty stipulates that the Security Council will be requested to provide the two countries with United Nations peacekeeping forces during the first year after completion of the withdrawal and the total implementation of the treaty. In a letter dated 21 April 1981 from the Egyptian Minister for Foreign Affairs to the President of the Security Council, Egypt requested the Security Council to make the necessary arrangements for the dispatch of such forces. However, we regret to say that on 18 May 1981 we received from the President of the Security Council a response to the effect that no consensus existed among the members of the Council regarding Egypt's request.
279.	Faced with this unjustifiable attitude of some members of the Security Council, which prevented the Council from meeting its responsibilities regarding the maintenance of international peace and security, Egypt opted for an alternative approach to implement the provisions concerning security arrangements contained in resolution 242 (1967). Thus we established a multinational force to carry out the peacekeeping functions that we had hoped the United Nations forces would assume during the present stage. Egypt is hopeful that a just and comprehensive peace will prevail throughout the entire Middle East, thereby obviating the need to keep peacekeeping forces in the region.
280.	In fact, the liberation of Egyptian territories, in implementation of resolution 242 (1967), from an occupation that lasted nearly 15 years is a success for the United Nations that must be recognized, supported and appropriately assessed. Any efforts to separate the United Nations from that accomplishment must be rejected. It is indeed regrettable that that accomplishment offers the only glimmer of hope iii our Middle East region.
281.	In Lebanon, many interests are at play behind the scenes, and the Lebanese people are paying the price in terms of their blood, prosperity and unity. The recent Israeli attack against Beirut and against the sovereignty of Lebanon and its people constitutes a link in the chain of policies aimed at imposing Israel's hegemony over its neighbors. Egypt categorically rejects that policy in form and in content. We say that encouragement of such a policy will dim the prospects for a comprehensive peace and will further inflame the Middle East. The starting point for the resolution of the Lebanese problem is to ensure that the legitimate Lebanese Government exercises its authority over the entire territory of the fraternal country of Lebanon. In this forum 1 call upon all parties engaged in the hostilities in Lebanon to bring their interference to an end so that the Lebanese people may decide their destiny within the context of Arab solidarity and taking due account of the tenets of the Palestinian question.
282.	On the eastern fringes of the Arab world we witness Iran and Iraq locked in a war of attrition that takes its toll of the people of both countries and diverts them from their pursuit of development and progress. The continuation of such a war can only provide an added opportunity for the intensification of superPower competition and rivalry to create spheres of influence in the area.
283.	Egypt calls for an end to that war so that each party may regain its rights in conformity with the fundamental principles that govern international conduct, foremost among which is respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States. At the same time we warn against the utilization of that situation by the superPowers to further their own interests, thereby threatening the security of the Gulf, an area which represents the eastern approaches to the Arab world. Such a development would threaten the security of Egypt and all other Arab countries, particularly in view of the current dangers inherent in the international situation.
284.	In full cognizance of such a situation, Egypt has expressed its readiness to assume its responsibilities, if requested in conformity with the Arab Joint defense Agreement of 1950. Egypt stands ready to help defend the people of the Gulf against any attack or aggression, and is also ready to provide facilities that would satisfy the defense needs of the Gulf States in conformity with their respective defense agreements.
285.	This position stems from an overall Arab strategy to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity and the nonaligned and Arab character of all Arab countries. At the same time, Egypt unequivocally opposes Israel's policies that seek to spread anarchy in the Middle East, such as the attack on the Iraqi nuclear reactor. Egypt supports all resolutions in this regard adopted by the Security Council, the QAU and IAEA.
286.	In addition to its well-known political implications, such an attack has a direct bearing on the efforts to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East, an objective which was a matter of consensus at the last session of the General Assembly [resolution 35/147] and the realization of which is vital to the security and stability of the region . The attack has dealt a blow which we hope is not fatal to the efforts undertaken for the establishment of the zone; it has also poisoned the climate conducive to the cooperation required for the establishment of the zone. It is therefore incumbent upon Israel if it genuinely desires to cooperate towards the realization of this objective to produce credible evidence of its goodwill by acceding to the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In addition, Israel should declare its readiness to place its nuclear facilities under the IAEA safeguards system and enter into immediate negotiations with the Agency for that purpose. We see no alternative to those steps if Israel wishes to dispel the negative implications of its action and to safeguard the momentum required for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East.
287.	Notwithstanding the negative aspects to which I have just referred, General Assembly resolution 35/147 on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone which was adopted by a consensus in which all States in the region and the nuclear-weapon States participated should be considered as the starting-point towards the realization of this objective. We therefore consider the time ripe and the conditions appropriate for the present session of the General Assembly to declare the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. The broad outlines of the steps required for the attainment of that objective should also be laid down by the Assembly. The Egyptian delegation will submit a proposal in this regard at the appropriate time , during the present session.
288.	Egypt, a country whose history is an intrinsic part of that of Africa, calls for the intensification of the struggle against the apartheid system in South Africa, a regime whose policies pose a serious threat to international peace and security. Therefore, there should be no abrogation of our commitment to fight it. The international community cannot and should not condone the repressive measures undertaken against the national forces in South Africa. Egypt also condemns any collaboration with the Pretoria regime, in particular economic cooperation and cooperation in the field of energy, whatever form it may take. We believe that such cooperation, particularly nuclear cooperation, will make the Pretoria regime persist in its arrogant racist policy and continue to challenge the standards that govern normal relations among nations and peoples. We therefore call for the effective implementation of comprehensive sanctions against South Africa.
289.	Egypt participates fully in the struggle for the total liberation of southern Africa. My country was a bulwark of the struggle in all its stages and will continue to make available all its capabilities to sustain it until its final victory. We therefore condemn the continuous threat and acts of aggression perpetrated by South Africa against the fraternal African front-line States, the most recent ruthless attack being that against Angola. That South African policy poses a serious threat to international peace and security as well as to the independence, sovereignty and security of the front-line States and their peoples.
290.	The problem of Namibia continues to be a serious and. dangerous one. This is so in spite of the fact that the international community has unanimously agreed to its peaceful solution and despite the wisdom displayed; by SWAPO and the African countries in accepting Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and committing themselves to its implementation. With the help of a handful of countries, South Africa continues by all means to evade committing itself to the implementation of that resolution and continues to buy time in order to persist in its subjugation and exploitation of the people of Namibia, in violation of the principles of justice and legitimacy.
291.	The failure of the Security Council to force South Africa to implement the settlement plan which the Council endorsed in its resolution 435 (1978) and solve the question places on the five Western countries, authors of that plan, increased responsibility to subordinate their immediate interests to the implementation of the plan, which is, after all, the product of their own efforts. In the absence of such an attitude on the part of the five Western countries the situation will explode, not only threatening the interests of all but also endangering the existing international political system.
292.	The continuation of the problem of Namibia poses a serious threat to international peace and security and could provoke further bloodletting in southern Africa, as clearly manifested in the invasion of Angola by South Africa's troops last month an action condemned by all countries and forums. It was therefore appropriate for the emergency special session of the General Assembly which adjourned only a few days ago to call for the imposition of sanctions against South Africa. Egypt calls upon all countries to implement such sanctions in order to completely isolate the racist regime in South Africa.
293.	Egypt reiterates its position that the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, as approved by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978), sets forth complete, defined and acceptable elements for the solution of the Namibian problem. Any attempt to deviate from the plan or to dilute its provisions constitutes an affront to Africa and a violation of the rights of all its peoples and should therefore be resisted by us and immediately and unambiguously condemned. Egypt condemns any attempt to obstruct the implementation of the United Nations plan, and reaffirms once again its total support for the people of Namibia in their struggle to exercise sovereignty over their entire territory, including Walvis Bay, and to gain independence and their natural right to freedom under the leadership of their legitimate representative SWAPO.
294.	In concluding my remarks on the situation in Africa, I wish to reaffirm Egypt's condemnation of any action that threatens peace and security in Africa, particularly the threats emanating from the nuclear activities of South Africa and its nuclear cooperation with a number of States. In 1964, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity adopted the declaration on the De-nuclearization of Africa.8 That historic .Declaration, which represents a constructive step on. the road to peace and general and complete disarmament, cannot bear results at a time when racist South Africa and those who collaborate with it pose a nuclear threat to the security of Africa and its people.
295 Within the context of the consideration of the security of Africa and the Middle East two areas which represent an important part of the third world—Egypt wishes to express its deep concern at the growing foreign military presence resulting from superPower rivalry in the contiguous Indian Ocean area a development that resulted in the clear deterioration of the security climate of the entire region, which includes West Asia, the waters of the Indian Ocean up to the shores of East Africa, and the southern and eastern boundaries of the Middle East. Egypt therefore supports the establishment of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean region and to that end welcomes the convening of an international conference in Sri Lanka, in accordance with the stated position of the nonaligned countries.
296.	Within the context of our consideration of peace and its consolidation, we wish to reaffirm once again the importance that Egypt attaches to the implementation of United Nations resolutions relevant to the national aspiration of the Korean people to unity through negotiation and dialog.
297.	At the outset of my statement I referred to what has befallen the sister State of Afghanistan. In this connection, I wish to confirm our longstanding position on the need for a speedy end to this crucial problem. The continuation of foreign military intervention in the internal affairs of the people of Afghanistan constitutes a flagrant violation by a superPower of the sovereignty and independence of a small nonaligned country. Two years have elapsed since the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. It is time for all foreign troops to withdraw, so that our brother people of Afghanistan can regain their freedom and independence, and exercise their indisputable right to choose their own system of government and their representatives.
298.	Egypt supports and actively participates in the efforts to achieve general and complete disarmament under effective international control, particularly in view of the recent escalation and intensification of the arms race. Efforts aimed at arms limitation and control, as well as disarmament, proceed at a snail's pace and thus generate only meagre results that do not correspond to the desire and effort of the peoples of the world to move towards the objective of general and complete disarmament.
299.	Against this background, the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament acquires a special significance. It is the responsibility of the international community to undertake practical and effective measures to arrest the arms race, both in its nuclear and conventional aspects. In parallel with disarmament measures, there should be other measures to strengthen international peace and security, such as confidence-building measures and resolution of international and regional problems in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the rights of peoples to self-determination. Clearly, progress in disarmament cannot be realized in a vacuum. The second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament presents an excellent opportunity that should be fully utilized in order to proceed in an effective and constructive manner towards the realization of disarmament according to agreed timetables and specified phases. This endeavor must be undertaken against the realization that the world sustains billions of people who long for just peace and security, which in turn cannot be realized unless goodwill and possibilities for development exist. Disarmament can effectively Contribute towards this end.
300. The peace and prosperity of the world are what we all wish for. The poor, the sick and the hungry, who constitute the majority of our present world, are not ready to listen to, let alone to be convinced of, what is propagated about strategies of hegemony, expansionism, domination and doctrines of deterrence, as long as they continue to feel neglected, oppressed and discriminated against, on the pretext that they do not understand and have nothing to do with what is happening.
301. To bring the world closer to peace and away from the brink of destruction and disaster, we must arm ourselves
with reason and unite ourselves against racism, exploitation and occupation, and for justice, peace and right.


Mr. VicePresident, will you please congratulate President Kittani on his election as President of this Assembly. His long and distinguished service to the international community makes him eminently qualified for that task, and I know that he will guide us with impartiality and skill.
42.	It is a great pleasure to welcome two fellow members of the Commonwealth, Belize and Vanuatu, to this assembly of nations. We are especially gratified that independence has brought one more into the growing family of South Pacific island nations. Their voices, individually and collectively, are going to be heard more and more in the world assembly. The addition to our membership of two more small nations, proud of their independence but limited in resources, brings home to us one of the major issues facing this Assembly the desperate struggle of so many countries simply to reach the most basic level of economic and social development.
43.	The recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries sharply focused international attention on this issue. That was useful, but in concentrating on the need for developed countries to raise the level of their official development assistance to a limited number of the poorest developing countries the Conference did not really get to the heart of the matter.
44.	The problems which face the developing countries are well known. They affect some of the developed countries also. They include the soaring cost of imported energy, inflated prices for manufactured imports and fluctuating prices for primary exports. These factors are compounded by increasing protectionist pressures in the advanced economies and a reluctance to contemplate the kind of restructuring which would expand trading opportunities for the developing countries.	^
45.	These problems cannot be solved by financial subsidies alone or even, in itself, by successful internal economic development. Economic self-sufficiency is not a practicable goal for the developing countries, nor is it for most developed countries. Even a modest level of prosperity and economic stability can only be achieved through a continuous expansion of international trade. This, in turn, can only be achieved in a different international climate, in which there is a better balance between access to manufactured goods and access to agricultural products. There is too great a tendency to concentrate on reducing barriers to trade in industrial manufactures and to push aside agriculture as some kind of an exception with which it is too difficult to cope. That cannot be allowed to continue.
46.	It is, surely, self-evident that successful economic development merely creates new problems unless there is a corresponding expansion of trading opportunities. What future is there if the rich countries continue to deny access in order to protect their own agricultures, if prices of agricultural exports fluctuate wildly or are distorted by subsidies and if those prices are far outstripped by the cost of essential industrial goods and services?
47.	The prosperity of my own country depends on the exp<M of a relatively small number of agricultural commodities. That means we share some of the problems faced by developing countries. We know what those problems are. Because we are small, and because we face economic difficulties ourselves, we try in a number of ways to ensure that our development assistance program is efficient and effective. All our aid is given in the form of grants. We make sure it is directed into the kind of projects in which New
Zealand has a recognized expertise. We never embark on a project unless it has been specifically asked for by the recipient Government. It makes sense for us to concentrate our aid efforts in the part of the world that we know best, that is, our immediate neighborhood. Almost 70 per cent of our bilateral development assistance is now channeled to the island nations of the South Pacific.
48.	In our view, the criteria for inclusion in the United Nations list of least developed countries are unduly narrow and rigid. Only one South Pacific country, at present, qualifies for inclusion in that list. A number of others, because they suffer from all the disadvantages of extremely small size, isolation and lack of resources, also deserve the special treatment accorded to the least developed. Indeed, if it were not for the level of aid they do receive, we believe they would qualify even under present criteria. I would certainly like to see those criteria revised and made more flexible.
49.	Because their populations are tiny and because of the poverty of their resources, many of the island nations of the South Pacific are going to have a long and hard struggle to become more viable. And yet their very smallness and isolation, which ought to make the world community more responsive to their special circumstances, has caused them to be overlooked by some of the major donors. Thus there is every reason for New Zealand to concentrate its aid efforts in the South Pacific, and we intend to continue that policy.
50.	External financial assistance, however essential, is not enough in itself to bring about successful development. New Zealand recognizes that the developing island countries need outlets for the goods they produce and has set about meeting that need in a practical manner. Together with Australia, we have joined in a treaty with our neighbors in the South Pacific to give them unrestricted duty-free access, on a nonreciprocal basis, for the great majority of their exports. We have also established an industrial development scheme to promote the growth of the manufacturing sector in the island economies through joint ventures with New Zealand firms. We have given strong support to the establishment of a regional shipping line to ensure that the exports of the island countries reach their markets.
51.	I make no boast that what we have achieved has solved the problems of our developing neighbors. Obviously not, since their economies are still for the most part in a precarious state.
52.	Economic and social development can progress smoothly only in conditions of political stability. Recent history has shown how true that is even in countries which are blessed with great natural wealth, and all the more starkly in others which are not. Sometimes the causes of instability have been internal. Too often they have been made far worse by external pressure, intervention or military invasion. At present there is dangerous instability in several widely separated areas of the world, including SouthEast Asia, SouthWest Asia, the Middle East, southern Africa, eastern Europe and the Korean peninsula.
53.	If I refer first to Kampuchea it is because that is the area of tension nearest to my own land; because New Zealand regards itself as a friend of the Association of
SouthEast Asian Nations [ASEANwhose members are neighbors of Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam; and because we believe the continuance of the situation in Kampuchea poses an eventual threat to our own security. External intervention in Kampuchea has been flagrant. There is no excuse for the continued presence of 200,000 Vietnamese troops in that country. New Zealand has consistently urged the need for a political settlement which would free the Kampuchean people from a foreign presence and permit them freely to choose their own Government. Such a settlement would enable Viet Nam to resume its own economic development, free from both the burden of maintaining its military occupation of a neighboring country and its present dependence on a single superPower for economic and military support.
54.	New Zealand cannot and does not condone the past crimes of Pol Pot and his associates. But, as the latest vote on Kampuchea's credentials shows, there is no disposition amongst the majority of Members of this Assembly to replace the delegation of Democratic Kampuchea by one representing a puppet Government propped up by a military occupation.
55.	We welcome the efforts that are being made to form a more broadly based successor to the present Democratic Kampuchean leadership. We expect that the International Conference on Kampuchea will continue its efforts to find a solution to the Kampuchean problem a solution which takes account of the legitimate interests of all sides. We hope that Viet Nam and the Soviet . Union will be persuaded to join in the negotiating process through the mediating efforts of the Ad Hoc Committee and the President of the Conference. The need for a settlement is urgent, for the longer the fighting continues' within Kampuchea, the greater the risk that it will spread beyond the borders of that war-torn land.
56.	Instability in SouthEast Asia is paralleled in SouthWest Asia by military intervention and continuing hostilities in Afghanistan. International concern will continue to be reiterated in this Assembly until Soviet forces are withdrawn. Whether or not the Soviet Union has come to regard that entanglement as a mistake, my Government most earnestly hopes that the Soviet Government will not compound that error and deal a final fatal blow to detente by similar action against the people of Poland.
57.	Almost since it began, this Organization has been trying to find a solution to the problem of a divided Korea. Yet there is still no genuine dialog between the leaders in the North and those in the South. The latest call by the Republic of Korea for a summit meeting between the two Koreas has been rejected. Surely the Korean people as a whole at least deserve that their leaders should talk seriously about the future of their country. It makes no sense for the two sides in that divided peninsula to go on forever pouring so much of their resources and energies into military preparations. My Government hopes that the authorities in the North will reconsider their stand.
58.	It is a matter of deep regret that all our hopes for urgent and positive steps towards a just and durable Middle East settlement should have had so little to sustain them. New Zealand welcomed the steps agreed upon by Israel and Egypt to restore peace between them. But the process cannot be allowed to come to a stop at this point.
During the last 12 months there has been a deplorable readiness to resort to violence. There is a need for a genuine and renewed commitment to the principles of Security Council resolution 242 (1967). There is a need for Israel's neighbors to accept and respect the existence of Israel as a sovereign and independent State. There is an equal need for a corresponding recognition of the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinians, including the right to self-determination. That, in our view, means the right to establish a separate State if that is their wish. The annexation of East Jerusalem and the continuing establishment of settlements in the occupied territories are obstructions to a negotiated settlement. A resurgence of terrorism, a buildup of ever more sophisticated armaments, or recourse to preemptive military strikes simply threaten to undermine what has with such difficulty been accomplished so far. Only a genuine will to negotiate fairly and realistically will bring lasting results.
59.	In southern Africa we still see a people denied the right of nationhood. South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia must end. The Prime Minister of my country said in this forum at the
thirty-fifth session [109th meeting] that there was no good reason why the few issues that remain outstanding in the search for a settlement in Namibia should not be .settled quickly. We believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) provides the basis for that settlement and we support the continuing efforts of those seeking to achieve the early and peaceful independence of Namibia.
60.	We deplore South Africa's aggressiveness against its neighbors and its violation of Angola's territory and sovereignty. In South Africa itself the detestable system of institutionalized racism and injustice apartheid remains entrenched. South Africa's black majority are denied the right to participate in the choice of their Government and are shut out from the full enjoyment of the resources of their own country.
61.	Change in South Africa is inevitable. Whether it will come peacefully or through violence is in South Africa's hands. Time, though, is running desperately short.
62.	We cannot expect international cooperation in bringing about economic and social development to flourish while confrontation and conflict persist in so many parts of the world. Heightened tension threatens not only detente but the orderly development of international law, the negotiation of arms control agreements and the promotion of human rights. ^National security and rearmament become matters of overriding priority for Governments. Legislatures tend to focus more determinedly on domestic political considerations, to the detriment of enlightened foreign policies. The humanitarian and altruistic instincts of ordinary people all too often become dulled. Their natural instinct for peace is overshadowed by a narrower and more belligerent patriotism. Thus is created an international climate inimical to the peaceful settlement of disputes and the orderly conduct of international relations.
63.	All those who have traditionally cherished the rule of law and the fundamental freedoms, of the individual, both at home and abroad, surely have a special duty to resist such dangerous trends and to throw their weight behind the negotiating process by which the United Nations seeks to achieve those objectives.
64.	A prime example is the development of a new law of the sea. A stable order for the oceans, the seabed and coastal waters is essential for world peace. It is most desirable, to say the least, that the major maritime Powers should participate in the new convention. This year the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has been slowed down to permit a review of the draft convention by the United States Government. The Conference is now clearly determined to push on to finality in 1982. It is the earnest hope of my Government that, having completed its review, the United States will rejoin the negotiating process and will stand ready with all other nations to make a determined last effort to ensure the adoption by consensus of the draft convention at the next and final negotiating session of the Conference.
65.	In the field of human rights, the United Nations has concentrated, rightly, on the needs of people who are socially disadvantaged or who have been traditional victims of discrimination.
66.	A striking example is the United Nations Decade for Women, now at midpoint. The adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women [General Assembly resolution 34/180] has been one of its major achievements. It is significant that it has come into force so quickly. All nations, whatever their stage of economic development, their cultural traditions or their geographic circumstances, have been reminded not only of the rights of half of humanity but also of the enormous contribution made by women. It was right that the United Nations should lead that world movement, because the discrimination to be eliminated  the discrimination we must "eliminate has been universal. The activities of the Decade have been followed with close attention in New Zealand and its aims have our full support. But the convention will only achieve its aim if it is universally ratified and, more important, given full effect in each country.
67.	Similarly, the current International Year of Disabled Persons has focused attention on the rights of handicapped people. It has provided impetus and the practical framework for action. In my own country, the response has been quite remarkable. A mass fund-raising effort for the disabled resulted in the largest collection of voluntary funds for a charitable purpose in our history. We have been made more aware than ever before not only of the needs of the disabled, but of the contribution they can make to our society as a whole.
68.	Next year we shall be summoned to the second special session devoted to disarmament. Nowhere is the need for a renewed effort to achieve progress in international negotiations more apparent. If we are honest, we must acknowledge that since the first special session the prospects for effective disarmament measures have not advanced. Indeed, they may have receded. Much of the work of the first session has been undercut by the deterioration in the international climate and in relations among the nuclear Powers. I do not consider it unfair to assign to those Powers the principle responsibility for that loss of impetus and to demand that they take the initiative in resuming serious and active negotiations. It is they who have the weapons which, by universal agreement, are the most dangerous and in most urgent need of control and numerical reduction. My delegation's keenest disappointment is that the negotiation of a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty, a step which could serve to check both horizontal and vertical proliferation of nuclear weapons, still hangs fire.

69.	Only the nuclear Powers can negotiate a test-ban treaty which will work or, for that matter, any agreement designed to reduce the threat of nuclear destruction. But the remaining Members of the United Nations have a duty to their peoples to renew their pressure on the nuclear Powers, who are also the largest manufacturers and purveyors of conventional armaments, to resume movement towards disarmament. In that regard, we welcome the decision of the two principal nuclear Powers to resume discussions on the reduction of nuclear weapons in the European theater.
70.	I referred earlier to some of the obstacles in the path of economic progress, especially for developing countries. There is no greater corisumer of development resources than the armaments industry, and none that is more wasteful. We must never lose patience in pursuing international agreements which will cut the burden and the danger of rearmament and strengthen the fragile fabric of peace.
71.	It is natural that each of us should seek to advance the interests of his own country, that we should work for the wellbeing of our own people. National pride and patriotism are admirable and necessary virtues. But every coin, every medallion, has another side. Nationalism and pride of country are not in themselves enough. All of us North and South, committed and uncommitted, East and West belong to one world. We have got to work together. Our world has become too small and too dangerous a place for any of us to pursue narrow nationalism regardless of the interests of others.
72.	We must move the world community away from the dangerous road it has been following: that is, the course of rivalry, confrontation and the naked struggle for power. It can lead only to conflict. We must learn, more than ever before, to couple national pride with a real commitment to international cooperation. There is, I believe, no other way to move ahead, to achieve a decent life for all our people. That, I suggest, is why we are meeting here. For all our peoples, whether our countries are large or small, have an equal right td peace, progress and justice.