It is with genuine feeling that I return to this podium where I first came when I addressed the eleventh session of the General Assembly as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Panama on 27 November 1956.4 At that time we supported the right of the Egyptian people to nationalize the Suez Canal and we indicated the similarities between the Suez and Panama Canals. Today, 20 years later, we corns before you after the liberation of all the African continent to prove to you how mistaken the United States continues to be by insisting in perpetuating its presence in the colonial enclave known as the zone of the Panama Canal.
79. For all this, however, no substantive progress has been .
achieved in the economic and social advancement of all 4 ibid., Eleventh Session, Plenary Meetings, 598th meeting.
87.	Many events have occurred in the world and there are many things which God and fate have allowed me to witness at this rostrum where I have .served my country as permanent representative during 13 years. So it is with happiness and a little nostalgia that I address myself to so many friends with whom I have had the honor to share the major international responsibilities entrusted to us by our Governments throughout the years.
88.	On behalf of the delegation of Panama I wish to join my colleagues who, when speaking, started by congratulating Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe on his election as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Everyone present here knows the important part you played as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and we know well, too, the lofty intellectual and diplomatic qualities that will enable you effectively to lead the work of its next sessions. We are particularly happy at the selection because we have recently returned from your beautiful country, Sri Lanka, where we enjoyed so much courtesy and the warm hospitality of a fun-loving and hard-working people whose memory will stay with us for fever.
89.	We share with the Secretary-General his conviction that by working together with courage and persistent constancy we shall move forward along the course which leads to the major objectives of peace, justice; human dignity and equity which have for centuries been a legitimate aspiration of mankind.
90.	It is inconceivable as was rightly pointed out a few days ago [1st meeting/ by the President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly and Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, that $300 billion are spent every year on the arms race and at the same time not one tenth of that amount is allocated to fighting under-development, which condemns to the most wretched poverty 1.2 billion people, many of whom are totally destitute.
91.	In welcoming the Republic of Seychelles as a new Member of the United Nations family, we wish to place on record that we would be pleased if shortly the People's Republic of Angola and the united Socialist Republic of Viet Nam were to occupy their lawful places in this hall.
92.	On behalf of the Revolutionaiy Government presided over by Mr. Demetrio B. Lakas, and whose head of State is General Omar Torrijos Herrera, we cordially greet all States Members of the United Nations attending this session and we thank them for having elected Panama as a Vice- President of this session of the General Assembly.
93.	While it is true that detente has brought about a relaxation of tensions among the great Powers which removes the possibility of an atomic crisis, we cannot affirm that mankind has been freed from armed conflicts and threats to international peace and security which are potential crises unless they are resolved.
94.	Possibilities for the developing countries to share among themselves their capacity for development has increased in the last years. We now have unprecedented opportunities to achieve the scientific and technological breakthroughs which are vital for development. Therefore technical co-operation among the developing countries could be an important contribution to their development and to achieve economic independence and everybody recognizes that the needs of the developing countries are a joint responsibility of the entire international community.
95.	Technical co-operation among the developing countries is one of the mechanisms basic to the establishment of the new international economic order and it is also an instrument which contributes to changing the structure of international relations. In our region, the Latin American Economic System, known as SELA, offers new perspectives for co-operation.
96.	We have attentively followed the discussions at the meeting of the International Monetary Fund which were held in Manila. Panama agrees with the Managing Director of the Fund that both the developing countries as well as the industrialized countries should find a solution to the continuous use of high-interest loans which are requested to cover deficits in balances of payments so as to eliminate those perpetual deficits resulting from the unjust interactions which now prevail in international trade.
97.	Our delegation joins others who have preceded us in affirming that Panama will spare no efforts in seeking a remedy to the deterioration of the international economic situation. The picture is a sombre one and it is the duty of every nation which is financially more solvent to raise the availability of development loans with less harsh and burdensome conditions for poor countries.
98.	At the same time efforts must be made to set up on a universal level a policy to control inflation which is the scourge of all countries and devastates the less developed countries.
99.	Panama is undergoing an economic crisis similar to that occurring in the vast majority of the developing countries. This year more than ever before we have felt in my country the effects of unemployment, inflation and recession.
100.	At the same time the United States continues to delay a solution to the problem of the Panama Canal, which is closely connected with our economy since it is the most important natural resource we have. We do not believe it is just that the most powerful nation in the world should continue fully to exploit this resource while the majority of our people lacks the most elementary needs of a dignified life.
101.	For the economy of Panama to be reactivated and for us to come out of the present economic crisis within a reasonable time, we have to make a better use of our geographical position so as to attain the degree of economic growth and stability which will enable us equitably to participate in the new international and economic order which we advocate.
102.	The Revolutionary Government of Panama, even though it respects the system of free enterprise, has through labor laws and taxation attempted a more equitable distribution of our national wealth among all our inhabitants.
103.	Our country has at all times regretted, while totally condemning, the ever-spreading practices of international terrorism and we have so stated energetically on repeated occasions.
104.	The social phenomenon of terrorism which has affected different countries on different occasions has always been condemned by all States. In most cases, it strikes innocent victims and affects fundamental values such as human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person.
105.	Since 1973 when this item became a burning issue in the debates of this Organization, Panama has been out-standing in its co-operation and endeavors in this field. Panama had the honor and the responsibility to be Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism established under resolution 3034 (XXVII) of the General Assembly and has always based its arguments condemning such a practice on some fundamental premises which in substance mean that the United Nations must intensify its efforts to eradicate the causes of international terrorism.
106.	Panama will at all times endeavor, as it has in the past, to assist in formulating measures which might constitute a real barrier to or brake on the continued practice of international terrorism.
107.	The fighting in Lebanon is of the utmost concern to us. With profound sadness we witness the pain of the internal tragedy of civil war in Lebanon, which has brought death to thousands of human beings and incalculable material losses. We hope that the groups involved in the present conflict, the leaders of all sectors and, in general, the population of Lebanon will help to halt this fratricidal struggle and strive to re-establish peace and order. We are pleased to have heard the news this morning that a meeting will be held in a few hours to that end. We hope that this friendly country will maintain its unity and territorial integrity so that all will respect its rights as a free, independent and sovereign nation.
108.	In order to arrive at a just and lasting formula for peace in the Middle East we reaffirm the need for the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all the territories occupied in the 1967 war. We support the idea of implementing Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), taking into account that the Palestinian problem must be resolved on the basis of the establishment of a Palestinian State which will include Gaza and the West Bank of the Jordan, and we consider that Jerusalem must be given a special international status. At the same time we believe it is vital for the Arab countries to accept the right of Israel to live within secure and recognized frontiers like all the other States in the region.
109.	In the case of Cyprus we advocate the withdrawal of the occupation forces as called for in the resolution adopted by the General Assembly two years ago [resolution 3212 (XXIX)] as a point of departure, so that later through negotiations an agreement may be reached to preserve the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus so that all its inhabitants may live in peace and the country can return to the prosperity to which it is entitled.
110.	The Republic of Panama fervently hopes that through responsible negotiations an agreement will soon be reached which will be satisfactory to Guatemala and at the same time will respect the principle of self-determination and independence for the people of Belize so as to guarantee peaceful coexistence within the Central American isthmus.
111.	Panama reiterates its support for the just claim of the Argentine Republic regarding the Islas Malvinas and we hope that soon a formula will be found which will make it possible to restore that territory to the sovereignty of Argentina.
112.	Panama reiterates its hope that the negotiations which would give Bolivia an outlet to the sea will advance in a positive direction until the desired objective is obtained.
113.	The constitution of Panama of 1972 provides fundamental guarantees protecting nationals and foreigners under its jurisdiction in all matters pertaining to the sacred rights to life and liberty and indicates a revolutionary concept on the scope and vastness of the human rights enjoyed throughout the entire Republic.
114.	Participation in the government of my country through mechanisms of people's power which function from one end of our national territory to the other is a right and obligation of all Panamanians.
115.	In a dynamic and tangible manner, which is shared by all sectors of the Panamanian community, we apply the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenants on Human Rights which we have ratified, as well as the Optional Protocol. In this respect all that remains for us is publicly to declare our hopes that the 38 States which are now parties to the Covenants will by joined by many others so that this system of protecting human rights will soon attain the desired goal of universality.
116.	Without leaving the context of human rights we wish to emphasize here that we are offended and afflicted by apartheid and rampant racism which white minorities have imposed on the indigenous majorities in southern Africa in bloody defiance of the clear-cut provisions and mandates of the international community and of the historic transformations which are inexorably advancing throughout the entire world.
117.	We are encouraged by the latest diplomatic initiatives undertaken by the Western Powers with a view to achieving political independence in Namibia and majority Government in Zimbabwe. The struggle for liberation which has been intensified by the heroic people of Zimbabwe in recent months with the support of OAU so as to achieve genuine independence on the basis of majority government has the total support of Panama.
118.	We hope that the transfer of power from the racist minority of Ian Smith to the majority of the Zimbabwe people will be carried out rapidly so as to prevent more sacrifices by that heroic people. We appreciate the efforts made to that end by the Secretary of State of the United
States and we hope that the conference to be held shortly at Botswana, under United Kingdom sponsorship, will overcome every obstacle and difficulty so as to prevent the sufferings of a long war, the inevitable result of which would be the triumph of the 5 million people who have been suffering the indignities of the racist regime for more than 11 years.
119.	To make majority rule viable with a low cost in human life the Secretary of State of the United States has offered the United Kingdom considerable economic assistance in order to compensate the white minority in Rhodesia which wishes to emigrate.
120.	Taking note with satisfaction of this generous plan of the United States to relocate more than 200,000 white Rhodesians, we cannot fail to remind the leaders of North America that they could do the same to relocate the 3,000 North American Zonian families resident in the Panamanian territory known as the Panama Canal Zone so as to facilitate the negotiations on the new Canal treaty and eliminate once and for all the primary source of conflicts which perturbs relations between the United States and Panama.
121.	Repeatedly we have said, and we say again, that we welcome North Americans and in general all foreigners who wish to adjust to the atmosphere and customs of Panama and we reiterate that we are prepared to give them the same cordial treatment which our people has always given once we have eradicated from our territory the colonial enclave known as the Panama Canal Zone.
122.	We are please to note that, in United Nations bodies, Africans and Latin Americans have made common cause to condemn every kind of colonialism.
123.	It was the privilege of my country that its capital was chosen by Simon Bolivar, the Liberator, as the venue for the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama, which met on our isthmus from 22 June to 15 July 1826, and we were particularly pleased to note that, on the initiative of the Latin American group of States, we have on the agenda of the present session an item entitled "One hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama" [item 117]. The Foreign Minister of Venezuela, Mr. Ramon Escovar Salom, quite rightly said in this hall: "This Congress was a "historical event which for the first time collectively defined the political strategy of the Latin American continent" [6th meeting, para. 108], At that Congress Bolivar aimed at setting up a league of Latin American nations to be a spokesman for the colonial peoples of the world in opposition to the imperialist claims of the European Holy Alliance.
124.	We are therefore certain that the special plenary meeting which will be held by this General Assembly to celebrate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama and to pay a tribute to liberator Simon Bolivar, will have the enthusiastic support of all States Members of the Organization. This celebration is of singular importance for the Latin American nations and for the non-aligned countries. For the former, the genius of Bolivar converted into continental doctrine the feeling and thinking of unity which was common to the heroes of the emancipation of the Latin American nations. For the latter, Bolivar, with his far-sighted thinking, opened up broad ways and means of achieving the fundamental objectives of defeating imperialism, colonialism, racism and foreign domination.
125.	My delegation shares the view of the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Kissinger, in his last speech here [11th meeting], regarding what hemispheric relations should be. Panama, which is the geographical and sentimental center of the Latin American continent and which is both the window and the mirror of the hemisphere, is where the United States should show mankind a good example of what a mutual conception of relations between North, Central and South America should be.
126.	The negotiations between my small country of Panama and the great North American super-Power on the question of the Panama Canal, which were started 12 years! ago after the violent events which endangered peace in the region in 1964, are still awaiting a solution. We trust that Mr. Kissinger, despite the rhetoric of the political campaign in North America, will not leave this task unfinished, and we hope that, with the assistance of other open-minded statesmen, we will reach an agreement which will satisfy the legitimate aspirations of the Panamanian people before the end of next spring.
127.	The so-called Panama Canal Zone, 10 miles wide and 50 miles long, which cuts and fragments the central part of the Panamanian isthmus and makes of the Republic of Panama a divided nation, is today an anachronistic colonial enclave. There is no justification for its existence and it must disappear so as to restore the territorial integrity of the State of Panama and promote relations of peace and friendship in the region.
128.	The brotherly and unanimous support of the Latin American countries, as well as of the United Nations, the third world and other States Members of the United Nations, has given renewed impetus to the cause of Panama.
129.	Among the manifestations of international public opinion in favor of Panama made with growing intensity after 1973, we must emphasize the statement of the Secretary-General of the Organization. On 20 March of that year, the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, urged that the burning issue of Panama be considered in accordance with the spirit of our times and within the present historical context. He said:
"The problem awaits a solution which can only be based on the respect for law and the search for justice. A solution will have to take into account the basic principles which are enshrined in the Charter such as the principle of territorial integrity, sovereign equality, the obligation to settle all international disputes by peaceful means and the principle which by now has become an accepted common standard, namely, that any State is entitled to put to full use and for its own account all its natural potentialities."
130.	As I said earlier, in April 1964 the Governments of Panama and the United States, after the violent events which disturbed peace in the region, signed, through the Organization of American States [OAS], a Joint Declaration in favor of a new Panama Canal treaty, which includes the words: "to seek the prompt elimination of the causes of conflict between our two countries without limitations or pre-conditions of any kind."
131.	As part of the agreement at that time the President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson, after consulting former Presidents Truman and Eisenhower, committed the honor of his country to the negotiation of a new treaty. For 12 years we have been negotiating with three different United States administrations for a treaty which will be reasonable and just for Panama.
132.	On 21 March 1973, when the Security Council met in Panama, the United States vetoed a resolution which took note of the willingness shown by the Governments of the United States of America and the Republic of Panama to establish in a formal instrument agreements on the abrogation of the 1903 convention on the Isthmian Canal and its amendments and to conclude a new, just and fair treaty concerning the present Panama Canal which would fulfill Panama's legitimate aspirations and guarantee full respect for Panama's effective sovereignty over all of its territory; it further urged the Governments of the United States of America and the Republic of Panama to continue negotiations in a high spirit of friendship, mutual respect and co-operation and to conclude without delay a new treaty aimed at the prompt elimination of the causes of conflict between them.7 This resolution won the affirmative vote of all members of the Security Council with the exception of the United Kingdom, which abstained.
133.	We are particularly pleased to place on record that on 17 September Mr. Edward (Ted) Rowlands, member of Parliament and Minister of State of the United Kingdom, after a meeting held with myself to deal with Anglo- Panamanian affairs, agreed to a declaration which states in part:
"Mr. Rowlands emphasized that, since Great Britain is one of the main users of the Canal, Her Majesty's Government is most desirous that the present negotiations should lead to a prompt solution acceptable to both parties which would satisfy the needs of the negotiating parties by eliminating the causes of conflict among them. This treaty would naturally restore to Panama jurisdiction over its entire territory."
134.	On 15 May 1975, OAS unanimously adopted the following resolution:
"THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
"HAVING HEARD the report on the negotiations concerning the Panama Canal question made by the representatives of the United States and Panama; and
"CONSIDERING:
"That the Meetings of Foreign Ministers held in Bogota, Tlatelolco, and. Washington proclaimed the Panama Canal question to be of common interest for Latin America;
"That on March 24, 1975, the Head of the Panamanian Government and the Presidents of Colombia, Costa Rica, and Venezuela signed in Panama City a Joint Declaration concerning the Panama Canal question; and
"That the Declaration has as antecedents the Joint Declaration signed by the United States and Panama in the Council of the Organization of American States on April 3,1964, and an eight point agreement signed by the two countries on February 7, 1974, known as the Tack-Kissinger Statement,
"RESOLVES:
"1. To note with satisfaction that on February 7, 1974, the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Panama and the Secretary of State of the United States signed an eight-point Statement setting forth basic principles that will serve as a guide for the negotiators of the two countries, in which it is stipulated, inter alia, that the Panamanian territory of which the Panama Canal forms a part will soon be returned to the jurisdiction of the Republic of Panama, and that the Republic will assume total responsibility for the inter-oceanic canal on the termination of the new treaty.
"2. To note with satisfaction the report represented by the Delegation of the United States and of Panama, which records the progress made.
"3. To express the hope that a prompt and successful conclusion will be reached in the negotiations that the Governments of the United States and the Republic of Panama have been conducting for eleven years for the purpose of concluding a new, just and fair treaty concerning the Canal, which will definitely eliminate the causes of conflict between the two countries and be efficacious in strengthening international co-operation and peace in the Americas."
135. On 9 June 1976 at the sixth session of OAS General Assembly held in Santiago, Chile, I had the honor to read the joint report presented by the Government of the Republic of Panama and the United States of America, which in part states:
"... both governments are in agreement with the concept expressed by General Torrijos that we are not simply seeking any new treaty-we are seeking a treaty that will fully meet our common goals in the future and be seen by our sister republics as reflecting a new era of co-operation in the Americas."
136.	After reading this joint report the General Assembly of OAS at its sixth session, in a resolution which was unanimously adopted,  reiterated with renewed emphasis its hope that during this year, the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama and the bicentennial year of the independence of the United States, we would see the final impetus to the negotiations for this new Canal treaty.
137.	The present negotiations for the agreement are based on the Joint Statement signed by Foreign Minister Tack and Secretary of State Kissinger on 7 February 1974, which as you know, contains the eight points which are to serve as a guide for the new Canal treaty.
138.	On the occasion of the ceremony held in the city of Panama to sign that agreement, the Secretary' of State of the United States declared: "On behalf of the President, I hereby commit the United States to completing these negotiations successfully and as early as possible."
139.	We in Panama wonder what degree of credibility there is in the words of the Secretary of State when he expresses his concern for world problems in other areas and engages in much diplomatic activity in southern Africa to ensure that a minority will accept the principle of non¬discrimination and of political equality for all the inhabitants of Rhodesia, when at the same time it seems to be difficult for him to prevent the paralyzation of all diplomatic activity aimed at solving similar problems in Panama. Can the interest expressed by the United States in South Africa's compliance with the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council on Namibia be genuine when at the same time it ignores the contents of 'many resolutions on respect for the territorial integrity of countries, the right of all countries to exploit their own natural resources for the benefit of their peoples, and so forth, regarding Panama? What can we in Panama think of all this activity and leadership displayed by the United States to achieve decolonization in other areas of the world when it persists in maintaining a colonial situation in the very heart of our country?
140.	The greatest difficulty regarding the new treaty resides in finding an acceptable duration for the parties. While the United States expressed the opinion that the duration should be 30 to 50 years, that is to say during the remainder of the useful life of the Canal, Panama considers that, for all effective purposes, we would be prepared to accept a reasonable duration not going beyond the year 2000. So far the United States has confined itself to emphasizing that all issues are negotiable, and that is why we have expressed cautious optimism.
141.	The Political Declaration adopted on 18 August 1976 by the Fifth Conference of' non-aligned countries in
Colombo, Sri Lanka, reads as follows regarding the question of the Panama Canal:
"The Conference noted with satisfaction the unanimous Latin American support for the legitimate aspirations of the Republic of Panama, and associated itself with the desires expressed by the countries of the Western Hemisphere that a settlement of this question be achieved during this year of the celebration of the sesquicentennial of the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama convened by the Liberator Simon Bolivar.
"The Conference reiterated its firm support and solidarity with the Government and people of Panama in their fair struggle for their effective sovereignty and total jurisdiction over the so-called Panama Canal Zone.
"The Conference reaffirmed the support of the Nan- Aligned countries for the Panamanian control of the Panama Canal and reiterated their firm support for all efforts that the Republic of Panama will make before international forums, in particular the United Nations bodies.
"The Conference praised the progress made by the Panamanian people under the Revolutionary Government headed by General Omar Torrijos Herrera, offering any support that they may require when facing any action which may cause its destabilization." [See A/311197, annex I, paras. 110-113. J
142.	We have been scrupulous in transcribing literally the above pronouncements in favor of the Panamanian cause made by the vast majority of States Members of the United Nations because we consider that these documents express the feeling of the international community with regard to the new Canal treaty. This will also make it easier for delegations represented here to have all the facts which may be useful in forming their opinions in the event that, as our Head of Government has announced, we should feel compelled formally to submit at the next session of the General Assembly in 1977 a new item entitled "The question of the Panama Canal".
143.	During the debates of candidates Ford and Carter on Wednesday, 6 October on matters of foreign policy and defence, the Head of Government of Panama, General Omar Torrijos, made the following statement:
"This superficial approach to the most explosive subject in the United States' relations with Latin America is extremely irresponsible. President Ford claimed credit for having no young American fighting in any part of the world. But in Panama, 20,000 soldiers of the Southern Command of the United States Army each night sleep on alert with combat boots, rifles and water bottles within reach, ready for the contingency of Latin America's claiming the sovereign rights of Panama denied to it in negotiations.
"As regards Mr. Carter, I should like to remind him that the word 'never' is one that has been deleted from the political dictionary with the era of the struggles for liberation."
144.	Without wishing to interfere in the internal policy of another country, I should like at this point to say that after Mr. Gerald Ford was chosen as the candidate for the presidency of the republic of the United States by the Republican Party on 18 August and after Mr. Jimmy Carter was proclaimed candidate for the presidency of the United States by the Democratic Party, there are no serious reasons for not renewing the discussion which had been held uninterruptedly until May last, when the present North American electoral campaign brought the negotiations to a standstill.
145.	In the meantime we believe that the announcement made yesterday by the Secretary of State of the United States was a timely one, namely, that negotiations are to be resumed within the next two weeks.
146.	Both the Democratic Party platform and Mr. Ford under the Tack-Kissinger agreement, as well as the military authorities of the United States, affirm that they agree with the idea of a new Canal treaty. We therefore affirm that if the United States genuinely wishes to negotiate seriously and in good faith, this is the time for the North American Government to return not only towards Panama but towards Latin America, the third world, and the vast majority of the countries that are a part of the United Nations.
147.	Panama believes that between now and 2 November, election day in the United States, there is time to move forward considerably in the negotiations and we should not lose such precious time.
148.	Now I should like to refer to the problem of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States. Mr. Henry Kissinger, the Secretary of State of the United States, in his speech before this forum filth meeting] rightly insisted on the danger of armed intervention to economic and social progress and, above all, to world peace. But he limited his apprehensions to the particular situation of southern Africa. He was, in fact, speaking of military forces exclusively in the immediate, obvious and violent form of intervention.
149.	My country believes that the principle of non-intervention should be extended to all forms of intervention, regardless of semantic disguise, because there are other forms of intervention-far more effective than the armed variety that are carried out surreptitiously at economic and social levels.
150.	We must therefore insist on the validity of the principle of non-intervention not only when it refers to aimed struggle in southern Africa, in the. Near East or on the Asian continent, but also throughout Latin America, including the Caribbean. We do so because foreign intervention in almost every case is contrary to international law, to the principles of self-determination of peoples, of national sovereignty, and, it should be emphasized, to the very principles of the United Nations Charter that is the origin and justification for this Assembly of the nations of the world.
151.	For all these reasons, Panama declares its unflagging faith in the United Nations and reaffirms its desire for effective sovereignty and independence which, when achieved, cannot be pawned in the interests of any given Power or group of Powers, but, free from political commitments, will serve Panama and all its friends among the peoples of the world.
152.	We agree with the statement made by the Major of Miami, Mr. Maurice Ferre, at the Democratic Party Convention that we must put an immediate stop to the political maneuvers that have blocked the course of positive action on behalf of a new Panama Canal treaty.
153.	The New York Times was emphatic in its editorial of 27 September 1976:
"It would be an unspeakable tragedy if a new Panama Canal treaty -an imperative for future United States relations with Latin America -should become a casualty of the American Presidential campaign... It is up to President Ford to send Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker back to Panama ..."
154.	The Washington Post of 3 October 1976 said:
"Gen. George S. Brown, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, publicly urges the President to get on with negotiations. Otherwise, he warns, there could be trouble. 'You'd be lighting men you can't identify at a time and place of
their choosing	That's not the way, in my judgment,
to assure the continued maintenance and operation of the Canal.'"
Elsewhere, the editorial states:
"In fact, Panama has been remarkably patient and understanding. It merely wants to negotiate the treaty that the U.S. has solemnly promised to negotiate."
155.	That negotiation is essential to put a peaceful end to the lacerating colonial situation which exists in the heart of Panamanian territory before the national feeling of our people wrests the solution to the problem from the hands of the diplomats.
156.	Given the vacillation and the confusion of the two North American presidential candidates on the question of the Canal, I am certain that in Panama my fellow citizens will present a united front so that the world will continue to support us in our inflexible will to recover effective sovereignty over all our national territory.


It is a pleasure, on behalf of my delegation and myself, to extend to the
President our warmest congratulations and best wishes on his election as President of the thirty-first regular session of the General Assembly. We are fortunate indeed to have the benefit of his outstanding ability, wide experience and dynamic leadership in directing our deliberations. His election is also a tribute to his country and its people.
273.	I should like to take this opportunity to extend to his predecessor, the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, my delegation's admiration for his able direction of the last session of the General Assembly.
274.	We should also like to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General for his dedication to the principles and goals of the United Nations Charter, and his persistent efforts in drawing the attention of the Member States to fundamental problems facing mankind. In extending our continued support, we wish him every success in discharging the heavy responsibilities entrusted to him for preserving international peace and security.
275.	When directing our deliberations to issues related to the preservation of international peace and security, and expressing appreciation for efforts made in this direction, we cannot fail to observe that there are manifold problems in our troubled world that constitute grave and serious challenges. It is indeed a source of great disappointment that in view of the bitter experiences of the First, and particularly the Second World War, representatives of Member States who have assembled here every year since the establishment of this world Organization have not been successful in seeking the means of realizing most of the high ideals enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
276.	Let us then, as Members of this world body, be united in examining and evaluating the underlying factors of these challenges, and show determination in overcoming them without bias or discrimination and resolve to free both our own and future generations of such threats. This is the cardinal duty of this world Organization and of each of its Members.
277.	Contradictions prevailing in our world are contrary to our expectations and most certainly to those of its founding Members.
278.	When we examine the tragic situation in southern Africa and observe that the indigenous population of those territories, in no manner different from us in being entitled to basic human rights, is deprived of its individual and political rights by illegal minority regimes under the obnoxious policies of apartheid and racial discrimination, it is difficult to believe that this is happening in an epoch that considers respect for human rights and the rights of individuals as primary and essential obligations. Such policies remind us of medieval times, and eras of class exploitation when one class or group of individuals claimed superiority over their fellow men. It is even more disappointing that the world Organization has continued to remain helpless in the face of such injustices and has failed to put an end to such acts of discrimination and violation of fundamental human rights. We earnestly hope, however, that such a state of affairs will no longer prevail and that these evils of discrimination will be brought to an end, and people under foreign and alien domination fulfill their hopes and aspirations.
279.	On the other hand, crises in the world economic situation give rise to worry and anxiety. If a new economic order is not established, the confrontation between the "haves" and "have-nots" will place our world in two conflicting groups, which in itself constitutes the greatest threat to international peace and security.
280.	With these few remarks for a general introduction, I shall now outline the views of my delegation on some specific items on our agenda for this year.
281.	Afghanistan feels immense satisfaction whenever the struggle for national freedom gives birth to new sovereign States. It is therefore with joy that we welcome the newly independent Republic of Seychelles as a Member of this world Organization, and we look forward to co-operating with it.
282.	We are following with keen interest the recent developments towards the achievement of a just and final solution of the existing problems in southern Africa, to which my country has always attached great importance. As a staunch supporter of the principles of freedom, nationalism and respect for the rights of nations, Afghanistan hopes that these efforts will eventually enable the peoples of southern Africa, who have suffered under the oppression of the privileged classes, to attain their ideals and aspirations.
283.	In pursuit of its foreign policy based essentially on non-alignment the Republic of Afghanistan has maintained the best of relations with all the peace-loving nations of the world and with its neighbors. With regard to Pakistan, with which we have had and still have a long-standing political difference, which was brought to the attention of this Assembly last year and in previous years, I am happy to state that a thaw has occurred in our relations and that dialog between the leaders of the two countries has begun. We hope that, as a result of these contacts and future talks between the two leaders, our political difference will find a just and honorable solution.
284.	I was encouraged to heat what the Minister of State for Defense and Foreign Affairs of Pakistan, Mr. Aziz Ahmed, said yesterday [8th Meeting} regarding relations between our two countries. I should like to take this opportunity to express the hope that the only political problem existing between us will find a final settlement. My fellow representatives, the only way in which all of us can resolve our differences entirely is through peaceful negotiations. I can assure this world body that we are looking forward to an honorable solution of the political difference between Afghanistan and Pakistan, based on realities and through peaceful negotiations.
285.	It is satisfying to note that since the historic Algiers Conference  the triumphant victories of liberation movements have given new impetus to the struggle for freedom and justice in Africa and elsewhere. Afghanistan has consistently supported the complete elimination of alien domination, colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination. My delegation reaffirms the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to self-determination and independence. We also support the legitimate cause and inalienable rights of the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination and independence based on majority rule. Similarly, my delegation supports the legitimate struggle of the national liberation movements of Azania for the eradication of apartheid and the exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination.
286.	The situation prevailing in the Middle East still remains a dangerous focus of conflict, thus posing a great threat to international peace and security. This state of affairs is due to the persistence of Israel in its aggressive, expansionist, racist policy of occupation, its flagrant denial of the national rights of the Palestinian people as recognized by the United Nations and its contempt for the principles of the United Nations Charter, the resolutions of this Organization and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
287.	As repeatedly stated by my Government, the question of Palestine constitutes the core of the Middle East problem. There will be no just and lasting peace in the Middle East unless the Palestinian people exercise all their legitimate rights, particularly the right to return to their homeland in accordance with relevant United Nations resolutions, and fully enjoy their right to self-determination, including the right to establish their independent State. In this respect my delegation strongly supports the recommendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People [see A/31/35] and regrets that the Security Council was not in a position to endorse them.
288.	My delegation is gravely concerned at the tragic situation of human suffering and material loss prevailing in Lebanon and appeals to all the parties concerned to resolve their differences through peaceful measures as soon as possible and to re-establish conditions of peace and security by respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon.
289.	With regard to the situation in Cyprus, Afghanistan supports the territorial integrity, sovereignty and non-alignment of that Republic and regards the principles set forth in General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) as still valid for the solution of the Cyprus problem. We believe that negotiations between the representatives of the two communities conducted under the auspices of the Secretary- General of the United Nations ought to lead to a mutually satisfactory and freely accepted agreement for arriving at a just and lasting solution that would enable the two communities to coexist in peace and harmony.
290.	Much has been said about detente and we are all agreed that much can be done to spread detente to all comers of the world. Distinction must however be made between detente brought about by foreboding and the dark, shadows of the forces of fear and detente arising from a respect for the principles of peaceful coexistence. The former is foredoomed; the latter is of a lasting nature and provides more fertile and sound ground for international peace and security. It is being increasingly recognized that, without universal implementation of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence and a spirit of true co-operation, detente would be an impossibility and the destiny of mankind uncertain.
291.	In this context allow me to quote from the statement delivered by the Head of State and Rime Minister of Afghanistan at the recent Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Colombo:
"Of late we hear of detente. We have to say that it is good. But we cannot ignore the fact that detente resulting from respect for the principles of coexistence differs from detente brought about by fear. What is more important is that ddtente must be universal. What can be the most important factor of world peace and security is world¬wide coexistence which can emanate from a spirit of sincere co-operation for the balanced improvement of the human race in all parts of the world in the interest of world peace and security."
292.	With regard to present issues related to disarmament, my delegation reiterates its policy for general and complete disarmament and, in particular, nuclear disarmament. To this end we fully support the convening of a world disarmament conference or a special session of the General Assembly as soon as possible. Within the context of the current economic crisis, any international agreement for a reduction in the enormous armaments expenditure could make additional resources available for the social and economic development of the international community as a whole and the developing and least developed countries in particular. We also support the peaceful use of nuclear energy for the development of all nations and of the developing countries in particular.
293.	My delegation supports the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], and calls upon all States to implement its provisions. TTiis would undoubtedly contribute to inter-national peace and security in the area.
294.	To. this end, and in pursuance of the relevant resolutions of the Colombo Conference [see AI31/197, annex IV] my delegation supports the idea that the necessary consultations should take place to lay the groundwork for the convening of a conference on the Indian Ocean with the participation of all States to adopt measures for the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
295.	There is a growing awareness of the inseparable link between economic development and the maintenance of international peace and security; indeed, the struggle for political independence and sovereign equality cannot be separated from the struggle for the attainment of economic emancipation. The historic resolutions of the sixth and seventh special sessions, based on the fundamental principles of full, permanent and unreserved sovereignty over natural resources, a fair price for raw materials and primary commodities and the reform of the international monetary system, including a new and realistic approach to the debt problems of the developing, and especially the least- developed, countries heralded the dawn of a new global system and a new international economic order.
296.	In spite of these momentous events and although significant progress has been achieved in certain sectors, an over-all appraisal of achievements in real terms is rather limited.
297.	The unique and distinct disadvantages of a geographically land-locked position, compounded with developing problems and geophysically built-in obstacles and impediments to economic development, especially the lack of direct access to and from the sea, is so self-evident that it hardly requires reiteration or further elaboration. The fundamental right of free transit essential to the economic and social development of the land-locked countries has been reiterated and reaffirmed at various international forums, and more recently at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries.
298.	My delegation earnestly hopes that in view of the inseparable link between the right of free access to and from the sea and development, necessary measures will be adopted by the world community towards the expeditious and practical implementation of this vital right.
299.	The sixth special session of the General Assembly, under its Program of Action [resolution 3202 (S-Vl)], accorded full recognition to the various problems confronting the land-locked least-developed countries, including measures to be taken to compensate them for their additional transportation and transit costs, through the creation of a Special Fund. It was only during the seventh special session and the thirtieth session of the General Assembly that finally, on the initiative of the delegation of Afghanistan, a Special Fund was established under resolution 3504 (XXX) to compensate the land-locked countries for their additional transportation and transit costs. Based on this mandate and the relevant provisions of the Manila Declaration,  and on the decisions of the fourth session of UNCTAD, necessary steps must be taken towards making the Fund operational as soon as possible.
300.	Similarly, my delegation fully supports all special measures in favor of the least-developed and land-locked developing countries. Taking into account the urgent needs of those countries and the fact that their enormous difficulties constitute a heavy burden and, directly and indirectly, have far-reaching negative ramifications on their development efforts, we hope that this session of the General Assembly will energetically pursue the translation into action of the various recommendations and resolutions adopted in this field.
301.	The prevailing monetary system needs a radical overhaul and reform to ensure an increase in the role of special drawing rights in international reserves and parity in decision-making between developed and developing countries. Moreover, the International Monetary Fund should not restrict itself to purely monetary problems, but should be ready to extend balance-of-payments support and developmental assistance to the developing and least- developed countries.
302.	In the field of transfer of technology and know-how, my delegation fully endorses the proposals and recommendations contained in the Manila Declaration, and we hope that appropriate measures will be taken by the responsible United Nations organs, especially UNCTAD and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, towards adopting comprehensive and effective measures to enable developing and least-developed countries to have access, on favorable terms, to technological know-how and expertise at a cost commensurate with their financial ability and in accordance with their respective national goals and available resources.
303.	It has been only a few weeks since most of us gathered in your beautiful country, Mr. President, to deliberate on pressing social, political and economic issues. The economic resolutions adopted' at the Colombo Conference laid sound ground for international co-operation in offering tangible solutions to these problems. It is our earnest hope that the decisions adopted at that Conference will receive the strong support of this great Assembly.
304.	We have sighted our common challenges and common destiny in a determined effort to seek solutions to present conflicts and to find better prospects for the peace and progress desperately required in our troubled world. We must take a realistic approach to bridge the great disparity between the affluent and the developing nations through the establishment of a new economic order, deploy ceaseless efforts to eliminate the last remnants and vestiges of colonialism, and ensure respect for human rights and the right to self-determination and independence for all peoples of the world. Let us live in peace and harmony and give expression to our resolutions to achieve our common destiny and purpose by striving harder to translate these objectives into realities and, in doing so, to give greater meaning and significance to the principles of our Charter by achieving a better and more durable atmosphere of peace conducive to the progress and development of our ailing and trouble-stricken planet.


It will be exactly one year on 12 November next since this Assembly, almost unanimously, admitted the Comoros to membership in the United Nations.
2.	These 11 months have enabled us to appreciate both the stature of the institution and the value of the men who bear responsibility in the Organization. For this reason, I should like to express to Mr. Amerasinghe the satisfaction of my delegation at seeing him presiding over this session of the Assembly. In a world where covetousness and unfulfilled ambitions hold sway, how can we fail to appreciate highly the judicious choice that has been made by our Assembly? For this forum, where the most authoritative voices of our planet speak out, needs to be imbued with the wisdom and philosophy that characterize the peoples of the Asian subcontinent, which the President represents so well. Mr. Amerasinghe may rely on the co-operation of my delegation to ensure that the work of this thirty-first session of the General Assembly will be crowned with success.
3.	With the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung a great figure of contemporary, history has passed away. The Comoros associates itself closely with the well-deserved tribute paid by our Organization to the man who placed the whole of his life at the service of those who fight for freedom and dignity.
4.	Much has often been said about the non-viability of micro-States, including the Comoros. My delegation wishes to express its sincere and warm congratulations to the Government and people of Seychelles, which was admitted to membership in our Organization on 21 September and with which we maintain the best possible relations. On this occasion, I should like to convince Member States that the elements which define a nation are not the same as those which characterize an economic Power and, still less, those which characterize a military Power. First of all, every people has a right to existence and freedom; every people has a right to dignity and respect; and every people has a right freely to choose its political and economic destiny.
5.	The wisdom and efficiency, like the grandeur of a people, can no longer be measured by taking into account only its reserve of nuclear power megatons or the number of its military victories. Henceforth we must establish a new criterion: that of proven respect for the principles of our Charter.
6.	By establishing a hierarchy and entrusting roles to one and to another, we are in the process of converting our Organization into an instrument at the service of the most powerful; hence we are in the process of betraying the commitments undertaken at San Francisco to which we all subscribed.
7.	By virtue of those commitments and to expedite the process that should lead to the universality of our Organization, the Comoros unreservedly supports the admission to our Organization of the brave peoples of Angola and Viet Nam.
8.	The anguish that besets the whole of mankind, like the uncertainties surrounding the future of peoples, finds its sole source in the egocentricity of States in a universe where the interdependence of nations is a reality that can no longer to denied.
9.	My delegation wishes the greatest success to the thirty-first session of the General Assembly and nurtures the hope that in the course of the current session wisdom will prevail and international peace and security will triumph throughout the world.
10.	It is in this spirit of peace, security and progress which governs all our decisions that I shall now go on to speak of the problems which torment mankind.
11.	Today we could have witnessed a happy ending to the process of decolonization as advocated by our Organization. But at a time when the nationalist forces in southern Africa, have unleashed a valiant offensive, unique of its kind, to obtain the! right to self-determination and independence, the champions of colonialism and all the forces of evil have rallied to place: themselves at the service .of Vorster.
12.	The sale of nuclear power plants, and the delivery of weapons to South Africa have no other meaning for Africa
than the will is strengthen, the military potential of the Fascist regime of Vorster and consequently to encourage it to commit massacres and to hinder the progress of the struggle for liberation.
13.	What happened in Soweto and in other places in South Africa is a clear-cut crime that we should all condemn with our last breath.
14.	Vorster intends to grant so-called independence to the Transkei. The main object of that farce is to undermine the national unity of the Azanian people and must be strongly rejected. We must embark resolutely upon the course of the total isolation of the minority regimes in southern Africa.
15.	With respect to Namibia, we note that in flouting all the resolutions adopted by the international community, South Africa continues to occupy that Territory and persists in applying there its laws and practices of repression, the basis of which is the policy of apartheid. Confronted by this denial of the fundamental principles of human rights, our Organization cannot look on as powerless spectators of the drama of the.Namibian people. The policy of "bantustanization", which is a defiance of the sacred principles of our Charter, seeks only to violate the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia.
16.	The Comorian State, faithful to the principles which govern States, is particularly attached to the principle of respect for the political unity and inviolability of the frontiers of States and cannot at this point do more than address an appeal to all Members of this Organization to put an end to those deliberate acts of violation of our Charter.
17.	South Africa must return power to the Namibians. In order to do so propitious conditions for true independence must be created. The Comorian State subscribes unreservedly to the idea of convening, under the aegis of the United Nations, a constitutional conference with the participation of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] as the legitimate representative of the Namibian people.
18.	My country believes that prior to the convening of that conference the flowing must be done: all discriminatory laws and measures must be abrogated; all political prisoners must be released; all Namibians at present in exile for political reasons should be allowed to return to their country without risk to themselves; the conference entrusted with the creation and legalization of "bantustan homelands" must be dissolved; and all South African military troops must be withdrawn from Namibian territory. The Comorian State considers that those minimal conditions, once fulfilled, are the only.ones capable, on the one and, of proving the sincerity of South Africa, and, on the other hand, of instituting the necessary political climate for the success of the conference.
19.	With regard to Zimbabwe, since the declaration of the independence of Southern Rhodesia in 1965 by the white settlers living in that Territory, we must note with sorrow that certain countries, among them the most powerful, continue to maintain the best possible relations with the racist regime of Salisbury, providing it thus with the means of resisting the assault of the Zimbabwe nationalists. It is worthy of note that despite that active complicity, the resolution of the freedom fighters and of the aroused masses is stronger than ever and we are convinced that their victory is close.
20.	By reason precisely of the pressure of the struggle and the opening of new avenues of confrontation throughout the country, and thanks to international opinion, which is increasingly in favor of the cause of liberation, the shameful regime of Ian Smith has had to face up to the exodus of the whites and the slowing down of immigration, which renders even more fragile the already precarious position of the white minority in Zimbabwe.
21.	We must reaffirm the inalienable right of the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination and independence as well as the legitimacy of the struggle that they are waging to obtain the enjoyment of that right. This whole process can be achieved only in so far as a transitional blade majority government has full and complete responsibility for the management of the country's affairs.
22.	We sincerely hope that the constitutional conference convened by Great Britain, the administering Power of Rhodesia, will comply with the legitimate wishes and aspirations of the African peoples, and in particular of the people of Zimbabwe.
23.	My Government follows with interest the actions undertaken by the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, in southern Africa, the objective of which is to create the conditions for a peaceful settlement of the problems arising in that region.
24.	With respect to Djibouti, it would appear that the process of independence has already been triggered. It is up to us now to demand here of the administering Power that it expedite the process, and we must warn it against its well-known methods of seeking to divide the people and to violate the integrity of the Territory as it did in the Comoros.
25.	The world is concerned today with the serious situation which prevails in Korea, a situation which places the region in a state of crisis which could lead to a confrontation. We must encourage the efforts made by the two Koreas towards the peaceful reunification of their country.
26.	In the Middle East, the situation has remained the same since the last session: Israel persists in its obstinacy, in its intransigent attitude and in its resistance to any peace initiative, thus showing the international community its expansionist aims.
27.	Any solution to the Middle. East problem necessarily involves the withdrawal by Israel from the. occupied territories and recognition, on the one hand, of the national rights of the Palestinian people in accordance with the principles set forth in our Charter, and, on the other hand, the right to existence of all the peoples in the Middle East in territories with secure and guaranteed boundaries.
28.	With respect to Cyprus, we must apply General Assembly resolution 3395 (XXX) and above all seek to ensure respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of that country.
29.	The progress of detente, we must acknowledge, is still very limited both in its scope and in its geographic extension: the danger that the great Powers might plunge mankind into a nuclear holocaust has not completely disappeared. In fact, the agreements which they conclude among themselves and which permit those industrialized countries to establish profitable economic relations merely redirect the areas of conflict towards the third world. For those Powers detente very often is no more than confrontation through third countries or peoples, in which the poorest bear the burden of the war.
30.	While none of the great Powers has a coast on the Indian Ocean, their presence in that ocean becomes more and more preoccupying each day. That ocean, which we want to preserve as a zone of peace, runs the risk of becoming tomorrow the battleground for those hegemonies which dispute control in Africa, the Near East and Asia.
31.	In the displacement of the areas of conflict far from the industrial zones of the developed countries and close to the areas producing primary commodities, we believe that we, the developing countries, bear a great responsibility. It is only through lack of cohesion among ourselves and trust in each other that this threatening evolution is possible. That is why the Comorian State is in favor of the convening of a conference of all the coastal countries on the Indian Ocean for the purpose of harmonizing their action in order that all the conditions can be established to allow for the implementation of resolution 2832 (XXVI) in the spirit that the international community has wished to give it.
32.	Let us now turn to the Comoros. It is a burning subject which has strongly attracted international opinion, especially in the third world. I should not like at this stage to open a debate on the question included as item 125 of our agenda, which will be debated in plenary meetings. I therefore reserve the right to provide more information and to express the view of my Government on this question.
33.	For the time being I shall confine myself to outlining the spirit and the framework in which the French Government and the Comorian Government entered into the process of bringing the Comoros to independence and the reasons why, as can be seen, having started with a dialog we ended up in a confrontation.
34.	The French Constitution states: "The French Republic, faithful to its traditions, abides by the rules of international law." Now, international law includes the United Nations Charter, which France has agreed to abide by and to which the Comorian State is fully pledged as a State Member of the Organization.
35.	With regard to the rules and the laws of the French Government and Parliament, all laws, and public administration regulations, starting with the decree of 9 September 1889-and here I shall cite but a few: the law of 9 May 1946, the law of 17 April 1952, the decree of 22 July 1957, the law of 22 December 1961 and the law of 3 January 1968-have confirmed the political unity and the territorial integrity of the Comoros, composed of the islands of Anjouan, Mayotte, Moheli and Grande Comore.
36.	Turning to what the highest authorities of the French State have said on the subject, I would remind representatives of the solemn public statement of the President of the French Republic, Mr.Giscard d'Estaing, of 24 October 1974 that: "The Comoros are a single unit, they have always been a single unit, and it is natural that their fate should be a common fate ..."
37.	How, then, on such a clear and precise legal basis and with such solemn commitments have we arrived at the situation that regrettably confronts us today in which negotiations with the French Government have been broken off.
38.	The readiness of the French Government to engage in a dialog and to seek a solution to this problem keeps on being dangled in front of us. As for the desire for dialog, I should like the international community to attribute it to the people and the Government of the Comoros, for in 1973, during the first discussions in Paris on the accession of the Comoros to independence; in June 1974, when it became a matter of determining the modalities for the organization of the referendum which took place the same year; and, finally, in October 1975, when the Comorian Government, three months after independence, itself requested and sought to renew the dialog, the Comorian side always committed itself with firm determination to seek out ways and means susceptible of promoting a rapid solution of the problem of the Comorian island of Mayotte, a solution which must necessarily respect the principles of our Charter and fully meet the legitimate aspirations of the Comorian people.
39.	I should like to state before this Assembly that any time the opportunity is given us we shall give proof of this desire for dialog which for my Government has become a doctrine and a method of action. Political problems, whether bilateral or of international scope, can be resolved through dialog, and we are convinced that, by resort to this method in frankness and sincerity, many, if not all, of the problems facing the world could be resolved.
40.	We intend to defend the legitimate cause of the Comorian people with firmness and determination. We are ready to defend it everywhere in New York as in Paris, in Colombo as at Libreville. In May 1976, my country took part in the work of the Franco-African Conference which was held in Paris  at the invitation of the President of the Republic of Senegal, Leopold Sedar Setnghor. That is additional proof that the Comorian people is in favour of any initiative whose result would be the reinstatement of Mayotte within the Comorian entity.
41.	What do we observe from the other side? France, after having signed the joint declaration on the accession to independence of the Comoros oh 15 June 1973, after having, pursuant to a law of its own Parliament, organized the referendum on self-determination of 22 December 1974 the result favoring independence is known to all after 130 years of colonization during which at no time was the legality of the Comorian entity questioned, after all the discussions and the statements to which I have just referred, whose only purpose is to seek a just solution and to safeguard the political unity and territorial integrity of the Comoros-France, I say has not come up with any other approach than that of occupying the Comorian island of Mayotte on 6 July 1975 in defiance of international morality, the principles of our Charter and the value of its alliances in Africa and its friendships throughout the Muslim world.
42.	France is applying to the Comoros a strategy that has three aims: first, it wishes to consolidate its position in Mayotte, that is, first of all the establishment, starting on 6 July 1975, of a strong, inflexible and omnipresent administration in the island, which is completely out of reach of the control of the Comorian central authorities; secondly, it wishes to legalize this situation by organizing in Mayotte a series of referendums whose purpose is to justify the occupation of the island; and, thirdly, it wishes to bring about, by the intensive behind-the-scenes propaganda of its diplomatic representatives abroad, the isolation of the Comoros and to deprive the Comorian cause of endorsement and support, thus rendering it a lost cause from the outset.
43.	It seems to us that it is our duty to indicate to the Assembly that, for the consolidation of the independence of the Comoros, which it admitted as a Member of the United Nations on 12 November last, it is absolutely necessary for international solidarity to play a full role.
44.	I should like here to pay a sincere tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who ever since he has assumed the heavy responsibilities of Secretary-General has ceaselessly been striving to bring about the essential objectives of our Charter, namely, peace, security and progress throughout the world.
45.	The Mayotte affair constitutes a precedent fraught with consequences for the stability and the security of the independent African countries of the region and for the integrity of the young nations which, faced by numerous socio-economic problems, run the risk of being divided by outside forces, We note with sorrow that this is the first time that an independent State, which has been recognized by the international community, has been subjected to a process of recolonization. Faced with this crisis, the Comorian people is equally aware of the importance of what is at stake sad of the scope of the struggle which it has to wage. It was in this context that on 14 November 1975 the Comorian Head of State our brother Ali Soilih, declared:
"We shall assume bur responsibilities; we shall assume them because we shall never confuse friendship with humiliation, because nature has given the Comorian certain qualities simplicity, a sense of honour endurance and resistance to privation-and because, in any event, our cause is just. Our struggle is a worthy one and we are convinced that the Comorian people will emerge from this test united, strong and mature."
46.	Our cohesion, our determination, respect for the fundamental principles of our Organization will together ensure total and complete success to the lofty and historic mission which has been entrusted to us.