I would like to begin by
congratulating the President on his unanimous election to
preside over the fifty-second session of the General
Assembly of the United Nations. It is my hope that at this
session the Assembly will be successful in bringing nations
closer to each other and in finding ways to address the
challenges that face all countries and nations, north and
south, east and west.
I also wish to congratulate his predecessor,
Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia, for the manner in
which he carried out his duties.
We mark this year the twentieth anniversary of the
peace initiative of the late Prime Minister of Israel,
Menachem Begin, and the late President of Egypt, Anwar
Sadat. Those leaders, with their historic decision and their
courageous leadership, pioneered the way towards the first
peace treaty between Israel and an Arab neighbour, Egypt.
Throughout their entire history, the people of Israel
have aspired to live in peace. Together with our constant
call for peace with our neighbours, we have not spared any
effort to seek, whether through direct or indirect contacts,
a partner in this effort. Today, too, we continue to seek
channels for dialogue and to build bridges to peace.
In recent years, since 1991, after the principles for
negotiating peace in the Middle East were laid down at
Madrid, we have achieved a number of important
advances with the establishment of full peace between
Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the
signing of interim accords with the Palestinians.
Nevertheless, the road to full peace is still long, and
negotiations with the Palestinians and with Syria and
Lebanon still lie ahead of us.
Immediately after the last elections, the Government
of Israel accepted the need to continue to advance the
Oslo accords and has acted to implement them. In the
past year we have spared no effort to implement those
accords, but, unfortunately, the trust that is the lifeblood
of the entire process has been undermined as a result of
the failure of the Palestinians to carry out their
commitments according to the agreements they have
signed.
In the past year, while pursuing these efforts, we
have endured many tests and have suffered ongoing
terrorist attacks and bloodshed. Our deep-rooted aspiration
for peace, security and tranquillity has been stained by the
shedding of innocent blood, by the murder of men,
women and children cut down by barbaric terrorist
attacks. Yet despite our deep sorrow and mourning over
the loss of those innocent lives, the hope for peace has
not been extinguished in the hearts of the citizens of
Israel.
The citizens of Israel have taken upon themselves
great risks for peace, but there is none among them who
is willing to continue to pay the bloody price that is being
demanded in the name of peace. We must break this
tragic and violent cycle. It is only through joint action in
confronting the terror that trust will be re-established and
the doubts regarding intentions be removed.
As I stated in my remarks at the fifty-first session of
this Assembly, all Israel is united in its deep desire for
peace and for a life of calm and security. In Israel, both
right and left are united in this quest.
If trust can be restored, if the principle of reciprocity
is honoured, it will be possible for us to proceed. We
have already proved our willingness to do so, through our
decisions and actions since taking office and in the
signing and implementation of the Hebron agreement in
all its aspects.
Peace cannot live side by side with continued
incitement, hostility, violence and terror. Peace means, in
essence, the unequivocal and irreversible abandonment of
25

violence. Dialogue, negotiation, compromise and the
honouring of agreements — those are the path to peace.
These principles apply throughout the world and must
apply also in the Middle East. The existence of two parallel
tracks, one on which negotiations are pursued while a
second track of violence, terror and bloodshed continues
unimpeded, is totally unacceptable. This is a direct
challenge and affront to the very concept of peace.
Terror does not suddenly erupt from nowhere. It is not
a spontaneous phenomenon. Too often we have seen
terrorist leaders and their organizations adopt the facade of
innocent and peaceful organizations, charitable and welfare
organizations, while under this cover they contribute to the
preparation and perpetration of vicious terrorist attacks.
Terror can be likened to a volcano ready to erupt at any
moment, whose boiling lava threatens to destroy all who lie
in its path.
Those who resort to terror are seeking not only to kill
Israelis but also to hurt their own brethren. Terror cannot be
accepted as a legitimate tool for resolving differences. It
must be rejected, absolutely and unequivocally, and it must
be fought unrelentingly. We will not agree to live under its
constant threat.
The words of the President of the United States and of
the Foreign Minister of Russia at this Assembly just a few
days ago are important and should guide us all in this
matter. I quote President Clinton when he spoke from this
very rostrum:
“terrorism is always a crime and never a justifiable
political act.” [See Official Records of the General
Assembly, Fifty-second Session, Plenary Meetings, 5th
meeting]
Thus, the international community bears the responsibility
for ensuring that terrorism enjoys no political support,
recognition or legitimacy, not even implicitly.
In the 1993 Oslo accords, the Palestinian Authority
and Arafat, its leader, undertook in the name of the
Palestinian people to fight terrorism. They reaffirmed this
commitment again in the 1995 Interim Agreement, again
one year ago at the Washington summit and again in the
Hebron agreement. Much to our consternation, it has been
proved that this commitment has not been upheld as
required, thus causing the present crisis of confidence.
Israel stands firmly upon its call to the Palestinian
Authority to fulfil its promise to fight relentlessly against
terror. The Authority must act jointly and in full
cooperation with us against terrorism and violence. We
seek neither to dictate nor to coerce. We seek merely the
implementation of signed agreements. The fight against
terror, in our humble opinion, is also in the Palestinian
interest.
In response to the repeated crises in the process
caused by the failure of the Palestinian Authority to live
up to its commitments, Israel proposes a binding code of
conduct for relations between us. This code should
include, first, the rejection of violence as a means for
achieving political goals; secondly, preservation of the
framework of direct negotiations and agreement to refrain
from attempts to transfer disputes and negotiations onto
the international stage; thirdly, the institutionalization of
permanent channels of communication, including in times
of crisis; fourthly, a cessation of incitement and the call
to violence and jihad, and their replacement with the
language of reconciliation and mutual respect; and, fifthly,
the advancement and encouragement of normalization and
support for regional activities.
The purpose of this code of conduct is to facilitate
uninterrupted negotiations and crisis management, and to
create an atmosphere of dialogue. This code must respond
to the sensitivities and needs of both sides. We believe
that the adoption of the above principles will allow us to
overcome the present crisis and help in preventing future
ones as the negotiations proceed. These rules of the game
will also contribute to renewed trust between the leaders
and greater confidence between the peoples.
In the wake of the visit to the Middle East of the
United States Secretary of State, renewed agreement has
been reached to continue the efforts at restoring the peace
process to its proper track. We have been conducting
intensive talks in recent days, with the assistance of the
United States, both in Washington and here, with a view
to resuming the negotiations and advancing our efforts to
reach a permanent settlement with the Palestinians.
Israel values and appreciates the action of the United
States Secretary of State and her commitment and efforts
to extricate the peace process from its current impasse, to
bring the parties closer together and to ensure the success
of the negotiations. We are fully committed to these
efforts.
26

Israel reaffirms its proposal to conduct accelerated
negotiations, according to an agreed timetable, on
permanent status. We propose conducting negotiations in
which the sides will agree upon the desired outcomes and
the way towards achieving them. This proposal is intended
to hasten the attainment of a peaceful settlement, not to
delay it. This is also our call and our proposal to the
Palestinian Authority.
The international community can play an important
role in facilitating the dialogue between the sides, which
will make it possible for us to resolve our differences
through direct negotiations. It is only through direct
negotiations that we can bring this process to a successful
conclusion. One-sided international declarations, dictates or
pressures will not help. Attempts to internationalize the
dispute and to transfer the arena of negotiations to the
United Nations and other international forums only serve to
create unnecessary obstacles and to make already
entrenched positions more rigid.
The comprehensive peace we yearn for will not be
achieved until we reach peace agreements with Syria and
Lebanon. It is imperative to reach understandings and
agreement that will enable us to renew negotiations and to
resolve all the matters at issue between us. We expect to
find in Syria and its leadership a partner in the search for
a just peace. If Syria has indeed made a strategic choice in
favour of peace — the “peace of the brave”, as claimed by
its leadership — then we must explore together every
possible avenue, at any place and at any time, for renewing
the talks between us.
Israel cannot accept the continued violence and terror
on its northern border. The terrorist activities of
organizations such as Hezbollah and the fear of Katyusha
rockets and attacks upon our cities and towns bear the
threat of ongoing regional tension and continued bloodshed.
There is no territorial dispute between Israel and Lebanon.
We wish to see a sovereign, free and independent Lebanon
acting determinedly against the terrorist organizations that
operate from its territory.
If we are to reach peace, we cannot make do only
with agreements and contracts. The reality of peace means
normalization, open borders, freedom of movement,
commerce and cooperation for the benefit of the entire
region. These are the soul and essence of peace.
Normalization is not a prize or a gift for Israel alone.
The decisions of the Foreign Ministers of the Arab
League at their recent meeting in Cairo, just over one week
ago, stand in direct contradiction to the aspirations for
peace and undermine its foundations. The attempts to
prevent normalization with Israel, to freeze the level of
existing relations with it, to close liaison and interests
offices between Israel and Arab neighbours and to
reactivate the Arab boycott add up, in practice, to a
boycott of peace itself. This is a destructive policy which
is reversing the process.
The ongoing and intentional freeze of the
multilateral talks also has a deleterious effect on the
entrenchment of peace. The multilateral talks were meant
and should serve as a platform and incentive for building
peace. We must promote the bilateral and multilateral
channels alike and not make one conditional upon the
other, nor create further obstacles and barriers on the road
to peace. The question mark hanging over the regional
economic conference scheduled to take place later this
year in Doha, Qatar, is further evidence of this negative
drive.
The countries of the Middle East that are party to
the peace effort have a common interest in regional
stability and the advancement of prosperity and well-
being for all the nations of the region. We face together
the growing shortage of water and the ever-expanding
desert. We are also facing dangers from within our region
that threaten to undermine the stability of the regimes of
various nations and to plunge the entire region into
violence, war and bloodshed.
It was only a few years ago that the entire world
was forced into forming a coalition to combat an
aggressive dictator who sought to conquer a neighbouring
country and to terrorize our entire region. Today, we face
new and even more extreme dangers, but the lessons of
recent experience have not been learned and many
countries turn a blind eye to the threat.
The leadership of Iran continues to speak in terms
that threaten the State of Israel and call for its destruction.
Yet the international community continues to remain deaf
and refuses to speak out against Iran's policies,
declarations and actions.
Iran's efforts, like those of Iraq, to acquire
operational weapons of mass destruction of all kinds
represent the greatest threat to security and stability in the
Middle East and beyond. The ramifications of Iran's
weapons programme extend far beyond the geographical
confines of our region. They threaten the security of other
27

members of the international community and their interests.
Israel reiterates its call to the members of the
international family of nations — and at their head the
United States, Russia and the members of the European
Union and of the Commonwealth of Independent States —
to exercise the full weight of their influence and to take
concrete steps to prevent this development, which
represents a threat to the existence of the State of Israel.
After the establishment, as we hope, of peace treaties
between Israel and every country of the region, it will be
possible to create a regional security system that would
provide multilateral and shared solutions to the range of
security problems in the Middle East, including a mutually
and effectively verifiable Middle East free of chemical,
biological and nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. These
are our goals and we must act to achieve them.
Israel is an active and responsible member of the
family of nations represented in this body. However, 50
years after the United Nations adopted, on 29 November
1947, the resolution calling for the establishment of the
State of Israel, we are still denied our equal rights in this
Organization.
We attach great importance to the fundamental reform
of the United Nations work. We also share the opinion of
other United Nations Member countries that believe that the
Organization urgently requires greater efficiency and a
redirecting of its valuable but limited resources towards its
truly important tasks. At the same time, we are convinced
that no reform can be completed so long as the question of
Israel's membership of a regional group remains unresolved.
We call upon this Organization to correct this anomaly.
Much to our chagrin, in the last year we have seen an
intensification of the political campaign waged against
Israel at the United Nations. This campaign only impedes
the peace process and further undermines confidence
between the parties. We call upon the Member States to
refrain from lending their support to such resolutions. The
time has come for this Assembly to reduce the number of
resolutions on the Middle East that it adopts each year and
to contribute positively to creating an atmosphere conducive
to direct negotiations between the parties.
As part of Israel's international and regional
commitment and of its credo as a State, we are engaged in
cooperative programmes with many countries, with which
we share the experience and knowledge we have acquired
in various fields. Israel attaches great importance to its
international cooperation programme and to assisting
various peoples to address the challenges of development
and the hazards of nature, hunger and disease.
Over more than three decades, tens of thousands of
trainees have participated in courses in Israel and in their
own countries within the framework of Israel's
cooperation and assistance programme in the fields of
education, health, agriculture, industry, social affairs and
leadership. We are especially proud of the participation in
recent years of trainees from Arab countries, amongst
them Palestinians. These trainees are emissaries of
goodwill, ambassadors of peace, who bear with them the
message and the great hope of human well-being. As in
the words of the prophet:
“Each shall help his neighbour and make him
strong”.
This year, the Jewish people in Israel and around the
world marks the jubilee of its national revival. Fifty years
ago, the Jewish people restored its national sovereignty in
its ancient homeland. Throughout the dark days of our
2,000-year dispersion, we dreamt of the day that we
would renew our national life in the land of our
forefathers, the land of Israel.
It is the privilege of our generation to fulfil this
aspiration. The Jewish people has returned and built up its
land. The Jewish people is once again gathering in its
ancient home and has succeeded in building a vibrant
and democratic society, a flourishing economy, science,
research and industry.
For the past 50 years, we have laboured to ensure
Israel's security and independence, while always seeking
peace and good-neighbourly relations in our region. Fifty
years on, the State of Israel is an irremovable reality.
This week, we mark the beginning of the Jewish
new year. At this holy time, every Jew turns his eye
towards the heavens with a prayer in his heart for the
peace of the world, the end of misery and a new dawn of
hope for all. On this day of remembrance, the blow of the
shofar is accompanied by the prayer:
“may the year and its troubles pass and a new year
and its blessings begin”.


The fifty-
second anniversary of the United Nations is yet another
historic moment for us all. Our shared presence here is
evidence that as Members of this great institution we have
an opportunity to realize our collective aspirations and
expectations. It is necessary therefore for the Organization
to ensure that the concerns of Member States, particularly
those in the developing world, are not compromised or
seen as secondary to the process.
It is essential that the United Nations become a
catalyst for improving the quality of life of our citizens
and a champion of our fundamental rights and freedoms.
Such challenges will require much commitment and
strategic thinking. I believe that if we succeed we will
have laid the foundation for peace and international
security for generations to come.
With our nations and peoples standing at the
crossroads of tremendous change, and with heightened

expectations in the fields of human development and
poverty eradication, the United Nations must be allowed to
assume an even greater role. Saint Kitts and Nevis
maintains that the United Nations has the necessary
institutional capacity to encompass our collective ambitions
and simultaneously to resolve many of the problems facing
nation-States.
In the light of the fundamental importance which my
Government attaches to a reformed, more functional United
Nations, we welcome the appointment of His Excellency
Mr. Kofi Annan as Secretary-General. His commitment to
and wide experience in this institution will help provide the
United Nations with the crucial leadership it needs at this
critical juncture in the Organization s history.
As we march into a new millennium, with its
increasing uncertainties and complexities, the United
Nations and its membership will have to recommit
themselves to human development in all its facets.
Otherwise we will have failed in this decade to accomplish
our mandate of poverty eradication.
The growing reduction in much-needed aid and
technical assistance to the developing world threatens the
further marginalization of our poor countries. This means
that countries will grow to depend more on the United
Nations. We therefore urge the United Nations to work
more closely with developing countries to devise new ideas
and pragmatic approaches to improve the standard of living
of the world's poor. This reality, we think, lends greater
urgency to the Secretary-General's proposals for reform. In
this regard, the Government of Saint Kitts and Nevis
encourages wide discussion of the extensive and far-
reaching reform proposals with the aim of arriving at
consensus.
We believe that it is vital to restructure and
consolidate some of the different areas of services that the
United Nations provides. However this must herald real
change and increased benefit for Member States. We cannot
support a mere transfer of resources from one organ to
another without proper safeguards to ensure efficiency and
accountability. In the same vein, we hope that development
reforms will not sacrifice the effectiveness and
distinctiveness of existing organs. In order for the
developing world to achieve sustainable growth, we need
the expertise, we need the resources and we need the
institutional capabilities of existing United Nations funds
and programmes.
As we work towards greater efficiency in the
management and administration of services, it is
important not to undermine positive past achievements.
Member States must refrain from marrying
conditionalities to the process of reform, especially when
these very conditionalities hinder substantial progress in
the reform process itself. Saint Kitts and Nevis therefore
suggests that in order for reforms to work they must of
necessity balance and protect the interests of Member
States, not simply appear to reward or benefit a privileged
few. Reform is not about creating mechanisms that
merely restructure the obligations of States to the
Organization. Reform should not be used as an
opportunity to compensate current economic strength.
Decisions on permanent and non-permanent membership,
as part of the reform process, should be the result of a
process of debate and consensus-building.
My delegation expects to see greater emphasis on
geographic representation and on correcting old
inequalities that continue to plague us today. Saint Kitts
and Nevis appeals to all States to be careful not to
confuse the need for genuine systemic reforms with
legally assessed financial obligations to the Organization.
Nations demanding reform should also be willing to
reform incongruous attitudes and perceptions of the
United Nations. We must honour all our responsibilities
to the Organization. Progress will require that we all work
more closely together to confront the multitude of
complicated problems, old and new.
To this end, let us challenge ourselves to find
common ground and assist the United Nations in
developing the appropriate ideas and strategies that
promote our common agenda. This may not be easy;
hence the Organization will need to establish a mutually
beneficial relationship between policy makers in
Government and the business community.
On this note, I should like to acknowledge the
magnificent contribution of Mr. Ted Turner to this
Organization. He has shown himself to be an exceptional
international citizen. We trust that this humanitarian
gesture of support for the Organization and its work will
make a noticeable impact on the areas designated, and
that it will challenge others of like mind to demonstrate
their support for the Organization as well.
This show of support is a reminder that only the
United Nations can provide the kind of impartial and
comprehensive leadership that Member States want. Only
the United Nations, with 50 years of successes and
2

failures as a world institution, has the unique experience to
develop essential capabilities to serve its membership. The
United Nations has the competitive edge. A United Nations
reformed to deal with the modern challenges of a modern
era can work, but only if it is allowed to work.
I appreciate well the power of national imperatives and
individualism. I also understand well the concerns about
supranational institutions. Nevertheless, we have come too
far to surrender our global destiny to fear and
misconceptions.
When we speak of the development of the human
person yet fail to appreciate that economic rights are as
fundamental to human dignity as are human rights, we do
great disservice to the cause of human rights. However,
when we acknowledge these rights then we give more
substance to social stability and the process of true
democracy.
Democracy is not new to the Caribbean region. It is a
way of life, a tradition for our region. We see it as the most
practical and useful system of government to advance our
people. However, democracy is not simply about
institutions or processes. It is about creating an enabling
government and an enabling environment in which the
ordinary person — the impoverished, the disillusioned, the
educated and the rich — feels included and feels that he or
she can participate in the decision-making process and feels
that his or her dreams can be truly realized.
Because we regard democracy as the most efficient
and viable vehicle for sustainable human development, it
must deliver and be seen to deliver. The people must be
reassured that they can and indeed will rise from the
quicksand of poverty through the promise of development.
If we fail to deliver on the promise, then democracy will
fail. If democracy fails, poverty becomes entrenched and
chaos becomes inevitable.
The condition of poverty has for too long been linked
with the destiny of small States. The apparent ease with
which both are dismissed is a source of grave concern to
the Government and the people of Saint Kitts and Nevis.
Too little attention is being paid to the economic hardships,
political disruptions and social dislocations which we are
forced to endure as small developing States. Instead of
seeing crucial support from the developed world, we are
witnessing increased tendencies towards isolationism and
neglect.
In the current wave of globalization, economic
stability has become the soft underbelly of Caribbean
security, democracy and prospects for sustainable
development. If these economies are not strengthened and
given appropriate assistance, one lays waste to the
tremendous intellectual talents in these countries and
exposes the political and social fabric to the nefarious
forces that lurk in the region.
Our small countries need institutional support and
partnership to help in preparing our youth to adapt their
knowledge and skills to changing world circumstances.
Such preparation will help make them self-sufficient and
more responsive to the unpredictable changes taking place
around us.
Additionally, we must create jobs on a continuous
basis to inspire our young people and put life's basic
needs within reach of their parents. We must not overlook
the crucial link between economic growth and long-term
political and social stability. Sustainable development in
the Caribbean is in everyone's best interest.
My Government does not subscribe to conspiracy
theories, but it is acutely aware of the ease with which we
can all fall victim to the conspiracy of silence and the
conspiracy of neglect. Our economies are under siege; our
way of life is threatened; the growth of our countries and
people is undermined by forces which are better able to
exploit globalization and trade liberalization.
No one in good faith can accuse us of complacency.
Our countries have worked hard to keep pace with current
economic trends. We have tightened fiscal and monetary
policies, and we are monitoring them very closely. We
have run the gauntlet of social and economic measures
supposedly structured to ensure the economic growth and
survival of our various economies.
The road we have travelled has been a difficult one,
and we have learned valuable lessons. Still, we continue
to suffer exclusion from developed countries' markets for
our various products. As a direct consequence, the private
sector has become sceptical of its very survival and
profitability.
Our banana-producing countries in the region have
suffered a tremendous and potentially devastating blow in
the wake of the recent panel ruling of the World Trade
Organization (WT0) on the banana regime of the African,
Caribbean and Pacific group of States (ACP). It is
inconceivable that the insignificant but important
3

percentage in access that ACP countries share in this
market can pose any meaningful threat to the collaborative
interests of multinational producers.
Our banana and sugar industries are major employers
and foreign exchange earners; yet, without regard for our
survival, they are being challenged with the ultimate
objective of dismantling them completely. At the same
time, we still do not have ready access to essential
technologies vital to making our industries and human
resources more competitive and more efficient.
We contend that trade liberalization, without the
proper mechanisms to protect the small and the weak, does
not promote fair trade. Where is the fairness of fair trade?
How, therefore, will our small island developing States find
new and sustainable ways to respond to the growing needs
of our population? How will we be able to stem the brain
drain, the migration of human resources searching for a
better standard of living?
Our countries have undertaken to diversify our
economies despite the obvious dislocations within our
societies. We remain committed to democratic institutions,
and we continuously allocate scarce resources to human
development. Our Governments in the Caribbean have been
working more closely with the private sector as true
partners in development. We have enacted legislation to
facilitate increased investment opportunities and to
encourage foreign direct investment and domestic savings.
Nonetheless, with every step we seem to fall prey to
the perpetual and constantly evolving demands for more
extensive changes without any regard for the effects on our
countries and our people. Globalization, with its insatiable
appetite, and the ravenous forces of unrestricted free market
and trade liberalization are forever famished. Why must the
rules which are always in a state of constant flux be to the
detriment of small resource-poor States?
In the coming years, not only will we still be
struggling to combat poverty, but the concepts of
sovereignty and governance will also be seriously
challenged as we endeavour to cope with the complex
implications of forces that face our societies and menace
our democracies. The transnational nature of information,
of capital, of labour and of technological advances will not
spare our tiny countries the trying consequences unleashed
by globalization.
Despite these difficulties, Saint Kitts and Nevis will
not become a nation of mendicants. We will give priority
to the right of our citizens to economic well-being. For
what good would it do if our people achieve their human
right to exist but are denied the right to live dignified
lives?
The Labour Government of Saint Kitts and Nevis
has undertaken to build 1,000 new, affordable homes by
the end of this century. We believe that all our citizens
have the right to live in dignity and to have access to the
basic necessities of life. We have already turned over 100
new houses, and by the end of this year we expect 300
families to be moving into new homes in Saint Kitts and
Nevis. This is the commitment of the Government of
Saint Kitts and Nevis to the development of its citizens.
I have said in the past, and I maintain now, that we
must abandon the practice of using gross national product
per capita to measure standards of living for people in the
developing world. How can the developed world and
multilateral agencies deny assistance to countries on the
basis that such a country has reached this artificial
threshold? Are people in the developing world not entitled
to a higher standard of living, or must they always
straddle the boundaries of poverty and exist only at levels
which the developed world considers acceptable indicators
of human progress?
It is important for us to dedicate our energies to the
logic of prevention. In Saint Kitts and Nevis we believe
strongly that prevention is better than cure. We believe in
enabling our peoples to have a life free of poverty and
despair. The Secretary-General has called for greater
efficiency in management, greater resource mobilization
and redeployment of potential savings to the development
fields. This is long overdue.
It is also the duty of Member States to ensure that
new resources are targeted at development. Such a
process will have to be guided by and nourished with
vision, political will and an appreciation of the global
imperatives of sustainable development and poverty
eradication. It will involve foresight, profound analyses,
and a willingness to look beyond national self-interest.
Working together to shape our collective destiny could
enable us to reduce the risks of future political and social
conflicts.
I believe firmly that the special circumstances and
vulnerability indices of small States must be at the
forefront of international debate. If there were ever a
question as to the vulnerability of small States, I
challenge the Assembly to recall the unfortunate situation
4

on the Caribbean island of Montserrat. This reality clearly
demonstrates that it takes only one disaster, only one
violent act of nature, only one volcanic eruption to dislocate
an entire population, decimate an entire economy and
destroy the entire social fabric of a people. The
Government of Saint Kitts and Nevis, like other Caribbean
Community (CARICOM) countries, has extended a willing
hand of health and social support to the people of
Montserrat. We continue to provide employment and other
business opportunities to those who have come to our
shores in Saint Kitts and Nevis from the island of
Montserrat. I urge the international community to join the
Caribbean in taking prompt, decisive and tangible steps to
assist the people of Montserrat.
Montserrat is a microcosm of our precarious existence.
Hence, we urge the international community to fulfil its
promises under the Barbados Programme of Action and
other commitments to the developing world. Our survival
as a region is intimately interwoven with our environment,
and our physical and economic limitations should not be
further burdened by the transshipment of hazardous waste
through our waterways. Such actions are a flagrant violation
of our human rights and an affront to our sovereign dignity.
As we work to fulfil the dreams of those who came
before us, I trust that we will succeed in developing
confidence in the capabilities of the United Nations and
entrust it with realizing our common objectives. At the
same time, there will be occasions when we must challenge
ourselves to appreciate that some problems in international
affairs require indigenous approaches and remedies. We
must, therefore, yield to such imperatives.
One case in point is the Middle East, where the
current crisis calls for a nurturing of mutual trust and a
clear willingness to understand the need for all the parties
to come to the bargaining table. Saint Kitts and Nevis
believes that durable peace and security are the common
desires of the nations involved. Success requires boldness
and commitment. Genuine progress will come not from
violence, recrimination and mistrust, but through partnership
and dialogue. Saint Kitts and Nevis urges both sides to use
negotiation and creative confidence-building measures in
addressing their differences
Saint Kitts and Nevis also urges the Chinese people on
both sides of the Taiwan Strait to commit their collective
energies to the pursuit of common approaches to resolving
the current impasse that divides them. The Government of
Saint Kitts and Nevis maintains that progress on this issue
requires sustained dialogue, political will and the goodwill
of all. We also believe that the remarkable strides the
Chinese people on Taiwan have made in the last two
decades should not be squandered. The international
community can benefit, and stands to benefit significantly,
from the economic, technological and social advances of
Taiwan.
In conclusion, fulfilling the expectations of our
citizens is not a simple task, but we cannot and must not
become discouraged. I hope, therefore, that as we
endeavour to accomplish our goals Member States will
not continue to make unreasonable demands on this
Organization while refusing it the requisite tools and
resources for appropriate action. Our world needs a
stronger United Nations. Our countries and our peoples
need its intellectual supervision and potential for
impartiality. Let us not try to relegate it to the periphery,
lest we risk serious consequences in the future. Let us
commit to writing a history of which we can be proud,
lest history should hold us in contempt for squandering
our children's heritage. Let this session of the General
Assembly be a watershed when collective efforts were
translated into appropriate action and well-deserved
results.


I am privileged today to be able to congratulate
the President, on behalf of the Government of the
Republic of Vanuatu, on his election to preside over the
Assembly at a period critical to the life of the
Organization and its role in future relations between our
countries and peoples. I should like to assure him of the
full support and cooperation my delegation and my
country will lend him and his country, Ukraine, during his
mandate.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express
the warmest congratulations of the Government and
people of Vanuatu to the President of the preceding
session, Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia, on the
role he played during a period in mankind’s history that
15

will be noteworthy for a series of events that were
important both on an international level and on various
regional levels.
This is also a special opportunity for me to welcome
the new Secretary-General of the Organization, Mr. Kofi
Annan, and to reiterate the support of the Republic of
Vanuatu for him in carrying out his mandate as Secretary-
General and, in particular, for the new initiatives he has
taken and committed himself to take in the process of
dialogue and consultation with all Member States with
regard to the future of the Organization.
After more than 50 years of existence, the United
Nations today finds itself facing an economic and
international political situation that is increasingly complex
and particularly more difficult for small developing
countries in general, and especially so for the least
developed small island countries, like the Republic of
Vanuatu.
This situation should be recognized as one of the
major challenges to the international community and one
that must be dealt with through more committed
international cooperation, particularly favourable treatment
being given to meet the specific needs of those countries
and populations that are its victims.
For the Republic of Vanuatu, the highest priority
remains the economic development and social well-being of
its population, more than 80 per cent of whom live in rural
areas or on islands far from the administrative and
commercial centre.
The maintenance of political stability and social
harmony in a country depends and will continue to depend,
first and foremost, on the country’s orientation and
economic development process. The rhetoric of certain
development partners in trying to make their technical and
financial assistance contingent on the political commitment
of government leaders and on the maintenance of peace is
futile with regard to the Pacific region. Such rhetoric tends
rather to challenge the very integrity of these leaders and
their commitment to socio-economic development in their
respective countries.
Genuine international cooperation must not only be
based on the high-priority socio-economic needs of the
developing countries and on the interests of the donors; it
must above all be anchored firmly in respect for the
principles of sovereignty and mutual acknowledgment of
the competence of the national political authorities in the
exercise of their functions in office. In the framework of its
restructuring and in the context of new international
challenges, the United Nations is called upon to play a
leading role in international cooperation on the basis of
these new elements.
In this regard, the Government of Vanuatu most
warmly welcomes the Secretary-General’s initiative to
establish a special development account for the
developing country Members. I also wish to recall the
importance and role of regional and subregional forums
in the process of establishing and strengthening
international cooperation. In our part of the world, the
South Pacific Forum and the Melanesian Spearhead
Group are concrete examples of such cooperation and
their initiatives deserve the recognition and support of the
international community.
On 24 October 1995, during the commemoration of
the fiftieth anniversary of the entry into force of the
United Nations Charter, the head of the delegation of
Vanuatu declared from this rostrum the support of the
Republic of Vanuatu for the reform and rational
management of the United Nations system. Today, I
reaffirm the support of my Government and congratulate
Secretary-General Kofi Annan for the courage and
determination that he has demonstrated in drafting and
implementing this crucial reform. I fully share the
Secretary-General’s point of view when he emphasizes in
his report that “Reform is not an event; it is a process”
(A/51/950, para. 25).
It is well known that, throughout today’s world,
reform is also the sine qua non for a State’s sustainable
economic and ecological growth and development.
Indeed, the global challenges that States must face require
the constant review and ongoing reform of development
policies and of the institutions of state, in order that the
latter may become instruments and tools adapted to and
honed for the accomplishment of specific tasks, while
contributing to the vision of development that we have set
for ourselves.
Seventeen years after attaining its independence, my
country, Vanuatu, has made great social and economic
strides. However, the disproportionate challenges facing
a small island State such as Vanuatu determined us to
initiate a reform programme early this year. This global
reform programme, as we call it, covers the formal and
informal economic sector as well as the public sector, in
the broad sense of that word. With our reform, we would
equip our country with the means to meet the major
development challenges of the twenty-first century and to
avoid or reduce the effects and risks, natural and
16

otherwise, that stalk all developing countries and small
island States in particular.
This vision of the future that we have crafted for our
country requires the creation of dynamic economic
conditions in which the private sector is the major
protagonist. In most cases, attempts by Governments to act
directly in the production of goods and services have purely
and simply failed. It also requires the establishment and
development of appropriate institutional machinery for
technical and financial assistance that will promote the
creation, development and growth of private enterprise
while placing greater responsibility in the individual.
As the General Assembly is aware, it is not enough to
create conditions for the development of a dynamic private
sector that is a driving force for growth if we seek
development that is economically and ecologically
sustainable and fair. Indeed, in our case, we consider the
reform and revitalization of the State as another sine qua
non of this sustainable and fair development.
Hence, public administration must be made more
effective and freed from any adverse political interference,
allowing us thus to reestablish transparency, confidence,
stability and the security of private investment. Our reform
is designed above all to eliminate existing injustices and not
to create others, which would represent failure and
backsliding. With our reform, we seek equitable
development that takes into account the development needs
of our children and of generations to come. The
redistribution of the benefits of reform and the situation of
women, children and other disadvantaged groups must be
seriously considered in the implementation of this reform.
Guaranteed fairness requires the assignment of the
highest priority to education through the allocation of
available resources. Only an up-to-date and high-quality
education will equip each individual with the necessary
skills and allow him to satisfy his basic needs and maintain
his dignity.
It must be clear to all that the decision of the
Economic and Social Council on 18 July to graduate my
country, the Republic of Vanuatu, from the list of least
developed countries was a surprise. I take this opportunity
to reiterate the position of the Government of Vanuatu, as
reflected in the official correspondence between my
Government and the Secretary-General, the President of the
Economic and Social Council and a certain number of
friendly countries Members of the United Nations.
While recognizing the sensitive nature of this
question, the Government of Vanuatu solemnly calls on
this Assembly to consider putting off the question of
graduation to the year 2000, when the indicators for
identifying least developed countries will be finalized by
the Committee for Development Planning.
My Government recently launched a global reform
programme and will need the full support of the donor
community in order to implement our reform and give our
country the infrastructure indispensable to our growth.
Similarly, during the Global Conference on the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States held in Barbados, it was decided to develop
indicators for the vulnerability index appropriate to this
category of United Nations Member.
In this context, we consider the decision of the
Committee for Development Planning to be premature
and in no way reflecting the spirit of that United Nations
resolution. Moreover, with more than 80 per cent of our
population living in the countryside on food-producing
subsistence agriculture; a well-paid expatriate population;
and official development assistance equal to the State’s
annual budget and representing 20 per cent of our gross
domestic product, we feel that the Committee for
Development Planning’s decision can only stem from a
lack of adequate information.
We do not understand why least developed countries
in the same situation as Vanuatu are treated differently
and demand that we receive exactly the same treatment as
any that, like us, meets two of the current identifying
indicators for least developed countries, as laid down in
the Committee’s report.
(spoke in English)
As recognized by the Rio Conference and the Global
Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small
Island Developing States, held in Barbados, the issue of
environment and its close association with the concept of
development has become highly complex and sensitive.
The convening of international conferences and the
formulation of international treaties such as the
Framework Convention on Climate Change are a clear
demonstration of the significance of environmental issues
in our development efforts.
Small island countries like Vanuatu and other Pacific
island countries have taken some tough decisions to
17

introduce restrictive measures internally in support of the
international call for environment protection. They have
also committed their Governments and nations to the
principle of instituting a legally binding instrument which
would guarantee the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions
to an internationally accepted level.
To the Pacific island countries, particularly the low-
lying nations, a failure to fully address the issue at hand
and to reach an acceptable solution could put into question
the commitment of the international community, and could
constitute a great security risk for our islands and our future
generations.
The Republic of Vanuatu recognizes the United
Nations initiatives and engagement in the globalization and
liberalization of trade. The building up of the multilateral
trading system since 1995 is a manifestation and reflection
of the United Nations effort and desire to create a global
and uniform trading environment that is conducted and
based on the new rules and obligations provided in the
Marrakesh Declaration.
My country has embarked on a wider process of
consultations to seek membership of the World Trade
Organization (WTO). The challenges and opportunities
offered by this new regime are considerable, and therefore
weaker economies like ours require time to adjust to their
economic policies in order to accommodate the prescribed
obligations and requirements of the multilateral trading
system.
In this context, we would like to develop a common
approach through the United Nations system, as well as the
European Union, as our partners, in coming to terms with
the demands and obligations of the newly established
multilateral trading system. While all of us, in particular
small islands and least developed States, recognize the need
to come to terms with the World Trade Organization, we
cannot and should not allow ourselves to be unduly
pressured by its demands on these matters where we need
to protect our trade preferences and interests.
What we perceive to be negative and of less relevance
to us in the World Trade Organization must be changed
according to our interests. There needs to be scope for all
the small and vulnerable States to be accorded sufficient
time to undertake reforms in trade and investment
competitiveness with a view to creating a positive impact
on the economy, particularly in their efforts to source
private capital flows and foreign direct investment.
Allow me at this point to refer to the future relations
between the 71 African, Caribbean and Pacific States
(ACP) and the European Union when the current fourth
Lomé Convention expires in the year 2000. After some
25 years, it is important to take stock and reflect on the
challenges, opportunities and weaknesses of the
Convention by reviewing the existing framework of
cooperation. From a wider ACP perspective, there is
generally a stronger desire and willingness to retain and
strengthen the existing framework of cooperation in the
areas of political, economic, trade and development
assistance.
I would like to take this opportunity to strongly urge
the international community, through this fifty-second
session of the General Assembly, to recognize that there
are realities which continue to warrant the need for
continuity of the partnership between the ACP States and
the European Union beyond the year 2000.

In conclusion, allow me to reaffirm my
Government’s support for the process of reforming our
great Organization which was begun by Mr. Kofi Annan
in order to enable it to deal successfully with the
challenges of the twenty-first century.


Allow me at the outset, Sir,
to congratulate you on your election as President of the
fifty-second session of the General Assembly. Eritrea joins
in the expressions of recognition of your attributes by
previous speakers. You are presiding over an Assembly
session that will be remembered for focusing not only on
crucial international issues but also on the reform of our
Organization. While wishing you success in your
leadership, I also assure you of the full support and
cooperation of the Eritrean delegation.
I also seize this opportunity to pay tribute to the
Permanent Representative of Malaysia, His Excellency
Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the way he conducted the
work of the fifty-first session, and to thank him for his far-
sighted proposal on the reform of the Security Council.
Likewise, I wish to extend sincere gratitude to the new
Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan,
for the efficient and dynamic way he is discharging his
duties.
We are meeting at a critical juncture of history. After
almost 50 years the dark and ominous clouds of world
conflict no longer loom threateningly over the horizon.
Those grim days are over. In the last few years we have
taken great strides towards making the world safer for
future generations.
The road to disarmament has been made easier with
the signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
(CTBT) by 146 world leaders in 1996. The world has also
accelerated efforts to eliminate anti-personnel landmines.
More importantly, there seem to be clear indications of a
great change in values, attitudes and perceptions which will
foster the creation of cooperative relationships among the
States of the world, thus promoting new perspectives of
common policies to solve mutual problems.
True, we should, at the same time, remember that old
and new conflicts continue to plague the world. Thus,
destabilizing factors such as the marginalization of nations
and peoples, transnational crimes, the use of violence and
the threat of violence as instruments of national policy
still haunt our planet. In addition, old and new conflicts
in Europe, Asia and Africa seem to threaten or reverse
the global gains achieved in the last few years. It is hoped
that these will be the exceptions rather than the rule and,
as relics of the past, will be swept away in the near
future. In this respect, it is encouraging to note that the
Security Council held, during the second week of the
General Assembly, an unprecedented ministerial meeting
on the security situation in Africa. This will encourage the
United Nations to play a more meaningful and credible
role in supporting regional initiatives to solve regional
conflicts.
Thus, perhaps for the first time, there is an
opportunity to undertake a common, realistic and critical
reappraisal of our involvement in world affairs and to
come to an agreement on the role of the United Nations.
The Members of the United Nations, both old and new,
must welcome this opportunity to demonstrate their
readiness to tackle these new global problems and the full
intent of the contribution they can make to empower the
United Nations to become a strong and relevant force in
international relations.
In recent years, there have been persistent requests
for a change in the structure and mission of the United
Nations. There is undoubtedly need for reform. The most
obvious reason is the fact that today the Organization
remains essentially the same entity that was created over
50 years ago in San Francisco. Its membership has more
than tripled since then, with at least two dozen new States
joining since 1990. Yet, its structure remains essentially
the same. Also, the problems that face the world are so
radically different that there is a dire need for the
reorganization of priorities in the Organization’s mission.
Although it is true that different States, or groups of
States, will have different perceptions of what needs to be
changed, the following are, in the opinion of my
delegation, the most important issues that must be taken
into consideration if change is to be meaningful and
credible.
First, there are only two major challenges
confronting the world today: development and security.
These are, of course, interdependent. It is evident that
there will not be any development without peace. Yet,
without development that improves the livelihood of
people, the task of guaranteeing peace will be extremely
difficult. The assaults on these two problems must be
made simultaneously, and all of our actions should be
9

taken with an eye to solving both. Hitherto, emphasis has
been on security to the detriment of development, with
catastrophic results. Since the reason for this disparity,
namely the cold war, no longer exists, it should not be too
difficult to put a little more emphasis on development.
Lately, however, there has been a growing emphasis on the
political rather than the economic aspects of
development — that is, on democracy and human rights.
True, people everywhere are clamouring for the right to be
free from dictatorships and to participate meaningfully in
decisions which affect their lives, and they must be strongly
supported in this. However, it must also be realized that the
meaning of human rights and democracy is being
challenged and questioned, and they are being given
different interpretations. Whatever the case, any effort to
apply standards of democracy and human rights, however
defined, will not be successful unless the root causes of
underdevelopment and poverty are effectively addressed.
Any reform of the United Nations should, therefore,
empower it to promote sustained economic growth in
developing countries even more energetically. Only this will
help to develop good governance, that is, democracy and
human rights and stability, and will militate against inter-
and intra-State conflicts.
Secondly, the United Nations belongs to all of its
Members. Thus, the increased participation of all of its
Members in its activities is a right that must be exercised
to safeguard against the arbitrary abuse of its powers and
functions. Such a development would enhance
immeasurably its effectiveness as a guarantor of peace. It
is hardly possible to speak sincerely of a universal
organization whose major decisions, taken by a few, will be
binding upon the rest of the world. It is no longer
acceptable to the rest of the world that a relatively small
number of States, even after the proposed increase of
membership in its major decision-making organs, should, in
the name of international peace and security, dictate the
agenda of the United Nations or impose a system of
international conduct. Indeed, it is sad to note that the same
countries that make democracy a condition in their foreign
policies are adamant about maintaining an elite club of
States in the consideration of Security Council membership.
In any case, any future system must eschew cold-war
doctrines and principles and give equal emphasis to social
justice. Peace and justice are interrelated and cannot be
mutually exclusive. There is thus no longer any excuse to
deny equitable representation in the major organs of the
Organization and undemocratically to deprive States of the
opportunity to participate in the making of decisions which
will affect their destinies and the welfare of their peoples.
The United Nations will be in danger of being
marginalized if it does not take into account the needs
and aspirations of most of its Members and does not build
trust between its Members, big and small, rich and poor,
weak and strong. It can build such trust and mutual
confidence only if it makes sure that democratic norms
and principles are accepted and practised by all its
Members.
Thirdly, this is the age of decentralization. Whenever
possible, therefore, the United Nations must create the
appropriate modalities to enable regional organizations to
assume tasks which they will be able to execute more
effectively. To this end, the General Assembly must take
the necessary steps to ensure a relevant role for regional
and even subregional organizations, without losing its
leadership role or eliminating its support.
Fourthly, the urgency of reform is recognized, but it
would be counterproductive to rush into decisions whose
implications we shall live to regret. Those who resent the
veto power of the five permanent members of the
Security Council would be well advised to take the time,
and to allow others to take the necessary time, to study
issues before they make final decisions on such weighty
matters.
Since its independence in 1993, Eritrea has
embarked on a course of nation-building, reconstruction
and renewal. In this endeavour, we were inspired by the
eternal ideas of our struggle, which enshrines justice,
equity, human rights and equal opportunity to all,
including, in particular, hitherto marginalized groups.
In the last six years — for we liberated our country
two years prior to our declaration of formal
independence — we have taken the necessary measures
to establish a regime of peace and marked stability in a
region of the world in which they have been absent for
several decades; consolidate our profoundly democratic
tradition of struggle by adopting a new constitution and
holding our first democratic regional elections; create a
development-oriented State and government structure;
ensure a corruption-free society; build schools and health
facilities in most regions of our country; and formulate an
economic and financial policy which fosters an
environment that encourages investment and has thus
made our country a new frontier of widely expanding
opportunities. These policies have yielded good political,
economic and social dividends that have enabled us to
look to the future with hope and optimism.
10

In our foreign relations, we have been guided by two
basic principles. The first is our deep conviction that, where
there is goodwill, all can be resolved through peaceful
negotiation without recourse to violence. A natural corollary
of this belief is the firm conviction that all States,
regardless of their ideological orientation, can live together
in peace. This tenet underlies Eritrean foreign policy and
has guided its relations with all the countries of the two
regions — the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa — in which
it is located.
This has enabled it to establish an exemplary, close tie
of friendship with Ethiopia, our erstwhile adversary. These
close relations and friendship have widely manifested
themselves over the last four years as we have coordinated
activities in the political, economic and social fields. It has
also helped us to defuse conflict and to arrive at a mutual
agreement to resolve the conflict between us and the
Republic of Yemen over the Eritrean Hanish-Zukar
archipelago on the Red Sea by the peaceful means of
arbitration. The State of Eritrea has time and again affirmed
its adherence to the Agreement of principles of 21 May
1996 and expressed its commitment to abide by the
decisions of the Arbitration Tribunal. Since both parties
have committed themselves to abide by the decision of the
Arbitration Tribunal, my Government feels that the dispute
is already solved.
Unfortunately, even the best of goodwill and intentions
could not help avert bad relations with our other neighbour,
the Sudan, which is bent on conducting a bad-neighbour
policy, is at odds with almost all of its neighbours and with
others beyond, and has, because of its avowed policy of
exporting terrorism abroad, become an international pariah.
The second pillar of Eritrean foreign policy is an
unswerving devotion to justice and equity. This policy
emanates from Eritrea’s subjection to the horrors of
aggression and colonization at the height of the cold war.
At that time, our pleas to the United Nations and the
international community fell on deaf ears. Because of this,
we are convinced that there are no substitutes for justice
and equality for the purpose of ensuring the maintenance of
peace in the world. These, too, have influenced our search
for friendship and cooperation with our neighbours as well
as with other States. They have also underlined our efforts
to bring peace and stability to our region and to achieve an
early end to the fratricidal conflict in Somalia, a just and
fair resolution of the Sudanese conflict, and the
development of economic, commercial and political
relations among countries of the region.
The conflict that has ravaged the Sudan for about
two decades must be brought to an end. The absence of
peace in the Sudan has had severe consequences for most
of its neighbours. Thus, they have a substantial interest in
the restoration of lasting peace, security and stability in
the Sudan.
To this end, those of its neighbours which are
members of the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD) have, both collectively and
individually, exerted much effort during the past seven
years to promote an inter-Sudanese peace process. None
of the members of IGAD has an interest other than
ushering in peace in the Sudan. All have favoured and
encouraged dialogue, compromise and tolerance. They
were convinced that peace could be achieved on the basis
of the Declaration of Principles formulated by IGAD after
a serious assessment of the objective reality prevailing in
the country. It is regrettable that until last month the
Sudanese regime had done all it could to subvert the
peace process it had willingly accepted. It has now
accepted the Declaration of Principles. We hope it will
respect its commitment and implement the provisions of
that Declaration. If and when it does, it will bring our
initiative to a successful conclusion and usher in peace
and stability in the Sudan.
I also wish to refer to the efforts made by IGAD
concerning the tragic situation which still exists in
Somalia. It will be recalled that the members of IGAD
have both collectively and individually expressed deep
concern that this grave situation has continued for many
years and that no workable solution has yet been found.
Many attempts to bring the concerned parties to the
negotiating table have failed. Where they have succeeded,
no agreement could be achieved. Where agreements have
been reached, they have been broken soon after.
In the global context, my country is fully convinced
that international cooperation is of vital importance. To
ensure sustainable development, Eritrea has been engaged
in fostering regional integration and international
cooperation because it is firmly aware of the importance
of partnership in development. Eritrea believes that
partnership can be ensured only when independence of
choice and recognition of equality and mutuality exist.
We in Eritrea are convinced that the world will
benefit from a strong, purposeful and dynamic United
Nations. We will therefore contribute, however modestly,
to the creation of the conditions necessary to make it a
real force which will ensure international peace and
11

security that is broadly defined and premised on
development.
We note with great interest and welcome the
Secretary-General’s proposals for reform. We are studying
them with care. We fully endorse the values and principles
underlying the objectives of reform, as enunciated in the
Secretary-General’s address to the current Assembly,
particularly his reference to the new paradigms of
cooperation.
Today, I assure the General Assembly of our
commitment to the United Nations and to its new principles
and purposes and its vision of a new world, as well as its
sincere commitment to promoting genuine peace and
development and defending the cause of small, weak States
and vulnerable peoples. One would think that a nation like
Eritrea — which had been systematically betrayed by the
United Nations during the past four decades — would have
second thoughts about committing itself to the
Organization. However, we always believed that there was
nothing wrong with the message of the United Nations, and
we had subscribed to it even in our days of struggle. Surely
we cannot blame the message for the shortsightedness of
the messengers. We urge others who share our feelings to
join us in giving the Organization the wholehearted support
it now deserves and needs if it is going to be as effective
as we wish it to be.


First of all, Sir, let me
congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the
fifty-second session of the General Assembly. Your election
is a reflection of the confidence and the hope that this body
has in your abilities to guide this session to a successful
conclusion.
I would also like to take this opportunity to express
my delegation’s profound gratitude and appreciation to your
predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the exemplary
manner in which he carried out his responsibilities and
steered the work of the General Assembly during his term
as President.
It is also my privilege to take this opportunity to
extend, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf,
a very warm welcome to the new Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan. We have no doubt that his long
experience as an international civil servant and his vast
knowledge of the United Nations system will give him all
the insights he requires for carrying out his responsibilities
fairly and firmly. He deserves every assistance and support
from all Member States of the Organization.
With great enthusiasm for capitalizing on the
opportunities created by the end of the cold war, we
embarked on a journey to revitalize the United Nations and
to reform the way it functions, making it more effective and
capable of playing the central role it is entitled to in
maintaining the world order, and perhaps shaping a new
world order for the future.
However, as the discussions continue, the views
remain far from consensus, even on the single issue of
restructuring the Security Council, which I agree is
important and pivotal. But at this point we should remind
ourselves that in our approach to reform we should be
covering the whole spectrum of political, social, economic
and legal activities of the United Nations and its
specialized agencies.
It is rather disappointing that the focus is at present
mainly on the restructuring of the Security Council.
Furthermore, the proposals made so far on this issue are
sadly inadequate, and many suggest the creation of a new
form of idiosyncrasy.
In the absence of a formula which is comprehensive
and just, we may as well suggest the following.
First, increase the number of non-permanent
members in the Council to an appropriate level, reflecting
the growth of the membership and its present diversity.
Secondly, amend paragraph 2 of Article 23 of the
Charter to enable the non-permanent member States to be
re-elected for any number of consecutive terms, so that
those who seek to occupy a seat in this important body on
a continuing basis can do so as long as they enjoy the
confidence and support of the Member States.
Thirdly, encourage the permanent members of the
Security Council to agree among themselves on an accord
which will remove or at least minimize the common
apprehension arising from the fear of their misusing the
veto power.
My delegation applauds the efforts of the Secretary-
General to bring much needed reforms to the
administrative and financial functioning of the
Organization. The proposals that he submitted to the
Assembly on 16 July 1997 deserve our careful
consideration, as they contain far-reaching and
constructive arrangements which will at least help the
United Nations emerge from its present difficulties.
The enthusiasm which followed the end of the cold
war also provided us the opportunity to meet in several
international conferences to deal with some of the issues
of true concern to all of us. These issues include the
environment, social development, population, women,
human settlements and food security. At those meetings
we adopted ambitious action plans, reaching the
conclusion that sustainable development should be the
core of the achievement of our objectives. Yet without the
genuine and sincere will of the international community
to honour their commitments, the action plans, which bear
enormous price tags, cannot be implemented effectively.
11

This stark truth dominated the special session of the
General Assembly in June this year, when we noted the
lack of progress in the international action called for in the
historic Agenda 21 of the 1992 Earth Summit.
The emission of greenhouse gases is continuing
unabated, polluting the environment and warming the global
atmosphere more and more. If the latest predictions of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) on
greenhouse-gas emissions and global warming were to
come true, then by the year 2100 almost 80 per cent of the
low-lying island countries, including my own, would be
submerged in the sea.
For the Maldives and other small island developing
States, which are most affected by the degradation of the
world’s environment, the lack of progress in international
action is most lamentable. We are not only fearful of an
impending danger, we are also anxious that unless the
world acts now and swiftly, it may be too late for us to
avoid environmental catastrophe.
If we care to halt and reverse this lurking threat, we
need the unwavering commitment and cooperation of the
entire international community. And there is nothing we can
do on our own.
Ever since my President, Mr. Maumoon Abdul
Gayoom, apprised this Assembly in 1987 of the impending
environmental disaster that rising sea levels posed to our
country, the Maldives has been warning vigorously, at
national, regional and international levels, of this problem.
Today I am happy to state that at the national level we
are continuing successfully to create environmental
awareness by involving non-governmental organizations and
the private sector. We have also successfully implemented
a few projects to protect and preserve the environment. For
instance, under the two-million-tree national programme the
people of the Maldives have planted eight trees per person
in the last two years. I wonder what a spectacular impact
we could have on our planet if we could plant eight trees
per person in the entire world over the next two years.
At the regional level, the Delhi Declaration of the
Environment Ministers of the South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation (SAARC) stands as testimony to our
regional efforts. The Declaration, which reflected the
common position of our region on global environmental
issues, was presented to this Assembly by President
Gayoom at its nineteenth special session. Another important
meeting of SAARC environment ministers is scheduled to
be held this month in the Maldives.
At the international level, we are working closely
with the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) to
pursue our cause. We attach the utmost importance to the
swift and steady implementation of the Barbados
Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of
Small Island Developing States, and once again we call
upon the developed countries to fulfil their commitments
and pledges of support.
In this connection, we call upon the industrialized
countries to follow the examples set by the United
Kingdom and the European Union during the nineteenth
special session of the General Assembly and to commit
themselves to legally binding and meaningful targets to
reduce their greenhouse-gas emission levels.
For the Maldives, a country that will be affected
severely, if not fatally, by climate change, it is hard to
accept a target below the 20 per cent reduction level by
the year 2005, as contained in the AOSIS protocol, as a
meaningful reduction.
Last month the Maldives hosted the thirteenth
session of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climatic
Change, which was regarded not only as a very important
meeting on the subject, but also a very timely one, as the
world is looking forward eagerly and with great optimism
to the forthcoming third session of the Conference of the
Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change in Kyoto.
My country and many other small States in the
developing world, especially those among the least
developed countries, have placed our trust in the United
Nations to help us face and overcome the inherent
constraints we have as we continue our quest towards
progress and prosperity. We also look to the United
Nations to develop policies and take effective measures to
protect us from threats, whether economic or political,
and alleviate our sufferings from environmental
calamities. The fact is that we cannot on our own face the
odds and that our economies are more vulnerable than
those of larger and more prosperous States. Protection of
the weaker should not be seen as a burden, but rather as
a shared responsibility of all, recognizing the realities of
our diversified membership in this Organization.
While liberalization of the world economy may have
boosted the prospects for some of the developing
12

countries to successfully integrate themselves into the new
international trading arrangements, those with little access
to the world market, capital and new technologies find
themselves becoming marginalized, away from the
mainstream of the world economy.
The gap between the rich and the poor is continuing
to grow unabated. Several developing countries, and
particularly the least developed of them, still continue to
suffer from endemic poverty, which is compounded by the
severe debt burden and leads to political and economic
dislocation.
The overall decline in official development assistance
over the years has aggravated the conditions of the least
developed countries. Unless the developed countries fulfil
their commitment to reach the United Nations accepted
target of dedicating 0.7 per cent of gross national product
to official development assistance and intensify their efforts
to reverse the present downward trend, hopes for the least
developed countries will remain as grim as ever.
The Committee for Development Planning, at its
thirty-first session, held in May this year, proposed in its
report that the Maldives be graduated from the least
developed countries list at the time of the next review in
the year 2000, if we continue to prosper at the present rate.
We are overwhelmed to see our development efforts
being rewarded with a decision of expulsion. Over the
years, my country has successfully cleared numerous
hurdles in the path of socio-economic development, despite
its limited resources. We were able to improve the per
capita income, raise the standard of living of the people and
provide basic services to the community and individuals at
higher levels than many others in the least developed
country category.
This success was in large measure due to the stable
political climate that we enjoyed, which in turn provided us
the opportunity to implement carefully planned, action-
oriented policies and strategies. At the same time, we could
not have achieved these happy results without the support
we received from friendly countries and multilateral
organizations.
However, if one were to consider these few
achievements against the background of an extremely
fragile economy deprived of natural resources, and a high
dependency on tourism and fisheries — both of which are
susceptible to global economic change and environmental
and other external factors — the whole scenario could
easily change from a happy and promising one to an
obscure and insecure one. The vulnerability of our
economy compels us to continue to depend on external
resources, to build infrastructures that we cannot build on
our own and to develop our own needed human resources
for further development.
Furthermore, the smallness of our countries has also
made us vulnerable to the activities of drug-trafficking,
money-laundering, terrorism and other forms of organized
crime carried out by criminals who are looking for new
territories to operate from. We therefore need to remain
close to our development partners in a relationship of
trust, which is far beyond kindness and charity. Therefore,
my delegation would like to stress the importance of
developing and applying a vulnerability index for the
small island developing States as a basic and meaningful
criterion for determining the status of least developed
countries, recalling the content and the spirit of resolution
51/183.

I cannot overemphasize the important role that the
regional organizations are playing in international
relations: fostering mutual trust and understanding and
opening up greater prospects for the promotion of peace,
stability and socio-economic cooperation within the
region.
The activities of the South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation (SAARC), to which my country
proudly belongs, are no exception. In fact, I am happy to
state that the ninth SAARC summit, held in the Maldives
in May this year, has adopted far-reaching and bold
initiatives that will bring the countries of South Asia
closer to each other and enhance further cooperation
between them in the economic and technical fields.
Among other important decisions, we have pledged to
eradicate poverty from our region as early as possible,
preferably by the year 2002. We have joined hands to
accelerate our efforts to achieve trade liberalization and
establish a free-trade area by the year 2001. We have
also, for the first time, decided to begin informal political
consultations in order to enhance and foster good-
neighbourly relations, relieve tension and build trust and
confidence between and among Member States.
The alarming level of tension that exists on the
international political scene is of utmost concern to us. In
the recent past, we have witnessed in various regions of
13

the world the reigniting of old conflicts the emergence of
new and serious ones that possess the intensity to stretch
the United Nations to its limits.
The dangerous developments unfolding in the region
of the Middle East have brought into question once again
the credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations. The
present Israeli Government’s arrogance towards and utter
disregard for United Nations resolutions and the agreements
that they themselves reached with the Palestinians under the
Oslo accords have shattered the little hope that the people
of Israel, Palestine and the international community at large
had for a lasting solution to this age-old conflict. Recent
events have drastically diminished the confidence that is so
essential for the success of the process, leaving us to
wonder if peace will ever come to this region.
The General Assembly met twice in emergency
session this year to consider the issue. At those sessions,
the international community almost unanimously rallied
behind the Middle East peace process and demonstrated its
genuine and unwavering support. While my delegation fully
shares the view that continued negotiations in good faith
between the two parties is essential for a permanent
solution to the conflict, we strongly believe that the United
Nations also has an important and crucial role to play in the
peace process. The decisions of the General Assembly and
the Security Council must be respected and fully
implemented without any preconditions. We call on both
parties to respect the agreements reached so far and to
exercise maximum restraint in resorting to activities that
may undermine the peace process.
The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina may have
faded a little from the headlines of the international press,
but we must realize that our job will not be complete unless
and until the perpetrators of genocide and other brutal
crimes in that country are brought to justice.
In the field of disarmament and arms control, the
international community has achieved considerable success.
The indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the adoption of
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) and
the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention
are testimony to this. The Maldives attaches utmost
importance to the efforts of global and regional
disarmament and arms control, and vehemently supports
them. It was in this spirit that we signed the CTBT two
days ago.
Contrary to our expectations, the era of peace and
economic prosperity of the post-cold-war era has so far
proved elusive. Outbreaks of violence and ethnic strife in
several parts of the world have precipitated unbelievable
levels of human suffering. Conflicts within States have
crossed national boundaries and ignited conflicts of
international proportions. Unless the United Nations is
equipped to act swiftly on such symptoms of rupture,
large numbers of people will remain in the shadow of
conflicts. We should redouble our efforts to deliver on the
promise of peace, human rights, fundamental freedoms
and economic prosperity contained in the Charter of this
Organization.
The United Nations should not be solely a political
forum. It was meant to cover the wide spectrum of all
human activities with institutions for social as well as
economic matters. The disparities vividly observed around
the world, a half century after the creation of the United
Nations, prove that none of the institutions has diminished
in importance. They were created to remedy these
imbalances among States and to contribute to justice,
equality and peace. They were established to build and
consolidate a climate of cooperation, to help each other
on the basis of moral and ethical obligations and not
merely of charity. They were erected to help the poor —
not just some of them, while neglecting others; to help
children — not just some of them, while neglecting
others; to consolidate human rights — not just some
aspects of it, while neglecting others; and to further peace
and prosperity for all mankind — not just for certain
segments of humanity.
If we want the United Nations to perform the duties
that we have entrusted to it, then we should ensure that
we honour our financial obligations to it. My delegation
is convinced that without a firm and sound financial
footing, even our reform efforts will be totally
meaningless.