I am pleased to convey to Mr. Dante Caputo the heartfelt congratulation of the delegation of Niger on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. His election is a well-deserved tribute to a seasoned politician and a talented, experienced diplomat. It is also testimony to the Assembly's recognition of the positive role played by his country, Argentina, in international affairs.
Naturally, we wish also to congratulate the other members of the Bureau. I am confident that under his guidance our work will be successful, and I wish to assure him of the full co-operation of my delegation.
The change in world affairs since the previous session of our Assembly is a source of satisfaction because of prospects for the settlement of conflicts. Nevertheless, there are still grounds for concern.
In Africa, the racist Pretoria regime continues to defy the international community and to disregard all decisions taken by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) demanding the abolition of apartheid and independence for Namibia.
Niger has been closely following efforts being made in southern Africa to set in motion, as of 1 November 1988, the process of independence for the Territory of Namibia, in keeping with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), and to find a comprehensive solution to the conflict between Angola and South Africa that has been going on for so many years. My country is not only very interested in the ongoing talks between the parties concerned but also particularly hopeful that they will lead to a lasting agreement.
However, given the fact that South Africa has time and again presented the international community with underhanded manoeuvres, delaying tactics and other repeated about-turns, Niger is suspicious and intends to maintain vigil, ice·, hence it calls upon the Assembly to keep up constant pressure on that country until it heeds reason and complies with its decisions.
Within South Africa itself, Niger will continue to demand the dismantlement of the abhorrent policy of apartheid and the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including in particular Nelson Mandela. Finally, my country reiterates its support for the just, legitimate struggle of the freedom fighters of the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO).
In the far eastern part of our continent, the Horn of Africa is starting to enjoy a climate of peace and security. We hope that guns will forever be silent in that region and that reconciliation and mutual trust will be strengthened between the fraternal peoples concerned.
In Chad, an area of peace is being established. Niger is both relieved and gratified, for it has always called for dialogue and a return to negotiation. My country hopes that the ground swell of peace we are witnessing throughout the world will reach Africa too, and in particular Chad. In this respect, we are very happy to enter the process of normalization of relations between Chad and Libya, which was initiated by the restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In the far west of Africa, a serious problem still persists: I refer to the conflict in the Western Sahara between peoples whose origin, history, culture and religion have tended to bring them closer towards unity.
The Government and the people of Niger have been following with keen interest the diplomatic efforts made in the region to narrow the Moroccan and Algerian positions on the one hand and to have Morocco and the POLISARIO accept, on the other. United Nations proposals on the organization of a referendum on self-determination
We invite the opposing parties to avoid any action that might compromise the current peace process and to redouble contacts to narrow their differences.
Accordingly, we exhort all parties to continue to trust in our messenger of peace, Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar, and to give him their full co-operation.
There is another source of concern in Africa that cannot be ignored. I refer o the 6 million refugees and other displaced persons and to the fact that their number is constantly increasing.
The plight of these unfortunate people deserves special attention by the General Assembly; this tragic situation cries out to the conscience of the world. We sincerely hope that recommendations adopted on this question, especially those adopted at the recent Oslo conference, will be implemented as soon as possible in order to end forthwith the untold daily suffering of these throngs of exiles.
In the rest of the world, other threats to international peace and security continue to be of concern. Of these, the foremost is the Iran-Iraq war, which is among the most fratricidal since the end of the Second World War and has lasted eight long years. Niger has followed, supported and encouraged the efforts of the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and, especially, the Secretary-General, Mr, Javier Perez de Cuellar, towards the conclusion and signature of a cease-fire agreement between the belligerents, followed by the convening of peace negotiations. My country is happy that Iran and Iraq have accepted Security Council resolution 598 (1987) as a basis for preliminary negotiations in Geneva.
My country appeals to those two members of the Islamic union to put aside past rancour and continue to show a political will as determined as that which led to the cease-fire, with a view to attaining the ultimate goal, which continues to be peace.
Another deadly conflict, that in Afghanistan, is also of concern to us. But the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territory of that country that began a few months ago following the 14 April 1988 Geneva agreement between the super- · Powers, reached under the auspices of the Secretary-General, is a sign that peace will soon return to that country. Niger encourages Mr. Perez de Cuellar to continue his efforts to enable the Afghan people freely to exercise their right to self-determination.
Turning to the Israel-Palestinian conflict, Niger regrets that peace remains remote. There is a reason for this Israel's continued total disregard for the many United Nations resolutions rejecting and condemning the illegal occupation of Palestinian territories as well as the alteration of their demographic nature and their legal, cultural and religious status.
We in Niger are convinced that an overall just and lasting settlement of the Israel-Palestinian problem necessitates scrupulous respect for Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which recognize, inter alia, the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.
It goes without saying that Niger also supports the idea of convening, under United Nations auspices, an international conference on peace in the Middle East with the participation on an equal footing of all parties to the conflict.
The situation in Lebanon is worrisome. That country has been ravaged by war for almost It years. Niger believes that an end to outside interference, particularly by Israel, could help end bloody confrontation and enable the Lebanese people to restore their unity.
In South-East Asia, the Korean peninsula has been in a state of neither war nor peace since the 1953 armistice. We hope that all countries that, like Niger, have relations of friendship and co-operation both with the Republic of Korea and with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea will step up their efforts to help them bring about a peaceful reunification of their country.
In that same region, we continue to follow closely the situation in Kampuchea, whose people is struggling for self-determination and liberation from foreign domination. In Kampuchea as in Afghanistan we condemn the illegal occupation of territories by foreign troops in violation of the norms of international law. The national independence and non-aligned status of that country must of necessity he safeguarded and guaranteed by the international community.
Let me say a few words about disarmament. Niger is pleased that the two super-Powers were able to conclude an agreement on the dismantling and destruction of a category of missiles. For our part, we hope that all weapons ~ nuclear, biological or chemical - will be covered by a future treaty prohibiting them once and for all. Only this will bring peace and security to mankind.
My delegation believes further that it would be pointless to destroy the weapons amassed on our beloved planet Earth if the arms race were to be moved to outer space and pursued there. Disarmament is the concern of all States, so let us mobilise all our efforts and resources to protect the human race.
With respect to the economy, we wish to say that the gap between the rich industrialized countries and the countries said to be developing is widening. Recently a conference was held at New York under United Nations auspices to carry out a mid-term review of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990, adopted in 1986. It noted that political measures and initiatives under the Programme have not yet resulted in any economic recovery for African States, which despite the expense have instituted structural adjustment measures and economic reform programmes.
To permit economic growth in developing countries in general, and in the poorest countries of Africa in particular, we believe the international community should continue action on the three fronts of debt, trade and raw materials and on the development of human resources.
With respect to debt, the crushing burden of debt servicing constitutes a brake on the development of our States. We believe that sustained joint effort involving a comprehensive, honest view of the problem by all is the only way to bring creditor and debtor countries together for a more just and equitable solution in keeping with the spirit and letter of the recommendations set out in resolution 42/198 and the decision of the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).
Unfortunately, the damaging effects on our countries of the world economic crisis are not the only difficulties our hard-working peoples have had to face. Many disasters - drought, desertification, flooding, infestations of locusts and jerboas, and cyclones - hit us year after year, reducing to naught all our efforts and sacrifices in the name of self-sufficiency.
In Niger our rural populations face adversity with dignity and courage. Their efforts alone, unfortunately, are not enough to let them overcome these terrible disasters, and support from the international community is indispensable.
Niger cannot remain silent but must highlight the important and very worrying question of the toxic and radioactive industrial waste that is dumped in Africa, secretly and criminally. As members know, this question was thoroughly discussed in June 1988 at the Organization of African Unity, which recommended finding a solution through negotiations with the industrialized nations responsible for exporting these dangerous wastes.
Niger intends vigorously to denounce and condemn this reckless behaviour and to demand a halt to all transfers of toxic wastes to our continent. Africa cannot let itself be turned into a dumping ground: the survival of our peoples is at stake. The question of human rights has always been a major concern of this Assembly. The United Nations has spared no sacrifice to promote, defend and guarantee human rights throughout the world. The fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which we are celebrating at the end of the year, should be an opportunity for us all solemnly to reiterate our unswerving, irreversible commitment to the noble principles and ideals of that Declaration. Niger will do so unreservedly because it is enjoying an era of freedom thanks to our Head of State, General Ali Saibou. Since his accession to the Supreme Court in November 1987, he has taken important steps attesting to his determination to promote and guarantee public rights and freedoms. These include the release of all political detainees; the proclamation of a general amnesty authorizing the return to their homes of all citizens of Niger exiled abroad for political reasons; acceleration of the process of constitutional normalization; and, finally, the establishment of a national movement for society in development which, according to the Head of State, will be "a special forum for political expression within which citizens of Niger, men and women, will fight to reaffirm and defend their political, economic and social rights".
The United Nations, in addition to being an instrument for promoting and defending human rights, nations and people, is a special, irreplaceable instrument for the guarantee of international peace and security.
Niger therefore believes that it is the duty of all Members of this Organization to give it unreserved support. As far as we are concerned, we intend to do so despite the enormous difficulties we have to confront, and we fully intend to respect the commitments we have entered into as a sovereign State.
With regard to the recent successes of our Organization under the stewardship of our very competent indefatigable Secretary-General, Niger does not hesitate to issue an urgent appeal to all Member States to meet their financial obligations under the Charter thereby renewing their full confidence in the Organization.
This gesture is particularly necessary since the United Nations has quite rightly just been awarded the prestigious Nobel Peace Prize for 1988 thanks to the exemplary devotion of the peace-keeping forces. Peace obviously has a price that is a fact we must all accept.
Allow me now to convey to Mr. Perez de Cuellar the admiration of Niger for his diplomatic successes in various delicate missions in the service of peace and international solidarity. They certainly redound to the honour of our Organization. We would simply say to him, "Thank you".
In conclusion; Niger hopes the United Nations will continue to enjoy the trust and constant support of all Members so that it can better discharge its noble and lofty mission of the promotion of peace, co-operation and international solidarity.


I consider it a great privilege to convey to the President, on behalf of the delegation of Pakistan, our sincere congratulations on his election as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. My delegation looks forward to working under his guidance to ensure the success of this session. The many complex issues on its agenda demand the qualities of leadership, diplomatic skill and experience which the President so indisputably commands.
May I also convey our deep appreciation, through the President, to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, the Deputy Foreign Minister of the German Democratic Republic, who conducted the forty-second session of the General Assembly in an exemplary manner.
The delegation of Pakistan welcomes yet another occasion to extend heartiest congratulations to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his dedicated efforts and tireless endeavours, year after year, to promote the aims and objectives of this Organization in strengthening the foundations of peace and security around the globe.
His faith in the role of this Organization as an instrument of international peace and security has never wavered. No challenge, howsoever grave or forbidding, has ever dimmed his resolve or led him to doubt the capacity of the United Nations to meet it. The fruits of his patience and perseverance are manifest. They bring the United Nations to the centre of the world stage, where it clearly belongs and where conflicts that appeared intractable are moving towards solutions through the direct or indirect efforts of its Secretary-General.
The forty-third session of the General Assembly promises to be more productive and more lively than those that preceded it. Profound changes have taken place in the world situation and we are keenly aware of the contribution which the United Nations has made to the improvement of the international climate. No one was more conscious of this welcome trend than our late President Mohammad 7ia-ul-Hact. He had made up his mind to lead the Pakistan delegation himself to pay a personal tribute to the Secretary-General and to this Organization in a year when a wave of peace was steadily moving across the globe and controlling the fires of conflict and confrontation. Alas, we lost President Zia-ul-Haa in а tragic incident before he could fulfil his desire.
As we look around we see dramatic reversals of the proposition that political problems can be solved by the use of military force. Our international system itself offers the strongest disincentive to adventures of this kind. Indeed, the war weariness and attrition that attend protracted conflicts have provided a fresh impulse to the peace-keeping instruments of the United Nations. There is a resurgence of faith in this Organization and a new commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter. Welcome signs of support to the United Nations are emerging from those powerful sources that can either help to build it into a genuine instrument of international peace and security or to relegate it to the hack water of a forum for rhetoric and sterile debate. It was the Secretary-General who said in one of his earlier reports that a modicum of co-operation between the super-Powers was indispensable for the smooth functioning of this world Organization.
It appears to us that a beginning has been made towards the kind of co-operation between the two super-Powers that the Secretary-General had in view. The world situation has greatly improved as a result of the summit meetings between President Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. The United Nations is already a beneficiary of the lowering of tensions between the two super-Powers. The signing of the Treaty between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - is a historic achievement which needs to be celebrated and applauded by the international community. It marks the beginning of a great forward movement in the collective effort to rid our planet of the prospect of annihilation in a nuclear holocaust and to reduce, if not eliminate, conventional armaments, everywhere.
This could be a memorable year for the United Nations. All of us, and the Secretary-General in particular, can take legitimate pride in its crucial role in contributing to the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, in bringing about a truce between Iran and Iraq, in the emerging settlement in Namibia and in promising developments in Kampuchea, Western Sahara, Central America and Cyprus. We hope that the time is not far off when the seemingly intractable problems of the Middle East will also succumb to an irresistible process of peace which has been set afoot as a result of these achievements.
While we are entitled to welcome and celebrate the ascendancy of the spirit of peace over our globe, we must not forget that many of the peace processes in which our optimism is rooted need continuous and careful tending by this world body if the consummations we so devoutly desire are to be realized.
In our immediate neighbourhood, the signing of the Geneva Accord on Afghanistan has laid the foundations of peace in that war-torn land. The entire international community is anxiously awaiting the complete withdrawal of Soviet troops by 15 February next year. We hope that this withdrawal will be completed in accordance with the time-table laid down in the Geneva Agreement.
The Secretary-General has rightly observed in his annual report that; "The conclusion of the Geneva Accords in April represented a major stride in the effort to secure a peaceful solution of the situation relating to Afghanistan and provide a basis for the exercise by all Afghans of their right to self-determination." (A/43/1, p. 2) We must recognize the fact that the Geneva Accords, which address the external aspects of the Afghanistan issue, have not restored peace in that land. The internal conflict continues to rage. Millions of Afghans who took refuge in Pakistan and Iran will not return to their homeland until peace is restored. A comprehensive political settlement of the Afghanistan problem has yet to be achieved. Central to such a settlement is the exercise of the right of the Afghan people to self-determination.
Pakistan has been most profoundly affected by the consequences of the conflict in Afghanistan. It has been host to more than 3 million Afghans who have sought refuge on its soil from the cruel and protracted conflict in their own country. By accommodating these afflicted and courageous people and by providing them food and shelter with generous assistance from the international community, we have tried to fulfil a humanitarian obligation towards a neighbour in distress and agony. The conflict will not end for these refugees and, therefore, not for Pakistan, for their sufferings are our sufferings, until conditions inside Afghanistan permit them to return to their home safely and in dignity.
We await anxiously the complete withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and the beginning of the process of intra-Afghan dialogue for the establishment of a broad-based interim government. This alone will make it possible for peace to be restored, enabling the Afghan refugees to return, and the Afghan people to exercise their sacred right to self-determination.
After the loss of over a million Afghan lives and the exodus of more than 5 million Afghan refugees to Pakistan and Iran, a vast effort will be required for the repatriation and rehabilitation of the refugees and for the reconstruction of their war-torn country. We value the appointment of Prince Sadruddin as United Nations Special Co-ordinator for Economic and Humanitarian Assistance to the people of Afghanistan. We trust that this purely humanitarian endeavour will not be used by interested parties for political ends.
It is a matter of profound concern to us that our frontiers and airspace have been frequently violated. These violations have continued after the signing of the Geneva Agreements. On several occasions, the intruding aircraft have penetrated deeper than ever into our airspace. About 387 air and ground violations, causing 40 deaths and injuries to 114 persons, have been registered since the coming into effect of the Geneva Accords.
The armed incursions have been accompanied by widespread acts of subversion and terrorism. According to an annual survey entitled "Patterns of Global Terrorism 1987", incidents of international terrorism increased by 7 per cent last year, largely as a result of attacks in Pakistan by agents of the Soviet-backed Kabul regime. As many as 259 attacks were conducted inside Pakistan last year alone, killing 264 and wounding 1,069 people. Since the coming into effect of the Geneva Accords there have been nearly 70 further acts of sabotage and subversion, claiming 74 innocent lives and causing injuries to 55 persons. We have a vital stake in the restoration of peace and normalcy to Afghanistan. When peace finally returns, it will have been due to several causes, foremost among them the will and capacity of the people of Afghanistan to resist foreign aggression. The United Nations role in ending the conflict will have been equally important, as will the supportive role of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement and the staunch support of the United States under President Reagan's Administration. Let us also recognize and applaud, across the ravages of a cruel and searing conflict, the bold and constructive contribution of General Secretary Gorbachev to the successful conclusion of the Geneva Accords.
Pakistan signed the Accords in good faith and is committed to their implementation. The United Nations Good Offices Mission for Afghanistan and Pakistan, after a number of inspection visits, has established in its report that no evidence was found of any violations of the Geneva Accords by Pakistan.
The Geneva Accords pave the way for a comprehensive settlement of the complex situation inside Afghanistan. Therefore, the United Nations will have a continuing role to play in the unfolding situation until the Accords have been completely implemented, foreign forces have been withdrawn and an intra-Afghan dialogue has produced a broad-based interim Government. The Afghan refugees can then return to their homes and all the people of Afghanistan can freely determine their own future.
We are heartened by the fact that the call for the establishment of a broad-based Government in Afghanistan, which was made with the understanding of the four signatories to the Geneva Accords in April this year, was further endorsed by the conference of Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries which was held recently in Nicosia. I take this opportunity to convey to the Secretary-General and his Special Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, who is now the Foreign Minister of Ecuador, our gratitude for the contribution which they made in working out the Geneva instruments, and for the patience and skill which ensured the signing of the Accords by all the parties concerned last April.
Pakistan was also closely involved, through the Organization of the Islamic Conference, in the promotion of the peace process between Iran and Iraq in the long-drawn-out war which brought so much death and destruction. That is why we join in celebrating today the great success achieved by the Secretary-General in bringing about a cease-fire that will, it Is hoped, pave the way for a comprehensive peace settlement, so that a new chapter of peace, friendship and fraternal co-operation between these two countries can be opened. There was deep anguish in Pakistan while this conflict lasted. As with Afghanistan, so with Iran and Iraq, not only are we close neighbours in a geographical sense, but historically, spiritually and culturally we are tied to them by the strongest bonds.
The role of the Secretary-General and the Security Council in bringing about the cessation of hostilities in the Iran-Iraq war was a critical factor. It demonstrated that concerted action by its members could enable the Council to fulfil effectively its primary responsibility under the Charter. We agree with the Secretary-General's observation in his annual report that there are two essentials for continuing success in implementing Security Council resolution 598 (1937); namely, a conviction on the part of the belligerents that genuine peace will provide the opportunity for reconstruction and progress that an uneasy truce cannot; and the continued exertion of its influence by the international community, particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, to bring about a just and lasting solution.

The eight-year-old Iran-Iraq conflict, which is mercifully coming to an end, was a comparatively short-lived calamity, as against the Arab-Israel conflict that has ravaged the Middle East for more than 4υ years. Throughout this period women and children of Palestine have demonstrated extraordinary courage and resilience in keeping alight the flame of freedom. The most ruthless use of force by Israel has not extinguished that flame. The people of Palestine are in a state of constant ferment and for as long as their legitimate aspirations have not been fulfilled Israel cannot hope to live in peace.
The latest phase of the Palestinian uprising, which began last December, continues unabated. Unless the relevant United Nations resolutions are honoured in letter and spirit, peace in the Middle East will be as elusive in the future as it has been in the past. The people of Pakistan have a deep commitment to the cause of Palestine's freedom - a commitment that is as old as Pakistan itself. We shall continue to uphold the Palestine cause, and we shall work unrelentingly for the restitution of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and nationhood under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PŁO), their sole and legitimate representative.
The withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, including Al Quds Al Sharif, is indispensable to the restoration of peace in that ancient land. We urge the early convening of an international conference, with the participation of all parties concerned, including the PLO, for the realization of a just and comprehensive settlement in the Middle East.
It is our fervent hope that the forty-third session of the General Assembly, which is witnessing the resolution of many a regional conflict, will also witness accelerated progress in the resolution of the Middle East question, the oldest unresolved item on the Assembly's agenda. There is a discernible movement towards the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts from Kampuchea to Western Sahara and Namibia.
We hope that the Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea will be withdrawn immediately and that the people of that afflicted country, like the people of Afghanistan, will be left to decide their own destiny, without any interference or pressure from external sources. We also hope that this vital question will be resolved by the United Nations in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions and with the collective effort and support of all freedom-loving countries.
We welcome the signs of progress towards the resolution of festering political problems in Namibia and other parts of southern Africa. Pakistan is committed to the independence of Namibia under the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole and authentic voice of the Namibian people, and we will continue to give whole-hearted support to the Namibian people until they have achieved their sovereignty and independence.
Pakistan is equally committed to the eradication of the abominable system of apartheid in South Africa. In our adherence to the Charter of the United Nations lies our commitment to uphold "the dignity and worth of the human person". The inhuman policies and practices of the Pretoria regime and its aggression against the front-line States cannot be tolerated. We salute Nelson Mandela, that redoubtable fighter against apartheid, and demand an immediate end to his long incarceration, which has failed to break his spirit or to weaken his resolve.
We also welcome the signs of movement towards a peaceful settlement of the problems in the Central American region. The Guatemala peace accord of last year, initiated by President Oscar Arias Sanchez of Costa Rica, together with the on-going efforts of the Contadora Group and the Support Group, holds hopeful prospects for peace and stability in that region.
We hope that the return of peace in our own part of the world and in the Gulf region will be conducive to improvements in our relations with India. We give special importance to this, while we work for peace and friendly co-operation with all our neighbours, bilaterally as well as in the framework of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). We have taken a number of initiatives to demonstrate our desire for a good-neighbourly and co-operative relationship with India, on the basis of mutual advantage and sovereign equality.
The development of friendly relations between Pakistan and India would be greatly facilitated by the resolution of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, which continues to hinder the process of normalization of our bilateral relations. We shall continue to seek a peaceful settlement of this problem, in accordance with the Simla Agreement and on the basis of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation holds great promise for our region. Peace and prosperity can best be ensured through planned co-operation by all its members acting together. Co-operation and joint action would be particularly efficacious in such situations of natural calamity as unfortunately have befallen Bangladesh "n the recent past. We feel the deepest sympathy with and most profound concern for, our brethren in Bangladesh for the grave loss of life and property resulting from the recent inundations, which submerged most of its countryside and agricultural land.
Indeed, at the third SAARC Summit in Katmandu it was decided to undertake a study of regional measures to preserve our environment and prevent natural disasters. We are convinced that timely action and co-ordinated efforts by the member countries in pursuance of this decision can effectively contribute towards preventing the recurrence of such natural disasters.
The on-going super-Power dialogue on arms control and disarmament has produced significant results. We hope that a treaty on reducing strategic nuclear weapons will soon be concluded. We also welcome the current efforts for confidence-building measures between the two major military alliances and for the reduction of their conventional forces.
The super-Power bilateral negotiations on disarmament, though important, cannot be a substitute for the multilateral disarmament process. Three months ago the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament debated issues affecting not only the question of peace and security, but also the threat of nuclear annihilation which hangs over mankind. Nearly all the participants underlined the close relationship between disarmament, security and development, and urged the reinvigoration of the multilateral disarmament process, while there were divergences on certain issues, the debate revealed the existence of agreement on many important subjects and an emerging consensus on others.
It is now up to the international community to preserve the gains emerging from that special session and to build upon them in order to promote the objectives of general and complete disarmament. In this context, there is a pressing need for such measures as a convention banning chemical weapons, a comprehensive nuclear test ban and the extension of security guarantees to non-nuclear-weapon States, a halt to the development of nuclear weapons, the prohibition of the introduction of new weapon systems, either on land or in the oceans, and the prevention of the arms race in outer space.
Pakistan is deeply concerned by the prospect of nuclear proliferation in South Asia and the introduction of sophisticated weapons and delivery systems in our region. These matters include the stockpiling of fissionable material and the acquisition of nuclear submarines as well as the indigenous production of lethal weapons, such as long-range surface-to-surface missiles, which will upset the regional equilibrium.
Pakistan has made several proposals in the field of nuclear and conventional disarmament in order to avert the dangers of nuclear proliferation and a disastrous arms race in our region. We are convinced that in our quest for general and complete disarmament regional approaches to disarmament hold increasing promise and can contribute effectively to this objective. Pakistan is fully committed to this approach, which we believe is the only viable one in a region that has a long history of tension and conflict. Our proposals, in both the bilateral and the regional contexts, aim at allaying the mistrust and suspicion about each other's intentions and capabilities and at fostering a climate of good will and understanding, so necessary for the promotion of the well-being of our peoples.
The international economic situation, particularly for the developing countries, remains a cause of concern. The 1980s are shaping up as a lost development decade. Hunger, disease and poverty continue to stalk entire continents. The living standards of many poor countries have dramatically declined. Their debt problem is increasing with the passage of time.
It is important to seek concerted solutions to the international economic problems. The results of the United Nations efforts in this direction need to be carefully assessed so as to evolve a fresh agreed approach at the multilateral level, revive growth and development and address the problems of the developing countries, including the issues of trade, finance and debt, and monetary reform.
The growing interdependence of the global economy underscores the paramount need to establish a long-term perspective for international economic collaboration. My delegation fully supports the recommendation of the Economic and Social Council calling for the initiation of a comprehensive process for the preparation of an international development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade, and the proposal of the Group of 77 to convene a special session of the General Assembly by 1990 to revive growth and development in the developing countries.
The co-operation between the two super-Powers, which has been instrumental in laying the foundation of a significant process of disarmament, will, no doubt, have an impact on the roles they play at the United Nations. In a refreshing approach to the United Nations, General Secretary Gorbachev has singled it out for praise, and the Soviet Union has decided to pay the arrears in its contribution to the Organization's peace-keeping forces. There are signs of a similar revision of the United States policy towards the payment of the arrears to the United Nations budget. Financial support to the United Nations in this critical year is indispensable. It would indeed be tragic if, at a moment when the Organization is poised to accomplish important missions for peace which would restore humanity's faith in it, the denial of resources should cripple its efforts and deprive it of the opportunity of achieving its purposes and goals.
It is a good augury that both super-Powers as well as other permanent members of the Security Council and the general membership of the United Nations wish to see the United Nations strengthened, at the end of a lean period induced by super-Power rivalry. The recent successes of the United Nations in dealing with regional conflicts owe a great deal to the process of dialogue, and even a degree of convergence on certain issues, which has developed between the two super-Powers
The prospects for peace in many parts of the world - most conspicuously in Afghanistan, southern Africa, Western Sahara, Kampuchea and the Gulf region - have brought unprecedented credibility to the United Nations system and to the future role of the United Nations in promoting international peace and security.
There is a new consciousness that the United Nations is the best instrument for forging a sound international partnership for peace and progress. It is the only forum through which the moral, intellectual, political, cultural and scientific resources of all States can be combined for the benefit of mankind. As the Secretary-General says in his annual report: "Multilateralism has proved itself far more capable of inspiring confidence and achieving results than any of its alternatives. Millions around the world have had a gratifying demonstration of the potential of the Organization and the validity of the hopes they place in it." (Ā/43/1, p. 2) Towards the end of a decade marked by conflict and convulsion and often clouded by cynicism and despair, we have reason to look to the future with confidence and consolation.


I take pleasure in greeting the members of the Assembly on behalf of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and of the Republic of Mall.
It is also a pleasure, Sir, to congratulate you warmly on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. Your personal qualities and the wealth of experience that has won the confidence of the Assembly guarantee the success of the work of this session. I take this opportunity to extend my warmest congratulations to your predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, on his effectiveness in guiding the work of the Assembly at its forty-second session.
I wish also to express to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our great appreciation of his untiring efforts to promote the ideals of the United Nations and of his bold initiatives designed to improve the performance of the United Nations and find appropriate solutions to some of the political and economic problems that afflict mankind.
The recent award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces is a confirmation of the relevance of the ideals of our Organization and a recognition of its merits.
The United Nations is the embodiment of our common will to unite our forces and harmonize our efforts to fulfil man's profound aspiration to peace, freedom and well-being. The Charter contains the rules of conduct that should enable us to achieve those ideals, namely t the non-use of force, good neighbourliness, the peaceful settlement of disputes, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, respect for fundamental human rights and solidarity and mutual assistance among peoples.
A quick look at the international scene shows that we are still far from achieving those ideals. The Charter is continually violated. Hotbeds of tension and wars persist on the planet. Material, moral and intellectual poverty continue to be the lot of millions of persons throughout the world. Fundamental human rights are still flouted as a result of colonialism and racism.
The most flagrant violation of the Charter is taking place in the southern part of Africa. In South Africa 21 million blacks, who make up the overwhelming majority of the population, are denied their most basic rights by a white minority. Treated as foreigners in their own country, 15 million of them have been shunted off to bantustans, those reservations where the aridity of the soil is matched only by the rigours of the climate. To keep them in a state of subjection, an avalanche of savagely repressive acts assails them every day. That is the meaning of apartheid, a policy of hatred and denial of human dignity.
Pushed to the limit by barbaric acts of repression, the black community as a whole has rebelled. It no longer fears death; with bare hands it confronts one of the best equipped police forces and armies in the world. In panic, the racist minority in Pretoria has declared a state of emergency and stepped up acts of repression, torture, arrest, deportation and assassination.
Let, in spite of all this, the black population is continuing its struggle. The heroic resistance of the blacks of South Africa to the armed forces of the Pretoria racists is the best proof that a people struggling for its freedom is an invincible people.
The crystallization of antagonisms in South Africa is creating a situation that threatens a blood bath of terrifying dimensions, which must be prevented in the interest of all South Africans. In this regard, the minority regime of Pretoria should, on the one hand, refrain from any action likely to exacerbate this explosive situation and, on the other, immediately take the following necessary measures end the state of emergency; liberate all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela·, and put into effect democratic processes designed to achieve a multiracial, egalitarian society in South Africa.
I take this opportunity to urge States which are in a position to bring the Pretoria Government to reason to use their influence to induce it to implement Security Council resolution 615 (1988), which requests a stay of execution for the Sharpeville Six and the commuting of the death sentence imposed on them.
The racist Pretoria Government is carrying out the same inhuman policy of blind repression in Namibia which it has illegally occupied for more than 40 years. Namibia is the only Territory under a mandate to which the relevant provisions of the Charter relating to the freedom of peoples have not been applied. The Security Council and the General Assembly have adopted an impressive number of resolutions and decisions, but their implementation has continually been impeded by the intransigence of the Pretoria Government. The best-known case is that of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The Organization of African Unity is following with particular interest the diplomatic efforts now under way to bring about a definitive solution to the question of Namibia. It supports all sincere efforts whose objective is to enable the Namibian people to regain its independence and to establish peace and security in southern Africa.
Last August the international community in the context of the Oslo Conference, devoted attention to one of the tragedies resulting from the policy of apartheid of the South African Government - the situation of refugees, repatriated persons and displaced persons in southern Africa. The Conference adopted a plan of action for the provision of assistance to affected peoples and countries in southern Africa and the establishment of lasting peace in the region. We hope that at this session the General Assembly will endorse that plan of action.
We take this opportunity to express our more sincere gratitude to the international community for its demonstration of solidarity with Africa during that international Conference and to appeal to it to commit itself to the implementation of that plan of action. There are other conflicts on the African continent, including those concerning the Western Sahara and the Chad-Libya question.
With regard to Western Sahara there have been notable developments. With the normalization of relations between the States of the subregion, we hope that efforts already made and those that will be undertaken by the Secretary-General and the Acting Chairman of the Organization of African Unity will result in the near future in the organization in that Territory of an orderly, free and general referendum on self-determination.
Concerning the Chad-Libya dispute, is new dynamism has fortunately been given to the peace process worked out by the ad hoc committee of the Organization of African Unity following the important initiatives announced by Colonel Mu'Ammar Qaddafi on the twenty-fifth anniversary of our continental organization, and by the very positive reaction of President Hussein Habré to this situation.
In the Middle East, the spontaneous and continuing popular uprising of the Palestinians in the occupied territories to put an end to the Israeli occupation is testimony to the indisputable Palestinian reality.
No lasting peace can be established in this region without restoring the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people.
The Organization of African Unity is convinced that the solution to the Middle East crisis depends on the convening of an international conference, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
With respect to the conflict in the Gulf, we welcome the crowning of the efforts of the Secretary-General and all those other efforts of good will which culminated in the acceptance of a cease-fire by Iran and Iraq, thus putting an end to eight years of fratricidal war.
It is equally gratifying to note the important progress made in the search for a solution to the Afghan problem, following upon the signing of the Geneva agreements on 14 April last.
In Asia, we hope that a lasting, negotiated solution to the problem of Kampuchea will soon be found and that the resumption of talks between the North and South of the Korean peninsula will also achieve positive results. In this connection, the proposal for the convening of a joint North-South peace conference on the peaceful reunification of an independent Korea deserves the attention and support of the international community.
In Central America, we invite the Support Group to pursue efforts at establishing an atmosphere of peace and harmony in the region.
Given the threat of nuclear destruction hanging over the world, the most urgent task for mankind is to promote nuclear disarmament. No people in the world is unaware of this imperative need. That is why the entire international community welcomed the signing, on 8 December 1987, of the Treaty on the Elimination of Medium-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles. There cannot be genuine progress in the disarmament process as long as the world continues to live in a cold-war atmosphere. This fundamental truth was highlighted by the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, which, owing to the lack of consensus on essential issues, was unable to adopt a final document.
Hence, only by translating our sense of common destiny into action will we be able to resolve the paradox of spending $1,000 billion each year in the production of lethal weapons, while only a fraction of that sum would make our planet a land of prosperity for millions of people who today suffer from illness, hunger, thirst and ignorance. For its part, the Organization of African Unity, at its very first regular session, held in Cairo in June 1964, adopted the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa. That decision was reaffirmed in several resolutions of our continental Organization.
However, while the States members of the Organization of African Unity have been firmly committed to excluding nuclear weapons from our continent, the racist regime in Pretoria has engaged in a frenzied, effort to acquire nuclear weapons. The acquisition of a nuclear strike force by the champions of apartheid would dangerously jeopardize security on our continent. The Security Council must take effective measures to ensure respect for the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa.
Another factor threatening the security of Africa is the flooding of our continent with industrial toxic wastes. This activity, a crime against the peoples of Africa is an outrage to international morality. We hope that this issue, which we have asked to have inscribed as an item on the agenda, will be seriously discussed and that strong measures will be adopted with a view to freeing our young countries of the grave dangers inherent in the dumping of the wastes produced as the result of the development of the industrialized countries.
From the time of its birth the Organization of African Unity enshrined in its charter the will of its member States to co-ordinate and harmonize their cultural policies. That decision has been met outstandingly reflected in the adoption of a Cultural Charter for Africa# in which we affirm that, for our peoples, African culture is the surest way to implement harmonious social and economic development and safeguard our great virtues. Indeed, African culture remains an inexhaustible source of our strength and our resistance. Its true significance can be seen in our struggle for political, economic and social liberation, in our struggle for development.
The time has come for the international community to grasp the meaning and scope of this concept of development based on values other than simply quantitative and material growth. Several years ago we ardently called for the proclamation of a Decade for Cultural Development. Our request was granted at the forty-first session of the Assembly; and now we need to act so as to ensure that this Decade will not become merely one more decade that does not produce the results expected of it.
At the beginning of the 1970s, the objective of "health for all in the year 2000" was proclaimed by the general assembly of the World Health Organization. That ambitious goal was both commendable and within the reach of mankind. The results of the actions undertaken by the African States are significant, but a great deal remains to be done. In order to step up the development process for primary health care and to meet that goal in the year 2000, a new approach known as the Bamako Initiative was set at the 37th meeting of the Committee of African Health Ministers, held in Bamako in September 1987, and adopted by the member States of the Organization of African Unity last May. This is an African strategy within the context of a generalized economic crisis; it calls for the effective commitment of peoples to define and administer their own health problems.
On behalf of the women and children of Africa, I should like urgently to appeal to the international community for financial, material and technical support for this bold initiative, whose impact will be of the greatest benefit for all mankind.
The international economic situation continues to be of concern. The crisis affects the developing countries in particular; and it is the African continent that has been affected the most. Given this situation, the African countries have firmly committed themselves and mobilized in the search the most appropriate ways and means to overcome the crisis. Thus, the Heads of States or Government of the Organization of African Unity adopted Africa's Priority Programme for Economic Recovery of Africa, with the objective of setting the basis for sustained growth and self-maintained and self-based development at the national and continental levels. This Programme was the subject of special consideration by the General Assembly at its thirteenth special session, which culminated in the adoption of the United Nations Programme for African Recovery and Development for the period 1986-1990.
The present session provides us with an opportunity to consider the implementation of this Programme during the past two years and to evaluate efforts to be undertaken to ensure its full implementation. In conformity with the commitment they made within the United Nations Programme of Action for African Recovery and Development, the African countries have worked out important programmes for economic reform and structural adjustment.
In their plans for economic and social development, the majority of the African States have given absolute priority to agricultural development, food security, increased levels of agricultural productivity and production and therefore to food self-sufficiency. The African countries have also begun reforms in the support sectors of agriculture, namely, agro-industry, trade, finance, transportation and communication.
Despite all these considerable efforts, agricultural production has not increased to the extent we expected. The rates of growth during the period 1985-1986 for the entire African continent were for the most part below those for the period 1984-1985, nor did the situation improve in 1987.
In particular, regarding transportation and communication, actions dealt especially with projects designed to step up the implementation of the Decade for Transportation and Communication for Africa, 1978-1988. Evaluation of this Decade, which has just been completed, showed that the objectives of the physical integration of the continent were not fully achieved because of a lack of resources.
In the light of the situation the African Governments, in order to complete those efforts begun during the first decade, have proposed to the international community the launching of a second decade of transportation and communication for Africa for the period 1991-2000. It would be desirable for this proposal to be adopted by all and for the development of Africa to serve as a springboard for a contract of international solidarity.
Regarding trade and finances, actions have been taken to provide good prices for agricultural products. A number of African countries are now guaranteeing minimum prices to producers for foodstuffs and for most agricultural exports. Similarly concrete action has been undertaken to identify and eliminate obstacles to an expansion of trade.
Another high priority area of the United Nations Programme is the struggle against drought and desertification. To stop these phenomena, which have created a profound imbalance in our continent between man, crops, cattle and the international environment, resort to appropriate technology is indispensable, which none of our countries can manage alone.
Moreover, during the last two years, many African countries, already victims of drought, have been stricken by that terrible scourge the invasion of locusts. Various operations, with international assistance, have been carried out to combat these predators. Despite all these factors, in several parts of the continent great swarms of these locusts, whose reproduction was promoted by an exceptionally heavy rainy season, continue to represent a serious threat to future harvests. The international community should pursue and step up its assistance to Africa in its struggle against this scourge.
In the context of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Recovery and Development, the international community has committed itself to giving Africa the necessary financial resources for the implementation of this Programme.
We are obliged to note that during the period 1936-1988 despite certain efforts on the part of the international community, the financial flows towards Africa were clearly insufficient. There was an unprecedented decline in public assistance. The international economic environment did not improve as expected. Thus, given the lack of concrete and timely measures to support the efforts made by African countries to restore their communities, the results achieved by African foreign trade during the first two years of the implementation of the United Nations Programme had been disappointing.
A decline in export earnings has forced the majority of African countries to reduce their imports in particular those production factors which are indispensable for development projects.
The problem of external debt is still a topic of the greatest concern. We will recall that at the end of 1987 the Organization of African Unity (OAU) deemed it necessary to convene a special Conference of Heads of State and Government to consider this pressing problem. At the close of that Conference, which was held in Addis Ababa, a declaration was adopted reflecting the joint position of Africa.
This document spelt out the development, magnitude, structure and economic consequences of the continent's external debt} it defined a strategy aimed at reducing the burden of the African debt.
The Conference expressed the hope that the creditor countries and institutions of Africa would take concrete measures to alleviate the burden of Africa's external debt. In addition, it asked the international community to take into consideration the will clearly expressed by Africa to convene an international conference on the external debt. This international conference should promote the establishment of a constructive dialogue based on the proposals put forward in the joint position on the crisis of Africa's external debt.
I should like here to reaffirm that the African countries will honour the commitments undertaken under that debt and to insist that our creditors respond to our wish for concerted action and for more harmonious relations.
In the search for solutions to the economic problems of Africa, it is important to be aware of the relationship between factors such as financial flows, the level of commodity rates and the foreign debt. Thus it is imperative that integrated measures be adopted to reverse the present tendency which makes the African continent a net exporter of capital.
To allow our country to import an import rate that meets the needs for economic recovery and development, the flow of resources towards Africa must, according to the estimates of the Economic Commission for Africa (EGA), significantly increase to achieve the level of 3US 29.7 billion in 1990.
I should like to take the opportunity provided here to hail the initiatives of the member countries of the Committee for Aid to Development aimed at cancelling part of the debt of the African countries. The international community can and must do better. It must, in particular, demonstrate the necessary political will to implement the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) which deal with alleviating the burden of the external debt and transfer of resources.
While recognizing that it bears the main responsibility for its development, Africa is aware that its destiny is closely linked to that of the rest of the world. It is in that spirit of interdependence that I appeal to the international community to provide appropriate, effective support for the efforts now being made by Africa to achieve economic recovery.
The year 1988 is the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In a few weeks’ time we shall be celebrating this historic event, which makes a significant stage in our inspiring progress towards that great ideal put forward in the United Nations Charter, proclaiming our faith in fundamental human rights, the dignity and worth of the human person and the equality of rights of men and women, and nations large and small. This fortieth anniversary therefore, will provide a unique opportunity for reaffirming our confidence and faith in this shared ideal and our firm determination to encourage and ensure universal respect for human rights.
Forty years after the adoption of the Declaration it is high time for the international community to direct its attention to new prospects of creating an environment favourable to the liberation and development of man. The mission assigned to us by the Charter is that of building a radiant future for all peoples and for all men a future of peace, harmony and co-operation.
I assure Members of the total readiness and full commitment of Africa and all African peoples in the march of the United Nations towards that objective.


I begin by paying tribute to the wisdom of the members of the General Assembly at its forty-third session, who, in electing you President, Sic, have made clear both the deservedly high esteem in which they hold you and the prominent place held by Argentina and, beyond Argentina, by Latin America in today's world.
I wish to add that I deeply appreciate the great honour of having this opportunity to address the Assembly again.
Having just learned, as the Assembly has, the news about the Nobel Peace Prize, I wish immediately to convey my congratulations to the United Nations on the award of the Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces.
When I came to this rostrum five years ago the world was dominated by the East-West confrontation, the proliferation of regional conflicts, the deepening of the gulf between North and South and repeated violations of human tights and the rights of peoples. Have those realities now disappeared? Is our planet decisively turning towards unity and peace? I shall not claim that that is so. In spite of the passing years, I seem to hear too often the same words, the same vain incantations, and to see too often the same hopes being aroused only to end in the  same disillusionment. The expectations of too many peoples remain unfulfilled. Two centuries after the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen there are still many Bastilles to be taken, many liberties to be won, many rights to be safeguarded. But here and there some progress is being seen. What had seemed for ever immovable has begun to move. Will hope come into its own again in the society of men?
We know how much we owe to Mr. Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev, who have had the intelligence and the courage to have done with the arms race and the escalations of confrontation.
Similarly, the adversaries engaged in some regional conflicts - whether they have taken stock of the limits of their action and the attrition of their strength, have changed their appraisal of their people's interests, or have wanted to contribute to the general movement towards the easing of tensions - are trying to disengage themselves from the tragedy they have been living through.
I wish to express my gratitude to peace-loving men and women everywhere who have worked ceaselessly to bring about such a result. Among them I should mention the name of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Perez de Cuellar. Without his skill, his persistence, his constant readiness to serve and his cultural resources, we should not have come this far.
For the first time since the last World War the two greatest Powers have begun to explore the path of disarmament. It must be stated that their agreement on the elimination of United States and Soviet intermediate forces in Europe is a good agreement. On behalf of France, I unhesitatingly approved it from the very first day. It is now my expectation that the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics will make progress in the reduction of their strategic nuclear armaments, as they have planned to do. If the negotiations they are conducting lead to agreements consistent with the imperative rules of balance and verification this will do much to strengthen the security of all.
These questions are, of course, of tremendous importance. But it will be readily understood that, as the head of a European State, I attach priority to the reduction of the conventional armaments which are stockpiled in Europe, and stockpiled unequally, to the disadvantage of Western Europe. It is my earnest hope that the 35 participants in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will take up the substance of these negotiations as soon as possible.
We have been offered an opportunity, unprecedented in the past half century, to ensure the establishment of a stable balance at a lower, sufficient and reasonable level of armaments. Will this balance be achieved? That will depend on the political will of the States involved. But who could assume the responsibility of rejecting this chance out of hand?
The objective is easy to formulate: that everyone should be able to defend himself, as is his right, without threatening anyone else. But how shall we go about this? I venture to suggest some elements of an answer.
First, by ensuring that no army and no coalition of armies in the area where East and West are facing each other has the means for the sudden launching of a surprise attack, nor for waging a prolonged war. To that end, it would be desirable to arrange measures in that area for the reduction, withdrawal and de-concentration of troops and equipment - tanks, armoured vehicles, artillery, portable bridges and all other techniques for crossing water barriers - and measures for the limitation of reserves and stockpiles.
Secondly, by preparing procedures for verification and inspection to prevent any violation of treaties. These new measures of transparency and confidence would usefully supplement the arrangements arrived at in Helsinki.
My country has taken a number of initiatives concerning the definition of the area in which these constraints would be applied, the ratio between new military equipment and foreign equipment and the ceiling to be set on the basis of an individual country in relation to the whole. It would also be my wish that at the end of the next two years the status of negotiations should be examined. If nothing had been achieved, there would be nothing to prevent people from exercising their freedom. However, a favourable outcome would open vast new prospects for the future of Europe. All of us, Europeans both in the East and in the West, belong to the same continent and derive our heritage from the same culture. History and geography invite us patiently to overcome, by every possible means, for the security of all, the confrontation of hostile blocs.
As for chemical weapons, whose ravages we have unfortunately observed in the recent past, we must eliminate them as quickly as possible. What President Reagan said last Monday about this subject was quite right. He expressed himself in lofty and urgent terms, which echoed our own concerns, and in a manner that is all the more timely because his country possesses such weapons. 1 noted with equal interest that the Soviet Union, which also possesses chemical weapons, had supported this proposal.
The proposals put forward by France, which has no chemical weapons, are of three Hinds. First of all, my country, the depositary of the Geneva Protocol of 1325, naturally favours a meeting of the 110 signatories to that agreement. The purpose of such a meeting, in our view, would be to solemnly reaffirm the commitment not to use chemical weapons, to prevent their proliferation to encourage new accessions to the Protocol, to improve investigative procedures - in short, to indicate a common desire for the success of the work currently being carried out at Geneva within the context of the Conference on Disarmament. .
Secondly, my country wants to increase the role of the United Nations in the struggle against the proliferation and the use of chemical weapons. In 1982 Prance was the originator of the resolution enabling the Secretary-General to arrange investigations in those parts of the world where chemical weapons had reportedly been used. This procedure has already confirmed that such weapons have in fact been used. Let us go further: let us create a situation that would make it impossible for any State to use chemical weapons with impunity to settle its external or internal problems. If any State should use them, I think it would become necessary, among other measures, to impose an embargo on all deliveries of products, technologies and, more generally, weapons to that State. For its part, France is ready, after consultation with its partners, to submit a draft resolution to this effect. This would be without prejudice to any sanctions decided upon by the Security Council.
The third and last point is the one I particularly wish to stress: we must prohibit not only the use of chemical weapons but also their manufacture. The risks of the normalization and the proliferation of chemical weapons compel us to accelerate our efforts to bring about the destruction of stockpiles, as well as to maintain close supervision of the means that would make it possible to rebuild them.
In signing the convention, each State possessing stockpiles of chemical weapons would undertake to destroy them. In the view of experts, this will take several years, and in the meantime the chemical threat will continue to exist. This is why I believe that chemical-weapons factories should be closed as soon as the convention enters into force and, like stockpiles, should b© subjected to international surveillance before they are dismantled. France declares its readiness, as of this moment, to renounce under the same conditions - that is to say, as soon as the future convention enters into force - any possibility of producing chemical weapons.
0£ course, the banning of chemical weapons could not be imposed on some if others, including the nuclear Powers, retained a clear field for themselves and did not persevere in their desire for nuclear disarmament.
In this connection, I recall that in September 1983, speaking from this rostrum, I stated the conditions under which my country would agree to participate, at the proper time, in a nuclear-disarmament conference among the Powers that possess nuclear weapons: a decisive narrowing of the gap between the arsenals of the great Powers and our own·, a halt in the anti-missile, anti-satellite and anti-submarine weapons race; and correction of the Imbalances In conventional armaments. Today I maintain what I said at that time.
I would add that limiting the disarmament effort must be extended to space, the common heritage of mankind. That is why France is opposed to an arms race in space but supports the use of space-borne means of control.
Before the INF treaty, the importance of which is becoming more apparent every day, and the on-site verification for which it provides - a clause the Importance of which can never be over-emphasized - disarmament negotiations had stalled over this problem. At the special session of the United Nations last June - the third special session devoted to disarmament - my country advocated control by satellite and by automatic surveillance, as well as the so-called routine or challenge on-site inspections. We can now define, on a case-by-case basis, a combination of means of control adapted to each disarmament agreement. But nothing can be done without the political will of States.
Coming now to regional conflicts, I can only welcome the developments in the Gulf, what has been initiated in Afghanistan, and what is expected in the Western Sahara, Cambodia and, perhaps, Cyprus. This is the easier for me because France has always refused to recognize the fait accompli, has ceaselessly condemned terrorist or military intimidation, and has tirelessly pleaded for settlement of conflicts by peaceful means. Far be it from me to underestimate the scope of the progress made in the past few months. I have noted, however, that while the rapprochement between the United States and the Soviet Union has contributed to the cessation of fighting, it remains insufficient to restore lasting peace, for the underlying causes persist. In this connection, I have noted that this period of diplomatic calm has not reached several parts of the globe; the Middle East, Central America, despite the Arias Plan and the action of the Contadora and Lima Groups, which France supports; and, while there may be some respite now and again, southern Africa, a direct consequence of the intolerable policy of apartheid.
It is the responsibility of the international community to consolidate what has been achieved and help extinguish the last retraining pockets of violence. When weapons have fallen silent, so much will remain to be done agreements to guarantee, wounds to staunch, adversaries to reconcile, economies to be rebuilt.
It will do no good to shower the work and the person of the Secretary-General with praise, if we are going to withhold our support from him tomorrow. For peace has its prices sending armed troops there, organizing a referendum here, and elsewhere setting up aid for reconstruction. All this has to be financed. I would hate to think that after being so lavish in their war efforts, States, particularly the most powerful, would be tight-fisted when it comes to peace efforts.
In Afghanistan no one can ever be satisfied with replacing an international conflict by a civil war. The withdrawal of foreign troops should normally open up the way for the restoration of the sovereignty of that country, the return of refugees and economic reconstruction. But this can only come about with extreme vigilance.
It is my wish that the cease-fire between Iraq and Iran will lead, as quickly as possible, to a genuine peace, a settlement of conflicts, the reconstruction of  disaster-stricken areas and the restored freedom of navigation in the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz.
Peace is contagious and everyone, the States and the peoples of the region, will reap the benefits. At this time, how can we be unmindful of the fate of a minority which has suffered in a two-fold way, such as the Kurdish people? I hope that renewed conciliation in Western Sahara will prevail. We could believe it today. This will remove an obstacle to the construction of the Greater Maghreb, bringing with it peace and prosperity, a plan of which Prance approves. Here we count upon the wisdom of leaders.
In the Middle East, the uprising of Palestinian youth and the decision of King Hussein of Jordan have shown once again that the status quo no longer protects those who are subject to it, those who seek to benefit from it, and that it is increasingly deadly for those who are subjected to it.
Let us go back to the basic principles of a lasting settlement, as defined by the United Nations. All members are familiar with them. For my part, I outlined them both in the Knesset in Jerusalem and in the Arab capitals. Israel has the right to exist within safe and recognized borders; the Palestinian people are entitled to aspire to a homeland and to take charge of their own destinies.
In order to arrive at a peace settlement, which would enshrine these rights, there must be dialogue between the parties. Each side, Israelis and Palestinians, must do its share. Each must be willing to accept for the other what it demands for itself, and each must be able to say this in no uncertain terms. I do understand how difficult it is to take the first step.
In order to facilitate dialogue and break down the walls of distrust, the international community must clearly act as an intermediary. A procedure exists: the international conference. It is the only framework within which teal partners can meet and establish bilateral contacts between them. The international conference has become a reference point. Let us make it a reality. I proposed some time ago that a preparatory committee earnestly go about laying the groundwork. Mr. Gorbachev was in agreement with me on this idea. Now the time has come to revive this. I suggest that a diplomatic arrangement be made among the five permanent Members of the Security Council in conjunction with the Secretary-General. This preparatory work should result in recommendations on the organization and calendar of the future conference and recommendations about who its participants will be.
France, of whose ties to Lebanon need not remind the Assembly, will not resign itself to watching that country's independence and unity disintegrate. We call upon the United Nations as a witness to the obstacles which have been placed in the way of the free exercise of the sovereignty of the people. We appeal to the sense of reason of the neighbours of that country. A peaceful, reconciled Lebanon is no threat to anyone. A Lebanon dismembered and the object of conflict and dispute will remain an area of insecurity for us all. Let us urge the Lebanese to draw upon their national pride and patriotism to summon the strength and courage to have faith in their country. I can assure the General Assembly, in any case, that France will remain at the side of those who, in mutual respect, are fighting for a democratic future for Lebanon, as well as its territorial integrity and sovereignty.
Farther away, towards the Far East, an end to the sufferings of Cambodia is in sight. The decision announced by the Government of Viet Nam to end its intervention, the initiatives of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the actions of such leaders as Prince Norodom Sihanouk may bring us closer to the hour of a political settlement. My country, which facilitated the initial meeting between the Cambodian partners, will continue to work even harder at this, and soon, I hope. We stand ready, if they so wish, to invite the parties involved to meet in Paris in due course.
At this point in my address, I wish to tell the General Assembly that nothing seems more important to me, whatever the importance of the subjects I have touched upon this morning - disarmament and the settlement of regional conflicts - nothing, I stress, is more important to me than closing the ever-widening gap between developed and developing countries. The causes of this disparity, as the General Assembly knows, are many: political, social, economic, demographic, financial, and so on. They have become so serious that many are tempted to dismiss all remedies as futile.
That is not the case with France. For seven years now - and I am certainly not the only one - I have been repeating that it is in the interests of the North to help the South; that there is no such thing as fate; that man can always master the course of events and that it is urgently necessary to do so. I see in the persistence of the current imbalances the most damaging cause of tremendous unhappiness, a misfortune which, more assuredly than any other danger, will drive the world towards the endless chaos of war, or something even worse.
Nevertheless, International multilateral or bilateral aid is stagnating or receding. France - which, of all the industrially advanced countries, allocates the highest percentage of its gross national product to development aid - believes that it has not yet done its duty. The target of 0.7 per cent remains its ambition. In particular, the debt burden calls for immediate action. Ά number of very Interesting Initiatives have been launched by one country or another. For ray part, I suggested to the major industrialized countries at their Toronto meeting this year that they make the terms of repayment considerably easier for the poorest countries. As for France, It has chosen to cancel one third of the debt owed to it by these countries. This significant step is but a beginning.
For other heavily indebted countries, particularly In Latin America and Africa, debt also represents an intolerable burden, and in certain cases a threat to democracy. In the face of this situation the International community must show that it can be more realistic and more imaginative. All debts Incurred must be repaid, but the cost of this can be reduced without passing on the burden to the taxpayers of creditor countries.
Thus, last year the United States, in a bold move, guaranteed a proportion of the principal of Mexico's commercial loans. Several countries and many experts have thought of creating a multilateral fund which would lower the cost by guaranteeing interest payments. Various methods of financing this fund have been put forward.
In the view of France, the best technique would be to create a fund in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to guarantee the payment of interest charged on certain commercial loans converted into bonds. This fund would lower significantly the finance charges payable by debtor countries and would involve them more actively in world trade.
In order to finance this, the developed countries would set aside their share of a new issue of special drawing rights for use by the developing countries. I realize that the implementation of this project would represent a significant legal and financial innovation. It would require lengthy preparatory work and many consultations among creditors and with their debtors. However, this alone would seem to be equal to the challenge.
But development requires many other things.  I  would mention the following: stabilizing the export earnings of countries in the southern hemisphere and diversifying and increasing the value of their production - and the Uruguay Round must take these into account; environmental protection, which only a short time ago was endangered by industrial wastes from the North being disposed of in the South - and the international community will have to agree to regulations and the necessary precautions; a massive transfer of technology and know-how from the North to the South - and I would like in this regard to suggest a new approach, modelled on what is known as Europe's EUREKA project, in which Government stimulus, together with initiatives freely undertaken by companies and universities, leads to co-operation on an equal footing. I continue ray brief list: launching major programmes of universal interest which can mobilize our energies to bring help to regions facing catastrophes due to natural causes or the folly of men. I cite as an example the stabilization of the rivers that have been flooding Bangladesh, the cause of a terrible catastrophe, as an appropriate beginning for a project of this kind. France, for its part, is ready to contribute.
Two centuries ago France began a revolution that changed the course of history throughout the universe. In doing so, France took a position in the battle which has yet to be won, and is still necessary, for a greater measure of freedom, equality and brotherhood. As we prepare to celebrate this bicentenary, let us defend human rights more fiercely than ever before, from the earliest recognized to the latest: human rights, the rights of peoples, the rights of mankind. Today, in certain emergency situations, in situations of distress or extreme injustice, we should affirm the right of humanitarian assistance.
Economic and social progress is the only solid foundation on which to build democracy; the moral weight of public opinion and unflagging vigilance will be its best guarantee.
So many people are still being denied their most elementary tights and for so many men, women and children poverty is the only world they know, and the absence of eights is their only horizon.
Surely the time has come to acknowledge that rights of mankind exist and should be defined. I am thinking of the protection of our natural environment in the face of the sometimes irresponsible requirements of our economy. I was happy to hear the representative of the Soviet Union asking for a plan to be worked out before 1992 on this subject. I am also thinking of the protection of the human species, the ravages of drugs, and the extraordinary possibilities of science, in particular genetics.
The conference of Nobel Prize-winners which I convened in 1988 in Paris elected us to the dangers of this. It is not knowledge in itself that is dangerous; it is rather the applications of science that must be controlled, that we must master. Since we are accountable in proportion to the power we now possess in transmitting a natural and genetically intact heritage to our descendants, we must lay the foundations for the ethics of the third millennium.
I must stop here. Since, with you, I have been looking at the future, I dream of the day when Europe, as it is trying to take shape, will be able to speak here with a single voice, using, as I have just done, the language of peace among nations and confidence in the destiny of humanity.