I stand before the Assembly
gratified and in a position to salute it for playing a very
important part in the process towards reconciliation in
my region, and for supporting the consolidation of the
new, modern Serbia. In a few days, we will proudly
celebrate the tenth anniversary of our peaceful
democratic revolution.
 In a world confronted by so many threats, the
United Nations must constantly reaffirm its original
purpose and adapt to new challenges. The United
Nations has confronted, through its many agencies, the
scourges of discrimination, disease, hunger, poverty
and environmental degradation. In other words, the
United Nations has built a capacity to create rules that
transcend frontiers, rules that we all respect.
 One thing that we have all embraced, as Member
States of the United Nations, is the wish to find
solutions to all challenges through peaceful means,
dialogue and consensus.
 I opened with a specific reference to the General
Assembly. A few weeks ago it adopted by acclamation
resolution 64/298, proposed by Serbia and sponsored
by the 27 States members of the European Union,
acknowledging the content of the advisory opinion of
the International Court of Justice (ICJ) regarding the
unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo.
 The resolution is fundamentally status-neutral
with regard to the status of Kosovo. All other
interpretations do not correspond to the truth. The
resolution welcomed the readiness of the EU to
facilitate a process of dialogue between the parties.
Serbia welcomes the resolution. We look forward to
engaging in the process that will hopefully lead to a
mutually acceptable compromise solution to the
problem of Kosovo.

 We feel vindicated in our contention that the path
to dialogue lay through the natural process of
international legitimacy. The General Assembly sought
an opinion from the International Court of Justice. The
ICJ delivered an opinion. The General Assembly has
now, as a consequence, called for dialogue. Moreover,
that request comes as a consequence of a joint effort
between Serbia and the European Union.
 In the light of that, we sought reaffirmation of the
validity of the international system as we know it. We
feel proud that our faith in this process has produced
results. We have always said that we are ready to
engage in dialogue. But that dialogue must be framed
by rules and accountability, and this has been achieved
through the latest vote of the General Assembly.
 Many have been involved in this process, and we
are grateful for the contributions of all those who in the
debate on the draft resolution expressed understanding
for the position of Serbia. Our issue has been the first
test of the new post-Lisbon institutions of the European
Union, which we consider our natural and eventual
home. We are encouraged by the commitment and
sense of purpose of the leadership of these new
institutions.
 We should be very clear. Serbia has always
maintained that the attempt to secede unilaterally is a
violation of the basic principles of the Charter, the
Helsinki Final Act and Security Council resolution
1244 (1999). A vast majority of United Nations
Member States refrained from recognizing Kosovo’s
unilateral declaration of independence. They have
continued to abide by their Charter obligations to
respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of my
country. On behalf of the Republic of Serbia, I once
again sincerely thank those countries for their support
and solidarity.
 Serbia’s position remains unchanged. The
unilaterally declared independence of Kosovo will not
be recognized by Serbia explicitly or implicitly. This is
enshrined in our Constitution. We have repeatedly said
that we seek dialogue, but within a framework of
globally acknowledged law, the law of the United
Nations. For this reason, we insisted on the process of

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seeking the opinion of the International Court of
Justice and the subsequent General Assembly
resolution related to the Court’s opinion.
 Let me be very clear as to what the Court did and
did not say. Its advisory opinion reaffirmed that
Kosovo remains under the interim administration of the
United Nations, and that Security Council resolution
1244 (1999) and the United Nations Constitutional
Framework for Provisional Self-Government in
Kosovo stay in force and continue to apply. That means
that this part of our territory remains subject to an
international regime mandated by the Security Council.
 The centrality and leading role of the Security
Council in determining the comprehensive settlement
of the Kosovo issue remains paramount, and will
provide legitimacy to the result. The Court also did not
endorse the view that Kosovo’s unilateral declaration
of independence was sui generis — a unique case. Nor
did it endorse any avowed right to self-determination
for the province’s ethnic Albanians.
 The Court chose to examine the language of
Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence, and
held the view that the text of the declaration itself did
not contain anything that violates international law.
The Court, thus, did not approve the province’s right to
secession from Serbia, nor did it support the claim that
Kosovo is a sovereign State.
 The Court’s opinion is clear: the unilateral
declaration of independence was only “an attempt to
determine finally the status of Kosovo” (A/64/881,
advisory opinion, para. 114). The General Assembly
resolution relating to the Court’s opinion
acknowledged this content of the Court’s advisory
opinion. It is within this framework that we are ready
to follow the Assembly’s resolution and to engage in a
dialogue.
 We are now ready to talk, and we will do so in
good faith. Therefore, Serbia asks all Member States to
engage fully in the spirit of their vote in the Assembly,
in which they called for a dialogue to be facilitated by
the European Union.
 A dialogue requires trust. Soon the two parties
will be talking to each other for the first time in many
years. We must be patient and seek out those issues
which allow confidence to be built on each side. There
will be many issues to discuss, and some of them will
be complicated.
 All Member States can contribute to an
atmosphere that creates trust. We are entering a phase
in which creative solutions require political
imagination, respect for our own democratic
institutions and great skill. I trust that it can be a phase
in which all parties leave behind them anachronistic
analyses and diplomatic ambushes. We must be able to
build confidence to have trust.
 Serbia believes that the continued pursuit of
recognition is futile and counter-productive to the spirit
in which we now enter this phase. All those who
wanted to make their point have made it, and we still
do not have a clear settlement. I want to underline that
it is of critical importance for Member States that have
not recognized Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of
independence to stay the course on non-recognition
throughout the dialogue process. That will be a
significant contribution to ensuring that unilateral
attempts to impose outcomes of ethnic and territorial
disputes are not legitimized, thereby preventing
Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence from
becoming a dangerous and destabilizing precedent.
 Until now, statehood has never been attained
without the consent of the parent State. A durable
settlement on an issue of such magnitude and
sensitivity has never been the product of compulsion; it
always necessitates consent.
 It would be equally harmful if there were
attempts to alter realities on the ground while
discussions get under way. Any attempt to change these
realities through the use of force would bring an
immediate end to the process of dialogue.
 I address the Assembly today as a leader who
believes that the future lies in seeking reconciliation.
Our National Assembly adopted a historic Declaration
on Srebrenica: a crime was condemned and an apology
was extended. There is little precedent for such an
action, and I am proud, in that it demonstrates the
maturity of the democracy of Serbia.
 I hope that more such gestures throughout the
region will help us create a new region in which our
shared history will unite us morally rather than divide
us politically. For this, surely, is the foundation upon
which the future will be built.
 My guiding light is the history of the European
Union. It should be for the entire region of South-East
Europe. The European Union has been a story of

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reconstruction and reconciliation. That story is not
over. The Union faces its own challenges, and we in
our region must assume the responsibility of emulating
it. We must absorb the values and culture of today’s
Europe in order that the Union absorbs us.
 This is a delicate exercise, in which expectations
must be carefully nurtured. The EU is evolving. But so
is our region. In this dynamic, we have to assume that
the European Union will remain true to its word that
the inhabitants of the region now referred to as the
Western Balkans will all become citizens of the
European Union. It would be a geographical, historical
and cultural aberration if this were not so. However, as
the region goes through its own changes, it is
particularly sensitive to the signals that it receives from
the European Union. We hope that as the new
institutions of the Union take shape, we will have an
increasingly clear communication from and with the
EU.
 It is also true that our region is changing. To a
very large extent, it is changing to the good. We should
recognize the many new levels of cooperation that
exist in our region. The Western Balkans — which has
been affected by the financial crisis — is a story of
many small and larger incremental successes. In fact,
relations have never been better. But the region must
also acknowledge that as it develops its successes can
generate new challenges.
 There is one area, therefore, on which I wish to
speak with a clarity that may be deemed undiplomatic.
Organized crime is now a global industry. It is the dark
side of globalization. It attaches itself to weak
societies. It attaches itself to political and religious
extremists. It attempts to buy and subvert democracies.
Like water, it spreads to where it finds least resistance.
It is global and globalized in its interconnections.
 Organized crime, I want to state emphatically, is
in the Western Balkans. I consider it to be the greatest
single challenge to my country and to the whole
region. It always has been present, and it was given
solid foundations because of the wars in our region.
But I fear that it is developing capabilities — acquired
from the globalization of crime and access to
technology — at a much faster pace. The criminals
concerned are bringing drugs, guns, human trafficking
and corruption into our societies. In doing so, they are
using our region to spread into Europe. I fear that we
are in a race against time in our region. The stark
choice is that South-Eastern Europe will become either
a valuable bridge between Europe and vital areas to the
East or it will become the beachhead of organized
crime trying to reach Europe.
 We have a common responsibility as leaders in
our region to eliminate this scourge on our societies,
and Serbia will spare no effort in our quest to eradicate
this threat. It is our responsibility to all our neighbours.
For this reason there has been a growing number of
meetings and consultations between us in the region on
this matter.
 But today I want to say that this issue cannot be
addressed tactically and occasionally. It is a strategic
issue that affects all of Europe. I am therefore asking
that we all become alert to the next generation of
threat.
 In our region, we have a responsibility to create a
strategic alliance against organized crime. We hope
that all Western Balkan States will make fighting it a
priority. We owe this to our citizens, we owe it to our
neighbours in the European Union, and we owe it to
the next generation.
 Serbia has historically been part of global
movements. That is why we are totally engaged in
achieving membership of the European Union. That is
why we support the United Nations system. It is also
why we are now moving to reactivate the many
relationships that we built historically, as part of the
Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).
 My country is the largest successor to a founding
member of the Movement. Serbia’s capital, Belgrade,
was the site of the First NAM Summit in 1961. 1 am
proud that one of the capstone events marking the
Movement’s fiftieth anniversary will be celebrated in
Belgrade next September.
 As part of our commitment to the Millennium
Development Goals, we are strengthening many of our
engagements and commitments worldwide through the
Movement. We shall contribute to those countries that
would welcome assistance, and we look to an
intensification of cooperation. I hope that this is a clear
signal that my Government believes in an active global
engagement that will contribute to both global
solidarity and the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals.


The current, sixty-fifth session of the
General Assembly has started with an unprecedented
number of events covering the full range of the most
topical international issues. It is encouraging that, in
the light of the numerous challenges facing mankind, a
positive unified platform for collective action has been
taking shape, with the United Nations playing the
central role. Having learned from the dramatic events
of recent decades and having realized that attempts to
cut the Gordian knot by force in violation of the
Charter will only lead to deadlock, the international
community has concluded that there is no alternative
but to address political, economic and other problems
through joint efforts based on international law. And
the United Nations provides a universal platform to
strengthen this positive trend in international relations.
 The Security Council is a key instrument of this
Organization to maintain international peace and
security. The high-level Security Council meeting held
on 23 September (S/PV.6389) reaffirmed its members’
intention to enhance that body’s efficiency, not only
through direct involvement in conflict settlement but
also by creating prerequisites for the non-recurrence
and prevention of crises. This proves that the
comprehensive approach to ensuring international
security is gaining ground, as it reflects modern
realities and is based on the principles and provisions
of the United Nations Charter.
 The United Nations faces unprecedented, serious
and multifaceted tasks in the key area of peacekeeping.
While paying tribute to the efforts and sacrifice of
thousands of men and women Blue Helmets, joint
efforts should continue to refine the theory and practice
of peacekeeping under United Nations auspices and to
improve the quality of planning and the conduct of
peacekeeping operations with adequate political
control by the Security Council.
 It is encouraging that the United Nations is
working towards this goal on a truly collective basis.
Member States have quite a few constructive ideas on
their table, which include Russia’s initiative to
revitalize the Military Staff Committee in order to
improve the military expertise of Security Council
decisions.
 This year has been marked by progress in nuclear
disarmament. The 2010 Treaty between the United
States of America and the Russian Federation on
Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation of
Strategic Offensive Arms, signed by the Presidents of
Russia and the United States in Prague, is a real
contribution by our two countries to strengthening
international security and strategic stability. It is also
the result of positive changes in the relations between
Russia and the United States that have placed Russian-
American interaction in world affairs on a qualitatively
new level.
 We hope that the strong impetus provided by
Moscow and Washington to the nuclear disarmament
process will be followed similarly by all nations,
primarily by nuclear-weapon States.
 Pursuant to Russia’s policy towards strengthening
the United Nations role in global security, disarmament
and confidence-building, we intend to table three draft
resolutions during the current General Assembly
session: one on transparency and confidence-building
measures in outer space activities, co-sponsored with
China; a draft resolution on developments in the field
of information and telecommunications in the context
of international security; and a Russia-United States
co-sponsored draft resolution on bilateral strategic
offensive arms reductions and the new framework for
strategic relations. We call for their adoption by
consensus.
 The universalization of the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and its
guaranteed strict implementation comprise the
cornerstone of a strengthened international
non-proliferation regime. In that context, the search
must continue for an effective solution to the Iranian
nuclear problem on the basis of NPT provisions and the
norms of international Law. The Iranian side must
ensure the requisite level of transparency and
cooperation with the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA), which is acting on behalf of the
international community with the Security Council’s
support.
 Clarifying the outstanding questions about the
Iranian nuclear programme would not only meet the
goal of strengthening the non-proliferation regime but
would also quite obviously promote the interests of
Iran. Russia sees no reasonable alternative to a political
and diplomatic settlement of the Iranian nuclear

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problem through constructive dialogue between Tehran
and the six countries involved. The meeting of the
Foreign Ministers of the six countries in New York
helped to consolidate the shared intention to ensure the
earliest resumption of such a dialogue. We will
continue to do our utmost to achieve this goal.
 As far as the sanctions instrument is concerned,
sanctions are not a goal in themselves. The objective of
the sanctions regime established by the Security
Council is to signal to Iran that it must fully cooperate
with IAEA, and to give an impetus to the negotiating
process. All members of the international community
must show solidarity based on mutual responsibility.
We strongly reject a situation in which unilateral
decisions — including ex-territorial ones that undermine
the very foundation of further joint efforts — are made
with regard to sanctions in parallel to collective efforts
by the United Nations Security Council. We must put
an end to that practice, which runs counter to
international law and has negative political effects.
 Even more obvious, the economic and financial
trade blockade of Cuba, whose lifting the General
Assembly has demanded for a number of years, is
clearly an anachronism. The codification of the
principle of equal and indivisible security is
indispensable to productive international efforts in this
field, which is the precise goal of President
Medvedev’s initiative to conclude a treaty on European
security. The proposal targets the complete transition of
Euro-Atlantic policy from its old Cold War agenda to a
new one, as well as a firm legal foundation for the
principle of indivisible security for all in the
Euro-Atlantic region proclaimed in the 1990s. We
welcome the substantive dialogue on this important
Russian initiative, which has started in various
international forums.
 A comprehensive settlement in the Middle East
would make a crucial contribution towards
strengthened global stability. The parties must
demonstrate political will and extend every effort to
promote the success of the resumed direct Palestinian-
Israeli talks. The results of the ministerial Quartet
meeting of major international mediators held on
21 September demonstrated that appropriate support to
the Israelis and Palestinians will continue, but the
ultimate responsibility for a successful outcome rests
with them.
 In this connection, the decision by the Israeli
authorities to not extend the moratorium on Israeli
settlement activities has raised serious concern. A way
out of the current impasse should be found so as to
ensure that negotiations continue. Our proposal to hold
an international conference on the Middle East in
Moscow is aimed at advancing the Middle East
settlement. This proposal has gained the support of all
interested parties and the United Nations Security
Council. If the direct Palestinian-Israeli dialogue
becomes stable, the preparations for the Moscow forum
can get under way, which should also substantively
examine the Syrian and Lebanese tracks, as well as the
prospects for the multilateral aspects of the Middle
East settlement.
 The development of a comprehensive strategy to
address the interconnected problems of the Middle East
is on the agenda. It is necessary to continue working
towards an international conference in 2012 on the
establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and
other weapons of mass destruction and their means of
delivery in the Middle East, pursuant to the decision of
the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
 Russia supports the international strategy for a
comprehensive settlement and for post-conflict
rehabilitation of Afghanistan adopted by the Kabul
Conference, which envisages a stage-by-stage transfer
of responsibility for the situation in that country to
Afghan authorities, as effective governing structures
are established in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
The future of Afghanistan must be determined by the
Afghan people themselves. The international
community must continue to provide its assistance,
with an important role being played by the United
Nations.
 Lasting stabilization in Afghanistan and
throughout the region will be impossible without
resolving the drug problem. The dimension of the
danger posed by narcotics emanating from Afghanistan
represents a clear threat to international peace and
stability and requires more resolute actions throughout
the entire chain of the production and proliferation of
narcotics — from the destruction of drug crops to the
suppression of precursor supplies, including drug
traffickers on the sanction lists of the Security Council.
It is also necessary to move to a new level of
international cooperation. Russia’s initiative to
establish financial and counter-narcotics security belts

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along the perimeter of Afghan’s borders is consistent
with those goals.
 The regional dimension of the long-term
stabilization of Afghanistan is becoming ever more
topical. To that end, we must fully engage the potential
of relevant organizations that are actively working in
close contact with Kabul on Afghan issues, including
the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
 The settlement process in the Sudan is
approaching an important milestone. As the date of
referendum on the self-determination of the South of
that country draws closer, the parties to the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement must redouble their
efforts to overcome the problems that still divide them.
We should also give new impetus to the Darfur
settlement process. At stake is the stability of
conditions in the Sudan and throughout the vast
African continent. We welcome the constructive
attitude demonstrated by the Sudanese and other
participants in the high-level meeting on the Sudan that
was held here recently.
 In Somalia, the confrontation continues between
the Transitional Federal Government, supported by the
international community, and extremists and terrorist
groups linked with Al-Qaida. The lack of a settlement
on land is fuelling the problem of piracy off the coast
of Somalia. A more resolute pursuit of the political
process and stronger assistance to the peacekeeping
operation of the African Union and further counter-
piracy efforts, including the criminal prosecution of
pirates, are priorities in international efforts on the
Somali track, as reiterated during the recent
mini-summit on Somalia, which Russia fully supports.
 The results of the Millennium Development
Goals summit have reaffirmed the important role of the
United Nations on development matters and must help
mobilize political support and financial resources for
the timely achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). That requires joint
efforts by Governments, international financial and
trade institutions, the private sector and civil society,
based on the principles of global partnership and
shared responsibility.
 It is obvious that most global problems, including
the achievement of the MDGs, cannot be resolved
without engaging innovations, advanced technologies
and modernization solutions. The same is valid for
such challenges as climate change, energy and food
security and the fight against diseases. The engagement
of the enormous potential of the United Nations, its
family and system of specialized agencies in this area
will allow the Organization to become a catalyst in the
establishment and development of multilateral
modernization alliances. Russia is prepared to
participate actively in that work.
 To live up to expectations, the United Nations must
continuously renew itself. The reform of the Organization
is progressively moving forward. This year, the
negotiations on strengthening system-wide coherence
were completed successfully. In particular, the new
important United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and
the Empowerment of Women has been established.
 Negotiations will continue at the current session
of the General Assembly on the expansion of the
composition of the Security Council. This is an
extremely important issue on the reform agenda of the
Organization, involving the interests of the
overwhelming majority of States. For that reason, the
final formula for Security Council reform should be
based on compromise and the broadest possible
agreement in the United Nations. This requirement is
also fully applicable to all other aspects of United
Nations reform.
 This year marks the sixty-fifth anniversary of the
United Nations, as well as that of the end of the Second
World War, from the ashes of which the world
Organization was born. For the sake of the memory of
the millions of victims and in order to prevent a
repetition of such scourges, we must suppress attempts
to falsify the events associated with that historic
calamity. That is the aim of a well-known Russian
initiative in the United Nations. We count on the
broadest support for a draft resolution on the topic.
 The United Nations is our common and unique
Organization. It is up to all of us to determine how
productive and really useful its future work will be for
humankind. By pulling our efforts together, we will be
able to renew the United Nations effectively and
provide it with all the necessary resources. We are
convinced that reasonable resources spent on that goal
will bring tangible dividends to all members of the
international community in the form of durable peace,
security, cooperation and prosperity all over the globe.


1.	May I through you, Mr. President, congratulate the President of this Assembly on his election. Our pleasure at seeing him in the chair is also
explained by the fact that he represents Yugoslavia, a neighbouring country with whom we share a host of common interests and manifold traditional ties.
2.	In the election of Mr. Mojsov this Assembly has chosen a President who combines extensive knowledge acquired through his own observation with a deep devotion to the ideals of our Organization. The fact that lie will be conducting the work of this Assembly augurs well for the success of our common endeavour.
3.	At this stage I should also like to express to his predecessor in the chair, Ambassador Amerasinghe, my country's thanks and recognition for the tact and exceptional insight with which he led the previous General Assembly. His conduct of our deliberations was in keeping with the best traditions of his country, Sri Lanka.
4.	It is a special joy for me to greet the new Members of this Organization, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti. Their admission is consistent with the principle of the universality of the United Nations laid down in the Charter and will contribute much to the success of our work.
5.	The Vietnamese people have painfully experienced the horrors of war. We can therefore expect that that people will be among the most resolute champions of a policy of peace.
6.	This Organization was created after the catastrophe of a great war in order to give mankind peace and security. The immediate past, in which millions were denied their dignity and were deprived of their rights, was the origin of a deepening concern to protect human rights for the future.
7.	By setting up the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and proclaiming the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, this Organization made itself an advocate of the rights of man. Next year will be the thirtieth anniversary of the Declaration. That occasion makes it appropriate to assess the work of our Organization and this Assembly in the light of the goals of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
8.	Since the admission of my country to this Organization, Austria has consciously sought to promote the protection of human rights and has made such protection a major effort and objective of its foreign policy.
9.	At the time of the founding of the United Nations the concept of human rights was limited essentially to the so-called civil and political freedoms as they emerged at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. Today, however, human rights embrace, in addition to these freedoms, economic, social and cultural rights. At least since the 1968 Teheran Conference, their equal status was no longer disputed. Man's dignity, the guaranteeing of his social and economic security, and the free development of his whole personality are today's goal in the protection of human rights.
10.	However, it is not only the significance of human rights that has changed. Certainly, human rights are violated today just as they were in the past. Thus, the Secretary- General has stated very pertinently in his report on the work of this Organization that:
"Perhaps more than in any other field of international activity we face in the human rights field the gulf between idealistic declarations and hard realities.
11.	Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that today more than ever before in history human rights are more deeply rooted in the consciousness of men and even of Governments-even those which violate them. This may well be the reason why we frequently have the impression that today human rights are violated on a larger scale than in the past.
12.	In the past, with less awareness of the subject, violations of human rights were often not recognized as such. The first and decisive step in the realization of an idea is always the creation of awareness. Therefore, information and education play an all-important role in the realization of this idea. For this reason Austria follows with great interest the relevant work of UNESCO and the United Nations University. We shall vigorously support these efforts.
13.	Recent years and decades have enabled us to recognize the interdependence between a policy of respect for the dignity and worth of the individual and the maintenance of peace and security. Today we see more clearly than ever that peace and security require progress in man's free social, political, economic and cultural development.
14.	It is, therefore, a source of deep concern for us that, despite repeated and sincere efforts in the past year, hardly one of the world’s crises is closer to a settlement, The people of the areas concerned arc still denied a life in security and peace. It seems worth making the point that the causes of all these problems He ultimately in the violation or denial of human rights. This is true for the crises in the Middle East, in Cyprus and in southern Africa, as well as for the lack of progress of the disarmament efforts. It applies equally to the crisis in the relations between North and South. That crisis has its origin in the imperfect provision on a global scale of economic and social rights to all the peoples of our planet. In view of its joint commitment to guarantee human rights, the international community as a whole bears joint responsibility for improving this situation.
15.	We are still far from securing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Prominent among the indispensable elements of a peace settlement are the principles laid down in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Another element is the reciprocal recognition of justified demands. In this connexion it must be expected of Israel that it recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, in particular their right to self-determination and a homeland. From the Palestinian people we must expect the recognition of Israel's right to exist in peace with its neighbours in the area.
90. Finally, the parties to the conflict must refrain from any action that might prejudice a negotiated solution. Thus,
we note with concern that the Israeli Government is authorizing the establishment of settlements of its citizens in the occupied territories.
91.	The Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East offers an appropriate forum for negotiations. Its reactivation and support for it seem to us more urgent than ever. We do not underestimate the difficulties standing in the way of reconvening that Conference. We welcome, therefore, the resoluteness with which the Co-Chairmen of the Conference have just recently called for the resumption of the negotiations.
92.	The continued suppression of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia has already led to violence and bloodshed. We are particularly distressed that the victims of violence include innocent men, women and children, and people who had dedicated their lives to the service of their fellow-men.
93.	Every opportunity must be seized to secure by peaceful means the long overdue exercise of their right to self-determination and to introduce forms of Government that are based on democratic principles and on respect for the rights of the majority, as well as those of the minority.
94.	"the important role the United Nations plays in the implementation of the right of the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination has been demonstrated by the recent decision of tie Security Council concerning the appointment of a representative of the Secretary-General for Southern Rhodesia in its resolution 415 (1977).
95.	We appreciate highly the endeavour of Western members of the Security Council, in close co-operation with the South West Africa People's Organization and the Secretary- General of the United Nations, to secure the speedy independence of Namibia. We are also following with great interest the further efforts of the United Kingdom, supported by the United States, to create the necessary conditions for majority rule in Zimbabwe.
96.	The most serious problem in southern Africa, for which a solution is still not in sight, is the policy of apartheid of South Africa. The Government of that country must be brought to realize that the system of apartheid offends our sense of moral decency. The South African Government must finally recognize that peaceful coexistence among the peoples of southern Africa is not feasible as long as the vast majority of the population of South Africa is denied full and equal enjoyment of civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights. There can be no doubt that it is also in the self-interest of South Africa's white population to renounce the inhuman policy of apartheid.
97.	The World Conference held at Lagos last August furnished yet another impressive proof of the world-wide rejection and condemnation of the policy of apartheid.
98.	Human rights also play an important role in another crisis: the crisis of Cyprus. We hope that this crisis will be resolved by maintaining the century-old bonds of the two communities in a Republic of Cyprus, whose independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity this Organization has so often acknowledged.
99.	The Secretary-General of our Organization deserves thanks and recognition for his tireless endeavours in "the search for a peaceful settlement of the Cyprus conflict. This is perhaps the place to give general acknowledgement to his large personal contribution to the cause of peace in the world and for the success of the Organization.
100.	Credit for the significant role which the United Nations plays to the maintenance of peace in the Middle East and Cyprus belongs not least to the peace-keeping forces operating under the United Nations flag.
101.	May I once again express to all the United Nations troops our deeply felt thanks for their splendid contribution. At the same time I wish to pay a tribute to the memory of those who gave their lives serving the United Nations.
102.	In this connexion, may I express our deep concern about the current state of the financing of the peacekeeping operations, Compared to the modest amounts spent by the international community on peace-keeping operations, the scale of the annual expenditures on armaments remains enormous.
103.	The arms race of recent years has not led just to an extremely dangerous blurring of the line between nuclear and conventional weapons and to the increased danger of a further proliferation of nuclear weapons. It also entails irresponsible squandering of financial resources, of human research capacity and of raw materials.
104.	I am very well aware of the very complex nature of disarmament and arms control measures, as well as of their link with the security of States. For this reason we realize the difficulty for the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. Yet we must use that opportunity, which may not come again, to devise, with the active co-operation of all, a new and a comprehensive approach to the problem of disarmament and to adopt genuine disarmament measures. If, in so doing we again point to the special responsibility of the great Powers, that does not mean that all other States are released from their responsibility. It means rather that by objective criteria the existing arsenals of those Powers imply not only special prerogatives but also the obligation to clearer the way for genuine disarmament, which is inconceivable without their co-operation. In this respect we are encouraged by the forthright stand taken by President Carter in his important address to this Assembly yesterday
105.	Finally, in addressing the problem of disarmament and particularly the problem of non-proliferation of nuclear arms it is impossible not to mention the important role of IAEA.
106.	The world economy is another area which requires intensified international co-operation. The uncertainty that now marks the economic situation of many countries demands resolute concerted action by the international community.
107.	A broad consensus is now emerging that a new international economic order is one of the most important pre-conditions for the establishment of better economic relations reflecting a higher degree of world-wide solidarity and justice. The ideas related to the new international economic order have been spelled out more clearly in recent years and point, in particular, to the urgency of satisfying man's basic needs, especially in the poorest countries and population groups.
108.	A new international order will contribute, therefore, to the realization of human rights, without which many hundreds of millions have no hope of worthy human existence. But such an order will also require new forms of international co-operation, especially with regard to the creation of the infrastructure necessary for economic and social progress in the developing countries.
109.	At an earlier stage of the debate the Austrian Chancellor, Sir. Bruno Kreisky, urged a faster rate of infrastructural development, primarily in the field of transportation, within the framework of a major multilateral plan for the developing countries, especially those of Africa. As many industrialized States as possible, together with other States in a position to do so, should co-operate in an endeavour of this kind. In view of the tasks to be accomplished and of the scale of the resources required, such an initiative could well be compared with the Marshall Plan, which was so essential for the rebuilding of Europe after the Second World War.
110.	We have noted with particular satisfaction that the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, responding to an initiative of African States, agreed on measures for the improvement of Africa's economic and social infrastructures, with emphasis on transport and communications. A further step was taken at this year's summer session of the Economic and Social Council by the adoption of resolution 2097 (LXIII) providing for the proclamation by the General Assembly of a Transport and Communications Decade in Africa for 1978-1988. Austria warmly welcomes this resolution and hopes that it will be endorsed by this Assembly. The Austrian Federal Government is ready to co-operate actively in the preparation and implementation of programmes for the attainment of the objectives of such a decade.
111.	One of the central tasks of the United Nations in the coming years will be to work out a new international development strategy consistent with the new international economic order. We expect that the current General Assembly will begin, in a practical way, to lay the groundwork for the formulation of this strategy and thus create the conditions for real progress in the relevant negotiations. Particular care should be taken, in our view, that work on the new strategy does not prejudge commitments entered into for the current Second United Nations Development Decade.
112.	The fundamental objectives of international development co-operation undoubtedly include a better exchange of scientific and technological knowledge and closer international co-operation in the application of this knowledge to the development process. Hence the special significance of the 1979 United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development.
113.	Austria stands ready to contribute its best to the successful conduct of this most important United Nations
Conference. As an expression of my country's great interest in international co-operation in the field of science and technology, the Austrian Federal Government extended an invitation for that Conference to be held in Vienna. It gives me great pleasure to reiterate that invitation at this stage.
114.	In the process of breaking new grounds and creating new ideas we expect a significant contribution from the commission whose establishment was announced from United Nations Headquarters by Mr. Willy Brandt the former Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany.
115.	My remarks so far have focused on the need for comprehensive and universal implementation of human rights and fundamental freedoms and their connexion with economic and social development. Concern for the well- being of the individual is one of the cardinal principles of Austrian foreign policy. We are not afraid to stand up for the victims of human rights violations, no matter where they may occur, and we are always ready to give help to the greatest extent possible.
116.	Austria has always tried to make an active contribution to the work of the United Nations bodies concerned with human rights questions. I should like to express Austria's appreciation of the work done to these bodies. They have constantly sought to advance the cause of human rights despite the wide variety of views and the differing social and political systems represented in these bodies.
117.	In speaking of human rights I should like to pay a tribute to the valuable contribution which regional organizations make in this field. As the representative of a European country I should like at this point to stress the significance of the European Convention on human rights and the European Social Charter. By adopting these instruments the member States of the Council of Europe have agreed on effective machinery for the protection of human rights.
118.	Respect for the dignity of man, of all men, is, as I have already said, one of our essential concerns. The denial of equality and of the equal dignity which is the birth right of all people by means of racism, especially in its most extreme form-apartheid- is revolting to the conscience of man. Therefore we support the objectives of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, as proclaimed in resolution 3057 (XXVIII), and we hope that the world conference to combat racism and racial discrimination, scheduled for 1978, will bring us closer to the goal of eliminating all forms of racial discrimination.
119.	We agree with many other members of the Assembly that the combating of international terrorism, which represents a serious threat to fundamental human rights, is an important task of our Organization. In addition to dealing with the comprehensive aspects of this issue, we must also tackle as a matter of particular urgency its most abominable manifestations. Therefore we welcome the fact that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an
International Convention against the Taking of Hostages established by the General Assembly at its thirty-first session has begun its work.
120.	Despite earnest efforts the United Nations has still not succeeded in making a decisive break-through in the fight against the use of torture. We appeal once again to all the Members of this Organization to work together to eliminate this barbaric form of violation of human rights and to create an effective tool for combating it.
121.	The primary task of our Organization is the establishment and maintenance of peace in the world. This task cannot be viewed solely in terms of the Organization's mediating role in conflicts or the sending of United Nations troops on peace-keeping missions. The United Nations has rightly recognized that peace requires a broad basis. Day by day we in this Assembly are working at building and extending this basis.
122.	We consider the promotion and development of the policy of detente to be an essential prerequisite for that endeavour. We should like the policy of detente to be understood not merely in its original East-West context; rather it should be understood in a broader sense. In an interdependent world where space and time have been mastered on an unprecedented scale, detente must be seen as a global process. It should be understood to be that desirable minimum of mutual trust in inter-State relations which provides the fertile soil for the flowering of human potentialities. Detente is the foundation on which human rights and freedoms can be shaped and developed, the framework for the peaceful competition of ideas and systems. For us, detente is a goal to which world politics must constantly aspire; it is a dynamic concept.
123.	In this connexion I wish to express our appreciation of the special role of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which marked a qualitatively new dimension in the process of detente. The review conference that has just opened in Belgrade is another important step in the direction in which the Helsinki Conference has pointed.
124.	If detente is to be effective and lasting it must operate also at the human level and must take account of humanitarian concerns and the desire for a better flow of information and exchange of contacts across frontiers. If people and nations can perceive the direct results of detente in this way, they will better understand the need for detente.
125.	Let me now briefly refer to the agreement reached between Austria and Italy eight years ago which is concerned with increasing the autonomy of the South Tyrol and lays down a time-table for that process. In the spirit of neighbourly co-operation between our two States we have been able to make further progress this past year within the framework of that agreement. However, a number of measures provided for in that time-framework have still to be put into effect. We are confident that the efforts devoted to this question, on which the General Assembly adopted resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI), will soon produce further progress and bring us closer to a final solution.
126.	I should also like to refer to Austria's traditional role as host country for international organizations and conferences. As in the past, Austria had the honour this year again to host a number of important conferences and sessions of United Nations bodies.
127.	Work on the Donaupark Centre, which is being built in Vienna for the United Nations and will be made available to the Organization free of charge, is going ahead according to schedule. Office accommodation will be ready for occupancy at the end of 1978. From those facilities the United- Nations will derive considerable financial and organizational benefits. Therefore we expect that the General Assembly at its thirty-third session will take, in accordance with the phase® plan contained in resolution 31/194, adopted unanimously by the General Assembly on 22 December 1976, necessary decisions in this matter.
128.	The past year has again witnessed serious and tragic conflicts. Yet it cannot be denied that no other era has been so convinced of the possibility and necessity of resolving these conflicts by adhering to universally accepted standards conceived by the ingenuity of man. International co-operation, especially within our Organization, is of the greatest significance for the attainment of that goal. The success of the United Nations depends on the contribution that each individual Member State is prepared to make.
129.	As in the past, Austria will make its contribution to the attainment of the high purposes of the Charter of our Organization.


307.	 The ideals of peace, equality and co-operation among nations—ideals that are all summed up in the word  justice —which the authors of the Charter of our Organization already proclaimed 32 years ago are still today of intense concern. Everything points to that. The most disquieting inquiries are constantly devoted to the  major questions  of today's world. Meetings, conferences, information, files, texts, ever on the increase and always relevant, are distinguished by the fact that they keep international problems in a type of closed circuit. This is a paradox only in appearance. Does it perhaps fundamentally reflect a cynical or disabused human attitude, or in any case an attitude that is only mildly courageous, in the face of the important problems of our time which disclose a world facing immense crises: economies in distress, the tyranny of certain regimes, oppression of peoples, moral and material poverty, thermonuclear war on the horizon, crises which run the risk of lighting the final conflagration?
308.	The political and psychological context of its work should of necessity invite the United Nations to prevent itself from being dragged downwards in straying away from its original noble ideals. Therein lies hope for all of us and for mankind as a whole. The essential question is, consequently, the capability of the United Nations to take full responsibility for the major questions which affect all mankind. It is reassuring that the United Nations is constantly being served by devoted men who are convinced of the usefulness of the activities of the institution. The President of the General Assembly is one of those men, as is also the Secretary-General. You are among those modern men who are courageously and actively fighting against the spirit of the desert, the spirit of devastation, which is perhaps the most astonishing historical product of our time, but also the least questioned.
309.	The people of Congo and the forces of progress throughout the world mourned with distress the tragic death on 18 March 1977 of President Marien Ngouabi, the President of the People's Republic of Congo, who was cowardly murdered by the forces of evil. That odious crime, the aim of which was to destroy the Congolese revolution, did not achieve its purpose since the Congolese people are more than ever determined to defend the ideals for which President Marien Ngouabi heroically gave his life. The heroes of the twentieth century are precisely those who defend to the very end the causes of oppressed peoples and, even in their glorious death, they speak for all mankind.
310.	The leading institutions established by law faithfully continue the work of President Ngouabi. In a declaration of general policy, President Joachim Yhomby Opango proclaimed the will of the Congolese people to continue their foreign policy and their international co-operation along the same lines which had been followed by President Marien Ngouabi, namely, by struggling against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and the exploitation of man by man, and against racial discrimination and all forms of oppression, by unconditionally supporting just causes, by giving international assistance of many kinds to the true movements of national liberation, by their desire to establish relations of co-operation with all the countries which seek, on the basis of mutual respect and equality, a policy of good-neighbourliness and African solidarity, and by their attachment to peace and to the principles defined in the Charters of OAU and the United Nations.
311.	I should like to emphasize somewhat a point which has just been made.
312.	The African vocation of my country has never been questioned and President Yhomby Opango intends to strengthen Congo's devotion to African solidarity. There is no African situation which does not concern us. Our policy concerning other African States is a policy of understanding, tolerance, good-neighbourliness and co-operation, in spite of ideological differences which may exist between us and others. African causes have always found unswerving support among the Congolese people. Therefore it would not be well to compare the administrative measures taken recently by my Government for the control of foreigners to a policy harmful to the strengthening of African solidarity. Quite the contrary. The measures to which I am alluding concerned only those foreigners whose situation was irregular vis-à-vis the laws and regulations of Congo concerning immigration and the practice of trade.
313.	We are now at a turning-point in the modern history of the African continent. I had occasion here last year to say what the views of my Government were concerning the future of that continent. Now the problems have changed abruptly with the accession of South Africa to the club of atomic Powers.
314.	This situation is an extremely serious one and, before the United Nations, before the international community and before all mankind, I wish to accuse and publicly condemn without any equivocation the country of apartheid. I am compelled to be very specific in this accusation.
315.	The South African nuclear programme has been under way for 16 years, from 1961 to 1977. In 1961 South Africa acquired through a United States company a small thermal reactor of 2C megawatts. The pilot plant of Walindaba, close to Pretoria, produced uranium 235 following a variant of a  blasting  procedure. In 1965 special laboratories of the Federal Republic of Germany opened their doors to South African scientists and technicians. In July 1970 Pretoria announced that South African experts had discovered an original procedure for uranium enrichment. In 1975 West German firms actively gave technical assistance to the South Africans in fitting out their uranium enrichment plant. In 1976 Pretoria selected France to build two gigantic nuclear power stations at Koelberg, 28 kilometres north of the Cape By about 1985 the two French power plants to be delivered to South Africa will produce 500 kilos of plutonium per annum, that is to say, enough to manufacture 100 atomic bombs of the Nagasaki type.
316.	At the very beginning of August 1977 the Soviet Union fortunately alerted world public opinion to the imminence of the explosion of a South African atomic bomb in the Kalahari desert, approximately 180 kilometres south of Botswana and 150 kilometres to the east of Namibia
317.	I accuse the Western Powers which have actively helped South Africa to acquire a nuclear potential which dangerously jeopardizes peace in Africa and the rest of the world. I accuse the West and Pretoria of collusion. I accuse South Africa, which has no intention of heeding anyone's advice but plans to follow its nuclear programme.
318.	The African peoples must clearly realize that the problem of their security today has a new dimension
319.	We most urgently appeal to all the peoples of Africa and the world strongly to react against the nuclear arming of the most racist country on earth.
320.	The nuclear explosion which South Africa has postponed but which it has not renounced most perforce bring the international community to reflect on the consequences of the many-sided co-operation between certain countries Members of the United Nations and the racists of Pretoria.
321.	The security of the African peoples is being seriously threatened
322.	Experience has amply taught us that regimes of terror and oppression which thrive on violence understand only the language of violence In view of Pretoria's anachronistic attitude Namibia will not be freed except at that price. My country cannot but continue to give unconditional support to the South West Africa People's Organization in its determination to intensify the armed struggle for the liberation of Namibia.
323.	The same holds true for Rhodesia, where Ian Smith—whom we can only describe as mindless-is spending his time destroying the numerous plans for a settlement that have been put forward precisely to allow him to avoid the worst.
324.	That is why it is the duty of the international community firmly to support the initiatives of the frontline countries. These initiatives, which have been approved by OAU, make it possible to find a just solution for the people of Zimbabwe, which, like any other people on earth, aspires to freedom, equality and dignity.
325.	The decolonization of Africa must be concluded without delay.
326.	In this connexion we most warmly welcome the admission to our Organization of the Republic of Djibouti. We wish to consolidate with that brother African country close relations of co-operation and active solidarity.
327.	We also congratulate the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose reunification after the brilliant victory of 1975 was welcomed in the People's Republic of Congo as a great event in the history of the struggle of peoples to regain their freedom. The presence in our midst of the Vietnamese delegation is magnificent proof of the assertion that just causes always triumph in the end.
328.	The victory of the Vietnamese people, on whom 30 years of futile war were imposed, gives us added resolve in our unverving support for liberation struggles.
329.	We also believe that the peaceful reunification of Korea is inevitable. It is not a good policy always to refuse to face the facts.
330.	We are also convinced of the coming victory of the Palestinian people and other Arab peoples. A people cannot renounce its fundamental rights, even if it is subjected to all kinds of crafty reprisals. We are following with keen interest the preparations for the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. We remain convinced that no lasting solution to this problem can be found without the actual participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole representative of the Palestinian people.
331.	A study of the social and economic situation of the world reveals that anachronistic situations persist. It is not right to wish to perpetuate them. The rule of force only lasts for a time. The challenges facing mankind—economic crises, unequal development, malnutrition, illiteracy, ecological problems, pollution, the difficulties of mastering science and technology—can only be met if we deliberately make use of all the capabilities, all the recourses and all the resources at our disposal. The problem of mankind's survival in a world which is continually faced with profound material, cultural and spiritual crises is an immense problem which requires the mobilization of the gifts and the energies we still have available.
332.	The appeal which we are making for a more equal world is not an appeal for generosity or a spirit of sacrifice on the part of the so-called  rich  in favour of so many million so-called  poor . It is fundamentally an appeal to one and all to realize the true dimensions of the crucial problem of contemporary international relations.
333.	I should lie to elaborate. During the seventeenth century—not to go back farther in history-approximately 500 million human beings lived on our planet; in 1900 mankind numbered more than 1.6 billion. Today there are some 4 billion, and this population will rapidly increase if present tendencies continue, particularly in the third world.
334.	Mankind today seems to have overshot the mark in accumulating atomic bombs and chemical and bacteriological weapons, in squandering natural resources and in polluting the atmosphere. Moreover, the poorest but most densely populated regions are helping to increase the well-being of the richest.
335.	The fundamental problem today, which is evoked by the theme of the  new international economic order , is truly the economic and political transformation of mankind.
336.	The cultural progress of humanity will from now on make all societies acutely aware of the solidarity of all human beings. This solidarity of all mankind generates respect for one another and a collective commitment to the great common enterprise of the building of peace and the welfare of mankind.
337.	But today all seems to lead to merciless confrontations because of the obstinacy of a few whose reactions to the grave problems of our day are mere agonizing and selfishness.
338.	That explains man's inability to adjust to the present situation; that is what is complicating the solutions to problems. It is not a question of increasing the volume of our charity, but of sharing resources, knowledge and the applications of science more equitably; it is a question of better prices for third-world products, of a better international division of labour, in the interest of the whole international community
339.	It would be unnatural to dissociate human rights from the immense problem which I have just underscored. Humanity cannot achieve a superior civilization if men are not treated as such or if they are subjected to the most persistent and the crudest estrangement.
340.	It is therefore highly appropriate that our efforts should be directed towards the protection of man, so long as we see the problem in all its dimensions: political, economic, cultural, social. Within our different societies, we have' too great a tendency to consider man from a social angle and to limit his rights to a few formal guarantees, while socially, economically, politically and culturally he is being destroyed. Man must be considered as a whole, and human rights constitute a whole. Human rights must increase man's freedom and lead to further responsibility and to greater solidarity among mankind.
341.	In conclusion, to change, to renew our ways of thinking, our attitudes and our behaviour is undoubtedly the most urgent task today, in view of the grave problems of this century, which is coming to an end. Our hope closely linked to our duty is one with the ardour of our Organization, which is more than ever enlightened and supported by the legitimate ambitions of mankind in revolt.


1.	 Mr. President, it is with particular pleasure that I extend to you sincere congratulations upon your unanimous and well-deserved election to the high office of the presidency of this General Assembly session. Year election is a tribute paid to you personally for your outstanding qualities of statesmanship, experience and diplomatic skill and, at the same time, it is an added recognition of the leading role played in world affairs by your country. We, in Cyprus, have always attached great importance to the very close ties we have maintained with Yugoslavia, reinforced through many years by the friendship between our late President, Archbishop Makarios, and President Tito, two of the co-founders of the non-aligned movement, born at the historic Belgrade Conference at which I, too, had the privilege to participate. We have always felt that in Yugoslavia, as indeed in the non-aligned movement as a whole, Cyprus has a friend in its hour of need.
2.	Likewise, I wish to pay a warm tribute to Ambassador Amerasinghe, the representative of Sri Lanka, another fellow non-aligned country, for the outstanding way in which he discharged the onerous responsibilities of the presidency of the General Assembly during its last session. We trust that, as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, he will continue to offer his effective leadership and unique experience towards the early and successful conclusion of this- very important undertaking of the international community.
3.	I should also like to express our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his endeavours for the promotion of the objectives of the Organization generally and, more particularly, for his untiring efforts with regard to the solution of the Cyprus problem in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and its relevant resolutions.
4.	I also wish to express gratification at yet another step towards the universality of this Organization through the admission to membership of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti, and to welcome them in our midst. We are convinced that their presence will have a favourable impact upon international relations and will positively contribute towards peace, co-operation and mutual understanding.
5.	As we embark upon this important session of the General Assembly, it is relevant to address ourselves to the fundamental questions which the Secretary-General raises in his report on the work of the Organization.
"What...", he asks, "is the real position of the United Nations in the affairs of the world? Is it really a central element in the foreign policies of most Governments? Do its hard-fought resolutions, decisions and guidelines have a strong bearing on the conduct of nations? " I cannot, of course, speak for others but in so far as my own country is concerned we have always held the firm conviction that to all these questions the answer should be a resounding "Yes".
6.	The principles of the Charter have always been central to our foreign policy. We have supported positions consistent with such principles and have invariably maintained that the various international problems and issues considered by the United Nations should be solved through the implementation of its resolutions. Since its emergence to independence from colonial rule—and not only from the time we have been faced by a dire problem ourselves— Cyprus has been" United Nations-minded, endeavouring by word and deed to enhance the effectiveness of the Organization and to promote the universal application of its principles and the full implementation of its resolutions.
7.	In saying this, I do so not only in answer to the very pertinent questions posed by the Secretary-General but also because I strongly believe that this basic philosophy of making the United Nations and its principles and resolutions central to the foreign policies of Member States is-or ought to be-common to all Member States, and especially to those which emerged to independence from colonial rule and are politically non-aligned, economically developing and militarily weak. I believe that this philosophy should be shared by all, and indeed the Charter m legal terms is equally binding on all if the United Nations is to become truly effective and achieve its basic objectives for collective security and economic development.
8.	In this respect, the convening of a special session of the General Assembly in 1978 on disarmament constitutes a major development.
9.	The special session can prove a success if the opportunity is taken for a more thorough and enlightened examination of the problem of disarmament in its close relation to, and dependence on, international order and security through the United Nations, as provided in the Charter.
10.	Progress on disarmament presupposes the cessation of the arms race, but nations cannot abandon their armaments in a vacuum. There must be an effective system of international security through the United Nations in accordance with the. Charter so that nations may feel safe in abandoning the course of armaments. In our technologically advanced world of close interdependence, the security of nations can no longer rest on the outdated concept of the balance of power, which is tantamount to a balance of weapons, since that inevitably implies an ever-escalating arms race in the effort to retain the balance. In consequence, this race has resulted in astronomical figures of wasted resources in preparation for a war which, if it should occur, would mean total catastrophe for mankind.
11.	The pattern of world order provided for in the Charter depends on the effective functioning of the Security Council. According to the Charter, the Security Council shall not only "determine the existence of any . .. breach of the peace, or act of aggression" but also decide what effective measures shall be taken to restore peace and security. Those provisions of the Charter are mandatory, and rightly so, since the availability of enforcement action for Security Council decisions is the corner-stone of international security and legal order through the United Nations.
12.	Therefore, no realistic prospect of disarmament can exist until the international community, recognizing the imperative need to comply with the Charter for international security through the United Nations, finds a new approach more adapted to the urgent requirements of our times.
13.	The enormous waste of resources resulting from the absence of an agreement on disarmament brings into focus the widening gap between the rich and the poor, which is one of the main sources of tensions and conflicts in the world today. The developing countries have become more and more dependent on unpredictable and exogenous factors and, consequently, their sustained development is becoming increasingly more difficult.
14.	Our position is that the international community must take a global view of development. Just as in any particular country richer regions help and contribute to the development of the poorer regions, in the world community of multilateral organizations richer countries and countries endowed by nature with ample resources have a corresponding duty to help poorer countries. It is only thus that progress can be achieved towards the establishment of a new and fairer international economic order, which in the long term would also be in the interest of the developed countries.
15.	It has been rightly observed that, perhaps more than in any other field of international activity, in the field of human rights we face the wide gap between idealistic declarations and hard realities. This is no doubt due to the failure to translate declarations into actions, in spite of the fact .that respect of individual dignity and fundamental freedoms is a solemn undertaking expressly contained in the Charter as well as in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
16.	It is a source of satisfaction that the International Covenants on Human Rights entered into force in 1976 and, therefore, the review mechanism provided by them has already been established, thus offering additional guarantees for the protection of human rights by the States legally bound by the Covenants. We would therefore express the hope that the countries which have not as yet ratified the two Covenants will soon do so.
17.	The effort to ensure universal respect for human rights and the struggle for the elimination of racial discrimination in general and of apartheid in particular have been given a new impetus following the signing on 1 August 1975 in Helsinki of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and the adoption of the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid.
18.	Turning to a more specific issue, we welcome the recent signature of the Panama Canal treaties. They represent, we think, a fair and reasonable agreement arrived at through negotiations in accordance with the principle of, the peaceful settlement of international disputes on an issue involving fundamental points of principle. This is an event of historic significance and furnishes an excellent example of how long-standing, thorny and potentially explosive international problems can be solved if approached by those concerned with goodwill, a spirit of compromise and genuine respect of each other's position and legitimate interests.
19.	As very aptly stated by the Secretary-General in his report,
"The situations in southern Africa, the Middle East and
Cyprus are serious in themselves and also have very
special implications for international peace and security."

Indeed, in all three situations fundamental issues of principle are involved and striking similarities exist.
20.	In South Africa the situation has deteriorated because of the intensification of the abhorrent policy of apartheid and has resulted in massacres of the African population in Soweto and elsewhere. My country has always by word and deed demonstrated its solidarity with the African people. We unreservedly condemn the policy of apartheid. We have fully complied with the United Nations resolutions with regard to the South African regime, and we are resolutely opposed to the creation of artificial, bogus States-in itself an invidious form of partition—in a calculated effort by the racist regime to perpetuate its oppressive rule and to rob the African population of its birth right. In Namibia the illegal occupation by the Pretoria regime must be terminated, and its people must exercise the right to self- determination as prescribed in the relevant United Nations resolutions. In Zimbabwe there should be no independence before majority rule, and we welcome the efforts currently under way to achieve a negotiated solution, which should conform with the fundamental positions of principle contained in United Nations resolutions.
21.	In our neighbouring region of the Middle East the systematic defiance of the decisions of the United Nations and the illegal occupation of Arab territories continues and is in fact being consolidated through systematic efforts to change the demographic composition of these territories and through illegal settlements. We firmly support a just and lasting solution based on the relevant United Nations resolutions and the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people as defined in those resolutions. We also favour the early reconvening of the Geneva Conference on the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned, including representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization. In this respect we welcome as a step in the right direction the recent joint statement of 1 October 1977 by the Secretary of State of the United States and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union.
22.	For the fourth consecutive year the question of Cyprus is included in the agenda of the General Assembly as a major international problem.
23.	The membership of the United Nations is therefore not unaware of the series of devastating calamities brought upon the people of Cyprus, Greek and Turkish alike, through the double aggression and invasion by Turkey in July and August 1974. The membership is also fully aware that the Cyprus problem in its essence is one of aggression by Turkey, a large and militarily powerful State, against the Republic of Cyprus, a small and virtually defenceless non-aligned State. It is indeed because the problem of Cyprus involves the violation of the peremptory principles of the Charter regarding interstate relations that the United Nations is concerned with it.
24.	At its twenty-ninth session in 1974, the year of the invasion of Cyprus by the Turkish armed forces, the General Assembly, voicing the grave concern of the international community over the Turkish aggression and the serious situation created thereby, unanimously adopted the landmark resolution 3212 (XXIX). In its primary and key provisions this resolution calls for respect of the independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, for the speedy withdrawal from its territory o~ all foreign armed forces, for the cessation of foreign interference in its affairs, and
for the urgent return of the refugees to their homes in safety.
25.	This resolution was unanimously adopted by the General Assembly, with Turkey also casting its assenting vote. And it should be noted that it stands endorsed by resolution 365 (1974) of the Security Council, and is thereby rendered mandatory. Regrettably, the attitude of Turkey towards these resolutions has been one of contemptuous disregard.
26.	The aggression against Cyprus and the systematic violation of the fundamental human rights of its people proceeded to increase before the eyes of the international community without any effective action being taken by the United Nations for the implementation of its resolutions on a matter involving the basic principles of the Charter. And therein lays not only the tragedy of Cyprus, but more widely the unfolding tragedy of an ineffective United Nations.
27.	Thus, Turkey, unrestrained by any effective measures, found it possible to pursue a policy of faits accomplis, and, using the Turkish Cypriot leadership as an instrument, proceeded to the purported setting up of a so-called Federated Turkish State of Cyprus.
28.	The Security Council, in its resolution 367(1975), rejected this unilateral action, reaffirmed its earlier resolution, and expressed its concern over all unilateral actions compromising the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions. The Security Council further called on the parties concerned to refrain from any action which might prejudice the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus as well as from any attempt at partition of the island or its unification with any other country. However, Ankara's policy of sowing intercommunal discord and divisiveness and promoting, through the oppressive presence of its army of occupation, its partitionist designs against Cyprus continued unabated, thus necessitating the adoption of new resolutions by the General Assembly and the Security Council.
29.	Turkey, in violation of international law, and of its commitments under the Geneva Conventions of 1949, proceeded further to trample underfoot the United Nations resolutions by further expulsions of indigenous Greek Cypriots from the occupied area, thus raising the number of the refugees to 200,000, namely, one third of the total population of Cyprus. Worse still, in their usurped homes and properties it settled colonizing populations massively imported from Turkey. The General Assembly, recognizing the grave threat against the demographic character of Cyprus resulting from the expulsions and the colonization called, by its resolution 3395 (XXX), for the cessation of any action aimed at changing the demographic structure of Cyprus.
30.	Last year, as a result of the continuing refusal of Turkey to comply with the aforementioned United Nations resolutions on Cyprus, the General Assembly, considering thus that the Cyprus crisis constitutes a threat to international peace and security, adopted resolution 31/12, by which it expressed the hope that the Security Council would consider appropriate steps for the implementation of its unanimous resolution 365 (1974).
31.	Recent developments regarding the attempts at colonization even of the new Famagusta area, which since 1974 had been sealed off pending arrangements for the return of its legitimate inhabitants to their homes and properties, further aggravated the already serious situation in the island. The Security Council, as recently as last month, by its resolution 414 (1977), disapproved of this action and expressed concern at the situation thereby created in the new Famagusta area. It further called once again for the urgent implementation of its resolution 365 (1974), endorsing General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX).
32.	I now turn to the intercommunal talks which, as provided in the resolutions, have as their subject-matter the internal aspect of the problem. All rounds of talks, despite the commendable efforts of the Secretary-General, have, two and a half years after their commencement, failed to produce any positive results due to the attitude of Turkey, which, by dictating the Turkish Cypriot position in the negotiations, has never allowed a constructive and meaningful dialogue to develop. And, in consequence, the negotiations were not freely conducted, as provided for in the relevant United Nations resolutions. Thus, the only purpose the talks have so far served has been to enable Turkey to cover up its faits accomplis by a pretence of negotiation to consolidate its military stranglehold over the occupied area.
33.	We have all along held the view that the process of the intercommunal talks is the best available means for the settlement of the internal aspect of the Cyprus problem. We have accordingly been supporting the commendable efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, to secure meaningful and substantive negotiations. These efforts, however, have so far produced no results because of the negative attitude of the Turkish side, which has been persistently refusing to submit concrete and comprehensive proposals to the subjects under negotiation, unlike the Greek Cypriot side.
34.	No problem is impossible to solve if substantive talks are conducted with goodwill and a common objective. This has been and continues to be our view. It is in this spirit that we welcome any initiative from any country which aims at assisting the Secretary-General in his difficult task, as long as such initiatives are kept within the framework of the United Nations.
35.	Similarly, we welcome any initiative aiming at the implementation of those provisions of the United Nations resolutions which refer to die external and international aspects of the Cyprus problem. With this in view we have consistently been supporting the proposal for the convening of a wide international conference on Cyprus, which we believe could make a positive contribution to the solution of the Cyprus problem.
36.	The present situation in Cyprus is fraught with grave danger and, if allowed to continue unchecked, could have very serious implications for peace and security in the sensitive region of the eastern Mediterranean.
37.	The solution of the problem of Cyprus revolves around the effective implementation of the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations. I believe that the time has come for the General Assembly to impress upon the Security Council the necessity of taking as a matter of urgency all measures warranted by the situation in order to bring about the long overdue implementation of the Council's resolutions on Cyprus and thereby put an end to the long suffering of the people of Cyprus, Greek and Turkish Cypriots alike.
38.	Failure of the United Nations expeditiously to promote the implementation of its * resolutions might be interpreted as tolerance or passive acceptance of Turkey's aggression and continuing military occupation of territory of the Republic of Cyprus and would run counter to the basic tenets of the Organization.
39.	I have come to this Assembly to seek justice for Cyprus and its people, on the respect for the principles of the Charter, of international law and of the human rights of all Cypriots. I have come here to seek justice for the 200,000 refugees who, for more than three years, are forcibly being kept away from their ancestral homes and lands, for all those who are being deprived of their basic human rights and fundamental freedoms, for the families of the over 2,000 missing persons whose fate is unknown. For these persons and on behalf of their families who live in the agony of uncertainty, I make a special plea that every possible effort be made to ascertain the fate of these missing persons.
40.	In our interdependent world, it is in the common interest of all Member States, large and small, to strengthen the efficacy and the role of the United Nations as an instrument-the only universal instrument we have-for the achievement of peace, co-operation and progress in the world. The United Nations has ushered in a new era in international affairs by providing objective standards of behaviour based on principles and by democratizing international relations. Its failures are primarily those of its Members and not of the Organization itself. It is up to the Member States to do what they can in order to strengthen the United Nations and render it the dynamic instrument for peace and progress that it ought to be and can be.