First of all, on behalf of the Government of Sao Tome
and Principe, and in my own name, I would like to
congratulate Vuk Jeremić on his election as President
of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session.
I am convinced that his experience as Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia will be a most
positive contribution to strengthening the affirmation
of the principles of the United Nations Charter for
world security and peace, and I trust that he will lead
the work of this session with clarity and balance.
The Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe
also wishes to express its great appreciation for the
work of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and for his
role in expanding our Organization and encouraging
it to continue its efforts to achieve the objectives of
world peace and security. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank Ambassador Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser for his highly positive contribution during
the sixty-sixth session.
As it did during the debates of the sixty-sixth
session of the General Assembly, the Democratic
Republic of Sao Tome and Principe reiterates its
hope that the United Nations will play a key role in
mediating international conflicts. Unfortunately, today
we continue to look on with concern as conflicts that
could jeopardize international peace and security
persist and further exacerbate the deep economic and
financial crisis that is devastating the world. Sadly,
our Organization continues to suffer from roadblocks
that prevent urgent decisions from being taken and
that undermine this forum’s credibility. That inaction
translates into impunity for leaders who martyrize their
own peoples, paving the way for more international
disorder, despair and the sentiment of injustice that is
experienced when peoples receive unequal treatment.
We need no further evidence of the urgency for
in-depth reforms of our Organization, primarily the
Security Council, than our inability to put an end to
the horrific images of children, symbols of purity and
innocence, who are killed daily in Syria, to prevent the
destruction of the world’s historic and cultural heritage,
as by gangs of destructive criminals in Mali and in
Afghanistan, and to forestall coups d’état or obvious
attempts to destabilize States and democratically elected
Governments that in fact solve nothing and irreparably
delay the lengthy process of building democracy and
fighting poverty.
We must prevent the disintegration of territories
and remedy the abnormal and degrading situations
of peoples who have already suffered from the
poverty and exclusion created by a lack of democratic
leadership or of effective and democratic rule of law.
In the specific case of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau,
with which Sao Tome and Principe maintains deeply
rooted historic, cultural and linguistic links, the
international community should bring both firmness
and persistence to bear in finding a credible, inclusive
and lasting solution that will ensure that coups d’état
do not recur in that country. To do so necessarily
requires a reform of the armed forces as well as a
strong warning to the political class as a whole to make
a steadfast commitment to respect political dialogue
and democratic legality. On our side, we will continue
to make efforts, in cooperation with the Community
of Portuguese-speaking Countries and other engaged
regional and international organizations, to guarantee a
better future for the people of Guinea-Bissau.
Regarding the occupation of the north of the
Republic of Mali by groups of terrorists and the persistent
conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sao
Tome and Príncipe acknowledges and applauds the
efforts the international community has made through
the United Nations and the African Union to establish
peace, security and stability. However, it seems that it is
becoming increasingly essential for us to ask the States
that share borders with those two African countries to
establish more effective, intelligent and effective ways
to cooperate, based on trust and on a matrix of mutually
beneficial and realistic economic interests.
It is common knowledge that the forces of
destabilization, despair and terror are fuelled and
furthered by differences and distrust between
States, which in turn paralyses the international
decision-making process. However, we must point out
positive signs in the trends of a few conflicts on the
African continent, such as the cases of the Republics of
the Sudan, South Sudan and Somalia. Consequently, we
cannot fail to applaud the recent agreement signed by the
Republic of the Sudan and South Sudan. Through that
framework, the two countries will be able to live in peace
and harmony. We also welcome the positive role of the
African Union Mission in Somalia, which paves the way
to returning the political, economic and social situation
of that country and the region to normalcy. Moreover,
in our opinion, the important recommendations of the
Secretary-General’s report on the situation concerning
the Western Sahara (S/2012/197) are a positive asset for
a permanent resolution.
The social movements that took place in North
Africa in 2011, which had the merit of reinstating
the right to freedom and democracy for the different
peoples, were popular movements that in many cases
were mobilized through social networking and modern
instruments of technical communication. Various
situations of insecurity and reprehensible acts, as well
as the acts recently committed in Benghazi of which
American diplomats were the victims, raise the issue of
how we may live in this new context of the circulation
and dissemination of images and information at the
global level, in a world that we want to be free, open
and tolerant, but in which large segments of the world
population still live in a state of extreme poverty, with
no access to education and with the growing conviction
that they face exclusion and discrimination.

How do we deal with the offences committed
by people, including even some persons with public
political responsibilities such as State leaders, who
fail to recognize the right of other peoples and States
to exist? In that regard, we would like to take the
opportunity that this platform affords us to express
to the mourning families of diplomats, journalists,
members of non-governmental organization and
peacekeepers our sincere and deep condolences as well
as our unfailing solidarity. Our ongoing obligation to
work to build a better world and to invest in education
and the promotion of human and democratic values is
fundamental, beginning with Member States complying
with all United Nations resolutions.
The massacres in Syria must cease, the integrity
and security of the State of Israel must be effectively
guaranteed, the Palestinian people must have their
own State, the embargo against Cuba must end,
countries, including Iran, must have the right to civil
nuclear technology and must scrupulously observe the
commitments that that entails, and polluters must be
the principal payers. It must be our ambition, and not
a mere hope, to ensure that we return here next year
with an agenda that includes fewer of these troublesome
issues, many of which are recurring.
We are pleased to note a few positive signs in the
dialogue between the Republic of China on Taiwan
and the People’s Republic of China on the one hand,
and, on the other, the willingness of the United States
Congress and the European Parliament to admit Taiwan
as a member of international organizations. Sao Tome
and Principe supports initiatives such as these, which
will make it possible for the people of Taiwan to make a
significant contribution to international issues without
ignoring the necessity for the two parties in the Straits
of Formosa to work peacefully to agree to frame and
normalize their relations.
The High-level Meeting that preceded the general
debate was an excellent opportunity for Member States
to share information on how democratic reforms are
being implemented and the rule of law strengthened
both in individual countries and at the international
level. It is very pleasing that this discussion is leading
to significant progress in implementing the democratic
and institutional reforms that can help to strengthen the
rule of law, internally and internationally. In that regard,
Sao Tome and Principe congratulates the Republic
of Angola on its recent successful and transparent
general elections, since they also constitute another
step towards strengthening the democratic process in
its sister country of Sao Tome and Principe.
Threats to our global security, particularly
transnational crimes such as piracy and the trafficking
and sale of arms and drugs, are a matter of great concern
for Sao Tome and Principe, a country with a long
coastline located in the Gulf of Guinea. Such events
are threats that we cannot ignore; they demand that we
cooperate as closely as possible both with the States
we share the coastline with and the other partners and
organizations that have experience in dealing with such
issues, and adopt mechanisms — which we resolve to
strengthen — for preventing, managing and resolving
conflicts caused by organized crime in order to improve
our collective security.
In that context, we applaud the important resolutions
2018 (2011) and 2039 (2012) adopted by the Security
Council on maritime safety and security in the Gulf
of Guinea. As part of the Gulf of Guinea region, we
repeat our firm pledge to do everything we can, jointly
with our partners, to prevent that region, rich as it is in
raw materials of strategic importance to industrialized
economies, from becoming a stage for maritime piracy
and other scourges that hinder economic trade, peace
and security in the region. To that end, we reiterate that
we are absolutely ready and willing to help implement
initiatives to hold an international summit on maritime
piracy in the Gulf of Guinea.
The substantial transformations that have occurred
in the international political arena as a result of the grave
global financial crisis have forced the citizens of small
States, and of Sao Tome and Principe in particular, to
make major sacrifices. In that regard, Sao Tome and
Principe believes that the continuing international
and economic financial crisis and its effects on the
economies of small countries, which have included
reductions and slowdowns in official international aid,
tend to threaten social cohesion as well as previous
improvements in fiscal discipline, the business climate
and political stability itself. The acceptability of
controlling and reducing public deficits in developing
countries such as ours is reaching its limits where
our citizens are concerned, and good governance now
demands measures that can effectively jump-start our
economies through productive investments.
We believe that the most vulnerable populations,
in both the northern and southern hemispheres of our
planet, are demanding changes in the practices and rules of the international financial system, and new
world financial governance that is better able to hold
accountable the financial stakeholders and speculators
who undermine the efforts of Governments and their
peoples to develop economies that bring progress.
Internally, the Government of the Democratic
Republic of Sao Tome and Principe is making efforts
to reduce poverty and increase transparency in public
management and economic growth. Institutional
reforms in the areas of public finance, justice and
national defence, whose purpose is to strengthen the
capacities of our democratic institutions and develop
the country, have been progressing at a good pace.
Regarding the Millennium Development Goals, for
which the United Nations has set a deadline of 2015,
the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe can
report significant progress, particularly in the areas
of education, with a literacy rate of 92 per cent of the
population, and health, especially in the fight against
malaria. However, we realize that meeting the deadline
will require further effort.
To achieve those goals, our country hopes to
continue to receive support in many forms from the
international community. In that regard, I would like
to take this opportunity to extend the sincere thanks of
the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe to
the entire international community, and in particular
UNESCO and all of its member States, for designating
the island of Principe a UNESCO World Biosphere
Reserve, thus recognizing and providing further
incentives for our efforts to defend and preserve the
environment.
I would like to conclude by repeating that the
Government of Sao Tome and Principe, which I have
the honour of representing, stands ready and willing to
take part in efforts to mobilize the will and synergy
needed to achieve the honourable goals that guided the
creation of the United Nations.


On behalf of
Ukraine, I sincerely congratulate Mr. Vuk Jeremić on
his election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-seventh session. I wish him every success in the
post and hope that all his actions bear fruit.
The theme of this year’s debate, “Bringing about
adjustment or settlement of international disputes or
situations by peaceful means”, is always a pressing
one. That imperative was enshrined in the Charter of
the United Nations by its founding members, including
Ukraine. I am convinced that the fundamental principle
of the peaceful settlement of disputes remains today
the cornerstone of the modern system of international
relations. It is the underlying mission of our Organization
and the immediate duty of every Member State.
Today, we are closely watching the situation in
Syria, which remains extremely alarming. Ukraine
shares the deep concern of the international community
regarding the escalation of violence in that country. We
call on all relevant parties to make every effort to settle
the conflict on the basis of respect for the principles of
the Charter of the United Nations and the universally
recognized principles of international law.
The people of Ukraine have never been and will
never be indifferent to human suffering. We make no
distinction between our grief and that of others. Last
year, thanks to Ukraine’s humanitarian mission to
Libya, people of many nationalities, mostly women and
children, were evacuated and saved from hostilities. In
referring to that case, we are speaking not just about
one action but about Ukraine’s resolute intention to use
its capabilities to protect civilian populations in hot
spots.

That is why this year, when the situation in Syria
deteriorated, we immediately evacuated the first group
of Ukrainian and Polish citizens who had stated their
intention to return home. Let me assure the Assembly
that any Ukrainian aircraft and ships available for
evacuation purposes in hot spots will always be at
the disposal of those in need of help, regardless of
their nationality. Ukraine has approved a decision to
extend humanitarian assistance using United Nations
mechanisms to Syria’s internally displaced persons and
refugees. I am confident that through the joint efforts of
the international community we will manage to ensure
the safety of the civilian population in Syria. I believe
in international solidarity in that regard.
Recently, on 11 September, we witnessed the
tragic attack on the United States consulate in Libya.
Ukraine roundly condemns any act of violence against
diplomatic missions and their personnel.
For many years, Ukraine has actively supported
the expansion of preventive diplomacy in international
relations, with, of course, the leading role played by
the United Nations. Guided by that approach, Ukraine
initiated a dialogue in the Human Rights Council on the
prevention of human rights violations, in particular by
initiating a relevant thematic resolution.
Mr. Kanda (Ghana), Vice-President, took the Chair.
Ensuring early conflict prevention was among
the key elements stressed by Ukraine during its first
membership in the Security Council as an independent
State, in 2000-2001. We also are conducting relevant
work in the Peacebuilding Commission. The same goal
features among the priorities of Ukraine’s chairmanship
of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE) in 2013.
We intend, during our OSCE chairmanship, to
make every effort to strengthen security in our region
and to consolidate the democratic institutions of
Member States. We will also promote the enhancement
of the OSCE’s efficiency as a regional organization,
in accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter of the
United Nations. We will also underscore the need for
new impetus to be given to the resolution of protracted
conflicts in Europe and to address new threats and
challenges to security, in particular energy security.
We will strive to increase OSCE efficiency in early
conflict prevention. The Ukrainian chairmanship will
actively contribute to the deepening of international  cooperation and dialogue so as to maintain stability,
resolve crisis situations and ensure post-conflict
reconstruction. We will devote special attention to
negotiations on the Transdniestria conflict; Ukraine
has for many years actively participated in efforts to
settle that conflict.
We will promote in every possible way the Nagorno
Karabakh settlement process, as well as the Geneva
discussions on security and stability in the Caucasus.
I would like to stress that Ukraine, as a non-bloc
State, cannot but be concerned with the erosion of
the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe.
We consider that international legal document to be
a cornerstone of stability on the continent and that
therefore States parties should make every effort to
ensure its fully fledged and efficient application.
Ukraine, in the framework of its OSCE
chairmanship, will therefore pay special attention to
the resolution of the crisis surrounding that Treaty.
Peaceful settlement and conflict prevention will be the
foundation and the starting point of Ukraine’s activities
if it is elected to non-permanent membership in the
Security Council for 2016-2017.
At the beginning of this year, Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon made public a five-year Action Agenda
for the Organization. We fully support the priorities
identified in the agenda and consider them a road map
for United Nations activities in the near future.
We are currently going through a period of
unprecedented change. Unfortunately, and especially
in view of the world crisis, there are global tendencies
towards the stagnation of economic development,
growing poverty and social inequality, and increasing
instability in certain States and regions.
It stands to reason that the only way to effectively
counteract those threats is for the international
community to deploy joint efforts. In that regard, we
deem it especially advisable to increase the efficiency
of international cooperation among security and law-
enforcement agencies, develop best practices for
addressing new challenges and threats, and introduce
reliable confidence-building measures.
It should be noted that this year’s United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) left
open a number of issues, given the close interconnection
of the environmental and socioeconomic aspects of
modern life. However, we view the Rio+20 Conference as an important milestone in the development of
international cooperation under the auspices of the
United Nations in that sphere. The outcome document
of the Conference has proved the ability of countries
of different political and economic weights to reach a
compromise, even in today’s difficult times.
We support the complex approach that has been
initiated in connection with sustainable energy for
all, sustainable consumption and production, the
elimination of hunger, and ensuring urban infrastructure
development.
Ukraine welcomes the decision of the Conference
to consolidate the United Nations Environment
Programme with a view to a system-based management
of the whole complex spectrum of environmental
problems.
We deeply appreciate the establishment of a high-
level political forum on sustainable development and
the creation of an intergovernmental working group
that will chart post-2015 sustainable development
goals. That theme is of special interest for Ukraine,
as demonstrated by the voluntary presentation of
Ukraine’s national achievements with respect to the
Millennium Development Goals, which took place
at the Economic and Social Council in July. I avail
myself of this opportunity to assure the Assembly that
participation in the sustainable development efforts of
the United Nations will remain Ukraine’s unwavering
priority.
Global, man-made climate change represents a
threat on a planetary scale. Therefore, we consider
efforts to counteract that challenge to be a priority task
for humankind as a whole. Let me note that Ukraine
has voluntarily acceded to the second commitment
period of the Kyoto Protocol, undertaking to reduce
its greenhouse-gas emissions by 20 per cent by 2020.
Bearing that in mind, Ukraine will also promote
discussions, in the framework of its future OSCE
chairmanship, on the environmental impact of energy-
related man-made activity, energy efficiency and the
use of renewable energy sources.
Turning to international security problems, I
should like to stress that Ukraine is deeply committed
to the cause of bringing about a safer and more secure
world. That commitment emanates from the national
conscience of the people of Ukraine, who have
experienced the scourge of war, totalitarianism and
artificial famines, as well as the consequences of the Chernobyl disaster, the largest man-made disaster in
human history.
Therefore, Ukraine’s aspiration to save the world
from tragedies similar to those that we have experienced
stems from the very hearts of the Ukrainians people.
During the more than two decades of its independence,
Ukraine has been a steadfast supporter of global
nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. We have
voluntarily renounced the third-largest nuclear arsenal
in the world; we kept our word this year and completed
the removal of the last stocks of highly enriched
uranium from our country.
I consider those important steps, as well as
the Kyiv Summit on the Safe and Innovative Use
of Nuclear Energy, held last year, to be examples
worthy of following. I also view in that light the joint
declaration by Ukraine, Mexico and Chile — countries
that have made special efforts to neutralize the risks
of the exploitation of highly enriched uranium. The
declaration remains open for signing. Unfortunately,
the ambitious goal of the gradual complete liquidation
of nuclear weapons remains unachieved.
In that regard, we insist that the security guarantees
for States that have renounced their nuclear stockpiles
and made other strategic concessions should be
reflected in internationally binding legal instruments.
This year Ukraine marked the twentieth anniversary
of its participation in United Nations peacekeeping
operations.
I am truly proud of the contribution of the sons and
daughters of Ukraine — servicemen, law enforcement
officers and civilian personnel who have served and
continue to serve the noble ideals of peace under the
United Nations f lag. During these years, over 34,000
Ukrainians have performed noble peacekeeping
missions in over 20 international operations under the
United Nations mandate, from Guatemala to Timor-
Leste, from Croatia to Mozambique. The experience
they have acquired gives Ukraine the right to speak
about achievements and advantages, as well as
about problematic issues in modern United Nations
peacekeeping operations. The latter include the
threatening situation related to air mobility and legal
gaps in investigations of crimes committed against Blue
Helmets. I count on the continued support of Ukraine’s
initiatives aimed at resolving the current problems
facing United Nations peacekeeping operations.

Ukraine welcomes the successful completion of the
General Assembly’s High-level Meeting on the rule of
law that took place here in New York on 24 September.
At the Meeting, Ukraine announced the political
obligations that we will fulfil consistently. We are
certain that international efforts to ensure the rule of
law should remain centred around the United Nations.
At the same time, relevant international
organizations should continue to play an important role
in that sphere. For Ukraine, such an organization would
be the Council of Europe and its Venice Commission
in particular. Our close cooperation with the Council
and the Commission has assisted us in making steady
reforms to ensure the rule of law and thereby realize
our aspirations to European integration. That process
is actively promoted by Ukraine’s Constitutional
Assembly, a special political institution established to
find a nationwide consensus on the provisions of the
basic law. In the course of constructing and developing
Ukraine’s Constitution, we will study and take into
account best practices from other countries.
I am deeply confident that global advances in each of
the crucial areas I have mentioned would be impossible
without a United Nations that is more efficient, viable
and updated to the realities of the twenty-first century.
The key here is to deepen United Nations reform,
and primarily that of the Security Council. Ukraine’s
position is well known. We are ready to discuss all
progressive concepts of Security Council reform
capable of achieving the broadest possible consensus
among States Members of the United Nations. The
latter invariably make allowances for the legitimate
requirements of all regional groups, in particular those
of Eastern Europe.
Only the United Nations is up to the task of
strengthening humankind to face contemporary
challenges. The united will of all 193 Member States
represents an overwhelming force capable of coping
with the most complicated global crises. We must
strengthen and preserve our unity. I believe that the
sixty-seventh session of the General Assembly will be
conducive to that noble goal.


Let me begin by
congratulating Mr. Jeremić on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh
session. My delegation assures him of its full support in
the discharge of his responsibilities.
I also take this opportunity to place on record our
profound appreciation to the outgoing President, His
Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for having
successfully presided over the sixty-sixth session of the
Assembly. Let me also express our sincere gratitude
to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his strong
commitment and dedication in serving the United
Nations.
In establishing the United Nations at a time when
the world was emerging from the ashes of successive
devastating wars, our founding fathers envisioned
a peaceful, stable, just and prosperous world. Nearly
seven decades later, the lofty objectives of the United
Nations Charter are yet to be fully realized. Threats to
international peace and security remain unabated, with
traditional sources of threats continuing alongside the
emergence of new sources and forms of conflict. In
fact, the sense of insecurity seems to be more pervasive today as people around the world continue to face a
wide range of situations, characterized by the legacy
of colonialism, injustice, domination, exploitation,
hatred, intolerance, exclusion, xenophobia and so on.
Economic insecurity in the face of the heightened global
economic and financial crises and fierce competition
for dwindling resources and energy security also play
their part in generating tensions in many parts of the
world.
The concept of collective security being the core
pillar of the United Nations Charter has often been
undermined through recourse to dispute-settlement
means that are outside the purview of a multilateral
mechanism. Unilateralism and the selective
interpretation of the provisions of the Charter risk
inciting more conflict and confrontation rather than
understanding and cooperation. That necessitates
wider respect and observance of the principles of
sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence
and non-interference as the bedrock principles of
international relations. Those principles cannot
and should not be put to the political test under any
circumstances.
The growing challenges do not mean that the role
and importance of the United Nations have diminished,
but rather demand a more effective and stronger
Organization. We must internalize that reality and
move forward, grasping the true spirit of its founding
principles and purposes.
Nepal supports a just and lasting solution to the
Middle East. It is our principled position to support
the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to self-
determination and a fully independent and sovereign
Palestinian State on the basis of the United Nations
resolutions. The peaceful and secure coexistence of the
independent States of a sovereign Palestine and Israel
are crucial to ensuring lasting peace in the Middle East.
We call for an end to the violence and the peaceful
resolution of the Syrian crisis by the Syrian people
themselves. The sovereignty, territorial integrity and
independence of Syria must be upheld.
We are of the firm opinion that the protracted
embargo on Cuba is unjustified and needs to be ended
immediately and unconditionally.
We recognize the legitimate rights of every
sovereign State to pursue the development of nuclear
technology solely for peaceful purposes and under effective international supervision. We stand firmly
against nuclear proliferation, the arms race and the
misuse of nuclear technology for ulterior motives.
We strongly oppose and renounce violence and
physical attacks on diplomats anywhere under any
pretext.
We reiterate our call for general and complete
elimination of nuclear and all other weapons of mass
destruction in a time-bound manner. The international
community should work in unison to strengthen
controls over small arms and light weapons to prevent
their pervasive abuse by criminal elements.
It is heartening to note that, as a major troop-
contributing country, Nepal has already provided
over 92,000 professional and dedicated peacekeepers
to the United Nations for various operations since its
first participation in 1959. We remain steadfast in our
commitment to international peace and security and
affirm that our contribution to that noble cause will
continue. While calling for timely reforms in that
f lagship activity, we stress the importance of equitable
representation of troop-contributing countries, at the
leadership level, both at United Nations Headquarters
and in field missions.
I would like to reaffirm Nepal’s unreserved
condemnation of terrorism wherever it occurs and in
all its forms and manifestations. We renew our call
for an expeditious conclusion of the negotiations on a
comprehensive convention on international terrorism.
As we continue to combat terrorism, we must not forget
that durable peace can be built only on the firm pillars
of the prevention of conflict, the peaceful resolution of
disputes, persistent efforts for disarmament, poverty
reduction, development and respect for diversity,
fairness and justice. There is a need to differentiate
between terrorism and struggles for liberation, freedom
and sustainable peace and development.
Our commitment to democracy, human rights, the
rule of law and inclusive development is unf linching.
The mutually reinforcing effects of such principles foster
the active participation of the people in governance
processes towards safeguarding peace, security
and development. To address Nepal’s post-conflict
transition needs, we have established mechanisms and
processes for the protection and promotion of human
rights and for their monitoring at the highest level and
at various tiers of the sub-national level. As a party to 22 human rights conventions,
including seven core instruments, we have established
several laws that ensure the rights of all sectors of
society, including women, children and marginalized
and deprived communities. We are committed to
controlling cross-border human trafficking and to
doing our utmost to ensure that the rights and interests
of migrant workers are protected in countries that are
destinations for labour. The National Human Rights
Commission, which is an independent constitutional
body, operates as the country’s all-powerful watchdog
for the protection and promotion of human rights.
We are committed to strengthening that specialized
national institution as a true custodian of human rights.
Nepal has provided shelter to a large number of
refugees on humanitarian grounds. While we appreciate
the assistance of the international community in
supporting refugees, we reiterate that their voluntary
repatriation to their homeland with dignity and honour
is the only durable solution to the refugee problem.
We underscore that the rule of law at the
international level is as important as at the national level
in ensuring the sovereign equality of all States, respect
for their territorial integrity and political independence
and non-intervention in their internal affairs. Those
are essential principles for peaceful coexistence and
mutual cooperation among States.
The issue of sustainable development has come
to the forefront of today’s global discourse. It was the
focus of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20). We believe that we need to
pursue not only sustainable development goals, but
also a development path towards equal prosperity
through meaningful development opportunities by
eradicating the deeply entrenched inequalities and
global exploitative practices. In our opinion, freeing
all human beings from the dehumanizing clutches of
poverty and hunger should be the first essential step
towards that end. The outcome document of Rio+20
(resolution 66/288, annex) sets out a broad framework
for global action for “The future we want” and a post-
2015 global development agenda. The need of the hour
is to ensure effective implementation.
As we all have come to realize, climate change is
one of the greatest challenges of our time. Its insidious
effects are visible everywhere and are compounded
by disasters of increasing magnitude and frequency.
Countries like Nepal, which make a negligible contribution to greenhouse gases but have to bear the
disproportionate brunt of the impacts of climate change,
deserve special assistance in creating and maintaining
climate-resilient societies. Negotiations under the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change should continue to be guided by the principle
of common but differentiated responsibilities in letter
and spirit. Nepal hopes that the successor mechanism
of the Kyoto Protocol ensures binding commitments
and climate justice. The various funding mechanisms
for climate change adaptation and mitigation measures
must be activated, and action must be taken on an
urgent basis.
The world we live in is more unjust today than when
we inherited it. Contrary to much-touted popular belief,
the profusion in knowledge, the revolution in science
and technology and increased mobility in ideas and
global capital, though often termed as advancements
characteristic of the modern world, have failed to
deliver significant contributions to making our planet
safer and more just. They could have, but that is not
the reality. It is an irony that our capacities to produce
goods and services have increased manyfold, leading
to an unprecedented accumulation of wealth, but over
one third of the world’s population is forced to live in
abject poverty.
The rapid globalization of finance and an
unsustainable consumption of resources have made
a few people enormously rich at the cost of the rest,
making for the greatest inequality among human beings
ever in history. Obviously, the transformative power of
globalization has not been utilized for the benefit of the
masses. The direction and pattern of the current form
of economic globalization therefore call for a change in
its mode of operation so that it becomes more inclusive
and responsive to the needs of poor and marginalized
people.
Nepal views the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)
and the Group of 77 and China as important multilateral
forums that should play an active role in advancing
the United Nations agenda, in line with the Charter
objectives of pursuing the shared goals of peace, progress
and prosperity. The principles and purposes of NAM are
of continued relevance in forging developing countries’
collective moral resolve to create an equitable, fair and
just world order, combating the conservative forces of
repression, invasion, intimidation and injustice. The
ideals of NAM, as reiterated at its recently held sixteenth
summit in Teheran, go a long way towards fostering better understanding and cooperative relations among
countries and peoples of the world.
The least developed countries (LDCs) are suffering
from dehumanizing marginalization and deprivation
of the basic necessities of life. This state of affairs
is a blemish on the sheer aff luence achieved in the
globalized world. Global sustainable development will
not be possible without sustainable development for the
LDCs, including substantial improvement in the quality
of life of their 880 million people. The world must pay
due attention in deeds as well as in words to the special
and different needs and requirements of the LDCs.
The landlocked LDCs (LLDCs), among which Nepal
figures, have to bear the additional disadvantages of
physical and non-physical barriers in trade. That results
in increased transactional costs for transit transport,
which renders their international trade uncompetitive.
Transit countries, regional groups, the international
financial institutions and other development partners
should work together to overcome those difficulties by
investing in transport infrastructure links and trade
facilitation measures. We underline the central role
of the United Nations in promoting the development
agenda, taking into account the special needs and
development challenges confronting the LDCs, the
LLDCs and other vulnerable groups of countries.
Timely and ongoing reforms of the United
Nations are necessary to strengthen and revitalize
this world body so that it can respond to increasing
global challenges. The General Assembly must be
strengthened and endowed with decision-making
power and authority commensurate with its global
representation. Nepal supports the expansion of the
Security Council in both member categories and hopes
to see greater accountability and transparency in its
working methods. The Economic and Social Council
must be strengthened for the promotion of international
economic cooperation, coordination, policy review and
dialogue. It must also formulate and develop the social
and economic agenda and work for the implementation
of agreed international development goals, with special
emphasis on development for LDCs, LLDCs and small
island developing States, among others.
We seek an increased role for the United
Nations system in global economic governance, with
strengthened coordination and cooperation with
the Bretton Woods institutions and the World Trade
Organization, to reflect the dynamics of change. Let me brief ly say a few words about the current
situation in my country. The historic task we face is
still to positively conclude the historical transition
we are undergoing as early as possible. We need the
Constituent Assembly to promulgate a new constitution
and we need to finally complete the peace process.
Based on the historic people’s movement of 2006, which
was the culmination of many decades of struggle by the
Nepalese people against autocracy, we abolished the
monarchy and established a republican State. We also
adopted other important principles, such as secularism,
federalism and inclusive, proportional representation
and participation, although they are yet to be codified
in a new constitution.
The Constituent Assembly was elected for the
first time in Nepal’s political history in 2008 and
was mandated to draft a constitution addressing the
aspirations of the people for change, a restructuring of
the State and an end to all forms of exploitation and
discrimination based on class, ethnicity, gender and
region. The Constituent Assembly worked for four
years to draft the new constitution and completed 80
to 90 per cent of the drafting, but never finalized the
text. Not having met its deadline, and after the Supreme
Court ruled against extensions, it was dissolved on
27 May this year.
We have made qualitative progress on the technical
side of the peace process, mainly the integration of
former Maoist combatants. There is no outstanding
problem left in that regard and the process is near
completion. A transitional justice mechanism is in place
to promote the peace and reconciliation process needed
for the completion of the peace process. But we have
yet to find a solution to the Constituent Assembly’s
inability to create a constitution. Political parties are
engaged in dialogue and negotiations in that regard
and are seriously committed to finding a consensus
solution. National consensus is the only option to find a
way out of the current impasse. We hope we will be able
to do so without excessive delay.
As we go through the process of institutionalizing
change, we are of the firm belief that democracy,
development and peace are interrelated and
interdependent. By “democracy”, we mean inclusive
and participatory democracy, and by “development”
we mean people-centred development with social
justice and socioeconomic transformation. Without
democracy and development, there cannot be lasting
and sustainable peace. And democracy, development, peace and stability should safeguard national
sovereignty. Thus democracy, development, peace and
national sovereignty are the major components of our
process of change. From our experience, we can say that
democracy has both universal and particular aspects.
We thank the international community, including
the United Nations, for its continued support for and
cooperation in our peace and constitution-making
process from the very beginning, and hope that it will
continue in the future.
Nature has blessed us with an outstanding mountain
range with gushing rivers, incredible biodiversity and a
landscape spectrum of contrast and vibrancy. We are
equally rich in ancient cultural heritage, multiple ethnic
cultures and a diverse mosaic of hardworking people.
We need a stable and peaceful environment if we are
to make effective use of those diverse endowments for
socioeconomic transformation, along with ongoing
State restructuring. Only then will it be possible to
translate the historic achievements we have made on
the political front into tangible results in economic and
human development terms.
As a symbolic gesture to institutionalize peace
for development in the national, regional and global
contexts, we want to develop Lumbini, the birthplace of
Lord Buddha, the apostle of peace, into an international
city of peace. In that respect, we call for international
support and cooperation to realize the initiative.
In conclusion, I would like in all humility to draw
the attention of all world leaders to the core reality
that if we do not reach the goal of global peace and
prosperity together, then nobody will. That is why we
must act together accordingly.


I congratulate Mr. Vuk
Jeremić and the people of Serbia on his election to
the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-
seventh session. I would like to assure him of Liberia’s
full cooperation and support as he carries out the
responsibilities entrusted to him in steering the affairs
of this session. I would also like to pay tribute to his
predecessor, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of the
State of Qatar, for his capable stewardship of the affairs
of the sixty-sixth session and the many bold initiatives undertaken in the interests of world peace during his
tenure.
My highest commendation goes to Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon, who continues to demonstrate
sound leadership in the face of new and complicated
challenges. He has begun his second term with renewed
vigour and a clear articulation of the priorities that
represent the major concerns of the international
community.
The selection of the theme for this session, which
calls for the settlement of disputes by peaceful means,
could not have been more appropriate. When we
review the state of the world, we see an international
landscape checkered with armed conflict, economic
crises and environmental degradation. For those who
have been through the painful experience of conflict,
including my own country, Liberia, this year’s theme
becomes very pertinent. The cost of conflict in lives
and infrastructural destruction makes us doubly
appreciative of the value of preventive action in
averting conflict. The need for conflict prevention
takes on added urgency, because most conflicts are
internal, engendered by marginalization, inequity and
injustice. It becomes imperative, therefore, to identify
and remove those triggers of conflict before they cause
explosions.
Our Government’s efforts to achieve the twin
objectives of conflict prevention and peace consolidation
are being reinforced through our engagement with the
peacekeeping and peacebuilding architecture of the
United Nations. In an environment of peace, we have
prioritized actions aimed at re-establishing the rule
of law by building the capacity of our institutions
and processes to deliver justice and security. We have
formulated a road map for national reconciliation to
ensure that peace is sustainable.
Our development partners, including the United
Nations and its specialized agencies, have remained
faithful to our national agenda. They have supported
our priority programmes for women’s empowerment,
increased agricultural productivity and food security,
roads and infrastructure, and job creation. All the United
Nations agencies must be supplied with the capacity to
provide support to Government programmes in those
areas. That is particularly critical for the new gender
entity, UN-Women, which is the youngest among them
and whose viability must be assured. We have made
strong strides in gender equality, but much more must
be done for girls’ education and women’s empowerment.
Tremendous progress has also been made in health-care
delivery.
We are particularly pleased by the recent UNICEF
report, which shows a sharp reduction in the level of
child mortality. However, there are still many challenges
to overcome before we can ensure universal access to
health care.
Many developing countries, such as Liberia, have
structured their economies around the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). While some countries
have made considerable progress in reaching some of
the Goals, many others will be unable to achieve them
by 2015. There is an emerging consensus that efforts
must be accelerated in order to achieve maximum
progress in reaching the MDGs over the next three
years.
I am honoured and humbled to have been selected
by the Secretary-General as one of the co-Chairs of
the High-level Panel of Eminent Persons on the Post-
2015 Development Agenda. We are mindful of the
difficulty of our task, which requires us to propose a
framework that builds on but goes beyond the MDGs
in the establishment of goals that are ambitious but
achievable. We know that the results of our work must
reflect the broad political consensus of the public and
private sectors and civil society. We know that the
defined goals should enable all people in all countries
to be freed from the shackles of poverty through
sustainable development.
Liberia remains fully committed to the ideals and
purposes of the United Nations. We believe that the
Organization should continue to occupy the centre of
global governance by leading efforts to meet our collective
challenges to peace, security and development. To meet
that objective, the intergovernmental negotiations on
Security Council reform need to come to an early and
logical conclusion. My Government is encouraged
that an increasing number of Member States support
the enlargement of the Council in both the permanent
and the non-permanent categories. That would ensure
a fairer and more equitable participation, ref lective of
the world demography. In that regard, Liberia supports
the African common position, based on the Ezulwini
Consensus adopted by the African Union.
In the same vein, we must ensure that the General
Assembly is revitalized in order for it to fully assume
all the responsibilities entrusted to it under the Charter.

It remains, after all, the most representative body of the
United Nations.
The high-level United Nations Conference on the
Arms Trade Treaty, which ended recently here in New
York, sought to develop the highest possible international
standards for the trade in conventional weapons.
However, strong national positions on that sensitive
global issue prevented an agreement on a binding arms
trade treaty. Yet, nations of goodwill and countries like
Liberia that have experienced devastation from the
illicit trade in and diversion of conventional weapons
must continue our strong advocacy, taking into account
the full range of differences and disagreements. We
would therefore encourage bilateral consensus-building
ahead of a new round of negotiations. At the same time,
we are convinced that the final draft text of the arms
trade treaty, though imperfect and incomplete, contains
essential elements, upon which future negotiations can
succeed.
We express our deep condolences on the death of
the United States Ambassador and staff and the Libyan
nationals in the attack on the United States consulate
in Benghazi. All nations should be concerned about
the spreading of violence in reaction to a film that
demonstrates unacceptable insensitivity to the Islamic
faith. Even in such circumstances, we must all be
mindful that democracy requires freedom — freedom
of ideas, freedom of association, freedom of religion
and, more important, freedom of expression. That
often results in statements and actions that may offend.
Tolerance, not violence, is the appropriate response to
prevent further violence. Liberia is a clear example,
where, were it not for our own tolerance of our new-
found freedom of expression, our country would be
back in chaos.
While the majority of the countries in our
subregion are consolidating economic and social
gains, underpinned by democratic processes, some
are, regrettably, still dogged by serious challenges
that risk undermining the peace and progress of the
entire region. We in Liberia, like many other countries
in the region and the world at large, were particularly
appalled by the unconstitutional unravelling of the
democratic Governments in Mali and Guinea-Bissau in
the early part of this year. We unequivocally condemn
such attempts to seize power through unconstitutional
means.
Accordingly, Liberia endorses the decisions of
the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), which sought the full restoration of
constitutional order in both countries in the shortest
time. Liberia enjoins the world community, particularly
the Security Council, to buttress the efforts of ECOWAS
in restoring peace in our region, most especially in
Mali.
As the current Chair of the four-nation Mano River
Union, comprising Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea and
Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia has committed itself to never
allowing an inch of its territory to be used in order
to destabilize its neighbours. In that context, we
categorically condemn all attempts to undermine the
peace and democratic gains in Côte d’Ivoire and are
working closely with the Ivorian authorities and the
United Nations peacekeeping bodies in both Liberia
and Côte d’Ivoire to protect and consolidate the peace in
our two countries. We call on all countries in our region
to work in concert so that those intent on destabilizing
some parts of our region are treated as enemies in all
parts of it.
We are all part of a rapidly changing world in which
the forces of globalization cannot be reversed. Our
farming systems must adjust to the unusual weather
conditions. The places where we live and work will
need, in some cases, to be relocated from traditional
safe areas. Our societies must also find responses to the
distractions resulting from the demonstration effect.
Developing countries, such as my own, must make
globalization work if we are to achieve our growth
targets and lift our people out of poverty. That means
greater commitment and effort on our part to create an
environment that ensures economic growth based on
mutual benefits and responsibilities.
Since its founding, Liberia has been a complex
nation, and the divisions that led to decades of war still
run deep.
Our experience clearly shows that success has its
pitfalls. Displaced citizens returning from refugee
camps in the subregion and deportees from around the
world swell the ranks of the desperate unemployed,
thereby intensifying our vulnerability. Communities
long deprived of basic services demand instant attention
to their individual needs, thereby straining our capacity.
Civil servants lacking a decent wage for two decades
rightfully clamour for raises, thereby undermining the
budgetary process.

As Liberia moves towards its tenth year of
sustained peace, we can say with conviction that our
country has turned the corner. Liberia is no longer a
place of conflict, war and deprivation. We are no longer
the country our citizens f led, our international partners
pitied and our neighbours feared. Our stabilization
efforts over the past six years have resulted in average
annual growth of over 6 per cent, major foreign
investment, expanded fiscal space and unprecedented
debt cancellation. More important, we have earned our
rightful place on an irreversible path to sustained peace,
growth and development. Our Vision 2030, resulting
from a robust nationwide consultation, is a long-
term programme for transformation that prioritizes
youth development, infrastructure, reconciliation and
capacity development.
Yet, our Government is keenly aware of the
challenges to be faced over the next three years.
United Nations peacekeeping forces are gradually
being withdrawn from Liberia. In our discussions
with various United Nations teams that have come to
Liberia — the technical assessment mission in March
and the Security Council delegation in May — we
have emphasized the need for a responsible transition,
through a gradual process occurring over a period
of three to five years. We also seek the alignment of
transitional activities with our budget cycle, reflecting
Government priorities.
We wish to express our appreciation to the United
Nations, which has been a very committed and effective
partner. We owe the Organization much gratitude for
preserving an enabling environment for peacebuilding
and State-building.
In conclusion, I wish to note that today, for the first
time in two generations, Liberia has a second successive
democratic Government elected by the will of the
people. Despite the distractions, local and external, our
people are determined to take their destiny into their
own hands, and determined that our ambitious goal of
making Liberia a middle-income country by the year
2030 will be achieved.


I speak on behalf of Mr. Paul Biya, President
of the Republic of Cameroon, who has had to remain in
Cameroon owing to painful circumstances. He asked
me to read the following statement.
“Allow me, first of all, to warmly congratulate
the President on his election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session.
The experience he brings as former head of the
diplomatic corps of his country leads me to believe
that he, like his predecessor, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser, will lead the discussions with the
requisite agility and talent. I would also like to express to Mr. Al-Nasser my country’s appreciation
for his action as President of the General Assembly
at its sixty-sixth session.
“Finally, I would like thank Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon for his devotion to serving the ideals
of the Organization.
“This has been an active year for the
Organization. We have held major meetings to
discuss the important questions of the day and
examined the most appropriate course of action to
address them. Allow me to return to two of them.
“First of all, there is Rio+20, the United
Nations Conference on Sustainable Development,
which was held in June 2012 to commemorate the
twentieth anniversary of the historic Earth Summit.
The meeting enabled us to define the future we want
to leave our children.
“I am pleased that the vision adopted at the
end of the meeting recognizes the need to further
incorporate at all levels of activities the economic,
social and environmental aspects of sustainable
development. If we want to leave a liveable world
to future generations, the green economy seems the
most effective way of ensuring that development
meets the needs of populations while at the same
time preserving the environment.
“For our part, Cameroon has already begun
actions in that respect. We intend to work further to
preserve our natural capital and to seek low-carbon
solutions, as well as to promote production and
consumption patterns that are sustainable.
“In our view, progress towards the green
economy must be gradual and enjoy the support
of the international community. In that respect,
the document adopted at the end of the Rio
Conference committed the international community
to upholding the many obligations that had been
undertaken with respect to Africa in terms of
sustainable development, while ensuring, inter alia,
appropriate technology transfer. The international
financial institutions and the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
are called upon to strengthen their activities to that
end. That is a significant step forward.
“The second important meeting that we should
note is the thirteenth quadrennial session held by
UNCTAD in Doha, Qatar. Less commented upon by the media than the Rio meeting, that session aimed
to curb the excesses of globalization and to refocus
it on development. Globalization, because of what it
has brought to the development of trade, economic
and technological progress and the rapprochement of
cultures, can be considered a positive phenomenon.
The fact remains, however, that because of poor
management and poor regulation, it was unable to
prevent economic crises and relegated problems of
underdevelopment to the backburner. UNCTAD,
after the Doha meeting, was reinforced in its role in
terms of trade and development, which is something
to be welcomed.
“Since 2008, we have seen a slowdown in global
economic activity. Industrialized countries, be they
European Union or the United States or Japan,
have, to varying degrees, been experiencing serious
difficulties — slower growth or even recession,
increased debt and public deficits, imbalances
in foreign trade, and so on. Emerging countries
themselves, which had seen high growth rates,
have been experiencing a slowdown as well. As to
developing countries, even if they continue to make
moderate progress, they fear the effects of a crash of
the global economy and a possible contagion.
“A few moments ago I said that globalization,
even if it does have some positive aspects, has not
achieved its main objective, that is, ensuring the
harmonious functioning of the global economy
and global finance while taking into account the
interests of all concerned parties. That relative
failure has revealed an urgent need for regulation.
Right now it is hard to see how and when that need
can be met.
“Major forums, such as the Group of 20, of
which industrialized countries make up the majority,
and the World Trade Organization have, for their
part, discussed several times the question of the
global economy and outlined solutions that could
re-establish an overall balance. But it has to be said
that, given the scale of the task, the lack of available
resources and the difficulties that major countries
themselves are having to face, the discussions have
not always been followed by action. From that
standpoint, the international community seems to
be going through a period of doubt and concern.
Every one of us is aware that urgent and large-scale
action is required, but, preoccupied with our own problems, we seem to be in a state of paralysis and
unable to take the decisions that need to be taken.
“The obvious risk is one of a return to
protectionism — a temptation that is already
evident. If we believe the signs, that could only
bring temporary respite and in time could exacerbate
the recession. African countries, and Cameroon
in particular, which have undergone a long crisis
marked by declines in gross domestic product,
the harsh discipline of structural adjustment plans
and the worsening of social hardship, are in a
good position to evaluate the consequences of
a deterioration of the economy. That is why they
place their hopes in a broad consultation with a
view to the comprehensive regulation of economic
and financial flows that would take into account the
situation of the different categories of countries and
provide opportunities for international solidarity to
play a role.
“For its part, Cameroon has drawn lessons
from the current situation. Back on its feet, thanks
to the sacrifices of its population and relieved of
the weight of their debt by external partners, the
economy of Cameroon is now focused on taking
advantage of its natural resources. Well endowed
by nature, my country intends to develop modern
agriculture in order to consolidate its food self-
sufficiency and encourage exports. Also, aware
that its industrialization requires the availability of
sufficient energy, we have set in motion a programme
to exploit our vast hydroelectric potential. Finally,
several mining projects, together with the building
of adequate road transport and port infrastructure,
are under way. We hope to make progress on the
road to development and the improvement of the
living conditions of our population.
“I would now like to express my appreciation
for the President’s choice of theme for the general
debate, namely, ‘Bringing about adjustment or
settlement of international disputes or situations by
peaceful means’. That subject follows on from last
year’s theme and enables us to revisit the Charter of
the United Nations and to remind ourselves of the
values that it promotes and that should guide our
actions.
“The theme recalls recalls the fundamental
principles of the Organization, which are, inter
alia, the maintenance of international peace and security through the adoption of effective collective
measures and the settlement by peaceful means
of disputes which could lead to a breakdown of
peace, in accordance with the principles of justice
and international law. That reminder is not without
value at the present moment, when tensions persist
in the Sahel, especially in Mali, when the Sudan and
South Sudan struggle to normalize relations, and
when Syria is ravaged by internal conflict. Those
tensions highlight the risk of force being used to
resolve differences.
“The use of force can be justified in some
cases, such as to respond to international terrorism,
violations of human rights and democracy, threats
to the security of persons or violations of the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of States.
However, it is clear that, before resorting to that
extreme, peaceful means must first be used to
resolve disputes, so as to avoid setting off a vicious
circle of violence and retaliation. Far be it from me
to indulge in utopianism. There are situations when
military intervention is perhaps inevitable. But it
is our responsibility to reduce to the minimum the
likelihood of military action by taking a maximum
of precautions. In any case, clearly the preferred
way to settle disputes is still through prevention and
negotiation.
“For the greater part of international public
opinion, the United Nations embodies the noblest
human values and the hope for a future in keeping
with the ideals of peace, security and development,
as enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Let
us strive to keep that hope from being yet again
betrayed.”


As I congratulate the President on behalf of the Holy
See on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, I have the honour
of conveying warm greetings from His Holiness Pope
Benedict XVI, who wishes for him and all members the
blessings of all-powerful God.
At a time when the world is witnessing a disturbing
increase in bloody regional conflicts, the Holy See
is particularly pleased to note the central theme
that has been chosen for the work of this session,
namely “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of
international disputes or situations by peaceful means”.
Since the establishment of the United Nations, a
tight web of structured legal relationships has evolved,
covering virtually every aspect of the relations between
States and of life in the societies within States. In
that regard, the Charter of the United Nations, the
major human rights treaties and the treaties governing
humanitarian law, along with the Vienna Conventions
on the law of treaties and diplomatic law and the key
conventions on disarmament, may be viewed as a nearly
universal legal corpus that promotes social relations
based on the law and that furthers durable peace.
That is a historically unprecedented development
and a genuine achievement of the United Nations; it
stands as a credit to the United Nations and certainly
as one of its most successful achievements with respect
to the aims enshrined in the Preamble and first Article
of the Charter.
Over the course of the 67 years since the
establishment of the United Nations, the world
has undergone profound transformation. Growing
technical and economic interdependence, along
with the exponential development of new forms of
communication, has led to the advent of what has
commonly been known, ever since the middle of the
twentieth century, as the global village: a diverse and
continuously evolving village that has experienced
astonishing development but that has also seen terrible
injustice. In that regard, the labour of legal construction
undertaken by the United Nations is a worthy response that promotes the development of that global village, a
response that deserves the continued and wholehearted
support of Governments and social organizations.
Human history has always presented paradoxical
or conf lictive situations that have given rise to
frustration and feelings of injustice. Today, in a
context of generalized interdependence, the disparity
between wealth and poverty is more pronounced and
unacceptable than ever. The disorderly expansion of
technical and economic progress has intensified the gap
between those who have the education and the means to
advance and those who lack both. The multiple legal
and economic ties that unite nations are not sufficiently
just and equitable, and they have become a conveyor
belt for the serious economic and financial crisis, which
has spread as quickly as a forest fire, affecting the
most vulnerable first. For some of the world’s people,
resorting to crime and terrorism or waging war in the
name of ideological, ethnic or cultural beliefs seems to
be the easiest, if not the only available way to escape
poverty and become the heroes of the global village.
Such acts of violence are abetted by the perverse use
of communications technology and by the excessively
easy access to the tools of war.
If, in the 1990s, the state of legal and political
progress allowed us to believe that the danger of nuclear
war had receded, today the likelihood of regional
conflicts with unpredictable outcomes has once again
created a threatening atmosphere that should impel us
to intensify our efforts to establish a truly constructive
dialogue within the international community.
During the period of the Cold War, the United
Nations was a meeting place and a point of discussion
and balance between the opposing Powers. The
Organization managed to support the decolonization
and independence of a large number of new States and
to mitigate, and even at times resolve, regional, bilateral
and civil conflicts in a context that was nonetheless
marked by severe ideological confrontation. At the
same time, United Nations agencies made an important
intellectual, political and judicial contribution to the
universal recognition of human rights and strengthened
cooperation for development and regional economic
integration. Those advances constituted fundamental
progress towards strengthening the rule of law, which
itself provides a favourable framework and is the best
guarantor of human rights and peaceful international
cooperation. Allow me here to welcome the Declaration
of the High-level Meeting of the General
Assembly on the Rule of Law at the National and
International Levels (resolution 67/1), which was
adopted at the beginning of this session. The 67
years since the establishment of the United Nations
also include a distinguished history of humanitarian
interventions, peacekeeping operations and, more
recently, peacebuilding operations. Also of special
importance for the fate of humanity as a whole have been
the adoption of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons and the activities of the International
Atomic Energy Agency aimed at promoting universal
accession to the Treaty, controlling the implementation
of the Treaty and facilitating international cooperation
on the peaceful use of the atom.
Over the past 20 years, the United Nations, together
with regional organizations, has made an essential
contribution to resolving a number of urgent situations,
particularly in Africa, by collaborating with the
African Union and other institutions of that continent.
Nonetheless, the current reality presents us with a
United Nations system without the strength of unity and
persuasion that could legitimately be expected of it; a
system in which, unfortunately, power relationships are
played out to the benefit of specific strategic interests.
Yet the possibilities that emerged at the end of the
Cold War seemed to portend a possible strengthening
of the institutional and political presence of the
United Nations in the service of world’s most critical
challenges, such as climate change and the preservation
of the environment. How is it possible that, despite
universal adhesion to the Charter of the United Nations
and the essential treaties, we are still unable to establish
a just and true form of global governance?
The Holy See would like to offer a moral answer
to that question by calling attention to the importance
of the values that, of necessity, underlie all human
societies. Indeed, before engaging in political or
technical considerations, it is important to ask whether
the crises currently convulsing the planet are linked to
a crisis of trust in the collective values enshrined in
the very Charter of the United Nations. Moreover, the
question arises whether the crises afflicting the planet
are linked to a serious anthropological crisis, which
is to say the lack of a shared understanding of what it
means to be human.
Today we are witnessing a weakening in the
practical reach of the purposes and principles set out in the Preamble and Chapter I of the Charter.
I note in particular saving succeeding generations
from the scourge of war, practicing tolerance with
a spirit of good-neighbourliness, uniting strength
for the maintenance of peace and security, recourse
to peaceful means to settle disputes, in conformity
with the principles of justice and international law,
and cooperation to solve international problems of an
economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character
and to promote and encourage respect for human rights
and for fundamental freedoms.
The loss of trust in the value of dialogue and the
temptation to favour a priori one party in national
or regional conflicts endanger respect for the legal
mechanisms of the United Nations. However, the
pre-eminence of the values affirmed by the Charter
should lead to the adoption of all means possible to
guarantee the protection of the most vulnerable, uphold
the rule of law and human rights, and safeguard ancient
cultural and religious balances.
Mr. Gaspar Martins (Angola), Vice-President, took
the Chair.
The urgency of the situation is all the more obvious
given the events taking place in the Middle East,
especially in Syria. There can be no solution outside
the rules of international law and humanitarian law
and implementation of mechanisms established by the
Charter of the United Nations. All parties concerned
must not only do everything possible to facilitate the
mission of the Joint Special Representative of the
United Nations and the League of Arab States for Syria,
but also to guarantee humanitarian aid to populations
in distress. The international community must unite its
efforts to ensure that all parties concerned substitute
negotiation for recourse to arms and demand effective
respect for religious freedom, human rights and all
fundamental freedoms.
As Pope Benedict XVI recently reiterated during
his trip to Lebanon, we should import ideas of peace
and creativity, we should find ways of accepting each
person in his otherness, we should therefore make
visible before the world the respect that religions have
for one another, respect for man as a creature of God,
and love of neighbour as fundamental to all religions. In
that way, using all possible means, including material
assistance, we must help to bring an end to war and
violence so that all can help rebuild the peace. On his
return from Lebanon, the Holy Father called on Arab countries, as brothers, to propose workable solutions
that respect the dignity, the rights and the religion of
every individual. Those who wish to build peace must
cease to see in the other an evil to be eliminated. It is
not easy to see in the other a person to be respected and
loved, and yet that is necessary if one desires to build
peace, if one desires fraternity.
Moreover, only an international community
strongly rooted in values that genuinely uphold human
dignity can provide viable solutions to the new types
of conflict perpetrated by transnational groups,
which spread a pseudo-religious hegemonic ideology
contemptuous of individual rights and civil peace. We
think of the instability and the recent terrorist attacks
in some countries of Africa and Asia, or the collusion
between drug trafficking and terrorism in other regions
of the world.
Beyond even situations of conflict, today all
States, rich and poor, see their stability threatened by
the economic crisis to which no true and sustainable
solution has been found to date. Just a few years
ago international discussions were essentially about
potential ways to share the resources of the rich
countries, where well-being appeared to be firmly
established, or about the legitimate recognition of
the rights of developing countries. The debate was
about finding the right balance between free trade
and financial assistance; the transfer of know-how,
technologies and direct aid to the poorest populations;
the clash of ideas about the foreign debt of the poorest
countries; the role of the World Trade Organization and
its connections to the United Nations; the reform of
multilateral financial institutions; and comprehensive
access to essential drugs.
That unavoidable debate must be continued, even
if today it is overshadowed and made more complex by
the issues related to financial stability, whose impact is
global. In fact, we can all see that the financial stability
of the most developed societies has been seriously
endangered, especially because of shortsighted
economic policies often based only on maximizing
short-term profits.
The threat of collapse of financial systems in
economies that were until now the most prosperous
has serious consequences for social cohesion. It has led
to the resurgence of old fantasies such as exacerbated
nationalism, populism and xenophobia. Add to that the
tragedy of millions of people weighed down by hunger, the lack of basic health care and abject poverty, as well
as of vast populations living in inhuman conditions,
displaced populations and refugees, among whom are
thousands of children.
Given the difficulty of finding common solutions
that respect the principles of self-determination,
independence, and the equality of States and the right
of peoples, the anthropological crisis of which I spoke
has emerged, that is, a lack of conviction in the supreme
dignity of every individual, even when they have just
been conceived or are in a vegetative or terminal state.
It is an illusion to want to create true harmony
among peoples, to guarantee peaceful coexistence
and real cooperation between States if we confine
ourselves to a vision of mankind that — without in
theory denying the importance of the dignity and
fundamental rights of the individual — consigns the
profound dimension of the person and his uniqueness
to the rank of secondary factors, and insists on vague
collective concepts that reduce the individual to the
simple category of consumer or agent of production in
the market. A human being is not a mere number in
the masses of the global population. And the masses of
the global population cannot be viewed coldly or with
suspicion as a danger threatening the environmental and
social balances. We are talking about men and women,
each with dignity and rights. Ideological visions that
do not take that into account lead irreparably to social
disintegration and conflict.
In that sense, we must reject attempts to view the
Millennium Development Goals and the post-2015
development agenda, as well as the interpretation of
human rights treaties, on the basis of a limited and
relativist vision of humankind that, cleverly using
ambiguous expressions, threatens the right to life and
presents a deconstruction of the family model based on
the union of a man and a woman and oriented towards
procreation and the education of children. In the end,
those attempts risk the irremediable weakening of the
credibility and legitimacy of the Organization as a
universal tool for sustainable cooperation and peace.
It is of the first importance to provide an effective
solution to the open debate on the reform and
improvement of the functioning of United Nations
organs in order to revitalize its ability to anticipate
conflicts and resolve them peacefully. However, that
will be possible only with a constantly renewed effort
to return to the founding vision of the Organization.  Sustainable peace will not be possible without each and
every one of us engaging in a constructive dialogue
directed toward achieving dignified and decent living
conditions for all human beings.
That can be done only through a shared belief with
regard to fundamental values that guarantee respect
for human life. In that regard, respect for religious
freedom is essential, within national public life as well
as internationally. Reason tells us that each person has
transcendental dignity, which brings with it freedom
to determine one’s own ultimate destiny and which
national and international authorities, as well as social
mechanisms, must fully respect. That is why actions
by Governments and international organizations must
necessarily strive to promote comprehensive human
development, creating legal, economic and social
conditions that genuinely reflect the importance of
human dignity and its transcendental dimension, both
at the personal level and collectively.
Religion should not be thought of other than as
a factor of peace and progress, a living force for the
well-being of all. Indeed, it leads human beings to
overcome every egotistical interest and to devote their
energies to the service of others, including for peace
among peoples. That is why all forms of fanaticism
and exclusivism and all acts of violence towards
one’s neighbour are an exploitation of and a deviation
from religion. Moreover, history has shown that a
biased concept of secularism, or tolerance that would
limit religious matters to the private sphere, can only
undermine the bases for peaceful coexistence, at both
the national and international levels.
The Holy See has been involved in international
cooperation activities since they were first given
institutional structure. We established our Permanent
Mission to the United Nations in New York in 1964. The
reason for its presence as a subject of international law in
this intergovernmental institution is first of all its desire
to offer to the international community a transcendent
view of life and social relations, recalling in particular
the dignity of the individual and his fundamental
rights, in the first place the right to religious freedom.
The international community has always welcomed
this contribution, which allows common initiatives
to put back into a profound perspective, in which the
underlying unity of the human family and the call to
the generosity of individuals and peoples must always
be reaffirmed.  It is in that spirit that the Holy See wishes to offer
its contribution to the present session of the General
Assembly, aligning itself with the wish you expressed in
your inaugural address, Mr. President, that all Member
States, which share the responsibility to implement the
principles and objectives of the Organization, would
renew their commitment to resolve disputes by peaceful
dialogue and not by resorting to confrontation. Only
in that way will the aspirations and hopes of all be
achieved. Only in that way can the United Nations play
its indispensable role in peace and development.


I would like to congratulate
President Jeremić on his election and to thank Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser for having successfully presided
over the General Assembly at its previous session.
I also wish to express my deepest gratitude to
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for having visited my
country this past July. As we are marking the twentieth
anniversary of our admission to the United Nations, his
visit came as a recognition of the fact that Bosnia and
Herzegovina has travelled a long way since joining the
Organization, having transformed itself from a recipient
of security assistance into a contributor to global peace
and security.  I also want to commend the Secretary-General for
his tireless efforts to advance dialogue and cooperation,
and for his firm commitment to the core values and
principles of the United Nations. We in Bosnia and
Herzegovina recognize the importance of, and fully
support, his action agenda, which identified five
generational imperatives: prevention, a more secure
world, helping countries in transition, empowering
women and youth, and sustainable development.
Today’s world is the scene of unfolding crises and
mounting global challenges. The first and foremost of
these is the disaster in Syria. As we stand here, our
fellow Syrians are fighting against a brutal regime.
They are fighting to take their destiny into their own
hands. The regime of Bashar Al-Assad is answering
their yearning for freedom and democracy with guns
and bombs, just as his father’s regime did 30 years ago.
That is revolting and morally reprehensible — but so is
our collective failure to stop it.
Once again, we are idly standing by while a human
tragedy of dramatic proportions is unfolding before our
eyes. We should do our part to help the Syrian people’s
historic stand for freedom. We should do our part to
save the people of Syria from tyranny. We should, but
we are not.
The images coming from Syria remind us of the
tragedy of Bosnia. We in Bosnia and Herzegovina feel
the pain of the Syrian people as our own because we
went through the same horrors not that long ago. When
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon visited Srebrenica with me this July to pay his respects to the genocide
victims, he said:
“The international community must be united
not to see any further bloodshed in Syria because
I do not want to see any of my successors, after 20
years, visiting Syria, apologizing for what we could
have done to protect the civilians in Syria — which
we are not doing now”.
His predecessor, Kofi Annan, stated in the report
on the fall of Srebrenica:
“Through error, misjudgment and an inability
to recognize the scope of the evil confronting us,
we failed to do our part to help save the people of
Srebrenica ... The tragedy of Srebrenica will haunt
our history forever” (A/54/549, para. 503)
Today, those words about the Organization’s failure to
respond to the tragedy in Syria ring true.
The best way to honour the victims of the Srebrenica
genocide would have been to learn the lessons of that
failure and never commit the same errors again. Sadly,
the United Nations, especially the Security Council,
has failed to do that. The international community has
chosen yet again to repeat the trial-and-error pattern
of the policies that failed in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The resolutions, statements of concern, ineffective
sanctions, observers, and missions with no mandate
to protect civilians are actions that have deadly
consequences, as demonstrated in my country.
Make no mistake. Unless we act now, and act
decisively, to help the people of Syria and put an end to
the bloodshed there, that tragedy will haunt our history
forever, just like Srebrenica.
Developments at the beginning of the twenty-first
century defy rational prediction. Indeed, who could
have predicted such an explosion of freedom in the
Middle East? In the last few years, we have witnessed a
historic awakening in the Arab world. Profound social
and political changes aimed at creating democratic
societies are under way now — changes that have been
fermenting for decades. They are the best confirmation
that Muslims strive vigorously for freedom, dignity
and human rights. A well-educated, free-thinking
generation of young Arabs has finally broken the
chains of dictatorship. No force can prevent that new
generation from taking charge of its destiny.
As a non-permanent member of the Security
Council, Bosnia and Herzegovina strongly supported
the Arab peoples’ aspirations for greater freedom and
democracy. We acted to ensure that the international
community supported those who wanted free societies
instead of closed ones, the rule of law instead of
the rule of one individual, democracy instead of
dictatorship, justice and fairness instead of oppression
and corruption.
The stalemate in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict is also deeply troubling. The peace process is
not moving forward, and the chain of violence has not
been broken. A new impetus to negotiations is urgently
needed, because there is no alternative to a negotiated
solution. The Palestinians have every right — historical,
moral and legal — to a State of their own, but Israel has
every right to its security. The occupation of Palestinian
territories must end, but so must the terror and violence.
All attempts to create new realities on the ground in the
hope that they will be accepted as a starting point for
future negotiations must be rejected. The continuation
of settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian
territories continues to pose the most serious obstacle
to peace. Israel should immediately end all settlement
activities in the occupied Palestinian territories,
because those activities are illegal under international
law. Doing so is in Israel’s own best interest if it truly
desires peace with the Palestinians.
The state of affairs of 60 or 6,000 years ago is not
the right point of reference. The right point of reference
for a solution is the principle of the peaceful coexistence
of two sovereign States — an independent Palestine and
a secure Israel. That is the only realistic way to bring
about a just resolution to the conflict and to ensure
stability and progress in the Middle East. To achieve
such a solution, a more sincere attempt at good-faith
negotiations is needed, especially on the part of Israel.
The road to peace does not include ignoring United
Nations resolutions, squeezing the Palestinians onto
bits and pieces of the land that once belonged to their
fathers, and building settlements on those remaining
bits of land.
The Organization needs to send a strong message
demanding that its resolutions be respected and that
there be no double standards or chosen peoples when
it comes to the application of international legal norms
and human rights principles. Over the past few weeks, we have witnessed
disturbing violence linked to intolerance. The video
that sparked those developments is deeply insulting. It
deserves the strongest condemnation, and we absolutely
reject its content and message. There is no justification,
however, for responding to that movie with violence.
Violence in response to speech is unacceptable. There
can be no debate about that. Violence is no way to
honour religion. Responding to bigotry with violence
only further fans the flames of intolerance. We must
draw the line at violence, but we must also find a way to
prevent hate speech and bigotry. Yes, there is the right
to free speech, but there is also the right to dignity.
We cannot impose our ideology or our religion on
anyone else. We must promote tolerance, but we must
also promote mutual respect. That is why, as responsible
leaders, we should have a frank debate about the outer
limits of free expression when that freedom is abused
to incite hate and deliberately slander the dignity of
others.
There is no inherent contradiction between Islamic
and Western values. On the contrary, those values are
compatible. After all, they are derived from the same
sources. Throughout history, interactions between
those values have led to tremendous achievements.
There need be no clash. There are only those who need
to create a false perception of a clash in order to come
to power or maintain their hold on it.
So many societies in today’s world are in transition,
yearning to find a balance between traditional and
modern values. The relationship between the West and
the Islamic world and between their respective value
systems is going to be one of the most critical issues
of our time. That relationship will go through crises
and periods of misunderstanding and intolerance. In
the modern age, we need to continue to seek a formula,
which is to say a model, for how to reconcile Islamic
and Western values, East and West. No matter how hard
it may be, finding that formula is going to be essential
in the time ahead of us.
The human condition is one of diversity. Our human
race is a mosaic composed of a rich variety of peoples,
cultures and religions that shine together in a dynamic,
sparkling pattern. Our responsibility is to nurture and
protect that mosaic.
I come from a country whose historical experience
can offer valuable lessons in finding a model for peaceful
coexistence within such diversity. The whole world can benefit from the lessons that my country has learned
from constantly seeking to improve its understanding
and management of diversity. For hundreds of years,
its citizens lived in harmony, helping each other build
houses of worship that are physically almost leaning
on each other. The westernmost range of Orthodox
Christianity and Islam, the easternmost range of
Catholicism, Bosnia is a meeting point of civilizations,
a bridge between East and West. Its unique multi-ethnic
culture has been woven through a thousand years of
tolerance and respect among its citizens, regardless of
their ethnic and religious affiliation. That is why its
preservation and success, as a specific microcosm, is
crucial for the whole world.
However, owing to our recent past, a great struggle
is now under way in my country between the idea of
coexistence and the idea of division. I believe that the
outcome of that struggle will have a significant bearing
on resolving one of the greatest challenges of our
time, that of conflict versus cooperation. If the idea of
coexistence and cooperation does not prevail in Bosnia,
it can hardly prevail anywhere else in the world. If the
unique social fabric of my country, which was torn by
crimes and force, is not restored, that will be a defeat
for the very idea of coexistence, which will produce a
widening gap at one of the most delicate fault lines of
the world.
The growing power of humankind brings progress
and prosperity. Yet the selfish side of that power cuts
into the very substance on which our future depends,
namely, our physical habitat and our spiritual essence.
The world we live in is changing at a speed and
in a direction that is rightfully worrisome. Inequality,
injustice and intolerance are on the rise. There is more
conflict and less cooperation. There is ever more
violence and ever less compassion, solidarity, mutual
care, healthy interpersonal relations and family life.
People around the world are taking to the streets, which
is a dramatic warning that there is less and less fairness
in the societies in which they live.
Those unsettling trends can be reversed only by
decisive and coordinated global action. The future we
desire will not be just a utopia if we join our forces
to find the right solutions. Cooperative approaches are
difficult to accomplish but are needed more than ever. We are not perfect, and we can be better. We can
be wiser, more responsible, more willing to learn from
our past mistakes. Too often we have been prisoners
of our own mentalities. We perceive willingness to
compromise as a weakness, but just the opposite is
true — compromise requires courage. To build a future
we must make compromises. To succeed we must
stop indulging in manipulative kinds of populism. We
must break out of the worn and frayed patterns of the
past. We must turn to the future. Instead of having
endless debates about what has been, we must devote
ourselves to reaching agreements about what can be.
We must more correctly interpret the interests of those
we represent. We must listen to the views of others, no
matter how different those views might be. We must
understand each other better and respect each other
more.
Our most important mission in the time to come
will be to build bridges between cultures, religions and
civilizations — bridges of trust, understanding and
respect, bridges to reach out to problems the true nature
of which we have only begun to understand. That is hard
work that requires daring leadership. The Organization
has undergone difficult trials, but it has always been the
best framework for building those bridges. Let us keep
it that way as we go forward.