Since the founding of the United Nations a period of time has elapsed which we normally call a generation.
68.	This is a singularly appropriate occasion to consider what the United Nations has accomplished during these past three decades and what remains to be done. I am pleased to see as the President of the General Assembly the Prime Minister of a country which is not only associated with my country in close friendship but whose outward-looking attitude and whose willingness for international co-operation are exemplary. The spirit with which your country and you personally, Mr. President, participate in this co-operation both in Europe and in the world presents an example as well as a challenge, Please accept my warm congratulations on your election to this responsible office.
69.	At the same time I wish to express my thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Bouteflika, the Foreign Minister of Algeria, who held this office during a very difficult period in the history of the United Nations.
70.	The first 30 years of the life of the United Nations have witnessed fundamental changes in the world from which this Organization has not been excepted. We are all familiar with the graph which depicts the population explosion; a curve which runs almost horizontally for thousands of years, then begins to rise and in the middle of this century suddenly shoots up almost vertically. The graphs depicting the advancement of science and technology, the growth of production and consumption, world trade and communication and, not least, the destructive force of weapons, are no different.
71.	Everywhere developments have been explosive. Within that same period the number of nations has trebled. The original Organization had 51 Members, now it has over 140. The world was then dominated by a rigid regime of bipolar confrontation of two blocs; now it is a complex, multipolar world in which multifarious forces and aspirations are asserting themselves. This process is sharply reflected within the United Nations. Nothing has had a greater influence on its development than the emergence of the third world as a separate independent element of world politics, freed from colonial dependence and vested with the same rights and obligations as all other States.
72.	Over and above their different views and attitudes, the nations which make up our world find themselves forged more and more into a community of destiny. The destructive power of modern weaponry, which has grown to immeasurable proportions, has produced a single, global security interest, and the abrupt expansion of productive power has created a single global economy. Security and economic growth and stability cannot be guaranteed today by any one State alone and in isolation. Whether it is a question of preventing a nuclear catastrophe, of fighting international terrorism, of overcoming inflation and recession, or of preserving ecological and environmental conditions on this planet, the problems that have to be resolved are everywhere beyond the resources of any individual nation and can be met only if all States and all groups of States work together.
73.	The problems have become global. The irresistible trend towards ever greater interdependence is the distinguishing feature of the new age; it is the course of world history. For the first time mankind as a whole is moving towards a common future: either to survive together or to perish together, to prosper together or to decline together. The world as a whole lives under the iron law of interdependence: its parts cannot prosper unless the whole prospers.
74.	Slowly, this development is beginning to be realized and appreciated. This is indicated by the close co-operation among the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development countries in seeking to overcome the consequences of the world economic crisis, by the constructive consensus reached by the General Assembly at its seventh special session, which tried to achieve an equitable balance of interests between industrialized and developing countries, by the reaffirmation of the will for detente and co-operation between East and West as expressed at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, and by the initiation of the European-Arab dialog.
75.	We all know the only alternative to common progress is common chaos. We are called upon resolutely to choose the course of co-operation and consistently to develop the foundations of that cooperation which have so far been laid by the United Nations. The task is to strengthen the awareness of interdependence and, as a consequence, to assert the policy of co-operation once and for all in the face of the powerful forces of traditional doctrines and ideologies, to assert it both externally and internally. Because it is also necessary that the individual citizen, too, should develop an understanding for the new constraints of interdependence and that he should muster the will for international solidarity. For the possibilities open to Governments in pursuing such a policy of solidarity reach only as far as the people themselves appreciate the need for it and are therefore prepared to support it. The present crisis of the world economy gives us a chance to draw the necessary conclusions from these considerations and insights.
76.	It would be wrong if the wealthy countries were to resort to the attitude of "every man for himself'. It would be wrong if the destruction rather than the further elaboration of the international economic system were to be regarded as the way out of the difficulties with which we are confronted in the development process. It would be equally wrong if part of the industrialized countries were to refuse to join in the necessary world-wide solidarity between industrialized and developing countries by referring to the colonial past of others and to their own non-colonial past true or alleged.
77.	Interdependence postulates the common weal universally. This must be the guideline for our action and this goal can be reached only through a policy of an equitable balance of interests.
78.	In spite of all setbacks and catastrophes our century has so far also been one of unparalleled progress for mankind. The challenges facing us in our shrinking world are extraordinary both in terms of their novelty and of their magnitude. But also extra-ordinary and unparalleled in history are the means we have at our disposal to meet those challenges. If we use them rationally and co-operatively and do not squander them in irrational conflict, we shall be able to master those tasks.
79.	The founders of the United Nations set the world the three big tasks laid down in our Charter: to maintain peace, to respect human rights and the right of self-determination, and to promote economic and social progress. What was a vision in 1945 has turned into reality today: the global interdependence of one world.
80.	The three great challenges of our time are: we must proceed from economic egotism to a worldwide reliable regime of co-operation among equals; we must proceed from the proclamation of human rights to their world-wide application and to the implementation of the right of self-determination wherever that right is still being denied; and we must proceed from the management of crises to a just and thereby lasting peace.
81.	Our first goal is to establish a reliable regime of economic co-operation. The seventh special session, which has just concluded, marked a promising beginning in our endeavor to establish a system of economic co-operation which is based on the simple realization that we are all in the same boat. During the very intensive but business-like negotiations the Assembly gave an example of a world-wide spirit of co-operation. This will make it easier to embark on the road towards a just balance of interests. For a number of problems the foundations for solutions have been laid. Some questions still require clarification, while the consequences of others need to be studied. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany has joined in the consensus because it is based on the idea of reasonable and necessary reform, but not on revolutionary changes in the international economic order.
82.	The present world-wide recession has made all of us keenly aware of the relationship which I earlier called the iron law of interdependence: the parts cannot prosper unless the whole prospers. The growth rates of national economies have become interdependent. This applies also to the relationship between industrialized and developing countries. Higher growth rates in the industrialized countries mean higher growth rates in the developing countries, and lower growth rates in the industrialized countries mean lower growth rates in the developing countries. The fact that all of us recognized and accepted this interrelationship made the satisfactory result of the seventh special session possible.
83.	It is also in this spirit of co-operation that my country will enter the forthcoming producer-consumer dialog. In a world economy which can only grow and develop through joint efforts all partners have to bear their particular share of responsibility. Thus, because of their economic significance and weight, the industrialized countries have to assume a special responsibility. My Government is conscious of that responsibility and acts accordingly.
84.	In close co-ordination with the other industrialized countries having a free market economy my Government endeavors to set in motion a process of economic upswing without, however, providing inflationary impulses. By opening up markets and intensifying co-operation with the developing countries this economic upswing is especially intended to benefit the developing countries. We are against exporting our difficulties by taking restrictive measures and we consistently uphold a policy of further opening up markets, especially with regard to imports from the developing countries.
85.	As the role of the developing countries on the world economic scene grows, there is an increase in the responsibility which they, too, have to bear in all fields, including commodities and energy. Together we want to break and reverse the trend which in the past has continued to widen the gap between the rich and the poor. One objective is to achieve the general growth of the world economy; the other objective is to overcome inequality. We feel that these aims can best be achieved by basing the economic relations between States on the principles of the market economy, irrespective of their domestic economic systems.
86.	I turn now to the question of self-determination and human rights. In a system of co-operation among equals which our Organization intends to bring about, a central role falls to the application of the right of nations to self-determination. A true world community of States and peoples will emerge only if the nations are integrated within that community on the basis of free self-determination. Only in such a world can the readiness to assume responsibility for the whole fully develop. The right of nations to self-determination is therefore a fundamental principle of our system.
87.	During the first decades of the United Nations the basis for a universal international community was created through the implementation of the right of self-determination of the former colonies. At this year's session of the General Assembly too, three new States have joined our Organization, and 1 wish to take this opportunity to bid Mozambique, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe a warm welcome to our Organization, which is becoming truly universal.
88.	The process of decolonization is drawing to its close. There are only a few regions left in the world to which the outdated system of colonialism still clings. But that system's days are numbered. We trust that in southern Africa, too, those days will come to an end without violence and devastation. The Federal Government therefore welcomes the decision taken by the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, held at Dar es Salaam in April 1975, that in the solution of pending problems preference should be given to negotiations. It welcomes also the efforts made by the leaders of both the black and the white communities in Southern Rhodesia to establish a new and just order through negotiations and thus to avert the danger of a civil war and bloodshed.
89.	The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany strongly advocates the granting of the right of self-determination to the people of Namibia. The Government of the Republic of South Africa itself has stated that it does not consider Namibia to be South African territory. It must finally and quickly draw the conclusions from this and lead Namibia to independence without delay and more quickly than has so far been envisaged. The Federal Government has repeatedly and urgently brought its attitude to the attention of the Government of the Republic of South Africa and will continue to do so. With no less urgency it advocates the abolition at long last of the inhuman system of apartheid practiced in the Republic of South Africa, a system which we condemn.
90.	That last question leads me to the subject of human rights. The United Nations, which has achieved so much in promoting the application of the right of self-determination, has also been able to lay essential foundations on which to secure respect for human rights. By means of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [resolution 217 A (III)] and the human rights Covenants [see resolution 2200 A (XXI)] based on it, the United Nations has defined the term "human rights" and received acceptance of that definition all over the world. It is now up to us to see to it that human rights are implemented everywhere in practice. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany will support all proposals aimed at strengthening the role of the United Nations with regard to the implementation of human rights.
91.	Human rights must apply everywhere; they must apply in all continents. And, as a European, I add that they must apply also in all parts of Europe. The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has drawn the conclusion from this and made the implementation of human rights a major subject,
92.	Freedom of movement is one of the basic rights guaranteed both by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and by the human rights Covenants. And, indeed, if co-operation in Europe is to be extended more and more, people must no longer be prevented from meeting freely. The decisions taken at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe abound with specific promises of improvements in Europe both as regards this right and as regards other human rights. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany will gauge the worth of the results of the Conference particularly by the manner in which and when those promises are fulfilled.
93.	I turn now to the safeguarding of peace. Peace is the prerequisite for progress in all other spheres. It therefore remains a primary task of the United Nations to safeguard peace.
In this respect I would refer to the peace policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. Being fully aware of this perspective, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany has from the very beginning pursued a policy aimed at the maintenance of peace. This goes for our own national policies as Well as for our co-operation within the European Community, that great and promising union of European States, and for our membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the defense alliance whose purpose it is to safeguard peace. By pursuing a consistent policy of the non-use of force, the Federal Government has promoted detente in Europe and thus laid the foundation for growing and mutually fruitful co-operation with our neighbors in the East. Let me mention here in this connexion the Treaties of Moscow, Warsaw and Prague. The same is true of the Treaty on the Basis of Relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic done at Berlin on 21 December 1972.
95.	On the occasion of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, additional arrangements were concluded in a spirit of mutual understanding with the Polish People's Republic concerning outstanding questions. These arrangements are intended, after a past full of misery and distress, to bring about the reconciliation of the two peoples and to lead to long-term co-operation between partners.
96.	The Federal Government includes in its policy of the non-use of force and detente our most painful problem also: the division of Germany. It is our aim to work for a state of peace in Europe in which the German nation will regain its unity through free self- determination.
97.	I reaffirm our belief that history has not spoken the last word on the division of the German nation. The nation's will to achieve its unity will preserve its historical strength. The conclusion of the Treaty on the Principles of Relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic is evidence of our determination to exhaust all possibilities of peaceful co-operation also in the relationship between the two German States.
98.	Building on its bilateral policy of detente and on the treaties it has concluded in this connexion, as well as on the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed on 3 September 1971, the Federal Government has played an active part in the work of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, because no nation in Europe senses more keenly than the German people the danger emanating from the division of our continent. The participating States want the results of the Conference to have effect throughout Europe. Indeed, security and co-operation must prove their worth particularly in that city which in the years of the cold war so often was the scene of dangerous tensions which affected the whole world the city of Berlin. Berlin remains the barometer of detente. Detente presupposes mutual confidence.
99.	Distrust and fear will only revive the former state of tension in Europe. This is why the Federal Government has begun, without delay, to implement the confidence-building measures decided upon at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. It was the first Government taking part in that Conference to announce to all other participants military maneuvers in accordance with the provisions of the Final Act of Helsinki, However, the results of the Conference are important not only for Europe. Detente in Europe should, and can, release political and economic energies which have so far been bound up in sterile conflicts. If this happens, we will have added strength to face the big challenge of our time: the reduction of the gap between rich and poor countries.
100.	In the matter of disarmament and the non- proliferation of nuclear weapons, of great importance for the safeguarding of world peace is a persistent policy of arms control and arms reduction. The Federal Government takes an active part in the negotiations in Vienna which are to lead to mutual and balanced force reductions in central Europe. It is our aim to achieve a stable balance of forces since only on the basis of equal security for all concerned will detente and trustful co-operation be possible.
101.	The Federal Government lends the same active support to all measures likely to contain and ultimately to stop the world-wide arms race. Balanced and controlled disarmament is one of our most urgent tasks. The United Nations can and must make a major contribution to its fulfillment.
102.	Likewise, one of the most pressing challenges to this interdependent world is to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The dissemination of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes will quicken considerably in the years ahead. It has been estimated that the number of nuclear reactors available in 1980 will be 15 times greater than the number in use in 1970. The operation of those reactors would make possible the potential production of up to 26,000 kilograms of plutonium in the non-nuclear-weapon States every year as from the early 1980s in other words, enough to make 50 atomic bombs a week. So the task we have to solve is to use the advantages of peaceful nuclear technology without at the same time proliferating nuclear weapons.
103.	As one of the leading producers of nuclear installations for peaceful purposes, the Federal Republic of Germany realizes that it has a special responsibility in helping to find a solution to this problem. Consequently, in every case in which it exports nuclear installations it adheres strictly to the provisions of the non-proliferation Treaty, of which it is a member, and to the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency. In addition, it subjects itself to the commitments under the Euratom Treaty. It actively supports proposals aimed at further strengthening these safeguards and developing uniform criteria for the export of fissionable material and nuclear equipment.
104.	Let me say a word about regional crises. The policy of detente between East and West helps to consolidate peace in Europe. But in our neighborhood the sources of crisis smolder on, and the most dangerous of them is the Middle East conflict. Nowhere is it more obvious that present-day problems can no longer be resolved by war, that war is no meaningful alternative to a political settlement, that war is no longer an ultima ratio but an ultima irratio.
105.	Four sorrowful wars have failed to hammer out a solution in the Middle East, and a fifth Middle
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East war could have disastrous consequences. The Federal Government, therefore, welcomes with great relief the Egyptian-Israeli interim agreement of 4 September. This agreement is the result of statesman-like action on the part of all concerned. Further steps will have to follow if the momentum of this constructive development which has been set in motion is to be maintained. Standing still would mean taking a step backward and would in the end even wipe out the progress made so far.
106.	The Federal Republic of Germany supports all efforts to bring about further steps along the path of negotiations. An informal multilateral discussion of the problems to be solved, as suggested by the Secretary of State of the United States [2355th meeting], could indeed be useful in promoting a subsequent peace conference.
107.	The path towards a just balance of interests in the Middle East has been sketched out by Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). This means, among other things, that any peace settlement that is to last must respect Israel's right to live within secure and recognized boundaries; it must give effect to the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people; and it must include the termination of the occupation.
108.	This is the attitude adopted by the Federal Republic of Germany, in full agreement with its partners in the European Community. The Federal Government is most anxious that equitable and lasting peace should prevail in the Middle East, which is a neighboring region to us. It therefore seeks to make every contribution possible, both bilaterally and within the framework of the European Community, towards bringing about such peace.
109.	In Cyprus, too, a negotiated solution must quickly be found. The Federal Government, therefore, regrets that the fourth round of talks between the representatives of the two communities, which was scheduled for 8 and 9 September in New York, had to be postponed because of the lack of concrete proposals. The tragic events of 1974 were the upshot of letting things drag on for years and years without reaching the necessary compromise. Now, at least, a lesson should be drawn from this. The deadlock caused by the fact that each side is waiting for the other to be the first to make concessions must be broken. The Federal Government therefore appeals to all concerned to resume the negotiations as soon as possible. Any solution must preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus.
110.	Cyprus needs a federal structure that will accommodate the interests of both communities. Accommodating the interests of both communities also requires correcting the present demarcation line between them. The Federal Government seeks, both bilaterally and together with its partners in the European Community, to give diplomatic assistance in the search for a solution and humanitarian assistance to ease the misery of the refugees.
J11. As in the Middle East, the peace-keeping forces of the United Nations in Cyprus, too, are making an indispensable contribution towards maintaining an atmosphere in which constructive efforts to find a solution can be made. The same applies to the endeavors of the Secretary-General to facilitate discussions between the two communities. I wish to express to the Secretary-General and to his staff the appreciation and the thanks of the Federal Government.
112.	I turn now to the question of strengthening the United Nations. In the efforts to establish a regime of co-operation in the spirit of global interdependence and joint responsibility, the United Nations must play a central role. In the past 30 years the United Nations has made an essential contribution preventing crises and to containing or overcoming existing ones. It has helped to accelerate the process of decolonization. It has spread the demand for the implementation of human rights throughout the world. And it has fully brought home to the public the crucial task of our time, the economic development of the third world, and has evolved a consistent strategy and a coherent strategy for tackling this task.
113.	With the growing awareness of global interdependence, the role of the United Nations, the only universal Organization in this world, must continue to increase. The prerequisite for this will be that we do all we can to achieve and maintain universality. We must continuously adapt the structure of the Organization to the changing situation and tasks in the world. The countries of the European Economic Community [££C], in a declaration of 17 June 1975, have again stressed their support of the United Nations and have spoken out in favor of the strengthening of its role. The President of EEC, the Italian Foreign Minister, Mr. Rumor, reaffirmed this willingness in an impressive way yesterday in this forum [2357th meeting]. The Federal Republic of Germany fully endorses this commitment regarding the United Nations. Only if the nations of the world will join in a spirit of genuine co-operation can the tasks of the United Nations be successfully mastered. Only if we succeed in bringing to bear everywhere that spirit of genuine co-operation within the United Nations will we be able to tackle the tasks confronting us to safeguard international peace; to implement everywhere the right of peoples to self- determination as well as their human rights; and to promote the common weal universally through economic and social progress. The Federal Government is determined to support all efforts towards that end.


66.	  We are genuinely pleased to applaud the wisdom shown by the General Assembly in the election of its President. In addition to his outstanding human and intellectual qualities, Mr. Thorn has valuable experience in the management of the particular problems of an economic community within which developed States and new States are associated, a personal experience rare in our times, despite the fact that peace and normal conditions in the world largely depend on finding formulas and devising compromises which will remove the tensions that today disturb relations between the advanced countries and the developing peoples.
67.	We rejoice, therefore, at the presence of Mr. Thorn as President of the Assembly. We also wish to welcome to the world Organization, as independent and sovereign States, the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Republic of Cape Verde and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe.
68.	These two circumstances are not necessarily isolated; they reflect certain predominant trends of our times, the significance of which is not yet appreciated in its true dimensions. And this explains why, as the. annual sessions of the General Assembly succeed one another, we note the progress of the idea that the general debate is an anachronistic institution within which it is thought evidence is given of the alleged absence of political maturity and precision of ideas usually attributed to the representatives of tropical countries, in contrast with the seriousness and economy of words of which the spokesmen of the developed countries and the Nordic cultures boast. Possibly at times there is some basis for this idea but it would be a dangerous mistake to seek the solution to a procedural question without previously considering the substantive problem which today affects the United Nations, that of finding a new political and economic balance in the world in which there is room for the new realities which arose tumultuously after the Organization came into being. The multitude of postponed problems, of problems which have deliberately been left unsolved, is the reason which confers on the general debate this aspect of growing confrontation and pugnacity which alarms many and which could hardly be done away with by depriving this Assembly on its status as the appropriate forum for avoiding tensions created by unresolved disputes or those which are difficult to solve within power situations created in an authoritarian manner at the end of the Second World War.
69.	Finding this new balance is all the more necessary since it is well known today that at each session of the
Assembly pessimism regarding the world Organization becomes more noticeable among the Powers which so decisively contributed to its creation and whose behavior at times gives the impression that they consider it a hindrance to the satisfactory development of their foreign policy.
70.	We do not rule out the possibility that the nations which emerged to autonomous life in the midst of the great commotions which transformed the political map of the world after the Second World War, do in fact lack the experience and wisdom which in the past the great Powers ascribed exclusively to themselves  virtues which were the result of holding, throughout centuries, a leading position in international affairs. But it is surprising how quickly the optimism of yesterday has become the pessimism of today. The aspirations of the new States, which are today maligned as being exorbitant, were not difficult to foresee when, in August 1941, aboard a British battleship, two great Anglo-Saxon statesmen signed the Atlantic Charter, wherein they stated:
"Being met together, deem it right to make known certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world.
"First, their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other;
"Second, they desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the clearly expressed wishes of the peoples concerned;
"Third, they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and self government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them;
"Fourth, they will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity;
"Fifth, they desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field with the object of securing, for all, improved labor standards, economic adjustment, and social security. . ."
71.	The statesmen on board the British ship HMS Prince of Wales called in those terms for the support of all peoples and societies which for centuries had been subjected to a colonial or dependent regime. They had in mind the decisive contribution of that support to triumph over an enemy whose political philosophy expressed the brutal refusal by the powerful to recognize the rights of peoples of other races and of underdeveloped countries. As a foreseeable consequence of these declarations and the realities they recognized, new States gradually joined the United Nations, and the outcome has meant that the world Organization, which was founded with 51 Member States, is now made up of 141 sovereign nations which as a whole represent the broad spectrum of problems that arise at different levels of economic and political development.
72.	Today these problems seem new because they arise within the arena of world politics, but they are not so very different from those faced in their internal life by the great Powers whose spokesmen signed the Atlantic Charter, when the democratic spirit of their national constitutions compelled the rulers to grant guarantees and better remuneration to the social classes which traditionally had been the victims of inequalities imposed by their governing minorities. It was also stated then and history bears witness to this that the proletarian classes lacked training and responsibility to be able to become involved, through their vote, in the great affairs of State, and periods of pessimism were felt by these classes at each step of their way up on the political and social power scale.
73.	Possibly at the initial stages as occurs today internationally there were reasons to distrust the responsibility of social sectors which for the first time participated in the political decision-making process. But the passage of time saw to it that what was unknown became clear and the various types of philosophy which were used to consecrate the established order became unrealistic; the ruling classes, which were so opposed to their participation, ended by discovering that there was no harm in improving the consumption capacity and level of income of the major sectors of their population, and sought agreements which would give society greater stability and make it possible to submit the crucial problems of the nation to the periodical vote of their citizens.
74.	It therefore does not seem justified that some Western Powers and some Eastern Powers should express surprise when, within the world Organization, there arise discrepancies that are typical of all processes aimed at destroying century-old inequalities and increasing the decision-making power of peoples which, in an international order that was distorted by the traditional imbalances of power, have been deprived of autonomy and of the opportunity to acquire the necessary virtues and responsibility to exercise that power with prudence and objectivity. It can hardly be regarded as a solution to the difficulties confronting the United Nations today to contribute to the decline of its prestige simply because in that body differing currents of opinion are reflected, or because in it forces are emerging which had no say in the interpretation given by the Powers victorious in a world war with regard to the purposes and scope of the Organization. Nor can it be a solution to threaten to suspend payment of the quotas through which contributions are made for its maintenance, or to take the course, as is occurring, of resolving international conflicts outside the framework of the world Organization, without consulting it, and seeking a stage on which it is possible to deal with international problems as simple questions of national interest or of balance of military power.
75. It is true that it would be unfair to assert that the power and prosperity that are today enjoyed by the great Powers are something gratuitous, something not connected with the tenacious and intelligent efforts exerted by their peoples through the generations and the sacrifices they endured in the past in order to reach the levels of pre-eminence and prosperity that they today enjoy. It would be equally foolish to ignore the mistaken decisions or the grave omissions made by societies which, through the centuries, have kept themselves in a state of stagnation and, without taking advantage of them, have allowed opportunities for progress to pass by, opportunities which history has frequently offered them to achieve the well-being which they have only begun to desire and exerted themselves to acquire when they have seen it displayed in the showcases of the affluent societies. Those backward societies constitute a heterogeneous whole, with interests that are not always in agreement because of their varying degrees of development and dependency, and it is therefore inevitable that their discrepancies are accentuated when they try to find joint solutions to specific problems. Hence, it is somewhat arbitrary to attribute complete homogeneity to what is called the underdeveloped world.
76.	But, recognizing, as we must, that the nations now suffering the consequences of economic backwardness are not without blame, any explanation of how the profound gaps which today separate them from the developed countries would be incomplete if we were to omit the decisive role that force and the abuse of force played in the distribution of political and economic power, of poverty and well-being, in the world inherited by our generation.
77.	The enormous accumulation of wealth concentrated today in a few regions of the earth, wealth which the institutional mechanisms existing in those areas make it possible to distribute with a measure of equity among the inhabitants thereof, is not the exclusive product of the virtues, the ingenuity or the economic ethics of which they so often boast; it is also the result of the consolidation, on an international scale, of an order of relationships among the peoples of the planet, between the areas south and north of the Equator, between the temperate zones and the tropical zones. In that order, the equivalent values for their products were determined, to a great degree, by coercive and often predatory procedures. The mechanisms of the world market which, according to hallowed economic doctrines, were supposed to be automatic and impartial, were at a very early date distorted by the interferences of power, and thus a world took shape that was riddled with inequalities, a world that could be perpetuated, as was indeed done, on the basis of philosophies that prided themselves on the virtues of strength or the superiority of certain races which benevolently shouldered what a renowned poet once called "the white man's burden".
78.	A situation thus came into being in which a limited number of nations made up a privileged world establishment, while at the same time vast areas of the earth found themselves despoiled of an increasing share of the economic value of their labor and deprived of the ability, thanks to the meager income permitted to them, to improve, through distributional mechanisms, the deplorable living conditions of their peoples.
79.	We are therefore witnessing an acceleration of the processes of change required to correct situations which in the contemporary world are manifestly obsolete. These corrections require that the essential concessions be made in large measure by the Powers in which the wealth has been accumulated, not by the nations which, by being ill-paid for centuries for their resources, have made possible the concentration of prosperity and well-being in a few regions of the planet. The desirable fairness and prudence in the course of those processes of change cannot be demanded in equal measure alike from those who must take these decisions from a position of power and affluence, and those countries that entered the United Nations under the dead weight of all their former dependencies and with the negative inheritance left to them by a history of subjugation and scanty remuneration for the fruits of the labor of their peoples.
80.	If it is sought to find a new and a sounder political and economic balance in the world, and to create "consensuses" that will facilitate the functioning of the United Nations, it cannot be presumed that such "consensuses" must mean the resigned acceptance of the established order by representatives of the underdeveloped and tropical parts of the world, or the renunciation in advance of the pressure which, by their votes in this Assembly, they can exert for the solution of grave problems for which, all too frequently, the remedy offered has consisted of routine resolutions that mean only an indefinite postponement of the matter. Responsibility cannot be the task exclusively of the small countries; it is rather the natural function of the great countries. The atmosphere of confrontation in the United Nations that concerns us today is due, in no small measure, to the persistent reluctance of the great Powers to accept the necessary compromises in a world which, politically and culturally, cannot allow a continuance of the unjust inequalities which in past times seemed natural and even proper for those who notoriously benefited from them.
81.	One cannot think otherwise when the way the world economy functions is constantly reflected by the colossal indebtedness of the third world, and the great creditor Powers resist a serious study of the possibility of renegotiating the debts, just at a time when the results of the United Nations Development Decades present so discouraging a balance and offer additional evidence of the lack of willingness on the part of the developed nations to contribute appropriately to a more balanced distribution of wealth and economic progress throughout the world. This is in sharp contrast to the excessive sensitivity which those nations show when typical murket conditions or the combined efforts of producers of raw materials or fuels succeed in winning a substantial improvement in their international remuneration. It is not compatible with the aspiration to create more stable conditions in the world that the efforts of good will made by the developing countries to reach agreements between producers and consumers of the main raw materials meet with a response of indifference or frank hostility from the major consumer countries, and that the latter feel they are victims and proclaim that the world economy is in danger when the producers of raw materials unite to defend the international level of their prices.
82.	The major problem of establishing more equitable terms of trade between the prices of industrial products and of raw materials and fuels, like that of preventing the export of inflation from the affluent societies from seriously affecting countries which do not have the same operating and marketing facilities for re-exporting that inflation and improving the value of their exports, cannot be eluded indefinitely, and if procedures such as indexing, for example, are not satisfactory or acceptable, the proper conduct for the developed countries is not to evade the problem with declarations devoid of practical effectiveness but rather to take the initiative in suggesting alternatives which will result in effective progress in correcting the inequalities which today profoundly distort the international economy. The resignation of nations which accepted ridiculous prices for the labor of their peoples has altered substantively and every day it seems more difficult to maintain a situation in which the well-being and waste of highly developed nations depend to a large extent on the meagre income which the world market, affected by monopolistic mechanisms, allows the developing countries to keep for their growth and well-being.
83.	Equal concern might arise because of the resistance encountered in respect of the general system of preferences which, if genuinely and loyally applied, would lead to a new international division of labor throughout the world. Countries which have already succeeded in developing a highly sophisticated technology, which gives them a monopoly in vast segments of the most complex and advanced industries of our time, persist in reviving an obsolete protectionism to prevent access to their markets of the industrial products of countries whose development is going through the initial phases of industrialization. As an argument for reviewing this regressive protectionism, claims and resistance by trade unions of some backward industries of the great Powers are alleged, with the additional demand that the developing countries avoid any confrontation in the United Nations. It is hardly an edifying spectacle when some trade unions of the great Powers lobby their Governments to prevent their making essential reforms. The fact that the racist reactions and the most anachronistic motivations of former colonialism have been transferred to and seek to perpetuate themselves in the conduct of trade unions of the nations which, because of their might, have the greatest responsibility for the preservation of peace, is not an encouraging symptom with respect to the possibility that the problems of the modern world will be managed with the equity and wisdom they require.
84.	To all of this must be added the behavior of the press in certain affluent societies. That press started by giving itself the right to decide what news is important and what is not and has finally deceived itself into believing that only what is published in its pages is important. Only the negative aspects of the developing countries are of interest to them, and they consider themselves authorized not to mention events which imply positive advances in the progress of our societies. Contraband, illegal traffic in drugs, crimes, riots, frequent and irregular changes of Government, statistics on malnutrition, mortality and other consequences of backwardness these constitute the only news which they consider to be worthy of editorial mention or to be brought to the attention of their readers.
85.	Of course, it would be unfair to make the Governments of those affluent societies responsible for the conduct of their press, which fortunately enjoys the constitutional prerogative of freedom. My country considers that freedom of the press is essential, and we associate it with the progress achieved by mankind in establishing machinery to defend citizens and reflect public aspirations, which frequently have no spokes-man within the rigid framework created in society by vested interests. But we cannot underrate the harmful effects of what the press of the affluent societies does or fails to do at times when those responsible for foreign policy in those societies are determined to carry out sound reforms of the international order.
86.	Owing to the distorted image which this press presents of the underdeveloped world, further aggravated by the presumptuous superiority with which it criticizes anything reprehensible that happens in the developing countries, one would be tempted to wonder whether perhaps that press was edited on some unknown planet rather than in the same affluent societies in which successful attempts are made on the lives of high officers of the Government; crime has grown to unprecedented levels; racial and political violence has acquired hitherto unknown characteristics; and drug abuse is so rampant as to warrant the setting up of powerful illegal organizations of their nationals with abundant funds to finance the traffic in drugs and exercise an unwholesome influence abroad, resulting in the export of corruption to other societies.
87.	The realities which are today apparent in the civil life of certain affluent societies are hardly edifying and hardly entitle their press to judge the conduct of the developing countries with such a notorious lack of moderation, equity and prudence.
88.	Responsibility in international behavior, so insistently demanded of the new countries which have recently entered the world Organization, must first be demonstrated by the great Powers conducting their foreign policies independently of the private interests and the pressure groups of their own societies. World peace and the decisive task of creating a new international order cannot depend on parochialisms which, in the guise of national interest, are frequently expressed in the conduct of the public authorities of those countries. The trade unions' appeasement of their backward industries goes in tandem with their ambiguous position towards the multinational corporations, as is shown by the debates that have been held in various United Nations forums.
89.	These transnational corporations are the new and formidable institutions of modern economy; and their power, which goes beyond all national frontiers, must be subject to controls and be institutionalized in some manner. The desirability of so doing is not in the interests of the underdeveloped countries alone: the Governments of the great nations have a similar interest in not allowing a world economic power to expand unchecked to gigantic proportions without institutional limitations, since this might imply similar threats for the autonomy of the decisions of their own Governments. It is therefore surprising that there should be a lack of interest on the part of the highly developed countries in the timid efforts made in various forums of the world Organization to regulate the conduct and activities of the transnational corporations.
90.	We are of course aware that iL is no easy mailer to solve the problems that I have listed here, and that each of them is influenced by powerful vested interests which hamper, and will continue lo hamper, the actions of States in their attempts to formulate a foreign policy in which the needs of mankind and the need to preserve peace throughout the world will predominate. Similarly, we must recognize that some countries whose action is decisive are gradually modifying the traditional premises of their foreign policy, and that some of their eminent men, who bear the heaviest responsibilities, are wisely and imaginatively alert to the repercussions of contemporary conflicts, and are even trying to anticipate the unknown difficulties that will confront mankind in relation to the possession and control of resources, the existence of which, until recent times, has been largely unknown. 1 am referring to the vast riches of the sea and of its various geologic strata, which, all of a sudden, seem to be the solution to many problems. At the same time, the matter of this wealth and the areas where it is to be found is becoming a fertile ground for conflicts among nations, according to the intelligent and timely observation of United States Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who emphasized the far-reaching implications which the decisions or the indecision of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea have and will have [2355th meeting, para. 134].
91.	The same can be said of another scarce natural resource having exceptional and unique characteristics: the earth-synchronized stationary orbit of satellites.
92.	We can no longer postpone a legal definition of outer space and of earth-space communications, because past experience and foreseeable developments in the next few years highlight the notorious lacunas in existing conventions on the peaceful exploration and use of outer space. Those conventions did not take into account, for example, its exploitation for gain, or the legal and physically immutable existence of segments of that earth orbit permanently placed within the territorial skies of various equatorial countries which are States Members of the United Nations, as is the case with Colombia, which is situated between approximately 70 and 75 degrees west of Greenwich.
93.	Since the time is drawing near when in due course we shall see the "use or occupation'" of such positions by commercial enterprises wishing to place such "fixed radio communications stations" within the territory of sovereign countries, the Government of Colombia considers it urgent to regulate the assignment of sites for fixed satellites, because it might very well happen that individuals or legal entities would claim a suigeneris kind of "private sovereignty" within sovereign countries, which is unacceptable to the latter.
94.	Colombia does not object to free orbital transit or to communications requiring the devices envisaged and authorized by the International Telecommunications Convention, as long as those devices ply the territorial sky in a gravitational flight, from any practical height to infinity. But a clear exception is to be made in the case of devices which are to be fixed on a segment of their stationary orbit, because we consider that segment as one of our "natural resources" a resource which has always been part of our full sovereignty,
95.	This session of the Assembly we are attending today is not, therefore, of a routine nature: it is taking place at a time when the world situation is such that there are grounds for faith in the wisdom of those who govern, but there are also many reasons for pessimism and fear. As the representative of Colombia , I can only express in this forum, whose prestige has been enhanced by the words of eminent personalities, the hope of my fellow citizens that in the Western and Eastern Powers the forces of self-interest will not prevail which wish to prevent removal of the obstacles which are dangerously thwarting the search for a new and more satisfactory balance between the affluent and the impoverished worlds, between the rich peoples and the vast pauperized masses of the planet, on whose discontent one cannot build a lasting international order. Let us hope that no one will yield to the temptation of thinking that power and force constitute effective instruments for the perpetuation of old policies of privilege. In the nuclear age there will be no time for a new Atlantic Charter intended to win the support of peoples whose endorsement was not won in time, in order to incorporate them into an international community less exposed to the tensions, inequalities and conflicts which today make the world tread a tightrope.


243.	 Chile comes to this thirtieth session of the General Assembly inspired by the same spirit of cooperation which prompts all its acts in matters of international policy. Its greatest wish is to consolidate friendly relations with all States, subject only to the condition of non-interference in internal or external affairs and the maintenance of mutual respect and consideration. Its most heartfelt wish is to work for economic and social progress and for the establishment of conditions leading to international peace and security.
244.	Chile, one of the founding Members of the United Nations, and one which collaborated most actively in the preparation of the document in San Francisco that gave life to the Organization, now reaffirms its strong adherence to the principles and purposes of our Organization and to each provision of its Charter. Chile still sees in the Charter the main safeguard for the maintenance of peace and security in a disoriented world where, despite extraordinary technological advances, poverty, hunger and backwardness have become even more obvious, and in a world where, despite the statements made by the great Powers of their desire for peace, weapons capable of destroying all mankind in a few minutes are still being accumulated. This stage of great contradictions, as described by a great American statesman, makes an unprecedented opportunity and dangers without parallel.
245.	Under the mantle of an apparent detente, what has been called social imperialism continues to exploit the threat of nuclear war to obtain concessions from peace-loving Powers, and continues to give its support to subversive movements and terrorist violence, seeking to intimidate small or medium-sized nations.
246.	We are not, of course, opposed to the purposes of the so-called international detente, but we are extremely concerned by the fact that, in the shape it is taking, it may be no more than a narcotic, an anesthetic to conceal from the peoples the real situation in which we are living,
247.	No one should be astonished, therefore, when countries such as Chile zealously seek to give greater effectiveness to regional bodies and to renew their treaties of mutual assistance, as was done a short time ago in San Jose, Costa Rica, by the American States.
248.	We are also concerned by the growing politicization of the General Assembly, a body which was not created as a forum for ideological confrontations, but rather to serve as the highest instrument of international co-operation.
249.	In all sincerity I express my concern at this dangerous trend, which might even jeopardize the future of this Organization. Small but sovereign and proud countries, such as Chile, have placed all their trust and faith in the Organization. We must see to it that they are not disappointed. The responsibility lies with the Member States themselves, and I appeal to them to return to the world Organization the true role assigned to it by its principles and purposes and the machinery created to implement them.
250.	I shall now refer to some of the specific items on the agenda for this session and shall state, in general terms, Chile's position on them.
251.	My Government feels that the Middle East problem must be solved in accordance with the texts of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. These texts, and especially resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), adopted by the Security Council, contain the three elements essential to the solution so ardently sought. First of all, it is essential that Israel withdraw its troops from the territories of the Arab countries it now occupies. After that, a just solution must be found, within the framework of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, for the plight of the Palestinian people, a solution recognizing that people's right to self-determination and national sovereignty in other words, its right to have a homeland once again. Finally, a solemn commitment must be undertaken to respect the territorial integrity and political independence of all the States in the region. Those elements influence each other and constitute a whole. If a just and lasting solution is to be reached, therefore, they must be taken as a whole. We admit that the timing of each element will not be easy to work out, but that is far from impossible.
252.	We therefore welcome the agreements recently reached concerning the disengagement of forces in the Sinai peninsula as a first step towards a final solution for all the States in the area of a problem that has threatened peace and security.
253.	My Government has been traditionally in favor of the universality of international organizations. In conformity with that attitude we vote in favor of the admission of ad new States Members that fulfill the requirements expressly set forth in Article 4 of the Charter.
254.	We extend a most cordial welcome to the three new States that have joined the Organization: Cape Verde, Mozambique, and Sao Tome and Principe. We sincerely wish them a peaceful political and economic development.
255.	The admission of three new States is truly a landmark in the decolonization policy of the United Nations. As a member of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, Chile is very pleased at the success of this policy, and we hereby renew our most enthusiastic support for it.
256.	We are, however, fully aware that there still exist, especially in the African continent, colonial situations that require a just solution. In that connexion we wish to express our solidarity with the position adopted by OAU with regard to these problems.
257.	In the spirit of brotherhood and peaceful coexistence that inspires its international policy, Chile invited, in early September this year, the countries of the Andean Group to conduct a joint study of the best way to achieve a limitation on military expenditure and to use the funds thus saved for the economic and social development of our peoples. The Santiago meeting, as a continuation of the one held in Lima, saw substantial progress in this field. The subjects to be studied in the immediate future were defined in greater detail and specific form was given to the ways and means of reaching general agreement on this important matter. There was a consensus that the other Latin American countries should be invited to participate in future meetings.
258.	During the conference held in Chile, my Government submitted to the other five participants a draft treaty for the strengthening of peace which, if accepted, would be open to signature by all the countries members of the Organization of American States.
259.	We took that initiative to consolidate in the Andean region an atmosphere of security and peace that would be conducive to an arms limitation agreement. The essentially new element of that draft treaty is that, on the basis of the various types of aggression described in the annex to resolution 3314 (XXIX), the obligation not to commit the acts listed in that resolution is given a solemn and contractual character.
260.	I have the firm hope that Latin America can make rapid progress on the road to arms limitation and that it will be in a position to set an example for the world in this field.
261.	On the same lines, my Government has given its full support to and has accepted resolution 3255 B (XXIX), adopted at the last session, concerning the prohibition of the use of incendiary weapons. It is, furthermore, a pleasure for me to announce that Chile will in due course ratify the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction [resolution 2826 (XXVI), annex].
262.	Chile is a party to the Antarctic Treaty and to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America. We are in favor of the establishment of other nuclear-weapon-free zones, and we welcome with special interest the initiative taken by Fiji and New Zealand in proposing the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the South Pacific [.s^e Al 10192, annex]. We have a vital interest in that ocean, on which my country has an extended coastline, and we maintain and wish to strengthen all our relations with the other countries with coastlines on that great sea.
263.	I am pleased to point out to this Assembly that in February last the Presidents of Bolivia and Chile decided, freely and spontaneously, to renew the diplomatic relations that had been interrupted 12 years ago. The exchange of ambassadors has made possible the establishment of a direct and active dialog for the purpose of analyzing the wishes of each country, including Bolivia's wish to obtain a sovereign outlet to the sea supplementing the free transit facilities it currently enjoys.
264.	The problems are complex. They require thorough study, in an atmosphere of great tranquility that will allow for the consideration of solutions that will be mutually desirable and will facilitate the economic development of both countries. We are confident that the good will prevailing within the Governments of Chile and Bolivia will enable us to achieve realistic and final agreements.
265.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has entered a decisive stage with the drawing up of an informal single negotiating text to serve as the basis for negotiations which should lead to the adoption, in 1976, of a treaty providing standards for all the uses of seas and oceans.
266.	The delegation of Chile a maritime country par excellence which has worked actively on this subject since its inception in the former sea-bed Committee, has untiringly striven to give fresh impetus to the international negotiations and, as a member of the bureau of the Conference, was in favor of the drafting of this basic document, which allows us the optimistic expectation of a happy outcome.
267.	The single text gives shape to two main legal concepts that constitute the two axes of the international solution: the exclusive economic zone of 200 miles and the international regime for the sea-bed as an expression of the concept of the common heritage of mankind.
268.	The support given by universal consensus to the concept of a jurisdictional zone of 200 miles with a primarily economic content is a matter of justified satisfaction for Chile, for we were the first country to proclaim, 28 years ago, this dimension for our oceanic jurisdiction.
269.	The economic zone will permit less advanced countries to develop their coastal fisheries for the benefit of their peoples; this is a project we have been able to complete successfully with Ecuador and Peru, the two countries with which we signed the South Pacific Agreement.
270.	The international regime for the sea-bed will permit economic exploitation of this new frontier of mankind for the benefit of all peoples, with special regard for the developing countries. It is evident that the basic document will need substantial improvements by means of negotiations which, I am certain, will be successful.
271.	I now wish to refer to the repeated and slanderous accusation of violation of human rights hurled against Chile in a number of international forums and in this very Organization. A campaign, organized with no regard to cost and without parallel in the means at its disposal and the variety of systems it utilizes, has tried to centre the world's attention on a specific country because of the sole fact that this country has defeated an ideology that purported to be "progressive" and which had taken the country to the edge of an abyss.
272.	Even though as declared by Pope Paul VI last year "No nation is today free of guilt where human rights are concerned", it is not my intention to dwell here on the cases and the information which day by day we read about concerning arrests, political trials, murders and the suppression of civil liberties in so many nations. But what I must say is that as long as international bodies lose sight of the universal character of human rights and seek to judge certain individual countries, while at the same time assuring others who commit the same offenses of impunity, they cannot expect their agreements to have true value or to be truly respected. Even less so when those who sponsor or enter into such agreements are Governments which long have maintained repressive regimes of tyranny in which all human rights are systematically trampled underfoot.
273.	Chile is still living under an emergency juridical regime that is not the result of our wishes or philosophy, but rather the sequel of the previous political regime, whose purpose was to impose a totalitarian doctrine on the country. It is the natural defense against terrorist action daily abetted and directed from abroad.
274.	The truth is that even in the most solidly established democracies, terrorism and extremist movements have introduced a new phenomenon against which conventional penal measures are ineffectual. In a world where there is no hesitation in kidnapping or murdering innocent victims, where attempts have been made to assassinate a great President outstanding for his kindness and rectitude, we hear, paradoxically, a louder clamor of concern for the lives of the criminals than for those of the victims.
275.	Society must defend itself from this cruel and bloody onslaught or perish. In the face of this dilemma, we see everywhere in the world, as the logical defense of society, the appearance of preventive and emergency legislation that to a certain extent restricts freedom and traditional legal guarantees.
276.	The emergency juridical regime is not a creation of the present Chilean Government; it results from the application of constitutional norms that have been in existence for many years. They do not allow arbitrary acts. Quite to the contrary, they give guarantees to she persons to whom they are applied for reasons of public safety. Even though the exercise of some rights is suspended, there is no denial or violation of human rights, an accusation which has been unjustly leveled at us and which I categorically reject. Courts of justice are working in completely normal condition and independent of the Executive; and the emergency regime is being progressively and steadily relaxed. These limitations on certain freedoms have been accepted by the overwhelming majority of the population, who see in these provisional measures the unavoidable steps to overcome the chaos and the lack of security in which they had lived until September of 1973.
277.	I must recall here that these kinds of restrictions are contemplated in international documents. Such is the case, for instance, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex], ratified by Chile but not in force because many of the countries now slandering us have not given it their approval. Article 4, paragraph 1, of that text states:
"In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, the States Parties to the present Covenant may take measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not inconsistent with their other obligations under international law and do not involve discrimination solely on the ground of race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin."
278.	In applying those emergency measures in a situation that had endangered the very life of the nation, Chile strictly followed this indispensable safeguard clause, without which the Covenant would never have been agreed upon.
279.	Fully aware that we had been able to avoid the abyss at the last moment, of having avoided in the nick of time a civil war that would have claimed hundreds of thousands of victims, of having adopted the most indispensable security measures to maintain peace in the country, the authorities opened their doors, without any restrictions whatsoever, to every international committee, journalist or politician who cared to visit us. I must confess that we were too naive. Our experience was that many of the pseudo- "observers" came to us with preconceived ideas and that the only purpose of their visits was to confirm their negative prejudices. In Chile they said one thing to us, and once they had left they said something entirely different.
280.	Nevertheless, in spite of that experience and because we are convinced that we have nothing to hide to such an extent that our frontiers remain open, with no visa requirements, to any tourist who wishes to visit us we accepted at the beginning of this year that an Ad Hoc Working Group of the Commission on Human Rights should come to Chile. Such a gesture has not been made by any of the Governments which vilify us, and is unprecedented in the history of the United Nations. The Chilean authorities, who from the beginning were ready to collaborate with the Group, were prepared to give it the necessary facilities for the discharge of its mission.
281.	However, in the discharge of the primary obligation of every Government to protect domestic peace, the Chilean Government felt, much to its regret, that it was essential to cancel the authorization for the Working Group's visit in the circumstances and in the manner that had been proposed. That decision, the decision of a sovereign State, was made for reasons given by my Government at the appropriate time, which I shall now try to summarize.
282.	In the first place, a number of bodies in the United Nations system had prejudged the matter to be studied during the visit, without awaiting its outcome. In spite of the fact that the visit was imminent, the International labor Conference and the World Conference of the International Women's Year hastened to condemn Chile for alleged violations of human rights, totally ignoring the work of the Commission on Human Rights and disregarding in advance the work to be done by its Working Group. Those facts led to the logical conclusion that a political treatment would be given to the Commission's report, based on the prejudgments that had inspired the condemnations I have referred to, with no regard to the report's contents.
283.	Secondly, on the eve of the arrival of the Working Group the authorities detected an intention in the country to receive it in an atmosphere of internal unrest. That movement, which was encouraged and directed by foreign broadcasting stations, was aimed at filling the embassies with pseudo-political refugees and promoting sabotage and attacks on persons. It was thus an attempt to give the Working Group a false image, totally unrelated to the true situation prevailing in the country.
284.	Thirdly, I must point out that the procedural terms of reference of the Working Group were not clearly established. There is nothing strange in that, for in the entire history of the United Nations, Chile was the first country which had accepted the idea of a visit by a Working Group to ascertain whether human rights were being respected in its territory. Other States accused of violations of those rights refused to receive similar missions.
285.	My Government feels that its action in welcoming the Inter-American Committee on Human Rights and a permanent committee of the International Red Cross, which enjoyed the greatest possible freedom of action, should be duly appreciated.
286.	These facts should lead us to ponder the need for the working groups of the Commission on Human Rights to be able to act in a manner different from that planned. On the one hand, a decision is necessary for the establishment of machinery of a universal character, permitting the study in situ of all allegations of violations of human rights throughout the world, without discrimination. On the other hand, the terms of reference of working groups sent to accused countries should be prepared and known in advance and for that purpose rules of procedure of general application should be prepared to direct their activities. Thus, when in future countries agree to such visits as in the exceptional case of Chile there will be guarantees and procedures established in advance for the due protection of their security and the adequate respect of their sovereignty.
287.	In that connexion, the suggestions made during the general debate by a number of delegations, particularly those made by the representative of Belgium [2361st meeting], could be taken into account.
288.	Furthermore, I cannot fail to mention our difficulty in understanding the attitude of some countries which, during the discussions that led to the International Covenants on Human Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex], refused to implement them and thus give them international effectiveness, or that of those countries which have not yet ratified them, and are now the very ones that accuse Chile of not fully implementing them.
289.	If I have referred to the emergency regime that my Government was compelled to establish, that does not mean that that regime will be permanent quite the contrary. It is being relaxed progressively and without interruption. What is more, the Government itself has sought this result through reforms of previous legislation and has granted to persons prosecuted by military tribunals a series of recourses that did not exist before September 1973, thus improving their legal situation, always protected by the rules of law. Today the same recourses granted by ordinary courts of justice can be requested and obtained. However, the Supreme Court still maintains its supervisory role over all the courts of justice in the land and exercises that right with full independence. Moreover, many prison sentences have been commuted into internal exile, and many persons who were detained by virtue of the state of siege have now been freed, among them prominent leaders of the previous Government. That is a matter of public record, since many of those persons spend their time abroad vociferating against Chile.
290.	Provided that peaceful conditions in the country are not affected, that terrorist and subversive activities are not encouraged by powerful broadcasting stations of Eastern Europe and the Caribbean and that the shipment of arms from abroad is stopped, we shall be able to bring the emergency regime to an end in accordance with the very best Chilean traditions.
291.	That should not be interpreted as a return to a specific type of juridical structure which is now in crisis. It is obvious that even the most stable and traditional democracies are actively seeking new constitutional forms that will allow societies to adapt to the needs of modern times, to the process of technology and to the great moral, economic and social problems that man himself has created. New forms for society are now being sought in all countries because the political, social and economic structures are not consistent with today's realities, nor are they capable of tackling the problems of today's society.
292.	We do not believe, for our part, that democracy, freedom and participation, which to us are fundamental concepts, are of necessity linked to a given juridical structure.
293.	It is not the very foundations of democracy which have proved to be inoperative, but the machinery which expresses them. Democracy should not be, as some claim, a synonym for weakness or demagogy. On the contrary, it needs a responsible authority capable of guiding the community to see to everyone's well-being and to ensure the fundamental spiritual unity of the people in keeping with human rights and with the essence of national tradition. Without that authority democracy loses its reason for existence.
294.	The Government of Chile has noted with great concern the consequences of the present international economic situation. The world economy has now embarked on a phase of remarkable instability. The new prices of oil have undoubtedly served to highlight the weaknesses of the system of economic relations among nations of the world. The present crisis affects international trade and monetary relations and it renders more acute the problem of the distribution of the world economic product.
295.	We share with satisfaction the consensus reflected in resolution 3362 (S-VII) which opens new paths and lays down standards for international economic development and co-operation in solving the above-mentioned problems, achieving greater world economic balance and improving the prospects for progress in developing countries.
Mr. Thorn (Luxembourg) resumed the Chair.
296.	The above-mentioned agreement reflects the new spirit which inspired the States Members of the United Nations to reach those goals which have been discussed for far too long. In this context, we associate ourselves with what was said by the Minister for External Affairs of Brazil [2355th meeting] on the desirability of negotiating, between developed and developing countries, a general agreement which will serve as a political and juridical pattern for concrete negotiations, correct distortions and fill the gaps left by existing agreements.
297.	It is essential, as envisaged in the resolution, to arrive at binding agreements to protect the real prices of the exports of raw materials from developing countries.
298.	Chile is one of the countries which have been most affected by the present crisis, owing both to the lack of fuel and to the extraordinary fall in the price of copper, which is its main export product. The effect both factors have had on us is the approximate equivalent of 50 per cent of the value of Chile's exports.
299.	We are aware that the solutions of an international character to which I have referred cannot be implemented as rapidly as circumstances require. That is why the internal efforts made by countries are of vital importance. That is why Chile is now implementing an economic and social policy which requires sacrifices from all sectors of the nation. Remarkable efforts have been made to contain the hyper-inflation which was unleashed in 1973, in which prices rose by 1,000 per cent. We have now been able to reduce it by one fourth of that figure.
300.	Our open-door policy as regards foreign trade, accompanied by an exceptional increase in non- traditional exports and an increase in the internal production of foods, has made it possible for us to handle the most difficult periods in the present crisis. In parallel, we attach great importance to the idea of establishing a collective security network to face the fluctuations in the balance of payments which result from diminished income from the sale of raw materials. This subject is now being studied by the central banks of the continent and their success can be ensured by the participation of the international economic community.
301.	During this year we have continued our efforts to strengthen the progress of regional integration by ratifying the Protocol which creates the Council of Foreign Ministers of the member nations of the Latin American Free Trade Association. At the same time, we are actively participating in the streamlining of the machinery of the subregional Andean Pact for the purpose of making it conform to the new requirements of the international economic situation.
302.	We have noted with attention the growing interest in arriving at international agreements on raw materials. Chile appreciates the great responsibility entailed by the possession of one of the greatest riches of the world copper mines. This reserve accounts for 22 per cent of the world total and the new prospects could bring it up to 30 per cent in the near future.
303.	The great importance which the export of Chilean copper has in world markets has prompted us to participate in agreements with other exporting countries, such as Peru, Zaire and Zambia, for the purpose of co-ordinating policies and seeking common solutions to the problems which beset us. We welcome with deep interest the ideas expressed by the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, and by the President of France, Mr. Giscard d'Estaing, aimed at seeking a harmonious settlement in connexion with this commodity, which is of fundamental importance for the economic development of mankind. Therefore we state our wish to co-operate in the search for solutions which, while protecting the national heritage, will also be consistent with the general interest.
304.	Concerned over the world food crisis, we have made great efforts to increase our domestic productivity. As a result we have achieved as an average a growth of 20 per cent in our 14 major crops; this will make it possible for us to cut our food imports to half what they were in 1973,
305.	The President of the Republic of Chile, after two years in office, has singled out the essential points of his five-year plan of social action. It is the fundamental goal of social development, he has stated, to make effective equal opportunities for all the people, the only differences being those which stem from lesser or greater personal aptitude.
306.	My Government, in line with this concept and in full conformity with the preambular paragraphs of resolution 3362 (S-V1I), has set in motion a vast Program of social reform, improving educational as well as health prospects, dwellings, provisional standards and labor legislation. The growing number of workers' enterprises, the provisional reform, the law on compulsory training, the social status of the enterprise, a very modern law on co-operatives and a vast Program for minimum employment are some of the outstanding elements in this dynamic and effective social Program.
307.	In addition, an unparalleled effort in the supply of food has been made which makes it possible to distribute 1,400,000 breakfasts and luncheons daily to students. We have now set up an important social housing Program. We have set in motion an ambitious Program of supply and distribution which consists in establishing premises for the sale of products essential for the home in the poorer sectors of the population. We have also implemented a vast Program of education and care of young children, aimed at feeding and educating children from the most needy homes. I should refer in particular to the nutritional Program, the broadest carried out in Chile, which makes it possible to give milk to 95 per cent of Chilean children from low-income families. This pro-gramme has made it possible to reduce infant mortality to the lowest figure so far reached in my country.
308.	Chile can point with pride to a policy which, on the basis of the efforts of all its people, has enabled it to overcome the most serious crises in the last few decades. This effort, which in many forms is also being carried out by other nations, particularly the small ones, should be appreciated in its true scope by the international community.
309.	I should like to refer finally to a principle which since the San Francisco Conference has been considered as essential in our Organization non-interference in the internal or external affairs of States. I wish to speak about it because it is my conviction not only that that principle is not being applied but that intervention and failure to respect it become more manifest day by day on the part of certain States. This is not consistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. This in no way promotes "friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self- determination of peoples" one of the objectives contained in Article 1 of the Charter. Article 2, paragraph 7, which prohibits the United Nations from interfering "in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State", is completely disregarded.
310.	What is forbidden to the Organization is with even more reason forbidden to Member States. This was recognized in the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV), annex], after a lengthy and detailed debate.
311.	In the preamble of the Declaration it is stated that "the strict observance by States of the obligation not to intervene in the affairs of any other State is an essential condition to ensure that nations live together in peace with one another, since the practice of any form of intervention not only violates the spirit and the letter of the Charter, but also leads to the creation of situations which threaten international peace and security". In addition, the third principle defined direct or indirect acts of intervention in the internal or external affairs of States and qualified such acts as being "in violation of international law".
312.	The same principle expressly states:
"No State may use or encourage the use of economic, political or any other type of measures to coerce another State in order to obtain from it the subordination of the exercise of its sovereign rights and to secure from it advantages of any kind. Also, no State shall organize, assist, foment, finance, incite or tolerate subversive, terrorist or armed activities directed towards the violent overthrow of the regime of another State, or interfere in civil strife in another State."
313.	1 should like to single out the following events, among many which have been taking place over the past two years and which are obvious acts of interference in the internal affairs of my country: insolent and arrogant declarations from governmental spokesmen who pronounce judgment on the internal problems of Chile and who instigate the overthrow of duly constituted authorities declarations which have been repeated even in this general debate; direct and public assistance by foreign Governments to the financing of armed subversive and terrorist activities in Chile; daily broadcasts from powerful foreign broadcasting stations intended to promote, support and instruct subversive movements whose purpose is to change by violent means the Chilean regime; utilization of economic pressure in order to have Chile subject the exercise of its sovereign rights to certain political conditions acts of interference which have taken place particularly during the renegotiation of my country's foreign debt; discrimination against Chile in trade and financial negotiations.
314.	This is how some Member States are complying with the Declaration which they undertook to respect. We are not astonished by this attitude on the part of those States which systematically utilize intervention as a means of imposing their own political ideology. We are astonished, however, when it comes from States which proclaim the principles of the United Nations as the guidelines for their international policy and which therefore should be the first to abide faithfully by them.
315.	The Government of Chile wishes, through me, to express clearly and sincerely its views on some of the items on the agenda of this session, on the future of the Organization and on problems which directly concern the country which I am honored to represent. This country, Chile, which has been serving the cause of peace and international collaboration in such an outstanding manner since its independence; this country, which participated actively from its creation in the former League of Nations and which contributed with enthusiasm and faith to the preparation of the Charter of the United Nations; this country which has been a sovereign State for 165 years is now the victim of attacks for the sole reason that it has recovered its traditions and its national characteristics.
316.	These attacks, far from making us fearful, are received with the courage that characterizes the Chilean people, a courage and pride which we inherited from the heroic Spanish conqueror and the indomitable courage of our Araucanian aborigine. Those who attack us today, those who attempt to interfere in our internal affairs, should at least know of our history and know that the Chilean has never been subjugated to a foreign Power, has never accepted unfair and discriminatory international treatment.
317.	In particular I should point out to the representatives of countries of the third world the grave danger to their full independence, often achieved after cruel struggles, represented by the reappearance in international relations of foreign interference in the internal affairs of States. I should also like to address myself to representatives of the developed Powers, large and medium-sized, to remind them that if they really wish to establish peace, security and international co-operation they should also follow closely, not in theory but in practice, the fundamental principles of international coexistence and, in particular, respect for the sovereignty of other States.
318.	At the same time that we express our pleasure at our wise choice in having elected Mr. Gaston Thorn to preside over our debates during this session of the General Assembly, thus paying tribute to his brilliant diplomatic tradition and his personal merits, acknowledged by all, and to his admirable country, may I also, on behalf of Chile, express the fervent wish that in our debates the fundamental purposes of the Charter of the United Nations may always be present.