It is a great honour for me to address the General Assembly the United Nations for the first time. I have come bearing a message of friendship and solidarity from the people of Romania. Indeed, I feel at home here, in this family of nations, pursuing the same goals of peace and co-operation, aimed at bettering the lives of individuals and communities. In this endeavour, we are fully convinced, Mr. President, that under your guidance the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly will be able to meet the historic challenges with which we are faced in these times of change. I should like to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly and to wish you every success.
Romania is fully committed to the ideals of the United Nations. More than ever, we now understand how dangerous isolation is, how contrary to our people's interests were the former tendencies to surround us with a barbed wire fence of false ideas and assumptions. Those old policies in Romania were skilfully designed to push us backwards, and to cut short our aspirations to human dignity and freedom. Nothing is more important than freedom. There is no reality that has more obviously been at the basis of mankind's efforts through the ages than freedom. We know this all too well in Romania and we cherish the idea that freedom is the only ground in which all the other aspects of a truly dignified human life can take root. Freedom gives sense to democracy that more than fulfils the aspirations of the majority. It gives rights to minorities and to those who dissent as well. This is how we now think and feel in my country and what we work for. At the same time, we know how far we are from truly implementing these values in our political and social life. The heavy heritage of the former dictatorial regime still hinders our efforts. Disunity and mistrust, lack of a civil society and education, the total destruction of this social framework, the erosion of the status of public servants, the loss of dignity of the working man by deprivation and alienation of profits, the humiliation of the whole nation by dictating its needs and wants - all that has left us empty and uncertain.
The dispersal of national energies has led to dissimilarities and violence, deplorable to the extreme. As always, the Government bears the responsibility. It is a matter of both perception and reality: the reality of less cohesion and the unsubstantial perception of a guilt that does not exist as such. In spite of all that, any act of domestic violence distresses us. Clashes of different social groups on the streets, politically exploited by interested forces, are terrible events designed to Ьо1Л us back.
Our only hope is in the fortitude of the Romanian people and its commitment to freedom and democracy. Starting everything anew, we know how difficult it will be to cope with all these situations, but we are determined to win. On such a road it is easy to make mistakes, and we certainly have. But our good will and determination to overcome the present state of affairs must also be taken into account. We are the first to acknowledge errors and to be grateful for having these pointed out. Nothing is more difficult than battling with one's own limitations and deficiencies. We must destroy our own "idola mentis". Every now and again revolutions begin like that. Before finding the true God, Abraham destroyed the idols of his father and his family. To believe in the truth, one should start by not believing in the false. There is no alternative. It is a radical and painful change when this is experienced in practical terms, in terms of a whole nation, and in terms of every individual.
What happens now in Romania is unique in history. It is a matter not only of changing a few institutions and dignitaries, but of restructuring mentalities and changing the whole fabric of a society. We strive to free the initiative of the individual, to open up new vistas for the imagination and energies of our nation, in order to enable us to contemplate the future with confidence and real hope.
As a Latin country, Romania professes an unabated belief in the law and in legal institutions. Our Latin roots have held us fast to this belief that the nightmare of totalitarianism was not able to destroy. In domestic and international affairs, we favour the rule of law, and for that reason we profess a strict respect for the Charter of the United Nations. Our policy is aligned with that of the United Nations. For that reason, we rejoice at the end of a division from which Europe suffered for so long. Nations are now indeed able to unite and manage crises that otherwise might hamper their efforts to reach a common goal. This was demonstrated in August, when we quickly responded in the Security Council to the Iraq-Kuwait crisis. Romania played a role in the adoption of the resolutions that are now so well known, and we viewed our position as one that reflected the common will of the Organization.
Romania took that as its policy to view major problems as concerning all of us, with decisions to be taken on a common ground. As a non-permanent member of the Security Council, my country feels that it must represent not only its own interests but those of the large majority of the United Nations as well. We will work for the Organisation. We will faithfully respect the status of the international public servant. We will strengthen our ties with all Member States on the basis of just and stable international relations. We do not support either past or present decisions that affect the way of life of entire peoples, and we will favour reconsidering resolutions that have such connotations.
We are happy to note that major conflicts in the world are about to come to an end. They were either conflicts left over from the Second World War, as was the case with Berlin, or ideological ones ignited by parties and factions in a contest for power. The universality and prestige of the Organization will help in resolving all controversies peacefully. Mo one can disregard the moral pressure of nations united. We were happy to welcome among us Namibia and Liechtenstein, both countries friendly to Romania. We warmly congratulate the people of Yemen on achieving the unity of its country, and we heartily support the memorandum of the 12 European nations on the reduction of the confrontation between the two Koreas, another vestige of the cold war. We are pleased by the political dialogue of the two Korean parties at the prime-minister level, and we express the hope that the Korean people will be fully represented in the United Nations vary soon.
At this very moment one of the most important events in contemporary history is taking place. The unity of the two German States is completed. No should all be aware of the majesty of this day. It marks indeed the end of the Second World War and of its aftermath. The grin consequences of the divergent trends is the world plagued our efforts long after the actual cessation of the shooting war in 1945. The war of ideologies was a prolongation of the confrontation on the battlefields. This rostrum was very often the focal point of bitter rivalries, and we are therefore proud to have been present here in this Hall of nations when the President of the United States proclaimed!
"Now is the time to set aside old debates, old procedures, old controversies and old resolutions. It is time to replace polemic attacks with pragmatic action.” That is indeed the spirit of our time. We should imbue our actions with that spirit, and not in international politics alone. It would be advisable to apply that attitude to cases of domestic conflicts as well.
Everything I am attempting to express leads us necessarily to a concept that we believe should play a major role in international affairs. We night call it "human solidarity." This, again, is something that history has taught us in Romania wall. We have had enough experience of an abstract relationship between the individual and the State, of vague ties between entities called nation-States. The obsolete framework of the cold-war era blinded us to what we now perceive to be the basic principle of the United Nations.
How could we all work here without feeling solidarity in confronting the major issues of international peace and security, the environment, the phenomenon of terrorism, drugs and the poverty still rampaging through whole areas of the world? How could we confront those major challenges otherwise than In full solidarity? The most important recent event was the Summit for Children, a wonderful gathering of Heads of State or government that stressed the will to care for our future. It is significant and reassuring to see that we are able to focus our efforts more on preserving Ingenuity and candour and less on fights and political disputes.
In our view this truly new world should b· based on the rule of law. Nothing better reflects what is common to us all than a lawful world. We in Romania believe that international law is meant to bring us together, not to impose on us or to impinge on the sovereign attributes of States. We favour greater recourse to the International Court of Justice in a matter of a legal nature and to its advice in all kinds of disputes.
We should like to pay tribute to the good offices of the Secretary-General, to his moral stature and his reputation for impartiality. We would like to see bin play a greater role in exercising authority and mediation in the conflicts that are still tearing apart the wonderful unity towards which we are working.
There is no better way of solving the problems confronting us in the world today than by revealing the sources of tensions and conflicts. It seems that nothing can more thoroughly destabilise the world and disrupt the order so painfully achieved than poverty and an unequal sharing of the riches God has bestowed upon us. We shall have to build up a new structure for the economic system that will enable our Organisation to adopt a more coherent course in helping poor countries to develop their respective economies and to improve international trade. The spectacular developments in Eastern Europe and Romania's firm determination to achieve a market-oriented economy need the support of the industrialised countries.
Our intention is to undergo a smooth transition without major convulsions and upheavals. We need help and the concurrence of multilateral factors, and we are ready to assume full responsibility in this respect. The issues at stake are of major importance, taking into account the centrality of the economic factor for all societies. Zn this regard the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), on the basis of its rich experience gained during 10 years of its existence as a United Nations instrument, can play an important role in supporting the efforts of developing countries.
My country pledges to respectfully the internationally recognised norms and standards of human rights. In this fundamental matter the Universal Declaration of Human Sights is our guide. These rights belong to us all. They are our rights. We are now implementing, without reservations, the provisions of the Final Document of the General European Conference held at Vienna. Furthermore, Romania contributed to a substantial document at the Conference at Copenhagen on the human dimensions of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE). The process of ratification of a number of international legal instruments regarding human rights has been started. Foreign observers were invited to watch, in May of this year, the first free elections held in Romania after the Second World War. In fact, we should have preferred to have the United Nations watch our electoral process. There are countries that might need support in this regard. We should be glad to see the United Nations playing a more formal role in efforts to establish the foundations of democratic Governments through free elections, Authoritative experts from around the world might assist a Special Co-ordinator for Electoral Assistance, as was suggested here.
The totalitarian regimes increased the heavy burden of ethnic strife and conflicts in eastern Europe. My country is no exception to this situation. We are in the process of change in the area of the rights of ethnic minorities also. We want a pluralistic society with full respect for all human beings. We consider everybody equal, individuals and communities. In Romania, we have already created
the framework for political manifestation and representation by all so-called
minorities. By law, all national Minorities have proportional representation and a rostrum from which to make their voices heard. Of course there are intricacies of inter-ethnic relations, well nourished over the centuries by separate interests, and their consideration will require great wisdom and patience. We will work hard. We will dedicate all our energies to having a good and united country for all our citizens. We truly confess that we do not know the sip code of paradise, but we feel justified in hoping that our people will again provide an example of inter-ethnic peace. There is no other way. These are the basics of life nowadays in any respectable country in the world, and we will not give up one inch of our Determination to respect the freedom and well-being of all our citizens.
Romania welcomes the changes in Europe as a first step towards harmonising the well-known dimensions of security: political, military, economic and humanitarian. These changes have brought us to the threshold of a new chapter in the CSCB process that will lead us to a more reliable security system, broader co-operation and better understanding among nations. The summit meeting to be held in Paris nest month is meant to take far-reaching decisions. The CSCK ministerial meeting concluded yesterday at New York highlighted the determination of the participating States to ensure the full success of that historic meeting and made an important contribution.
The positive course of events on the continent could be stimulated by subregional approaches. We hope that the Balkan States, with their traditions of co-operation and having common interests, could play an active part in accelerating the process of establishing a pattern for European security and co-operation. With this aim in mind, Romania has recently suggested the founding of a Forum for Security and Co-operation in the Balkans that could improve relations among countries in that region as an integral part of the CSQS process.
Along the same lines, we propose a project for co-operation among the countries bordering the Danube. Our intention is to make better use of that great European waterway a project that might include protection of the environment of the Danube, development of trade and economic co-operation, management of the water flow of the Danube, co-operation in the field <ь transportation and development of tourism.
Other important initiatives relate to developing multilateral co-operation in the Mediterranean and Black Sea areas. The broad support given the initiative to organise a conference on security and co-operation in the Mediterranean at the current CSCE meeting at Palma de Mallorca is based on the general idea that ensuring peace and stability in that area in of critical importance for the attainment of the goal we are pursuing on the European continent. In our small, interdependent world that is true of the Mediterranean also applies to other areas of the earth.
We believe that the processes enhancing closer relations and co-operation among States, as well as the strengthening of the concept of common interests. In the new world design, favour the development of regional and subregional co-operation. In fact, the Charter itself places great emphasis on regional bodies, which, in our opinion, should be encouraged.
It seems to me that Romania is still a country that arouses a lot of controversy. The same is true of its President and the current administration. This is only natural in times of change, when one emerges from a nightmare and  still has its images in the eyes. I want to make it clear here that the glory we really want is that of bringing about peace, stability and freedom in my country. Again and again, we will state our firm belief that freedom of the individual is the starting point of everything. The standards have been set up in the Universal Declaration of Hunan Sights.
That is our message; that is the commitment the Romanian people mandated me to convey to the Assembly. As the great Romanian poet Mihail Eminescu wrote a century ago,
"Thorough the length of time, different and still the same.
Their yearnings and their hopes ere of one kind composed".
In conclusion, I should like to stress again that we shall be on the side of ell those working for the fulfilment of the great ideals of the United Nations.


Mr. President, the forty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly has begun in political and economic circumstances which are particularly alarming for the international community as a whole. Peaceful solutions to all the questions to be considered during your presidency are hoped for. On behalf of the people of Zaire and its President, Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, I therefore congratulate you on your unanimous election to this important post in our Organisation. Your outstanding intellectual and moral qualities, coupled with your long experience as a statesman in Malta, are an absolute guarantee of the success of the work of the current session of the General Assembly, I assure you that my delegation is fully prepared to make a positive contribution throughout your term of office.
I should like, furthermore, to acknowledge the praiseworthy work done by your predecessor, Mr. Joseph Garba of the Republic of Nigeria. I feel it my duty to pay a warn tribute to him for the progress he helped our Organisation to make in its constant guest for peace throughout the world and for the dynamism he displayed throughout his term of office.
My delegation wishes to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General of our Organisation, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his tireless efforts on behalf of international peace and security, efforts that are leading to the peaceful settlement of conflicts throughout the world, and to express its great appreciation to him for the outstanding manner in which he has discharged his difficult functions as the artisan and corner-stone of our Organisation.
Having enhanced its prestige and seen its ideals triumph, our Organisation should be proud to count among its Members today the new Republic of Namibia and the Principality of Liechtenstein. Zaire welcomes the presence of the delegations of these two fraternal countries in our midst at the current session and assures them of our co-operation, both in the United Nations and between our respective countries.
At a time when a new wind is blowing throughout the world, bringing hope for democratic renewal in Eastern Europe as well as in Africa and Latin America and fostering the emergence of a climate of confidence in East-West and North-South relations, the international community is once again faced with a renewal of tension in the Persian Gulf and in the Middle East which challenges the values, the principles and the rules of international law calling for the peaceful settlement of disputes.
The Middle East crisis, which, recently, has been marked by the massacre of innocent civilians in the occupied Arab territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip - events that fanned the flame of the intifidah - aroused the conscience of the entire world when, on 25 May last, the Security Council was convened in Geneva to consider the situation and to find an appropriate solution. Tension in that part of the world had reached its peak, and no one expected tension to break out in an area so close to a region already troubled by the absence of peace and security since 1945,
In the Middle East, Iraq's invasion and illegal occupation of Kuwait are the last straw and justify the presence of naval and air forces from other military Powers in the region. But this presence exposes the entire region to the risk of an armed conflagration, probably to a war, whose victims, once again, would be the innocent - women, children and people who, motivated by a spirit of friendship and co-operation, came from all parts of the world to make their contribution to the development of that desert region.
The entire international community, whose representatives are assembled at this forty-fifth session of the General Assembly, has been called upon to deal with the crisis and, if possible, to find a peaceful solution. My country will continue to join all peace- and justice-loving members of the Security Council in the search for a peaceful settlement to the conflict, so that the Kuwaiti people may regain the independence of which they have bee, robbed and its sovereignty as a Member of this Organization.
At the same time, we must deal with the question of Palestine, which is the crux of the Middle East conflict. We must see to it that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) are implemented in an effective manner, as those resolutions define the conditions for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East - namely, the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force or by war; the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from Arab territories occupied since 1967; the termination of all belligerency; respect for, and recognition of, the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area, and its right to live in peace within secure and recognized borders free from threats or acts of force; and the necessity for achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem and for guaranteeing the territorial inviolability and political independence of every State in the area.
The Security Council, in resolution 338 (1973), decided that negotiations between the parties to the fighting in the Middle East should begin immediately, but these people continue to oppose any spirit of dialogue and negotiation. Thus, it is incumbent on the international community to bring about between the protagonists a disposition for peace and discussion, all the while overcoming psychological, historical, legal and other obstacles.
Certainly my delegation is convinced that peace requires, first and foremost, justice and equality for the Arab people of Palestine, who, like the people of Israel, have a right to a homeland and a State. This has long been understood by the United Nations General Assembly, which, on 29 November 1947, laid down the principles for a Jewish State and for a Palestinian Arab State by adopting resolution 181 (II), which contained the Plan of Partition of Palestine. Zaire places its hope in the United Nations, which, within the scope of its historic responsibilities, gave a State to the Jews of the Diaspora and decided on the creation of a Palestinian Arab State, which it must now succeed in setting up. Similarly, the international status of Jerusalem must be safeguarded in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly.
As for Lebanon, my delegation believes that the General Assembly should constantly follow developments in that country and, in this regard, adopt a firm position - one that would preserve the territorial integrity, unity and sovereignty of the country, so that an end might be put to all external interference and foreign military presence in that State which is a Member of the United Nations. Zaire will work to promote co-operation with Arab countries in the context of South-South relations.
Asia, which continues to see tension in Afghanistan, in Cambodia and in the relations between the two Koreas, in spite of the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan and the announced, but not yet verified, withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cambodia, seems to be bogged down in talks, which have not yet led to substantial progress. Indeed, in Afghanistan the conditions of peace that should encourage the return of Afghan refugees, primarily from Pakistan, have not yet been brought about.
In Cambodia, the political factions, which met at the initiative of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, as well as in Paris with the co-operation of the permanent members of the Security Council, have not yet managed to achieve satisfactory progress towards the establishment of a democratic State, unified and within the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries.
We welcome also the unification of the two Yemens and, as of 3 October 1990, of the two Germanys. This new era of unification should extend to the two Koreas, whose absence from the United Nations has been a handicap. It has been observed that the United Nations framework enabled both the two Germanys and the two Yemens to embark on fruitful contacts, which were the basis for the negotiations leading to the accords that we all welcome. Therefore my delegation is of the view that admission of the two Koreas to the United Nations, in whatever way they choose, would be likely to accelerate the process of negotiations towards unification.
This year 1990 - has been a historic one for Africa. Important events have marked the political life of the continent after 30 years of independence for most of its countries. The freeing of Nelson Mandela, after 27 years of illegal detention in South African prisons, the independence of Namibia, obtained at the cost of great loss of human life, the victorious struggle waged by the South West Africa People's Organization, which the international community supported in every possible way, and, finally, the democratization process that gave pride of place to a multi-party system in many countries, including my own, illustrate that 1990 has been a political turning-point for Africa as a whole.
There is no doubt that an unprecedented economic recession, compounded by the weight of external indebtedness, has characterized the African economy, in spite of the praiseworthy efforts made by a substantial number of African Governments in the framework of structural adjustment and of agreements with the International Monetary Fund.
The progress that has been achieved in the political sphere has, however, met the hopes of the African peoples. Indeed, the political changes currently under way in Africa, with a view to the increased democratization of its institutions, are justified, on one hand, by a wave of democratic renewal, which has swept over the countries of Eastern Europe, and, on the other hand, by the determination of African peoples to enter into a new period of democracy in which the participation of all Africans in the management of public affairs will be increased.
In Zaire, specific action has been taken, after broad consultations of the population, conducted by the Head of State, to advance towards democratic reforms, which should lead towards the Third Republic. It was solely the political will of the Zairian people that underlay the adoption of a multi-party system; no foreign State brought any pressure whatsoever to bear. This new path chosen by the Zairian people can in no wise be interpreted as being the result of any concession made in order to obtain additional official development aid; the decision was taken by the Zairian people itself.
It should be stated in this regard that no linkage should be attempted between aid and democracy in Africa, for that might draw the economic, trading and co-operation relations between Africa and its foreign partners into a new style of international relations, one based on diktat.
At this point I should like to appeal to the international community: all peace-loving and justice-loving States should show their solidarity and increase their co-operation with African States, so that Africa will not be marginalized, to the advantage of other regions of the world, at a time when all African States want to make fundamental changes in the political and economic orders in their countries.
In southern Africa, the granting of independence to Namibia on 21 March, which expanded the frontiers of freedom in Africa, was cause for justifiable pride for the whole continent. The South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) won the elections in Namibia by democratic means and raised to the highest position in the land a valiant son of Africa, the uncontested leader of SWAPO, now the first President of the Republic of Namibia, Mr. Sam Nujoma. On behalf of the Zairian Government and people, I should like to pay a resounding tribute to him and to our brothers, the people of Namibia, for having overcome the illegal occupation of Namibia and freed their country from the colonial yoke.
Bordering this new independent State, there are new political developments under way since the accession to power of President De Klerk and the freeing on 11 February of Nelson Mandela, a worthy and distinguished son of Africa who embodies in his own person the struggle against racial discrimination, racism and apartheid. The steps taken so far by President De Klerk are, in our view, a prelude to the radical changes which must be made towards the total dismantling of apartheid in South Africa. Zaire wishes to reaffirm its solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and give assurance of its total support in this crucial phase of the struggle.
Zaire stands beside that indomitable fighter for the freedom and equality of peoples, Nelson Mandela, and pays him a well-deserved tribute for his courage, far-sightedness and unselfishness, which will leave an indelible mark on the history of his country.
Zaire will support any action the General Assembly may plan with a view to speeding up the effective implementation of the Declaration adopted by the General Assembly at its sixteenth special session, devoted to apartheid. My country believes in dialogue, and particularly in the one which has just been launched by President De Klerk and the Vice-President of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), Nelson Mandela, between the two communities in South Africa, white and black, a dialogue which should lead to the total eradication of apartheid and the advent of a democratic and non-racial society in South Africa.
The recent confrontations which have pitted blacks against each other should end, and in their place there should be coherent, co-ordinated and well-orchestrated action by the black leaders round the flag of an undisputed leader able to represent the black community as a whole in the negotiations which have now begun.
In northern Africa, more specifically in Western Sahara, the Secretary-General is continuing his efforts, which we firmly support, for the holding of a referendum there. My delegation wishes the Secretary-General complete success in achieving that objective.
If there is one area which is closely bound up with the economic and social development of third-world countries, it is disarmament. General and complete disarmament, as it is construed in the Declaration of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, no longer seems merely an ideal to be pursued by Member States thanks to the relaxation in international relations between East and West that began in Washington on 7 December 1987, when the United States of America and the Soviet Union signed the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, which was ratified in June 1988.
In the area of multilateral negotiations, tangible results have been achieved in the area of chemical weapons, and we understand that the draft convention prohibiting the production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons is to be finalised by the Conference on Disarmament at Geneva in the near future.
We all know that the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, held in New York between 16 and 20 April of this year, devoted to international economic co-operation and, in particular, to revitalising growth and development in the developing countries, challenged the international community when it declared that: "In an increasingly interdependent world, the developing countries should play an important role in the growth and expansion of the world economy for the progress and prosperity of all peoples." fA,S-18,l4. p. 5. para. 31. It also asked Member States to be prepared, in a new spirit of solidarity, to demonstrate a new will to act at the international level in an integrated manner in order to improve the international economic environment and to speed the expansion of the world economy and the economic growth of the developing countries.
In the face of the internal and external factors which hinder development in under-equipped countries, my delegation believes that the establishment by the international community of a consistent investment policy in the developing countries could increase their productive capacity and help them, through increased exports, to obtain more substantial currency resources for financing their own development and for paying off their external debts.
In this way, the climate of confidence created by the democratisation process which has begun in most third-world countries could turn out to be a factor of fundamental importance in promoting North-South relations and could encourage the release of new technologies to benefit those countries, in the form of partnerships or joint ventures.
In dealing with the debt issue, it should be pointed out that the management of public and private indebtedness has been made more difficult by the extreme instability of interest and exchange rates. In the face of that instability, the financial markets have developed a number of techniques, first called the Baker Plan and later the Brady Plan, to enable debtors to defer payments, reduce costs and decrease the likelihood of unpleasant surprises caused by changes in interest and exchange rates.
The Baker Plan, which was based on the hypothesis of more rapid economic growth to enable debtor countries to solve their indebtedness problems, did not bear fruit for the simple reason that it was based on the low export earnings of the debtor countries in international markets caused especially by protectionist measures and the reduction in direct investment flows, not to speak of stagnation and external assistance, which led to a slowing down of economic growth rates and even to negative growth rates in many cases.
Our appeal for investment is thus largely justified by this analysis: by the end of 1989, the total indebtedness of all the developing countries had reached $1.290 billion, of which $264 billion was African.
With a view to finding some grounds for understanding in dealing with the environment and development, we should mention a graver threat to our planet, the risk of the emission of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere causing a greenhouse effect. An increase in the planet's average temperature will lead to a change in rainfall levels and a deterioration in crop conditions in the major temperate and grain-producing areas.
In this respect, my country joined in the Hague Declaration on the depletion of the ozone layer and on atmospheric pollution and climate change. It supports the development of a framework convention in order to preserve our planet and the future of mankind.
Zaire, which has 47 per cent of Africa's tropical forests within its territory, is helping to protect the natural environment by increasing to 15 per cent of its territory the protected reserves where rare species such as the okapi, the white rhinoceros and the gorilla live in full freedom.
As one of the countries that initiated the World Charter for Nature, Zaire has set up a national committee to follow up on the preparatory work of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held in Brazil in 1992. Furthermore, Zaire supports the proposal to strengthen the role of the United Nations Environment Programme. The Programme's impact can only be more visible with the creation of subregional representation and with participation at the grassroots level in the world effort to protect the environment.
Last weekend the World Summit for Children gave special attention to the needs and protection of children and the consideration that should be given to every child in the world. My delegation fully agrees with the principle that every child has the right to enjoy all the rights recognized and guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights without any distinction as to race, ethnic group, colour, sex, language, religion, political views or other opinions, and without any such distinction with regard to a child's parents or legal guardian. That is why my country duly appreciates the World Summit of Heads of State and Government just held at the Headquarters of the Organization with a view to expressing most solemnly the support of all nations for respect for children's rights. It should be pointed out that the Convention on the Rights of the Child was signed by my country, which has already ratified it.
In conclusion, I reaffirm on behalf of my delegation, and on my own behalf, the dedication of my country, Zaire, to the principle of the sovereign equality of Member States as laid down in the United Nations Charter. There is no need here perhaps to recall once again that pursuant to the Charter of our Organization Member States have proclaimed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human parson and in equal rights for men and women, and have declared themselves resolved to foster social progress and to establish better living conditions in greater freedom.
Zaire intends to continue its active participation in the activities of the United Nations, whose role would seem to be decisive in the area of international peace and security. As a member of the Security Council and of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, Zaire will spare no effort to bring about the triumph of right, justice, equity and equality, all of which underpin any activity of our Organisation to safeguard peace throughout the world.
The encouraging results of the efforts of all mankind show that, given the concern and determination of all, international peace and security can be maintained, h positive overview, however minimal, makes us optimistic for the future. May this forty-fifth session help to increase such optimism.


On 18 September, with you presiding, my country was admitted to the United Nations as the one hundred sixtieth Member. Today, for the first time as a speaker in the general debate of the General Assembly, I am pleased to avail myself of this opportunity to wish you once again every success in your responsible tasks.
At the same time, I wish to thank all those delegations that greeted and welcomed Liechtenstein with such warmth on the occasion of our country's admission as a new Member of the United Nations.
My special thanks are due to the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, for his tireless devotion to accomplishing the tasks with which the United Nations has been entrusted.
On the occasion of the address of thanks which I delivered on 18 September, I had the opportunity to describe, briefly, the Principality of Liechtenstein, its bilateral and multilateral relations on a regional European and on a world-wide level and, in particular, the Principality's links established within the framework of the United Nations. Without wishing to repeat myself in this respect, I should like to outline a few aspects which have priority as far as my country's foreign policy is concerned, taking into account the fact that my country is now a Member of the United Nations.
You yourself, Mr. President, as well as previous speakers, have laid emphasis on the numerous and far-reaching changes that have taken place in the world in the recent past. New possibilities for peace and international co-operation have opened up, but we are also confronted with great dangers and risks, which will require co-operation by all countries if they are to be resolved.
In this connection, it goes almost without saying that a small country like Liechtenstein wishes to align itself with all those countries whose aim it is to settle disputes peacefully and to uphold the rule of law in the settlement of conflicts. International law is our protection and we are all called upon, now and in the future, to further its cause.
With this thought in mind, Liechtenstein condemns very strongly the flagrant violation of universally recognised international norms by Iraq in its occupation and annexation of Kuwait and calls for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwaiti territory. My country did not hesitate to implement the resolutions and measures adopted by the Security Council even at a time when it was not yet a Member of the United Nations. It will continue to support the efforts exerted by the Security Council with a view to solving this serious crisis.
For us international law is the pillar upon which every inter-State relationship must rest. My country will therefore support all efforts now and in future which may lead to the creation of a system of international law in the fields of security and human rights and also of economic, technological and environmental policies. In so far as Liechtenstein is not yet a party to a number of agreements, my Government is examining the possibility of signing and ratifying United Nations legal instruments established in these fields.
It is in Europe, indeed, to which my country belongs, that we have observed and continue to observe that peaceful dialogue is possible across all frontiers and despite widely different situations in the countries concerned. As the recent past shows, such dialogue abolishes artificial and inhuman frontiers and may lead to a new and, as we all hope, strong and united Europe.
We hope that all efforts for a new Europe will be successful - particularly with regard to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, whose reforms are leading them to freedom and democracy, and where human rights and fundamental freedoms have been given the prominent place they deserve. As we all know, those are the main prerequisites for lasting peace. In that regard, I should like to wish the Federal Republic of Germany and the German people well-being and a prosperous future in view of the unification celebrated yesterday.
In the light of the universality of the United Nations - a principle that all Members States underlined when Liechtenstein was admitted as a Member of this family of nations - my country would welcome membership of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to the United Nations. Nevertheless, in doing so I would like to express the hope that we shall all be able to witness the reunification of the Koreas in the not-too-distant future.
Nest November's Paris meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will provide a further guarantee for what has been achieved in Europe so far and at the same time, in line with our expectations, contribute significantly to stability and co-operation as well as to disarmament. It is also important for us in that regard that the Council of Europe, which provides an eminently suitable forum for the expansion of European co-operation, be considered whenever institutional questions are being discussed.
However, questions concerning peace, security, disarmament and human rights cannot and should not be resolved by solutions that are related solely to Europe. Europe is a part of the world common to all of us, in which we realize daily the extent and increase of global mutual dependence.
The path towards a better future shall not become the private path of a privileged section of our community of States. In view of the favourably developing climate of co-operation between East and West, let us not lose sight of the equally important dimension of the North-South relationship, nor of the co-operation with countries forming the major part of our world community. Those countries are facing extremely difficult problems that, in a vicious circle of cause and effect, will grow worse every day if joint steps are not undertaken to overcome them.
International solidarity is required of us all through co-operation and tangible help, taking account of the national characteristics, culture and identity of the countries and peoples concerned. We all know that real changes, economic success, the elimination of poverty and the raising of living standards cannot be achieved from one day to the other. Lasting peace is indivisible. Lasting well-being must also be indivisible.
We were therefore very pleased that at the World Summit for Children held last weekend, a Declaration and a Plan of Action on the survival, protection and development of children were adopted. We also attach value to the fact that the Convention on the Sights of the Child, which I signed last Sunday on behalf of my country, should get world-wide recognition.
As in the past, Liechtenstein will also be prepared in the future to make its contribution within the framework of international solidarity in favour of the developing countries. Special emphasis will continue to be placed on the support of concrete projects.
Also of common interest to everyone is the preservation of our environment. Its damage and destruction, with consequences extending beyond all frontiers, regardless of any geographical location, may well be disastrous for us all if determined action is not taken immediately. We look forward to the Conference on Environment and Development to be held in Brazil in 1992, However, we cannot wait with measures to protect the environment until that conference is held, although, we trust, it will lead to tangible achievements and results.
From the viewpoint of a small country, I have endeavoured to portray just a few of the many subjects that are of concern to us all, and 1 should like to express the readiness of my Government and of the Liechtenstein delegation to participate, within our possibilities, in international co-operation, and in particular within the framework of the United Nations. In this spirit, I wish the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly full success.


At the outset I wish to extend my sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly. We are indeed deeply satisfied because the representative of a country with which Greece maintains close relations of friendship is presiding over the General Assembly, and also because you are well known for your great diplomatic skills and experience, qualities that will undoubtedly be conducive to the success of this forty-fifth session.
My sincere thanks go, too, to the outgoing President, Major-General Garba, for the excellent way he carried out his task in guiding the proceedings of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
I would be remiss if I did not express my deep appreciation to the Secretary-General for the untiring efforts in setting the pace of the main United Nations task: maintaining world peace and security.
Earlier this week, the Foreign Minister of Italy, in his capacity as President of the Council of the European Communities, delivered a statement on behalf of its twelve member States. My Government fully subscribes to the views expressed by Mr. De Michelis. However, I would like to stress certain specific points of particular interest to Greece.
For Europe, the period under review has been one of the most significant since the end of the Second World War. During the year that elapsed, the foundations for a better future in Europe were laid, while the unification of Germany, an event of great historic importance, is to be realized in the coming days. Europe is being ushered well into the twenty-first century. Human rights, the rule of law and democracy have been established in most of Eastern Europe. Human dignity and freedom of expression have been placed at the epicentre of politics as never before in the history of our continent. In normal circumstances, such political changes - which virtually amount to what could perhaps be called a revolution of the individual - would have taken several decades to come about.
It is a time for rejoicing, but also for reckoning because, first, these changes must be consolidated; secondly, these changes towards respect for human rights and democracy should embrace the whole continent.
With regard to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE), in particular, many ideas have emerged. Several of them are oven pace-setting, but all need very careful consideration as to their applicability within the European framework. The more States respect human rights on their very own initiative, the less new bureaucratic mechanisms are needed. In the CSCE, one important achievement in human rights, which reflects Europe1s "new thinking", is the Copenhagen Document of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the CSCE, which indeed sets forth new standards of excellence in the field of human rights.
As regards the second basket of the Helsinki Final Act, mention should be made of the Bonn Conference on Economic Co-operation in Europe. Delegations agreed on the need to establish market-oriented economies throughout Europe, and recognised the link between private enterprise and pluralistic democracy. Greece considers this Conference as an important step towards creating a climate of mutual trust, peace and security in our continent.
Furthermore, we are strongly in favour of convening a conference on security and co-operation in the Mediterranean, following the example of the CSCE.
Greece, a European country within the Mediterranean, has a strong interest in the convening of such a conference. It attaches particular importance to the strengthening of ties between the countries of the region, the easing of tensions and the eventual settlement of problems in that sensitive area. This can be achieved only by the participation in the conference and its preparatory meetings of all Mediterranean countries, as well as those States that have a prevailing interest in the region. Such a global approach is of paramount importance for a successful conference on security and co-operation in the Mediterranean. A case-by-case approach would only obfuscate the problems of the Mediterranean region.
A similar process, in regional terms, was initiated among the countries of the Balkan peninsula. In this connection, may I recall that, since the mid-1970s, Greece has undertaken a series of important initiatives aimed at the consolidation of peace co-operation in the Balkans, on the basis of the principles of the Helsinki Final Act.
Following the meeting of the six Balkan foreign ministers in Belgrade two years ago, several specialized meetings were organized, which resulted in enlarging the areas of common interest. During 1990, two successful high-level meetings took place in Athens and in Bucharest, while the second meeting of ministers for foreign affairs is scheduled to take place in Tirana next month. We hope that this meeting will constitute an important step in strengthening multilateral and bilateral co-operation in the Balkan peninsula.
With regard to neighbouring Turkey, Greece is determined to conduct a serious and sincere dialogue, founded on respect for the Treaty of Lausanne and international law. This dialogue should aim at overcoming the differences affecting our bilateral relations and at establishing lasting links of friendly co-operation. However, one should bear in mind that the question of Cyprus affects the relations between Greece and Turkey in the most direct way. Therefore, it would not be realistic to expect the dialogue to proceed in a successful way as long as a solution to the problem of Cyprus is not found, based on the principles of the relevant United Nations resolutions and of the high-level agreements of 1977 and 1979.
I believe none of us in this Hall doubts that respect for the United Nations resolutions is the absolute prerequisite in the quest for a just and viable solution to regional problems. One of these is the problem o£ Cyprus which, however, stands out as a most blatant example of disregard of the relevant United Nations resolutions. As a result, the dividing-lines imposed by force in the island republic 16 years ago still exist at a time when the walls that separate people have crumbled throughout the European continent. Just three days ago, in toasting the heads of State and government attending this Assembly, the Secretary-General of the United Nations stressed that the Security Council had, regarding Kuwait: "given emphatic expression to the principle that invasion of one State by another is not to be permitted or countenanced, and that the acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible". What is valid for Kuwait is equally valid for Cyprus.
There is no need to repeat the veil-known facts about the consequences of the invasion of Cyprus. The 200,000 refugees, the missing persons, the plight of the Greek Cypriots who are hemmed in, the continuing colonisation of the occupied territories and the looting and destruction of the cultural heritage in the occupied part of the island are facts known to all.
Since the last session of the General Assembly, the Secretary-General continued to strive for a solution of the Cyprus problem within the framework of his mission of good offices, but to no avail, owing to the intransigence of Mr. Denktash. Thus, the latest attempt to breathe new life into the inter-communal talks ended in total collapse.
The case was set out clearly in the Secretary-General's report of 8 March 1990. In this document (S,21183), it is stated that Mr. Denktash's insistence that the term "communities" be used in a manner that is synonymous with the term "peoples", each having a separate right to "self-determination", created an impasse of a substantive kind, which raised questions regarding the essence of the Secretary-General's mandate of good offices. The Security Council, to which the Secretary-General turned for guidance, rejected this attempt to change the basis of the talks. The impasse, however, has persisted, owing again to Mr. Denktash's unwillingness to renounce his intransigent views. In fact, it has even deepened further, as a result of various provocative actions taken by the Turkish authorities.
Thus, last July, the Turkish forces of occupation handed over the control of Varosha, the new town of Famagusta,, to the so-called Turkish-Cypriot security forces, a development which could lead to an eventual settlement of the area by people other than its inhabitants. In view of this, the President of the Security Council again felt compelled, in his statement of 19 July to voice the concern of the members of the Council over any action which contravenes paragraph 5 of
resolution SSO (1984). This paragraph states clearly that the Security Council "considers attempts to settle any part of Varosha by people ether than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of the area to the, administration of the United Nations.
In spite of the general outcry provoked by this section, Turkey went on to sign a pseudo-agreement with a pseudo-State providing for an abolition of passport requirements and for a customs union between Turkey and those parts of the Republic of Cyprus still occupied by Turkish military forces. Apart from the obvious disregard of the will of the international community demonstrated by this move, this so-called agreement clearly contravenes the provisions of the Association Agreement between the European Community and Cyprus as well as the ones between the European Community and Turkey.
Greece for its part, will continue to give its full support, in close co-operation with the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, to the Secretary-General's mission of good offices. In the belief that the continuing military occupation of a part of the territory o£ a sovereign State Member of this Organisation constitutes a permanent threat to peace and security in that sensitive area of the eastern Mediterranean, my country calls for the implementation, without any further delay, of all United Nations resolutions relating to Cyprus, which clearly also provide for the withdrawal of all Turkish troops. Greece appeals to all States Members of the United Nations to show the same sensitivity towards Cyprus as the one demonstrated towards Kuwait. In fact, action taken recently by the United Nations in the Gulf crisis does not exhaust the ability of the Organisation to resolve crises arising from invasion and military occupation of a third country. The -Cyprus problem remains still open and calls for its urgent settlement. Otherwise we have to ask ourselves: for how long can we accept attempts to relegate to oblivion the shame of the invasion? For how long can we preach social goodness and practise political obfuscation? For how long can t-e substitute inertia for action?
During past years, efforts leading to nuclear, conventional and chemical disarmament have attained unprecedented progress. Following the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-range and Shorter-range Missiles, we are now looking forward to further progress on the conclusion of agreements on strategic nuclear armaments and chemical weapons between the United States and the Soviet Union. Greece attaches the utmost importance to both these goals.
Greece, as one of the first parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, has been firmly attached to the provisions of the Treaty and supported the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime. We reiterate the appeal to States which are not yet parties to it to adhere rapidly to that Treaty, since adherence to it by all States will constitute an additional guarantee for international peace and security.
The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe context remains indeed the most efficient negotiating framework for conventional disarmament. We earnestly hope that the next summit meeting of that Conference in Paris will take note of the signing of the agreement on conventional armed forces in Europe and of the results achieved in the negotiations on confidence and security-building measures. Thus the way will be paved for new conventional arms control negotiations with a view to the strengthening of security and stability in Europe by eliminating the capacity for surprise attack and large-scale offensive action and establishing a stable and secure balance of conventional armed forces, including conventional armaments, at lower levels. If this goal is achieved, the risks of political and military confrontation on our continent will be significantly reduced.
Last year, from this very podium, we added our voice to those who expressed optimism for the rapprochement between East and Hest. Yet our hopes that all disputes between States could be settled by peaceful means as provided for in the United Nations Charter have not come true. New setbacks occurred, and the world situation is far from satisfactory. The recent tragic events in the Gulf region have dashed our high expectations and are jeopardising our common efforts towards creating a new climate for international relations. Such acts, which contravene the letter and spirit of the United Nations Charter and international legality as well as international morality, cannot but be categorically condemned.
Greece, along with its European Community partners, expressed from the very outset its unreserved condemnation of the invasion and called for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Iraqi forces from the territory of Kuwait. My country, firmly committed to the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter, has rejected outright the annexation of Kuwait. My Government fully endorses all the measures taken for the restoration of legality in Kuwait and the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. Let me once again underline that, if previous resolutions of the Security Council had been enforced, especially in cases of invasion, we might not have witnessed the present tragic situation in the Gulf area. Such an enforcement might have acted as a deterrent for any would-be aggressor.
It is in this spirit that my Government has spared no effort in providing its own contribution for the solution of the crisis, for the release of foreign citizens illegally held by the Iraqi authorities, among which also are many Greek citizens, and eventually for the re-establishment of peace and security in the area.
More particularly, Greece has decided to accept the request made by Kuwait and Saudi Arabia and thus participate in the multinational force, through the Frigate Lemnos. This decision was motivated by our country's attachment to freedom, to peace and to respect for the principles of the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all nations. This is all the more pertinent in the case of small, weak nations, for which international solidarity and collective defence are of the utmost importance.
Referring now to the Palestinian problem, the peace process remains in a stalemate. Our long-standing position is that a just, comprehensive and permanent solution to it can be achieved by the convening of an international peace conference with the participation of the five permanent members of the Security Council and the parties directly involved, including, of course, the Palestinian people, represented by the Palestine Liberation Organisation. However, the peace process is currently blocked, owing to the persistence of Israel in creating new faits accomplis, namely, by creating settlements in territories occupied since 1967.
Linked by traditional ties of friendship and co-operation with the countries and peoples of the area, Greece attaches particular importance to the resolution of this problem. The recent upgrading of our diplomatic relations with Israel, while not entailing a change in our Middle East policy, offers us greater possibilities of participating in efforts to resolve this long-standing problem.
In Lebanon, the Taif agreement, the objective of which was to restore Lebanese institutions shaken by war, gave rise to hopes for a peaceful settlement. In this regard, the election of a new President, as well as the formation of a Government, have been the first encouraging steps for the implementation of this national reconciliation agreement. We earnestly hope that the process will continue.
My Government welcomes the strengthening of democracy in Latin America, with the countries of which we share many cultural and historical ties, and the significant steps along the path of reconciliation in the area. At the same time, we feel concern over the acute socio-economic problems the region faces. We believe that the process of regional integration could open new prospects for the Latin American countries in the course of this decade. The situation in Southern Africa has always been followed with special attention by my country. Events have taken place over the past 12 months that give us strong feelings of hope that a new climate of peace and progress will soon prevail in that region.
First of all, the people of Namibia have achieved their well-deserved independence and their country has become a full member of the international community. This is a major development, which marks the beginning of a new era in southern Africa.
The recent developments in South Africa have also increased the prospects for the elimination of the abhorrent system of apartheid and its replacement by a new, united, non-racial and democratic South African society. We have welcomed the positive steps taken by President de Klerk since his election in September 1989, in particular the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, the removal of the ban on the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and other political organizations, the lifting of the state of emergency - except for Natal Province - and the partial repeal of the apartheid legislation. Furthermore, the outcome of the Pretoria meetings in August has amply demonstrated a statesmanlike determination by the two sides to remove the remaining obstacles to engaging in substantial negotiations for a new constitutional order in South Africa. The decision of the African National Congress to suspend the armed struggle deserves our special praise.
Let me now turn to the sphere of international economics. To cope with the world of transition, where, more than ever before, economic problems occupy a central place on the world political agenda, a greater degree of collaboration in international affairs and a wider vision are necessary.
The integration of the world economy has made imperative the shaping of new policies to respond to the increasing degree of interdependence of national economies. Such saw policies should take into serious consideration the ongoing changes in Central and Eastern Europe so that the decisions to be made on economic issues could satisfy the demands and help solve the problems of the countries in the region.
The recent adoption by consensus of a universal declaration on international economic co-operation - with the active participation of Greece - has set in motion a process of change challenging the past models and ideas about development, which were oversimplified, and introducing more pragmatic approaches to economic and social issues.
Moreover, international economic co-operation is considered essential for the elimination of trade obstacles, for increased market efficiency, for the encouragement of respective national economic possibilities, and for the prevention of distortions in trade flow as well as in transfers of technology and financial resources. International economic co-operation should also take account of the inequalities witnessed in the economic development of the various countries, their respective national policies and the international economic environment.
The problems of many heavily indebted countries are a cause of; grave concern and can become, in the long term, a threat to political stability. The debt problem is complex. An equitable and mutually agreed solution can be reached only by an approach based on development, within the framework of an integrated, growth-oriented strategy that takes account of the particular circumstances of each country.
In view of past experience with debt and development problems, a successful debt strategy should be directed towards achieving the following combined measures: voluntary debt reduction by commercial banks, serious adjustment efforts by debtor countries, and changes in the tax and regulatory regimes of industrial countries. Nevertheless, real progress can be achieved only if Governments are prepared to support economic stabilisation by taking the appropriate measures to adjust their own economies to prevailing market conditions.
Another serious problem, of international concern, is that of poverty. To cope with this problem courageous measures are needed at both the national and the international levels. At the national level, a solution cannot be achieved merely by increasing social expenditure. What is needed is an increase in real gross national product. To that end an appropriate institutional framework should be created in order to attract foreign capital and promote private investment. At the international level, an increase in bilateral and multilateral aid to prevent famine and human suffering is a social must for our world.
In the past few years the problem of the environment has come to the fore; at present it constitutes a major international concern. Our community ought to develop an effective environmental policy which would not place obstacles in the path of the establishment of the appropriate industrial infrastructure while at the same time achieving the overall development goals of each country. Greece attaches the utmost importance to the 1992 United Nations Conference, which, we believe, will adopt an environmental strategy based on that particular concept of sustainable development while at the same time ensuring the transfer of a technology compatible with the environmental protection targets set by national economic policies.
The dramatic increase in drug abuse and in the illicit production of and trafficking in narcotics constitutes the most serious social issue confronting the international community. The problem facing us today is not confined to the framework of drugs or money laundering. Rather, it is linked with violence and, in particular, with terrorism and the illegal arms trade.
Greece is actively engaged in the fight against drugs and is currently considering the adoption of new legislation and policies to tackle the problem successfully. The development of economic and trade relations between the European countries and the Middle East has resulted in an increased importance of the Balkan route for drug trafficking. In order to deal with the related problems even more effectively Greece is co-operating, in the European Communities, the Balkans and Central Europe, with the countries concerned with a view to reaching agreement on practical measures.
National measures alone cannot contain this threat. Only concerted international action can deal effectively with the drug problem in all its aspects. In this respect we commend the work of the United Nations and, in particular, the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control, which provides valuable assistance to countries that seed it most. We welcome also the adoption at the seventeenth special session of the General Assembly, on drugs, of the Political Declaration and Global Programme of Action, which, we hope, will be implemented by all Member States, thus establishing the necessary framework for the struggle against drugs.
Following the East-Heat rapprochement and the favourable conditions in international relations that have emerged there from, we believe the moment has come to reinforce and consolidate some institutions of international law, especially those referring to the peaceful settlement of disputes and the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice.
My Government has always attached great importance to the obligation of the peaceful settlement of disputes and has always contributed positively to all efforts aimed at strengthening that obligation. It did so particularly when the Manila Declaration on Peaceful Settlement of Disputes was being drawn up. Now we hope that the coming of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCB) on this particular question, to be held in Valetta in early 1991 under promising condition, will give new impetus to all efforts undertaken in this regard.
We also attach great importance to the enhancement of the role of the International Court of Justice so that it can develop into a central factor for the peaceful settlement of international disputes.
As far as the Decade of International Law is concerned, my Government is strongly in favour of the relevant process and firmly believes that no efforts should be spared to this end. The idea which must be at the heart of all our efforts is the primacy of international law. It is indeed unacceptable for the international community to put up with the flagrant violation of jus cogens principles enshrined in the Charter and to watch resolutions of the supreme organ of the United Nations being deliberately discarded and set aside.
In concluding, I wish to underline once again the pre-eminent role which we feel the United Nations is called to play at the present juncture in international affairs. My Government considers that our Organisation has a crucial mission to accomplish, one which relates, not only to the maintenance of world peace and security, but also to the eradication of poverty and the protection of human dignity.
In the view of my Government, the present crisis in international relations can be overcome only if we intensify our co-operation and direct our efforts towards implementing and reactivating all the provisions of the Charter, in particular those which have remained a dead letter so far. We believe that fruitful results will be reached thereby and that the authority and prestige of the United Nations will be thus enhanced, especially in the eyes of the younger generations of this world.
In the very next days, the World Summit for Children will be held in this building, in this very Hall. Let us avail ourselves of this opportunity to consider our responsibilities towards these young generations and pledge our best efforts to help create a better world for them, a world free of poverty, free of hatred, free of strife.


May I first of all extend to Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta my congratulations on his election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly.
I should also like to take this opportunity to welcome to our midst the representatives of Namibia and Liechtenstein as new Members of the United Nations.
Hungary, for the first time in more than four decades, has a Government which is responsible to a freely and democratically elected Parliament. My first duty at this forum is to extend sincere thanks on behalf of our new Government and our people to the United Nations for the moral and political support it gave to the 1956 Hungarian revolution and national freedom fight and the period following its suppression.
Gloria victia was the message the Organisation sent to the whole world. The reports of the Committee of the Five, led by Sir Leslie Munro, the self-sacrificing activity of Danish diplomat Bang-Jensen and consistent efforts to keep the Hungarian question on the agenda of the United Nations had filled the suppressed with gratefulness, among them the then 15-yoar-old student who is now standing before you representing the Republic of Hungary turned free. Although the Hungarian people never abandoned the ideals of those times, it was not until
recently that history enabled us to accomplish the most important aim of
October 1956, the establishment of a free, independent and democratic Hungary.
Through its endeavour to do justice to our people, the United Nations acted in accordance with its mandate under the Charter, as it did and continues to do in the case of a number of other small countries. Recognition of this is particularly timely in our contemporary world.
The period since last year's session of the General Assembly has witnessed historic changes in Europe and also on other continents. The political ice-age came to an end and a new system of international relations has started to take shape.
As a result of the turn of events in the countries of the East-Central European region, the bipolar system laid down after Yalta has collapsed. The peoples of Central Europe have finally got rid of the Stalinist Party-State dictatorship, so alien to the traditions of European development, and have set themselves the aim of establishing a form of State with the rule of law based on freedom, a market economy and the enjoyment of human rights. After the fall of communism a qualitatively new situation on the continent has emerged. The earlier artificial division of Europe on an ideological basis and the resulting bloc-type approach of political, military and economic confrontation have been replaced by the historic opportunity to create a united Europe based on common values.
The transformations taking place in the Soviet Union have been greatly instrumental in bringing about these changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Our eastern neighbour made a decisive contribution in 1945 to the liberation of our land from foreign occupation and from a puppet regime subservient to it. But that promise of freedom soon turned into a system that acquired Orwellian characteristics. It was not until recently that the Soviet leadership became a reliable partner in our own quest genuinely to set the Hungarian people free and do away with any foreign military presence, so that our nation can, at last, exercise fully its right to self-determination. The profound changes in Hungary have not only been an organic part of this process, but - and we are proud of this - also a catalyst for it. A significant role was played by the fact that respect for universal human rights and fundamental freedoms has been a key element in the process of renewal in Hungary.
The results of the free and democratic parliamentary and Municipal all actions in Hungary this year mean a complete transformation of the entire political and social system. The new Hungary and its coalition Government are committed to democracy, political, economic and cultural pluralism and the rule of law in accordance with European standards.
Consistent representation, protection and effective realisation of national interests are priorities in Hungarian foreign policy. The era of one-sided foreign-policy dependence has been replaced by a desire to build balanced relations. This implies a change in orientation, aimed at restoration of the ties that for 1,000 years linked Hungary to Europe but were severed four decades ago and at making Hungary once again an equal and respected member of the community of European nations. The Republic of Hungary shares European values and the idea of Atlantic partnership. Our country participates in the efforts to promote the processes of European integration and is committed to making an active contribution to the realisation of European unity.
A most important condition for Hungary's integration into Europe lies in its becoming a full-fledged member of the European Community before the end of this decade. This means, on the one hand, that we should strive to conclude an association agreement with the Community by 1 January 1992 and, on the other hand, that we should create institutional machinery for political co-operation, alongside ongoing commercial and economic collaboration.
Another important aspect of our intention to join Europe is Hungary's membership in the Council of Europe. We are convinced that the pluralist parliamentary democracy that emerged in the wake of free elections and the new system of self-government, as well as legislative and law-enforcement activity aimed at the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, will enable Hungary to meet fully the strict requirements of membership of the Council of Europe and will make possible its formal admission to that important organisation in the near future.
Development of relations with neighbouring countries is obviously an important objective of our foreign policy. Clearly, under the new set of conditions, this is a historic opportunity to make full use of the potential, stemming from 1,000 years of coexistence, for co-operation based on democratic principles, mutual benefit, shared interests and values, and full awareness of a common destiny. In the view of the Hungarian Government, the corner-stone of democracy and the rule of law in our region - the eastern half of Europe - is represented not only by multi-party elections, but also, as an indispensable element of European stability, by tolerance recognition of the right to an autonomous life, and guaranteed preservation of the identities and specificities of the different national, ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, as well as respect for their individual and collective rights· In this context, we firmly believe that guaranteeing human and minority rights for the more than 3 million ethnic Hungarians living in countries bordering on Hungary is a fundamental condition for the development of harmonious inter-State relations in Europe.
We believe that a significant contribution to the development of good-neighbourly relations and to the unification of Europe can be made by means of institutionalised regional co-operation, such as occurs within the Pentagonale that has been established between Austria, Czechoslovakia, Italy, Yugoslavia and Hungary.
The bipolar world that characterized the period following the creation of the United Nations is increasingly being replaced by multipolarity. Hungary welcomes and supports this change. The institutional system of multilateralism is of great importance to us in this context. In our world of interdependence and increasing integration we lend active support to the United Nations - the most comprehensive organization of our time. In addition, we support all forms of regional co-operation, including the process of European security and co-operation, which concerns us most directly.
So far as the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) is concerned, we believe that a qualitatively new situation has been created by the changes that have taken place in Europe. The States participating in the Helsinki process -· among them, Hungary - have committed themselves to common values. Consequently, the security system built on bloc confrontation is becoming anachronistic, and the participating States have already begun to set up a new system of security based on principles of co-operation with the aim of establishing a united Europe.
The Republic of Hungary believes that its security can best be strengthened by the establishment of precisely such a co-operative security system, which will embrace all CSC& States and will be in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. In this context, and in pursuance of our efforts to end the outdated bloc approach, we have revised our relationship with the Warsaw Treaty Organization. The starting-point of our position on the issue is that from the very moment it was set up, the Warsaw Treaty, which was established - and was imposed upon us - 35 years ago, failed to serve the national and security interests of Hungary. It is the firm and declared intention of the Government of the new Hungary to leave the military organization of the Warsaw Treaty soon. Inevitably that will be followed by our complete departure from the Warsaw Treaty Organization. The Republic of Hungary wishes, in that way, to make an effective and lasting contribution to the affirmation of its independence and sovereignty and of its commitment to democracy, to the reassertion of its European identity, and to the elimination of the bloc concept from world politics.
The Hungarian Government looks forward with great expectation to the CSCE summit meeting to be held at Paris this November. We are confident that, building upon the outstanding results achieved within the framework of the Helsinki process, the summit on the Seine will close the era of the cold war definitively and will herald the programme for a peaceful, democratic, united and prosperous Europe, free in every part of the continent. On this historic day, the reunification of Germany is a contribution to the attainment of that goal. After more than 40 years of partition, there is again a united homeland for the German people, where they may decide freely their own future. Hungary warmly welcomes the birth of a united Germany, established in accordance with the wish of the German people.
Looking beyond Europe, we may safely say that the basically favourable development of the international situation facilitates efforts to solve the continuing regional crises or, at least, to ease tensions.
A sad exception is the Middle East, where a grave new problem has been added to the existing ones. My Government has resolutely condemned Iraq's aggression against Kuwait and demands the unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops and the restoration of Kuwait's sovereignty. At the end of the twentieth century the argument that history explains actions such as those that we are witnessing in the Gulf area can in no way justify aggressive behaviour by any State. It is unacceptable short-sightedness, fraught with grave consequences, to allow any member of the international community to act in such a way. The world must not stand idly by. It must not tolerate brutality and violence that wipes a United Nations Member State off the map. We therefore support fully Security Council resolutions aimed at ending the aggression and eliminating its consequences, and we are ready to take an active part in the implementation of those resolutions, no matter what demands that may put on our economy.
Nor does the recent case of the use of force improve the climate for the resolution of the long-drawn-out Arab-Israeli conflict, which has already taken an unbearable toll in human lives and suffering among the peoples of the region, Arabs and Jews alike. It is therefore high time to go beyond hostile attitudes and seek a peaceful solution by way of negotiation. This, naturally, requires the parties to respect the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and each other's legitimate interests, namely the right of Israel to live in peace within recognized borders on the one hand, and the legitimate political rights of the Palestinian people on the other.
In addition to the parties directly concerned in this conflict, we, the representatives of Member States, can also help remove the factors impeding mutual understanding. In our view, one such factor is General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX) of 1975 equating Zionism with racism. My Government deems this resolution to be a product of the bygone age of confrontation and dissociates itself from it. We believe that getting rid of the ideological shackles of the past may generate favourable processes, not only in Europe, but in other parts of the world as wall.
An example of this is provided by what has taken place in the southern part of Africa, where the recent past has witnessed basically positive changes. Namibia's independence, and the fact that the dismantling of the apartheid system has begun in South Africa, are of paramount importance in this context. We are of the view that the favourable changes there should be reflected in our debates here- as well as in our adoption of a new approach to the issue. While invariably condemning all forms of discrimination, especially racial discrimination, including the system of apartheid, we, for our part, are exploring possibilities that encourage the forces in the Republic of South Africa working for the elimination of such phenomena.
The exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms, which represent universal values, plays a major role. In order for them to be fully respected, the States Members of the United Nations have assumed unequivocal and detailed obligations which serve to ensure the application of civilised norms. It is the duty and the responsibility of us all to keep on monitoring compliance with these norms while at the same time being accountable to the international community.
In our age, the power of human rights has become global and cannot serve any particular interests. The idea of free individuals in a free world transcends State frontiers and fulfils a mission which will ultimately lead us to a world without borders. Fortunately, the history of the recent past has given us several striking examples that confirm us in the belief that not even barbed wire, walls, foreign occupation, xenophobia, discriminatory policies or the shadow - or even the use - of bayonets are capable of really preventing the advocates of human rights from pursuing their mission and attaining the loftiest goals.
For the Republic of Hungary, human rights and fundamental freedoms are basic values of democracy. In this connection, we highly appreciate the activities of the United Nations in promoting the international protection of these rights. We, for our part, are ready and willing to contribute our share to effective international action against violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We shall not hesitate to come out most resolutely against such violations, wherever they may occur.
The Government of the Republic of Hungary devotes particular attention to the international protection of minority rights. Therefore, we welcome the growing awareness that the rights of national, ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities form an integral part of universally recognised human rights. The international community has both the right and the obligation to follow with constant attention the situation of minorities, to prevent potential conflicts, and in the case of violation of their rights, to restore legal protection and establish the responsibility of the party concerned.
In this contest, Hungary attaches paramount importance to the effective protection of the rights of national minorities and to the establishment of an international mechanism for the protection of minorities. We have two reasons for this: our respect for the rule of law in internal and international behaviour, on the one hand, and, on the other, our responsibility, in accordance with international law, for the Hungarians who live beyond our borders as minorities.
The heavy storms of history in the twentieth century, which were not merciful to small nations, and the decisions serving the interests of other Powers, forced millions of Hungarians to live beyond their frontiers in minority status. Hungarians living in neighbouring countries have become the largest minority in Europe. Their fate cannot be a matter of indifference to us, just as we cannot remain indifferent to the fate of minorities living anywhere else in the world. Within this contest, Hungary seeks - through legislative and other action - to ensure the full enjoyment of minority rights by those national minorities who live in our country. We are convinced that the international forums, the most important of which is the United Nations, have an indispensable role to play in the protection and enforcement of human and minority rights alike, and here I should like to add that, in my opinion, the changes in Central and Eastern Europe have decisively contributed to the possibility of finding a solution to these problems, and to this end I welcome the policies of the new democracies in the region.
In keeping with the requirements of our times, Hungary considers it a highly important and urgent task to initiate the preparation of a binding instrument on the universal protection of the rights of minorities. The early finalisation of a draft declaration on the rights of national, ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities in the Commission on Human Rights would be a major step in this direction. The drawing up of an appropriate set of guarantees and the setting up of a control mechanism should also form part of an international codification, and we are prepared to play an active pioneering role in the accomplishment of this task as soon as possible.
The issue of refugees is inseparable from that of violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The waves of refugees are а dramatic and tragic phenomenon of our present-day world. Among its root causes a major one is the lack of guarantees for human rights. Hungary is facing this serious problem for the third consecutive year as it has received over 40,000 refugees in the recent past. The fact that most refugees come from among Hungarian minorities is deplorable.
In the Hungarian Government's view it is the inalienable right of all individuals and peoples and ethnic groups to live in their native land, where their human rights, including the right to life and liberty, the right to leave their country and the right to return, should be fully respected. We consider it a task of the international community to promote the voluntary repatriation of refugees to their countries of origin. In this connection my delegation suggests that, in co-operation with the United Nations and the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, an international agreement be elaborated aimed at facilitating the voluntary repatriation of refugees.
As a result of the new era that has recently begun in international relations the possibility of building a multipolar world on a democratic basis is within our reach. Ideological confrontation has been replaced by a desire for mutually beneficial co-operation. All this affords a unique opportunity for the United Nations to live up fully to the lofty purposes and principles that were enshrined in its Charter 45 years ago.
The strengthening of multilateralism and the recent achievements of the world Organization have greatly enhanced the role and prestige of the United Nations. We particularly appreciate its efforts at conflict resolution and its peace-keeping activities, to which we have given our support through our participation. The new era of international relations will make it possible for the world body to focus on the real global, social and economic issues that are crucial to the future of mankind.
In speaking highly of the achievements of the United Nations we wish to express our appreciation to Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, Secretary-General of the United Nations, whom we had the honour of welcoming in Budapest last May. Hungary has a primary interest in seeing the role of the United Nations enhanced and its activity become more effective. My Government will continue to work towards that end. Accordingly, we are committed to the principle of the universality of the United Nations, and we believe that neither political or ideological reasons nor references to the division of countries may serve to keep away from us those States that otherwise fulfil the requirements of United Nations membership.
At this forum I should like to reaffirm the commitment of the Government of the Republic of Hungary to the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. The foreign policy of the independent and democratic Hungarian Government will continue to remain consistent and predictable and open to co-operation with all our partners throughout the world.