Once again,
I am delighted to have this opportunity to address this
representative audience. At the outset, however, I
should like to wish the fifty-eighth session of the
General Assembly fruitful work — work to
successfully harmonize the actions of peoples and
States; work on behalf of peace, security and progress.
Those purposes were set out in the Charter of the
United Nations by our predecessors, but, as we can see,
they are still relevant. Even now, they provide a solid,
long-term foundation for the activities of the United
Nations. And, although the structure and the functions
of the Organization took shape in an international
environment fundamentally different from ours, time
has only reaffirmed their universal importance. Today,
the instruments of the United Nations are not merely in
demand; they are, as life itself has shown, simply
irreplaceable in crucial situations.
That has been made abundantly clear by the
following important fact: despite sharp differences
concerning how to resolve the Iraq crisis, the situation
is ultimately returning to the legal sphere of the United
Nations. Russia’s position in that regard is consistent
and clear. Only direct United Nations participation in
Iraq’s reconstruction will enable Iraq’s people to decide
their future. And only with active and — I want to stress
this — practical United Nations assistance in Iraq’s
economic and civil transformation will Iraq assume a
truly new and worthy place in the world community.
It is clear that, in recent years, the United Nations
has increasingly been obliged to carry out
fundamentally new tasks and to tackle threats that are
different from, but just as serious as, those it faced
before. Three years ago, at the 2000 Millennium
Summit, I said here that the common enemy of the
United Nations was terrorism. Was Russia’s voice
heeded then? Did everyone understand the seriousness
of the threat, and were our joint actions adequate? The
events of 11 September proved that, unfortunately, they
were not.
To us in Russia, however, the style of the
murderers who committed terrorist acts in Moscow, in
Chechnya and elsewhere in Russia and in New York, as
well as against United Nations staff in Baghdad, has
long been painfully familiar. That style is identical
everywhere, and the fact that the inciters of terror are
easily recognizable — with regard to both the events of
August this year and the terrorist attacks of previous
years — only attests to the global nature of this threat.
It is true that now we are listening to one another.
And we understand that the United Nations must
become — and is indeed becoming — the basis for a
global anti-terrorist coalition. Here, I wish to take
particular note of the Security Council’s Counter-
Terrorism Committee. Terrorism is a challenge to the
planet’s security and to its economic future. Therefore,
the Committee must become a real and practical
instrument for effectively fighting the terrorist threat.
I should like to focus in particular on the
humanitarian activities of the United Nations. That area
consumes the lion’s share of the Organization’s energy,
time and resources, but it does not always appear in the
headlines, nor is it always familiar to the citizens of the
more prosperous States. But it is precisely that area of
United Nations work that is so fundamental and
irreplaceable. The United Nations is helping millions
of destitute people throughout the world — victims of
hunger, of disease and of conflict — to survive and not
to lose hope. That work is exceptionally important; it
lends indisputable political and moral authority to the
entire Organization. And it is here that the
interrelationship between the moral and political content
of international activities is particularly evident.
I should like to take this opportunity to thank all
staff members of the United Nations, all non-
governmental organizations and, of course, the many
volunteers who are participating in this noble work.
Because we understand how valuable the
Organization’s humanitarian mission is, Russia views it
as a major political endeavour. We are already
contributing to this work, and we are committed to
increasing our contribution. Over the past three years,
Russia has forgiven a total of $27.2 billion in debt of
5

developing countries, and we are currently granting
significant tariff preferences to such countries.
For the first time in many years, as our country
has grown, it has become a donor to the United Nations
World Food Programme. The horrors of starvation are
well known to us from our own history. As a result of
the civil war of the past century and the forced
collectivization of the 1920s and 1930s, millions of
people died of starvation in the Volga region, in Northern
Caucasus and in other parts of our country. Hunger
became a national tragedy for the peoples of Ukraine as
well. We consider it our moral and ethical duty to
expand our participation in food aid programmes.
Russia intends to work actively to resolve acute
environmental problems. A milestone will be achieved
in that area by the World Conference on Climate
Change, scheduled to convene next week in Russia’s
capital, Moscow. We also believe it is essential that a
global system be established to monitor and neutralize
dangerous infectious diseases, and we consider the
work done by the Global Fund to be a real
demonstration of international solidarity in fighting the
spread of AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria.
Of course, the United Nations, like any system
with a complex structure, needs to be improved. But
the Organization’s past and current problems have never
been problems of only the Organization per se; they have
always been created by — and they continue to reflect —
contradictions in the very system of international
relations, particularly the system of international law.
After all, politicians, including those represented in the
United Nations, including the Security Council, do not
always have at their disposal adequate and effectively
functioning legal instruments — instruments that would
enable them to deal effectively with the international and
regional crises that arise. International law must, of
course, be fluid and living, reflecting the realities of
the contemporary world. I believe that many of the
processes that are under way within the United Nations
also attest to the constant changes that are taking place
in the world. Such changes dictate a logic of evolution
in the United Nations.
Members of the Organization know very well
that, as a rule, all of the achievements of the United
Nations are shared successes, and that our failures are
shared miscalculations. Such knowledge, however,
brings with it great responsibility. First and foremost,
we must be extremely careful about interfering with the
fabric — the mechanisms — of the work of the United
Nations. Clearly, behind any such decision there should
be more than general political rhetoric — mere words
about so-called fair policies.
I am convinced that any attempt to modernize
United Nations instruments must be preceded by
serious analysis and careful calculation. Such an
approach should be taken, first and foremost, with
regard to the principal international legal instruments.
After all, guaranteeing that they remain effective is the
only way to avoid a legal vacuum. As long as the
norms of international law remain unchanged and
operative, we must observe them. We must ensure
continuity of security guarantees for States and for the
world as a whole.
We must analyse United Nations structures and
mechanisms and try to understand which have proved
effective and productive, as well as which have done
the job they were intended to do and which now remain
unused. We should remember that much of the
potential of the United Nations has still to be tapped.
There are many resources that we are only now
learning how to use.
I would like in particular to comment on the need
to enhance the effectiveness of the Security Council. I
am convinced that, given the deep-rooted nature of the
current differences of opinion and the importance of
ensuring that the Council remain effective, we must
work gradually and very cautiously.
We believe that at this stage we should be guided
above all by the broadest possible agreement on all
aspects of the expansion of the Council, as well as by
the need to ensure that it maintains its current high
status and the legitimacy born of agreed actions. After
all, the Security Council, as the Charter makes clear,
acts on behalf of the United Nations. The Security
Council is endowed with a specific mechanism for
harmonizing political will and for protecting the
national interests of a great variety of States, and,
through this, the interests of the entire international
community.
It is true that we often hear that the developed
countries bear special responsibility for the destiny of
the world. Such leadership, however, entails major
obligations, primarily to ensure that the interests of the
international community as a whole are reflected.
Being a world Power means working together with the
world community. Being a truly strong, influential
6

State means seeing and helping to resolve the problems
of small and economically weak countries.
In that connection, I believe that it would be
useful to intensify the work that is being carried out by
the United Nations in cooperation with the regional
international structures. That will lead directly towards
increased economic prosperity in various parts of the
world, and thus contribute to the containment of
potential threats and the maintenance of a common
global strategic balance.
We welcome the emergence of regional centres
for coordination and cooperation in a united Europe.
We favour the strengthening of integration processes in
the Asia-Pacific region. And of course, we support the
work of the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS), as well as that of the Collective Security Treaty
Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization, whose authority and effectiveness are
continuing to grow.
Russia is not the only country that is interested in
regional integration. Our CIS partners have also
demonstrated their practical commitment to that same
goal. This was reaffirmed during the recent CIS
summit. We consider the development of our
interaction with the European Union, which is
multifaceted in nature, to be important. Likewise, with
regard to security issues, we attach importance to the
search new forms of cooperation with the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization.
We should counter current threats to civilization
only by means of collective responses whose legitimacy
is not in doubt. In this respect, we need a systemic vision
that combines political with, when necessary, military
measures. Such measures should be agreed upon in
advance, and be sensible and appropriate.
The need to improve the peacekeeping
mechanisms of the United Nations remains on the
Organization’s agenda. The United Nations must be
able to deploy peacekeeping — and, where necessary,
peace-enforcement — operations more quickly and
efficiently, in strict compliance with the United Nations
Charter. I should like to note that Russia, which has
always supported the peacekeeping functions of the
Organization, is prepared to step up its participation in
such operations, both under United Nations auspices
and in coalition operations authorized by the Security
Council.
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
and their delivery systems remains a serious challenge
to the modern world. The most dangerous challenge is
the possibility of their falling into the hands of
terrorists. We know what steps must be taken in order
to eliminate such threats. These include the further
universalization of the existing non-proliferation
regimes, the strengthening of international verification
instruments and the introduction of safe technologies in
nuclear energy production. In general, this requires the
renunciation by States of excessive arsenals and
military programmes that could undermine the political
and military balance and trigger an arms race.
Russia believes that it is extremely important to
prevent the militarization of outer space. We believe
that a comprehensive agreement should be elaborated
on this issue, and invite all countries possessing
potential in this area to join our initiative. The Russian
initiative to set up, under the auspices of the United
Nations, a global system to counter these new threats has
already been supported by the General Assembly. We
propose the adoption of a new resolution during this
session setting out specific further steps in this direction.
In conclusion, I should like to recall that the solid
structure of the United Nations has enabled it to
withstand all of the many crises of the second half of
the twentieth century. It has helped to overcome threats
of global confrontation and, most importantly, helped
to promote human rights. It has also helped to assert
the principles of mutual respect and good-neighbourliness
among States. The main thrust of the United Nations
approach is that humankind has no alternative but to
jointly construct a safer, fairer and more prosperous
world. That is our duty to succeeding generations. In
that important task we can have no better help than
such time-tested instruments as the work of the United
Nations, an Organization that, for half a century, took
decisions that were crucial for the entire world.
Russia is convinced that the United Nations must
maintain its central role in international affairs. This is
particularly relevant, and particularly important, for
resolving conflict situations. This is our choice and our
strategic position of principle.


Allow me to congratulate the President on his election
as President of this session of the General Assembly.
We wish him every success.
At the same time, it is a pleasure to greet the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, whose efforts for
peace and cooperation between nations we highly
value. For that reason, I take this opportunity to
express, on behalf of the people of Bolivia and my
Government, our sorrow and solidarity in the face of
the terrorist attacks against the United Nations
headquarters in Baghdad, which once again
demonstrates intolerance for and lack of understanding
of a peacekeeping mission, which is the only possible
path in our search to resolve conflicts.
This attempt strengthens our resolve to fight
without giving any quarter against terrorism in any of
its forms, but, at the same time, it shows us the need to
support the joint efforts of the nations of the world
with policies that are debated and adopted at the United
Nations. This Organization and its bodies are a
fundamental forum where our voice and that of all
countries of the world can be heard. For that reason, we
also believe that reforms are required to give the
Security Council more flexibility and balance in order
to guarantee greater participation in the decision-
making process.
The terrible episodes that we have recently
experienced have forced us once again to reconsider
the path that many nations have set for themselves in
their vision for development. It is a dangerous mistake
to believe that we can coexist in a world of isolated and
closed compartments. It is not possible to generate
growth and well-being for a privileged few and expect
that the excluded great majority will look on silently
from the fringes of that reality. In our opinion, the only
possible path to confront the future is the paradigm of
equity.
For over a half century, Bolivia has been opening
democratic and participative spaces for its people. A
nation such as ours, where 62 per cent of the citizens
identify themselves as indigenous, must do away with
the social, economic and ethnic exclusion that has been
a historic millstone that our elite refused to eliminate.
The process begun by us with the revolution of 1952
with its successes and set-backs of greater or lesser
magnitude is part of our challenge today. This vision is
also essential to defending the human rights of those
citizens who have been marginalized throughout the
course of our history.
For one year now, under the administration
headed by President Sanchez de Lozada, within the
framework of a pluralistic Congress with a very
significant percentage of indigenous representatives
and of very different ideological positions, we are
working to overcome levels of poverty that are
threatening to break down the buttresses of order and
the population’s faith in democracy, which has been
achieved with great sacrifice by the people of Bolivia.
Our Government has broadened its political base
by integrating another political party, Nueva Fuerza
26

Republicana, into the alliance between the Movimiento
Nacionalista Revolucionario and the Movimiento de la
Izquierda Revolucionaria in an effort to face an acute
economic crisis that has taken the form of a persistent
recession, which, fortunately, is beginning to reverse
itself.
We have implemented a programme that
combines efforts to increase State revenues through an
increase in public investment in order to stimulate the
economy and improve private contribution, create jobs
and decrease social inequality. We have given priority
to the most vulnerable sectors of our society with
measures such as an annual solidarity bonus for all
citizens over age 65 and the consolidation of free
medical insurance covering mothers and children under
the age of five. This task is linked to achieving the
Millennium Development Goals, to which we are
deeply committed.
In February of this year and a few days ago, my
country lived through serious episodes of violence,
which have forced us to reflect. We are aware of the
fact that the last 21 years of democracy — the longest
uninterrupted period in our history — are at stake as
we face the legitimate pressure exercised by the
marginalized sectors of our society, who deserve our
attention. Unfortunately, in spite of the new democratic
parliamentary participation, we have not yet been able
to sustain a real and enriching dialogue about our most
severe problems. I am convinced that one of our
principal tasks is to generate a fundamental change in
the behaviour of political parties and of every
politician, but a less radical and more rational attitude
of the social sectors in their relationship with the State
is also indispensable.
We are going through a very difficult time, when
compliance with the law and respect for the authority
of the State threaten to collapse. Loss of trust in these
essential elements of democracy is one of the greatest
dangers to the future of our society, which will only
achieve its goals if it has a credible and legitimate
administration that acts with authority. We are
assuming our responsibility in this area. It is the only
way we can be tolerant of the ideas of others. Our aim
is the urgent search for a true national encounter
through national dialogue, an issue that we are deeply
committed to, despite the difficulties that must be
overcome.
One year ago, in this very forum, I said that our
Government would make the fight against corruption a
State policy. Today I am proud to say that we are
fulfilling that commitment. We have established the
Secretariat to Combat Corruption, whose tasks are
carried out from within the very core of the State, with
broad participation from all levels of society, through
citizen networks and mobile brigades. In one year of
work, we have made public cases of corruption
involving State authorities. Corrupt civil servants have
been given prison sentences and others are currently on
trial for illicit acts. Furthermore, we have expanded the
programmes for better management of public entities.
We are launching a reform of the judiciary,
strengthening a culture in which the rule of law is
based on the concept of justice for all. We are also
promoting a strategy that will transform political and
productive institutions, especially those of the informal
sector, and promoting governance that is compatible
with fair human development opportunities.
Our commitment to fighting illicit drug
trafficking remains unchanged. For our country, this
task has meant high social, political and economic
costs, paid for with the blood of the Bolivian people.
The support of the international community in this
fight has been an incentive and a security factor.
However, our efforts require further support,
proportional to the scope of its effect, in Bolivia as
well as in those societies where drug consumption
remains a priority problem to be solved. We shall
continue to honour our commitments, but we shall also
continue to insist that the international community
fully assume the concept of shared responsibility.
For Bolivia, international assistance represents an
invaluable support. From this rostrum, I wish to thank
the nations and organizations that offer their
cooperation, but I emphasize the fact that the most
effective assistance is that which respects the decisions
and plans of those countries that receive it. Imposing
rigid and unilateral prescriptions often generates more
problems than it solves.
Our continent, Latin America, has seen its role in
the international concert diminished. The continent
faces several core problems, one of which is the siege
of its own democracy by poverty, corruption, inequality
and a globalization process of which it is part, but that
has not always generated positive results for the area.
Integration is the only possible solution if we wish to
face the future with optimism. Bolivia is working
27

diligently in this direction, not only because it is a part
of subregional blocs, such as the Andean Community
and the Common Market of the South — of which it is
an associate member — but also because it promotes
the integration of both regional groups into one South
American body that will provide greater benefits and
targeted influence in the region. As hosts for the
thirteenth Ibero-American Summit of Heads of State
and Government, Bolivia is working for the genuine
strengthening of that mechanism, which unites the
heads of State and Government of a group of countries
whose cultural, political and economic importance
throughout the world is continuously growing.
In this context, the decisions that will be made to
establish the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas
must seek a still uncertain balance for the group of
member countries, taking into account the enormous
gap between the first Power in the world and the
poorest nations of the continent, in a way that will truly
benefit everybody. This will be possible if and when,
beyond trade issues, we prioritize the transport and
communications infrastructures, science, the transfer of
technology and education.
The difficulties emerging from the worldwide
debate on international trade are proof once again of
the gap to be closed between rich and poor nations. If
equity is the foremost exigency of mankind, the only
true and effective response in order to achieve it is a
fair trade agreement. Poor countries demand access for
our products to wealthy countries under fair conditions.
This urgent claim is linked to a sustained policy of
subsidies and protectionism for key production sectors
on the part of the most developed nations. Herein lies
one of the basic causes of poverty and social tensions
in the least favoured societies.
The issue of anti-personnel mines is a very
sensitive one for Bolivia, not only as a matter of
principle — inasmuch as these lethal artefacts continue
to kill or permanently maim people throughout the
world — but also because many such mines have been
planted along our borders. We vehemently request the
Governments responsible for planting these mines to
continue their removal and destruction until the areas
involved are totally free of mines.
Today, more than ever, I wish to confirm before
this Assembly that Bolivia will never waive its just
claim of sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean,
inasmuch as we were established as an independent
republic with a sea coast. This claim, which we have
been making for over a century, is a product not of
stubbornness or caprice, but of the lack of economic
resources and huge geographic obstacles that
undermine our ability to compete. Our landlocked
condition is a deterrent to our growth and the well-
being of our citizens, as proven by the analysis of the
challenges faced by all landlocked countries.
Reintegration of our condition as a maritime nation is a
matter of justice and we cannot set it aside. We will
therefore continue to call for solidarity and support
from the community of nations. Our vocation and our
destiny to be integrated with and economically
complemented by our neighbours compels us to exhort
the Government and people of Chile to act with a view
to the future and to repair a historical wrong that has
anchored Bolivia to the past century.
We are living through difficult times, complex
and full of uncertainty. It is our obligation to stop and
question the validity of many of the premises in which
we believe. No question and no form of questioning is
superfluous at a time such as this, in which the search
for a clearer and fair horizon is a life or death necessity
for our planet.


The delegation of the Republic of Equatorial
Guinea joins preceding delegations in congratulating
the President on his election to preside over the work
of the fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly of
the United Nations. We know that it is a very difficult
task, Sir, because it is your task to organize the debates
of this the greatest deliberative organ of the United
Nations at a time when the Organization   and the
international community   are experiencing a crisis
unprecedented in its history.
However, Sir, we have confidence in your
political and diplomatic ability and in the maturity and
prudence of your country in dealing with international
problems; thus we are optimistic that our deliberations
will meet with the greatest success.
We also congratulate Secretary-General Kofi
Annan on his tireless efforts to ensure that the United
Nations fulfils its mission of peace in the various
armed conflicts, its humanitarian action in response to
the disasters affecting many countries and its efforts to
promote peace negotiations and multiple forms of
cooperation in order to achieve sustainable
development in the world.
The Republic of Equatorial Guinea expresses
before the Assembly its serious concern at the current
international situation, which is manifestly affecting
international peace and security, which the United
Nations was created to safeguard. Indeed, since the end
of the cold war, which gave rise to hope for a more
united, cooperative, integrated and peaceful world of
greater solidarity, it has seemed that the principle rules
governing international relations have been steadily
losing force, with the risk that each State will act
according to its own will.
The concepts of democracy, human rights and
technical cooperation and assistance are being misused
to the detriment of some, and are being exploited to the
benefit of others. The concept of democracy, which is
understood as governing according to the will of each
people, has today been transformed into a demand
imposed by certain States in violation of the universal
principle that every State is free to adopt the political
system that best suits it. Furthermore, the principles of
State sovereignty and non-interference in the internal
affairs of other States, enshrined in international law,
have been violated in recent years under the pretext of
the need for humanitarian intervention, which are often
conducted without United Nations approval.
The efforts to establish a new international
economic order that ensures cooperation for global
development have ended in the division of the world
into North and South, and political conditions are now
being imposed on the cooperative assistance that is
17

offered. Efforts towards the globalization of economic
policies have not recognized the weak position of
underdeveloped countries, which suffer grave
disadvantages in participating and competing in the so-
called globalization of the world. We believe that the
policy of globalization needs to include a special
programme for the sustainable development of
developing countries in order to help them attain the
level of maturity necessary to benefit from such an
integration. In all these efforts to achieve international
cooperation for global development, there are good
intentions, but the decisive will needed to build a fairer
and more equitable world has been lacking.
Meanwhile, the situation of the weakest countries
deteriorates, the economic crisis worsens, political
upheaval spreads and Governments are taking a harsher
stance to protect their power.
Internal warfare, mercenaries and terrorism are
taking root because, as occurred in the Middle Ages,
the people cannot bear hunger and poverty and are
driven to civil disobedience. At the same time, the
United Nations is losing its authority because its
decision-making organs are not democratic, and its
capacity for humanitarian assistance falls short because
of the proliferation of disasters caused by wars and acts
of terrorism.
In our opinion, and most regrettably, humanity is
already dehumanized and the United Nations has lost
its authority. We must now shoulder the responsibility
of rebuilding our policies and of morally rebuilding the
Organization and restoring its authority. It is the only
world body capable of representing humanity with
authority and the only one in which we can achieve
universal consensus.
It is here that we can fight terrorism and
organized crime, because everything is listened to and
everything is discussed in this forum. The use of
weapons against terrorism could turn us into terrorists
ourselves. Thus my delegation naturally and
energetically condemns the terrorist attack against the
United Nations headquarters in Baghdad, which caused
the death of the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, and
those of some 30 staff working in the service of peace.
We express our deep condolences at the loss of those
noble workers in the service of humanity. We therefore
believe that now is the time to adopt strategies so that
United Nations peacekeeping missions will not be
confused with any interests other than the peaceful
settlement of hostilities.
As for my country, Equatorial Guinea is faithful
to its commitments as a full-fledged Member of the
United Nations and a member of the African Union,
committed to the maintenance of peaceful relations of
friendship and cooperation with other countries. We
respect the sovereignty, national unity, territorial
integrity and inalienable rights of other States within
their borders, and we favour the promotion of the
socio-political development of nations.
In that connection, Equatorial Guinea is a party to
all international conventions that protect the political,
economic and sociocultural rights of peoples.
Democracy, as the consensus of the people, is a reality
in which our country is immersed, with the coexistence
of the 13 political parties that constitute it, observing
the commitments of the binding national political pact
between the Government and the opposition.
Undoubtedly, today the formation of a broad-based
Government is the greatest exponent of peace and
political stability that my country has ever known.
In order to ensure such internal political
consensus and cooperation with other countries and
international organizations, we believe that
transparency is absolutely necessary, because it
benefits all parties. Equatorial Guinea offers open and
unrestricted cooperation to everyone, on the basis of
transparent action, for everyone's mutual benefit.
Nevertheless, we are aware that our possibilities are
very limited as far as acquiring modern technology and
laying the foundations for sustained and sustainable
and development are concerned. Therefore, we request
international cooperation in that regard from friendly
countries and from international assistance
organizations.
I conclude by expressing the hope that the United
Nations will recover its leadership in promoting the
peace and development of our world.


Allow me to begin by
drawing the General Assembly’s attention to the fact
that, despite all its deficiencies and weaknesses, it must
be admitted that the United Nations has demonstrated
its merits and contributions, not only for humanity in
general but also, in particular, for its Member States.
This world body has maintained minimum standards
that every State must meet regarding the protection and
promotion of the human rights of all its citizens. The
United Nations has developed, and strived to
implement, international laws binding upon each and
every member. It has also instituted and put into
practice an array of legal instruments that are very
useful in preventing and settling conflicts among
States, as well as in promoting a framework of
cooperation among nations.
I would therefore like to take this opportunity to
convey the gratitude and appreciation of my country to
the United Nations for the invaluable work it has done
for our benefit. The contributions of the Organization
to our political and economic development are well
recorded in our history. Those contributions range from
its mediating role during the period of our struggle to
preserve our national independence, from 1945 to
16

1949, to its active participation in our efforts to employ
our independence wisely in our pursuit of national
development.
Our national State — which may not only be the
most heterogeneous but also the largest archipelagic
State in the world — is built upon racial, ethnic,
religious and cultural pluralities. Our people still live
predominately traditional lives, dispersed along the
equator throughout over 17,000 islands. The most
devastating financial crisis in Indonesia’s history not
only ignited conflicts between ethnic groups, but also
revived separatist movements in several regions. We
are doing all we can to contain and defuse those
separatist movements. In the process, we have
diminished our capacity to strengthen our economic
recovery.
Beginning in 2002, while we were contending
with those difficulties, terrorism began to inflict its
brutality upon our homeland. We believed for quite
some time that international terrorism would spare
Indonesia because we had a tradition of tolerance for
human differences. However, we must now face the
reality that Indonesia has become a target of terrorism,
and as a result has suffered enormous losses in human
lives. We have been wondering why those terrifying
acts were carried out. What were the underlying
reasons, motives and arguments for them? How were
they related to international terrorist networks? What
course of action should be adopted to effectively
prevent, deter and eradicate them?
We have adopted a strong set of laws to prevent
and eradicate the threats posed by terrorism. Equipped
with those reinforced legal instruments, we have
dismantled terrorist cells in the country, and
prosecutors have brought members of those cells to
justice. Several of them have already been handed
sentences that befit their crimes.
The people of Indonesia, who are predominantly
of the Islamic faith, support that national policy. Large
and active Islamic organizations, such as
Muhammadiya and Nahdlatul Ulama, as well as the
Indonesian Ulemas Council and prominent Islamic
figures, are one in condemning those terrorist acts. It
should be noted that the terrorists — who are few in
number, but fanatical — often claim that they are
fighting in the name of Islam. They must be a mere
minority, as Islam — which teaches equality, justice
and the kinship shared by all humankind — cannot
possibly endorse the indiscriminate killing of innocent
individuals. As in other Muslim countries, adherents of
mainstream Islam in Indonesia practice moderation and
are strongly opposed to violence. Although they are a
small splinter group in the large Indonesian community
of Muslims, the perpetrators of those terrorist acts
represent a branch of international terrorism. The
motives and justifying arguments of their movement
apparently stem from the prolonged unjust attitude
exhibited by big Powers towards countries whose
inhabitants profess Islam, particularly as regards
resolving the Middle East conflict.
We should truly be prudent and sensible in the
face of such a long-outstanding issue. It is difficult to
refute the impression that the policy on conflict
resolution in the Middle East is not only unjust but also
one-sided. Clearly, the Middle East problem is not a
conflict of religions or of religious adherents, although
some religious nuances may be part of the issue.
We are very much aware of the background of
that situation. Whatever the reasoning espoused by any
one of us, we must all admit that the absence of a just
attitude, exacerbated by a feeling of being sidelined
and ignored, in addition to the lack of a formal means
to channel aspirations, has fostered a climate for
violence and made it grow. In our view, those are
actually both the seeds and roots of a problem that has
a tendency to grow and expand. Among other things,
that problem has also even led to devastating and tragic
acts of terror.
At this distinguished forum, I would like to
appeal to world leaders to open the doors of their hearts
in dealing with that issue, which is crucial to world
peace, the welfare of humankind and the destiny of the
human race. I believe we will be able to carry out that
noble task if we are prepared to look into the problem
with clear hearts and minds. Indeed, we cannot be the
“most just”; but it is necessary to have a just mind and
attitude.
It is depressing to observe that we have been very
slow in understanding the root causes of the problem.
The war in the Middle East a few months ago is just
another reflection of the situation. The war has created
many more problems than it was supposed to solve. I
do believe that a great many lessons can be learned
from the Iraq war.
In order to prevent, deter or eradicate the problem
of international terrorism, I should like to propose that
17

the countries whose citizens have been the main targets
of terrorist groups should review their conventional
anti-terrorism policies, particularly in dealing with the
Arab-Israeli conflict. They should adopt a policy that
ensures that all parties involved are given just and
equal treatment. Indeed, many eminent Muslims in
Indonesia believe that once the major Powers behave in
a more just manner and make clear their impartiality in
the Middle East, most of the root causes of terrorism
perpetrated in the name of Islam — which cannot be
justified under any circumstance — will be resolved.
As the Head of State of the largest Muslim country in
the world, I sincerely invite all world leaders to pay
particular attention to that issue.
Let us prevent the root causes of terrorism from
spreading and triggering the emergence of other
unsatisfactory aspirations, including in the social and
economic spheres. The failure to reach consensus at the
recent meeting of the World Trade Organization and
the continued slow progress — not to say stalemate —
in the implementation of various social and economic
global agendas will only complicate and proliferate
existing global problems.
We are all interested in making the world a more
peaceful, stable, prosperous, just and humane place.
Were those not the noble objectives explicitly
stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations at the
inception of the Organization, in June 1945? We are all
aware that the world has undergone rapid changes.
Technology has transformed the world and turned it
into an open and almost borderless place. Human life
and its inherent value system have been developing
very fast, and any institutional and procedural regimes
and instruments require adjustment and improvement.
Forty-three years ago, in 1960, our first President,
Mr. Soekarno, spoke clearly about that issue. In his
address to the General Assembly entitled “To build the
world anew”, he referred to the need to reform both the
international order and relations among nations of the
world. We now all realize and recognize the truth of his
call. We are indeed in need of fundamental reform. If,
to that end, the performance of the Organization
requires improvement to enable it to contribute more
constructively to the attainment of a more peaceful,
stable, just, prosperous and humane world, then we
must have the courage to review, revitalize and
empower its institutions and working methods.
We must strengthen international cooperation and
reinforce regional engagement. In South-East Asia, we
are continuing to enhance the role of the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Next month, at
the ASEAN summit that Indonesia will host in Bali, we
expect to take concrete steps towards forming an
ASEAN security community that will support and
complement our efforts at becoming an ASEAN
economic community. I believe that a stable, peaceful
and prosperous ASEAN will significantly contribute to
the realization of the objectives of the United Nations.
There are no easy tasks. But building a better
region and a more democratic world is worth all our
patience and hard work. After all, that is our basic
responsibility. From Indonesia’s own experience in
striving to become a more fully democratic country, I
know how difficult that kind of work can be. We are
therefore aware that building a more democratic world
is even more difficult. Nevertheless, I wish to reiterate
that my country remains committed to fulfilling its
international obligations and that we will continue to
work with other members of the United Nations to
build the new world we dream of.


It is an honour and
privilege for me to present my country’s statement as
28

commanded by His Majesty King Mswati III and on his
behalf. Allow me to convey the greetings and best
wishes of His Majesty King Mswati III and Her
Majesty the Indlovukazi and indeed the entire Swazi
nation.
We are gathered here to chart the way forward
towards the creation of a world fit for all of us by the
turn of the century and beyond. Over the past year, we
witnessed dramatic events that brought old and new
issues to the forefront. The international situation has
relapsed into the old state of uncertainty. International
leadership, be it on the part of the major Powers or the
United Nations, has become vague, as confrontations at
the interstate and intra-state levels have increased. Our
inability to stand collectively against many issues that
afflict each individual country differently has been
cited by our detractors as marking the beginning of the
end of the Organization and multilateralism.
The United Nations needs to send a clear message
to its detractors that it is alive and well, and that it will
indeed play a major role in the post-cold war era. All
must know that the United Nations is a major forum for
consultation, coordination and collective decisions on
crucial socio-political issues among its Members and
that its strength and relevance has never come from
affirming the designs of a few selected Member
nations, but instead rests on the collective will of the
international community that emerges from a
multilateral process.
In our interdependent world, the need to
strengthen the multilateral process is now more urgent
than ever before, if we are to achieve our common goal
of a just and humane international order based on
international cooperation and solidarity. This is a
challenge that must be squarely and urgently addressed,
and remedial action must be taken here at the United
Nations. We can stand tall and proud, knowing that two
years ago, the response by the United Nations to a new
and unprecedented level of terrorism was immediate,
united and effective. That response was a model for
international unity of purpose and multilateral action; it
was a lesson that should not be forgotten as the
Organization tackles other problems confronting
humanity.
At this point, allow me to pay tribute to
Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, Special Representative of
the Secretary-General, and to the other United Nations
staff and support staff who lost their lives in the
terrible tragedy in Baghdad a few weeks ago. Once
more, terrorism has shown its ugly face — indeed its
only face — and how important it is to support the
United Nations efforts to deal with it.
Despite the best intentions and efforts of regional
organizations and the United Nations, a scourge of a
different nature continues to threaten many parts of the
world. I refer here to the threat of internal and inter-
State conflicts around the world. Events in some parts
of the world continue to be of grave concern to us all.
People and countries continue to expend valuable
energy and resources in fighting each other. The
international community has a responsibility, not only
to design appropriate strategies for a measured and
early response, but also to find ways and means of
addressing those conflicts’ root cause and managing
them to a peaceful resolution.
There are positive indications that political
conflict and turmoil in Africa will be eliminated, and
there is hope for building stability and economic
progress. In the face of dwindling official development
assistance and the lack of comparable resources, the
creation of the African Union and its New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) programme are
commendable initiatives to bring Africa closer to the
mainstream of international development, to generate
sustainable economic growth and to eradicate poverty
and the spread of disease.
What is needed now are resources and we ask that
every effort be made by our developed partners to
ensure that these initiatives achieve a breakthrough for
African development. Also, the international
community should concentrate its efforts toward
making development more inclusive and must ensure
that particular groups of vulnerable countries, in
particular small developing States, are not left out of
the global economy and the development process.
With the ongoing revitalization of the General
Assembly and its integrated implementation and
follow-up to the outcome of major United Nations
conferences and summits, we are hopeful that the
aspirations of our countries for sustainable
development and peace will be met.
The situation in the Middle East continues to be a
matter of great concern. We urge both parties to renew
their commitment to the road map for peace and to
agree on a mechanism for achieving a lasting peace.
We are pleased to note that a significant level of
29

consensus on the main elements of a settlement has
emerged. We further urge both parties to take
advantage of this and proceed towards negotiations
involving the leadership of Palestine and Israel.
It is regrettable that the threat of a nuclear
holocaust still haunts us — even to this day — owing
to the inability of the international community to work
out a regime for the total elimination of nuclear
weapons. Under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty we have made significant gains on the
issue of nuclear disarmament, but these alone cannot
eliminate the threat of nuclear weapons. The Kingdom
of Swaziland continues to hold the view that the
international community must effectively address this
matter in order to establish a clear timetable to which
all nuclear Powers must commit.
In addition to the struggle to outlaw weapons of
mass destruction, there is an urgent need to address the
issue of small arms and light weapons, which have
contributed to conflict and insecurity in many of our
countries. Their easy accessibility, fuelled by illicit
brokering, is a major cause for concern. We appeal to
all countries to fully implement the recommendations
contained in the Programme of Action adopted by the
United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small
Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects, held here
in New York in 2001, with a view to combating such
practices.
Economic growth is essential if we are to meet
the Millennium Development Goals, in particular the
first goal of eradicating poverty. In our quest to
develop quietly and peacefully, according to the wishes
of the Swazi nation, His Majesty King Mswati III
launched, in June this year, the country’s first draft
constitution — a document that has been hailed by
many as a good framework for shaping a new
Swaziland. The Constitutional Drafting Committee has
taken the draft to the people for their input, and it is
our hope that it will be finalized and adopted soon. We
are grateful to our international partners for providing
support throughout that exercise.
Despite our best efforts, however, the Kingdom of
Swaziland is finding it difficult to achieve progress
because of the huge obstacles that we face, the greatest
of these being the threat to our future by the HIV/AIDS
pandemic. Its devastating impact on Swaziland has
been well documented. No development sector is
immune from the consequences of the very high and
increasing HIV infection rate among our people, given
the enormous strain that it places on our financial and
human resources. We are grateful, however, to the
Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria,
and hopes are now high. Notwithstanding the inherent
delays in processing our applications to the Fund, the
arrival of the first disbursements from the Fund in
August has increased hope for thousands among the
affected and infected population.
We are now able to embrace the approved
medical-care strategies, including the reduction of
mother-to-child transmission of the virus and the
prescription of antiretroviral drugs for those who need
them. The recent high-level meeting on HIV/AIDS,
which was held here last week, was of critical
importance to Swaziland. We are positive that the
conclusions reached during that meeting will be critical
in our endeavour to find solutions to this pandemic.
As part of His Majesty’s initiative to promote
global awareness of the pandemic and to raise funds
that will help those of our countries that are suffering
from the dreadful consequences of the disease, the
much awaited album by international artists, entitled
“Songs for Life”, was launched by His Majesty here at
the United Nations, in Washington and in Los Angeles
in June this year. We look forward with great
confidence to the success of the album, whose proceeds
will go entirely to HIV/AIDS programmes.
The food security situation that continues to
affect the Southern African region is closely linked to
the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The Kingdom of Swaziland
has been hard hit by food shortages, largely due to the
failure of the rains, particularly in the rural areas,
where communities are entirely dependent on farming.
As food shortages grip us tighter, we are grateful to the
United Nations and its affiliated agencies for their
effort to help us to arrest the crisis. As we approach
this farming season, it is our prayer that the situation
will improve.
It could be safely said that the twenty-first
century has had an inauspicious start, with
globalization, terrorism, disease and weapons of mass
destruction at the forefront of our minds. This places
all the more responsibility on the United Nations to
harness the resources and commitment of its Members
for the benefit of humankind. In this effort, there is a
compelling need to include all the peoples of the world,
30

as envisaged by our founding fathers and as enshrined
in the principle of universality. Acknowledging the
importance of this principle, the Kingdom of Swaziland
raises the issue of the inclusion once more of the
Republic of China on Taiwan in the activities of the
United Nations and its associated agencies. Our
principled position on this important issue remains
unchanged.
The Republic of China on Taiwan has shown time
and again its willingness to participate in efforts to
bring about true global peace, development and
security, as well as its commitment to utilize resources
for the benefit of mankind. We therefore fail to
understand why the people of Taiwan cannot be part of
this great family of nations.
Finally, I would like to thank the President of the
Assembly for giving me this opportunity to speak
before the Assembly. The Kingdom of Swaziland
reiterates its conviction that the United Nations system
remains the best guarantee for international peace and
security. We pledge to work vigorously with the
Organization to ensure its success.


It gives my delegation
immense satisfaction to see Mr. Julian Hunte in the
high office of the presidency, not only because of his
wide experience and his proven abilities, but also
because Saint Lucia — a small country like Bhutan —
has assumed leadership of the General Assembly at this
critical juncture of its history. We are confident that,
under his able leadership and guidance, our
deliberations on the many important and challenging
issues that confront our world today will be fruitful.
Let me also take this opportunity to express our deep
appreciation to Mr. Jan Kavan for his excellent
stewardship of the fifty-seventh session. His
presidency enhanced the esteem of the international
community both for himself personally and for the
Czech Republic.
My delegation would like to pay a special tribute
to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his
dynamic leadership and his tireless efforts to revitalize
the United Nations and to enable it to assume its
rightful role at a very challenging time in our history.
We have gathered in this magnificent Hall year
after year, bound together by a common vision of a
peaceful, prosperous and just world. The end of the
cold war renewed our hope to bring to fruition our
collective aspirations, enshrined in the Charter of the
United Nations. The historic Millennium Summit
ushered in a sense of optimism that we could bring
about a world free from want and fear. Unfortunately,
the horrific events of 11 September have shaken the
very foundations of our nascent faith in our ability to
deliver a new era of peace and prosperity. The situation
in Iraq is a serious challenge to the international
community. Three years ago, we stood united and
confident about the prospects in the new millennium,
providing a ray of hope for millions around the world.
Today, sadly, we stand as a house divided, uncertain
about the future and unsure whether we can rid the
world of the vicious circle of conflict, poverty and fear
that has plagued humankind for centuries.
It is clear that international peace and security
and the eradication of poverty remain the most pressing
challenges confronting the international community.
What must be recognized is the undeniable, but often
overlooked, fact that those overarching goals are
interlinked and cannot be achieved in isolation. There
can be no prosperity without peace and security. At the
same time, peace and security cannot be sustained if
billions are deprived of the basic necessities of life.
Our collective resolve to combat the menace of
terrorism must be matched with an equal commitment
2

to eradicate the scourge of poverty, which afflicts more
than half of the world’s population.
We welcome the President’s intention to focus the
Assembly’s efforts on implementation of the outcomes
of United Nations summits and conferences, including
the Millennium Development Goals. The realization of
a new economic order that is inclusive, equitable and
sustainable is an imperative that must be pursued with
renewed focus and resolve. The Millennium
Declaration provides a clear set of targets and steps to
be undertaken to achieve them. The Monterrey
Consensus, the Doha Development Agenda and the
Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development
provided further impetus towards the attainment of the
Millennium Development Goals. Yet 33 countries that
together account for 26 per cent of the world’s
population are reported to be off track on more than
half of the Goals. The lack of progress so far is indeed
disconcerting.
While emphasizing the need to accelerate the
implementation of commitments made by both
developed and developing countries at various
international conferences, my delegation would like to
highlight the critical need for adequate financing
mechanisms through trade, investment and official
development assistance. In particular, my delegation
hopes that the special needs and vulnerabilities of the
least developing countries, of the landlocked
developing countries and of the small island
developing States will be comprehensively addressed,
as called for in the Brussels Programme of Action for
the Least Developed Countries, in the Almaty
Declaration and in the Barbados Plan of Action,
respectively.
Of the 33 countries that are off track in achieving
the Millennium Development Goals, 23 are in sub-
Saharan Africa, highlighting the need for special
attention to Africa. My delegation calls on the
international community to lend its full support to the
implementation of the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development. International support is particularly
crucial for countries emerging from conflicts, for
without the rehabilitation of social and economic
infrastructure, progress in peacemaking cannot be
sustained. In that context, we hope that the
international community will also provide the
necessary support to the peoples of Afghanistan and
Iraq as they endeavour to rebuild their nations under
the most trying circumstances.
Every Member State has the responsibility to
eradicate poverty and create an enabling environment
for peace and security. It is in the mutual interest of all
nations, small or large, developed or developing, to
collectively promote global prosperity and peaceful
coexistence.


The brutal attacks on the
United Nations Mission in Baghdad are beyond
comprehension. I condemn them in the strongest
possible terms. The perpetrators of such crimes must be
brought to justice. We must renew our efforts to bolster
respect for humanitarian principles. It is unacceptable
that United Nations personnel are unable to conduct
humanitarian relief operations without risking their
lives. It is unacceptable that United Nations personnel
are denied access to people in distress.
On behalf of the people of Norway, I wish to
express my respect and admiration to all United
Nations workers who are doing what they can to help
in Iraq and other zones of conflict and danger.
Unless the security needs in Iraq are met,
valuable time on the road to political stability,
democracy and economic and social development will
be lost. Without a safe and secure environment, the
United Nations is unable to help Iraq along that road. I
deplore the political assassinations of religious and
political leaders in Iraq.
Now we must focus our attention on what is
needed to rebuild Iraq. Norway is participating in
international efforts to stabilize and rebuild Iraq for the
benefit of the Iraqi people. Our aim is to help the
people of Iraq regain control of their own destiny, to
help them build a future of freedom and justice and a
life in peace with their neighbours.
The United Nations should play a key role in
setting the benchmarks and guiding the political
process towards the early restoration of Iraq’s
sovereignty and the transfer of power to an Iraqi
government. A carefully considered timeframe must be
drawn up. We must also make sure that the tasks that
we decide for the United Nations in Iraq are realistic
and achievable.
Terrorism is a dark force, which targets the very
values and norms upon which the United Nations
Charter is based. An overwhelming majority of
Member States have joined forces to fight it, and we
have taken some important steps together. We need to
strengthen the role of the United Nations in multilateral
disarmament, arms control and non-proliferation. We
need to agree on strong and effective regimes that can
provide reliable protection against weapons of mass
destruction.
A week ago, world leaders and the Secretary-
General sat down in New York at the invitation of
Norway to discuss ways to fight terrorism and the roots
of evil. They voiced their dedication to the fight
against terrorism, and their determination to place
humanity at the centre of that fight.
We want a United Nations that reaches out and
responds to the concerns of all Member States. It must
reach out and respond to the concerns of all
individuals, to the needs of men and women alike. We
need a world of equal opportunities, where all the
world’s human resources — and not only half of
them — are fully put to use. We have a vision of a
humane world where people can live in security and
dignity, free from poverty and despair. To live up to the
ideals enshrined in the Charter, the United Nations
must continue to give priority to human rights and
fundamental aspects of governance.
A culture of impunity for mass atrocities is
incompatible with human dignity and undermines long-
term security. The establishment of the International
Criminal Court is a historic turning point.
Fighting terrorism, strengthening human security,
working for development and preventing conflict are
challenges that are closely related. In the Millennium
16

Development Goals, we have pledged to halve the
proportion of people living in extreme poverty and to
reduce child mortality by two-thirds. We have pledged
to halve the proportion of people without access to safe
drinking water and basic sanitation.
Norway currently holds the chairmanship of the
Commission on Sustainable Development, and we are
committed to achieving real progress. It is crucial that
developing and developed countries and the private
sector all contribute. Development must be built on a
global partnership and on shared responsibilities.
Norway remains committed to the Doha Development
Agenda. We are confident that strengthening and
making full use of this multilateral framework is the
way to go. We will work hard to get the negotiations
back on track.
More often than not, the United Nations only
becomes engaged in earnest after armed conflict has
broken out. The reasons are many, but they are no
excuse for the loss of lives, the human misery and the
setbacks in development that are too often the high
price of collective inaction. Too often the main legacy
of a civil war is another civil war. Yet there are many
things we can do to prevent this from happening.
We can act to prevent economic conflict drivers
such as diamonds and other natural resources, from
fuelling and prolonging conflicts, and we can act to
curb the illegal trade in small arms. By fighting
poverty and promoting peace and development, we are
making the soundest investment possible in Africa. We
will assist the African Union and the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in their endeavours
towards economic and social development and political
stability in Africa.
Norway will continue working for peace and
stability in the Horn of Africa. The peace process
between Ethiopia and Eritrea is entering a crucial
phase. We urge both parties to stand by their
commitments and not hesitate now that they stand at
the threshold of lasting peace.
In the Sudan, important progress has just been
made. We urge the parties to step up their efforts and
reach a final settlement.
Over the last few years, the United Nations has
made considerable progress in peacekeeping. The
foundations for a new approach have been laid.
Notable results have been achieved in Kosovo, Sierra
Leone and Timor-Leste, as well as in reinforcing the
capabilities of the Department of Peacekeeping
Operations and strengthening the United Nations
Standby Arrangement System.
The United Nations Assistance Mission in
Afghanistan is facing a particularly challenging task.
Two years on, much has been achieved, but the
situation is still volatile. The safe and secure
environment needed for economic growth and full
implementation of the Bonn Agreement is not in place.
Many people are suffering from food shortages, and are
in need of assistance. Elections are due next year.
Women are not yet properly empowered. Unless we can
assure nation-wide security, the nation-building process
in Afghanistan will be at risk. A sustained international
presence will be necessary for the foreseeable future.
With NATO in command of the International
Security Assistance Force (ISAF), Norway as a NATO
member has an additional stake in the building of a
peaceful and prosperous future for the people of
Afghanistan. We have decided to make Afghanistan
one of our partner countries in development
cooperation.
In Sri Lanka the peace process has reached a
decisive juncture. We are hopeful that the parties will
soon be able to embark on negotiations towards an
interim administration for the North-East Province. It
is vital that the parties reach agreement and resume
direct peace negotiations within the timeframe
envisaged.
Development of the economic infrastructure is
equally important for all in Sri Lanka. In parallel with
dealing with the political process, the parties should
take care to proceed with the important task of
reconstruction and development.
Norway remains firmly committed to the role of
facilitator of the peace process between the
Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE. We call on the
international community to engage in the efforts for
reconstruction and rehabilitation in Sri Lanka.
In Myanmar the Government has recently stated
its intention to invite the democratic opposition and the
ethnic minorities to take part in the building of a
national consensus. A good way to start would be to
release Aung San Suu Kyi immediately and without
conditions and thereby demonstrate the Government’s
17

sincere intentions. This might mean the beginning of a
new political era in Myanmar. Norway stands ready to
support efforts to make democratization an irreversible
process. We strongly support the role of the United
Nations and believe that the active involvement of
countries in the region will be vital to reaching a
solution.
The year 2003 has been a tragic one for Israelis
and Palestinians. Their acceptance of the road map for
peace boded well, but again violence and not politics is
determining the course of development. A political
solution is needed, building on a parallel process where
Israel takes significant steps to end the occupation, and
where the Palestinian Authority takes determined steps
to fight terror. The ultimate goal, in which we will not
lose faith, is that of two States — Israel and
Palestine — living side by side in peace and security.
Norway urges Israel to do its utmost to ease the
living conditions of the Palestinians. In our capacity as
chairman of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee for
assistance to the Palestinian people, Norway remains
committed to rebuilding the Palestinian areas.
Norway also believes that the parties should avail
themselves of the assistance of the international
community and individual countries through
appropriate monitoring mechanisms.
The past year has been a trying one for the United
Nations. Multilateralism has come under pressure from
those who continue to question the primacy of the
United Nations and therefore look elsewhere for
solutions.
The answer to this challenge is to make the
United Nations more effective and thus more relevant
in dealing with issues at the top of the international
agenda. By increasing the relevance of the United
Nations we can increase its authority and legitimacy.
Norway shares the Secretary-General’s view that
Member States need to take a hard look at today’s
United Nations institutions and ask whether they are
adequate for the tasks we have before us.
The time has come to advance the issue of reform
of the Security Council. It is also time to agree on a
more relevant agenda for the General Assembly, the
Economic and Social Council and the Commission on
Human Rights. Norway puts emphasis on reforming the
work of the First Committee. We therefore welcome
the Secretary-General’s decision to appoint a high-level
panel to recommend concrete ways in which to
strengthen the functioning of the major bodies of the
United Nations and the relationships between them.
Norway, together with the Nordic countries, has a long-
standing commitment to reform. We stand ready to
assist in bringing the initiatives of the Secretary-
General to fruition.
The aims and ideals of the United Nations are as
relevant as ever — to maintain peace and security, to
reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, to establish
conditions for justice and the international rule of law
and to promote economic and social development.
The world has changed since 1945, but the United
Nations has not changed with it. I urge Member States
to come together with a renewed sense of unity and
purpose, so that we can change our Organization in the
collective spirit that lies at the core of the Charter.


It gives me great
pleasure to deliver this statement on behalf of His
Excellency Rene Harris, President and Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Nauru, who had to
cancel his trip to New York at the last minute due to
pressing matters at home. President Harris has asked
me to convey to Mr. Julian Hunte warmest
congratulations on his assumption of the stewardship of
the Assembly. As a small island developing State,
Nauru is extremely proud to be associated with the
Caribbean Community on Mr. Hunte’s marvellous
achievement, which gives us hope that we in the
Pacific will also have the opportunity to preside over
the Assembly.
My delegation would like, through him, to
commend His Excellency Mr. Jan Kavan, President of
the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session, for
his excellent leadership and the great efforts that he
made, particularly in tackling the difficult issues that
have plagued the revitalization of the General
Assembly as the premier organ of the United Nations.
The President has pledged to continue the good work
that has been done in these areas, and he can count on
Nauru’s full cooperation.
Peace and security — or, more correctly, the lack
of it — is still the main focus of the United Nations 58
years after its inception. In the past 24 months, we have
seen the internationalization of terrorism manifest itself
out of a cocktail of hatred, desperation and fanaticism
that has spread its tentacles from the Middle East into
the international arena. It is unconventional,
clandestine, and indiscriminate with respect to its
victims. We are also seeing an increase in the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction after a
period of relative calm, and this is further exacerbating
the situation.
The sum of these two nightmarish threats is a
cause for concern, and States that feel uniquely
vulnerable to terrorist acts are considering the real
possibility of terrorists gaining access to weapons of
mass destruction. That scenario has forced such States
to develop the antidote of unilateral action primed with
a pre-emptive strike policy.
We saw it in action in Afghanistan and, six
months ago in Iraq, just as President Bush said we
would if the Security Council failed to walk the talk of
resolution 1441 (2002), which called for the
disarmament by Iraq of its weapons of mass
destruction. Nauru is disappointed that President Bush
did not refer in his statement last week to the status of
the coalition’s search for stockpiles of these weapons,
and we are puzzled as to why it is hard to find them
when intelligence indicated that the Iraqis could arm
and unleash them so as to hit the United Kingdom
within 45 minutes.
My delegation considers the antidote to which I
referred to be the catalyst in the new wave of nuclear
weapons proliferation, and it is not a coincidence that
the countries singled out as part of the “axis of evil”
are being accused of developing nuclear weapons.
Nauru joins the appeal to the countries concerned to
observe their obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to allow the
International Atomic Energy Agency to carry out
inspections and verify that nuclear weapons are not
being developed.
In all of this, we are certain of one thing: that the
major casualty of the current state of affairs is the
innocence of the United Nations, which was mortally
wounded in Baghdad when the lives of 22 dedicated
United Nations servants were lost, including that of the
22

revered Sergio Vieira de Mello, and more than 100
were injured.
The people of Nauru join the United Nations
family in mourning the victims of that tragedy, and our
heartfelt condolences go to the bereaved families. That
despicable act of terror has cast a shadow over the
safety and security of United Nations personnel
everywhere. The clarity of its emblem, which stood for
tolerance, hope and impartiality and which had acted as
a shield against attack, may have been blurred by its
subservient role to the administering force in Iraq.
In the light of the facts before us, Nauru fully
agrees with the assessment made by the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, in his bold and gutsy
statement that the Organization has “come to a fork in
the road” and that we are in a moment of time that is
“no less decisive than 1945 itself, when the United
Nations was founded.” (A/58/PV.7, p. 3)
Nauru fully supports the proposal to establish a
high-level panel of eminent personalities to review
threats to peace and security and other global
challenges insofar as these may influence or be
connected with such threats. Nauru strongly believes in
multilateralism as a key tool in resolving contemporary
problems in all of their complexity.
The Security Council should be at the centre of
our collective efforts in maintaining peace and
resolving conflict. At the same time, the Council must
have at its disposal the means of making evaluations
and taking collective action. Most importantly, it must
have the will to act quickly and decisively, not only to
threats to peace and security, but to genocide and other
massive violations of human rights.
Nauru is pleased to see the rapid progression
towards making the International Criminal Court
operational since its Statute came into force in July
2001. We believe that the objectives of the Court make
it a useful addition to the international tool kit for the
preservation of peace, as perpetrators of atrocious acts
in armed conflict have been put on notice that they will
be held accountable for their acts or omissions.
As a small island developing State in the Pacific
Ocean, Nauru aligns itself with the statements of the
leaders of the Pacific nations who have spoken before
me on the concerns and challenges that we, the small-
island-big-ocean developing States are facing, now and
in the future. Nauru bears all the unique characteristics
of a small island State, given our small size, in terms of
both land area and population, our remoteness and our
vulnerability to exogenous forces, be they man-made or
natural.
In 1994, the world community agreed that small
island developing States warranted special
consideration with regard to their economic and social
development because of the unique set of
characteristics that are inherent in each island country,
and it was to address those unique problems that the
Barbados Plan of Action was created.
As His Royal Highness the Prime Minister of
Tonga stated in his intervention, the road to sustainable
development for small island developing States is
posted with signs of undertakings, as we marched from
Barbados in 1994 to New York in 1999 for the five-
year review, then on to Monterrey in 2002 for the
International Conference on Financing for
Development, where more signs were posted saying
that internal self-help, good governance and trade were
the key to poverty alleviation, and that subscription to
those cures would provide the way for developed
countries to come in and help. Most, if not all, of the
small island developing States have been taking this
medicine for a long time, and we have yet to see the
doctor. In Johannesburg, a whole chapter was devoted
to the cause of the small island developing States. In
April of this year, the Commission on Sustainable
Development paved the way for an international
meeting to be held in Mauritius in 2004.
Yet despite all these signs of good intentions, the
reality is that, when small island developing States try
to see that these decisions or undertakings are reflected
in other international forums, our proposals in most
cases are either rejected or rendered impotent after
intense and difficult negotiations. The Cancún meeting
is a good example, as is the recent meeting of
Convention bodies such as the Eighth Conference of
the Parties to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change in New Delhi in 2002,
and the Sixth Conference of the Parties to the United
Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, held in
Havana recently. This undesirable situation needs to be
addressed if small island developing States are to
benefit from the positive outcomes of international
meetings or review conferences.
23

As we march towards Mauritius, small island
developing States will have to endure due process in
the Second Committee and at the twelfth session of the
Commission on Sustainable Development in order to
establish administrative and financial norms for the
international meeting. My delegation suspects that
there will be many bumps and detours on the way, but
our hope is that, at the end of the road, the outcome
will focus on what needs to be done — when and by
whom — to overcome impediments in the
implementation of the Programme of Action.
It is not sufficient to rely solely on the Barbados
Programme of Action to address all the development
problems of small island developing States. To that
end, Nauru sees the Millennium Development Goals as
supplementing the Programme of Action by adding the
human development dimension to the scope of issues
that should be addressed and by offering partnership to
drive the process.
However, for small island States like Nauru, the
complex reporting requirement of the Goals is adding
to the burden of reports that we are required to prepare,
and therefore it is the considered view of my
delegation that the United Nations Development
Programme should tailor the questionnaire to suit a
group of clients rather than use a one-size-fits-all
approach. Assistance also should be provided to
countries such as Nauru to collect and process the raw
data required for the report.
Nauru, like other low-lying small island States,
sees the Kyoto Protocol as its salvation from sea-level
rise and climate change, which would devastate our
already fragile ecological system, which is essential to
our livelihood and culture. My delegation understands
that the Russian Federation now stands between the
Kyoto Protocol’s coming into force and its continuing
to languish. If that is the case, then Nauru calls on the
Russian Federation to do what is universally right and
just by ratifying the protocol before the meeting of the
Ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held
in Italy in December this year.
A healthy Pacific Ocean and the sustainable use
of its natural resources, including highly migratory fish
stocks, are also critical to our livelihood. We in the
Pacific have walked the talk on these issues through
the development of an ocean policy to guide us in the
management of our part of the Pacific Ocean and to
form the framework for future regional ocean-related
initiatives.
Secondly, we have adopted a Convention on the
Conservation and Management of Highly Migratory
Fish Stocks in the Western and Central Pacific Ocean,
which provides a comprehensive regime for the
management of the region’s highly migratory fish
stocks, both in our exclusive economic zone and in the
high seas.
The trans-shipment of nuclear waste through our
waters is of great concern to many island countries
because of the damage it could cause.
My delegation has stated during previous debates
that it agrees fully with the proposal to reform the
Security Council to bring it into tune with the realities
of today’s world order. We are disappointed that, after
10 years of debate, there is still no convergence of
views between the two camps on how to move forward.
To try to address the expansion along with the
question of the veto would be like riding a dead
horse — we would not go anywhere, which is exactly
the situation we are in.
Furthermore, my delegation believes that we have
done all we can do at the representative level, and that
the only way we can make progress is to take it to a
higher level, so that our political leaders can review
what we have done and make a decision on how to
move forward.
On the question of reforms to operational policies
and administrative structures, including budgetary
aspects of the United Nations, my delegation fully
supports the actions taken by the Secretary-General in
this regard, but it appears that much more has to be
done. The areas of review have to be enlarged and
intensified, if indeed the prediction that the regular
budget is going to exceed the $3 billion mark is
correct.
Finally, concerning reform, my delegation fully
supports the view expressed by Australia that the group
system needs modernization. Most of the Pacific small
island countries are buried in the Asian group, which
extends from the Pacific Ocean to the Suez Canal,
while our big brothers, Australia and New Zealand, are
“Others” in the Western European group. Outside the
United Nations system, the Pacific is usually grouped
with East Asia, in both economic and geopolitical
zoning. We see no reason why this cannot be the case
24

at the United Nations, considering that the divide
between Eastern and Western Europe will become
meaningless as the two converge.
Nauru, because of biased and incorrect media
reports over the last five years, now carries a stigma as
a haven for money-laundering through offshore banks
registered in Nauru. There have also been reports that
our Citizen Investment Programme is aiding and
abetting criminals and terrorists, allowing them free
movement by making possible the acquisition of
Nauruan passports.
The reluctance of foreign authorities to provide
proof of allegations of criminal activities by banks
registered in Nauru prevented the Government from
initiating the mechanism provided for in our legislation
to release information on offshore banks to foreign
authorities. This has put us on a collision course.
Nauru was not surprised when, in 2000, the
Financial Action Task Force (FATF) of the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) listed it along with others as a
non-cooperating country. The following year, Nauru’s
status was further downgraded, and it was put on the
list for “countermeasures” by members of FATF, not
because our laws were insufficient, but because the
goalposts were shifted and our failure involved a lack
of capacity and capability to supervise the offshore
banks registered in Nauru.
In December 2002, the United States
Government, in taking up FATF’s call to apply
countermeasures against Nauru, announced that Nauru
would be designated a “money-laundering” country
under the provisions of the Patriotic Act. The highest
level of sanctions would be applied, which would
prohibit all commercial and financial transactions
between any Nauru-registered financial institution and
the United States. In May 2003 Nauru was accordingly
informed and was given 30 days to show cause as to
why the sanction should not be applied.
Nauru submitted its comments, passed new laws
in March of this year repealing the registration of
offshore banks, and included a sunset clause
terminating the licenses that would come into effect 30
to 180 days — as the case may be — from 27 March
2003, when the law came into force. The Government
has also suspended the Citizen Investment Programme
while it reviews the law, in order to address the
concerns expressed by the United States Department of
State.
A new anti-money-laundering law was passed in
March, and work is in progress on omnibus legislation
that would address the financing of terrorism,
transnational organized crime and money-laundering.
Nauru also signed an article 98 agreement with the
United States.
In the process, Nauru has lost close to $2 million,
if not more, in revenue, which is a drop in the ocean to
OECD members but real money to us, considering that
it is equivalent to 5 per cent of the Government’s
annual budget. We are now waiting to learn our fate —
awaiting the judgement of the United States and the
FATF, as the two are interlinked.
To conclude, Nauru, small as it is, believes that
power consists in a nation’s capacity to link its will
with the purpose of others, to lead by reason and give
the gift of cooperation.