It gives me great pleasure to extend to you, Sir, and to the friendly people of the United Republic of Tanzania warmest felicitations on your election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We highly appreciate the great role you have played over the years in presiding over the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and in representing your country in the Security Council. Your qualifications and experience will certainly lead our session to the success we all aspire to. We assure you that we shall spare no effort in co-operating with you towards that end.
225.	I wish to take this opportunity to hail the success achieved by the previous session under the presidency of Mr. Lievano.
226.	I also congratulate the State of Saint Lucia on its admission to membership in this world Organization.
227.	The increasing role of the United Nations and the growing world interest in this role emphasize our joint responsibility for the necessity to seize the opportunity of our meeting in this new session of the General Assembly to examine the international situation, evaluate the consequences and effects of the events that have occurred since our previous session and to seek, seriously and attentively, a solution to the many international problems that confront us, some of which have produced such increasing tension that they imperil international peace and security, entailing dangers of unlimited consequences.
228.	It is evident that international detente has sometimes succeeded in keeping the world removed from the cold war, on the one hand, and in creating a new atmosphere of international co-operation on the other. However, international trust in detente cannot be enhanced unless the framework of such a process is expanded to encompass the whole world and to help in solving intricate international problems. The continued presence of such problems, and the aggravation of some of them, such as the Middle East problem, underscore the need for the participation of all States on an equal footing in drawing up the detente policy so as to give this policy the required comprehensive international dimension, and in developing the detente process so that it will become a positive factor in ensuring international peace and security and setting up new systems which will be more just and equitable in the area of international relations.
229.	Total and comprehensive disarmament is a major objective which the world community is striving to achieve. Such efforts were recently demonstrated at the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament. The desire of the international community to stop the arms race, to ban the use of nuclear weapons and prevent their proliferation, and to establish a number of zones free of nuclear arms, was stressed at that session.
230.	However, the arms race remains a fact threatening mankind with unlimited dangers, especially if we recall that two of the largest arsenals of modern weapons are in the hands of the racist aggressive regimes in occupied Palestine and in South Africa.
231.	Therefore, we cannot but emphasize that disarmament can be achieved only through the elimination of colonialism, racism and zionism, and all aspects of aggression, occupation, domination and foreign exploitation; only if all peoples enjoy security based on justice and equality; and only when all peoples feel reassured as to the respect of their territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty, and their right to self-determination and to the choice of the system they desire.
232.	Since the end of the first part of our preceding session, a great victory was won in Asia when the people of Iran, under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini, eliminated an edifice of imperialism, reaction and terrorism and has consolidated Iran's sovereignty, independence and non-alignment. In this way, the aspirations of the people of Iran for liberty, justice and progress have been fulfilled.
233.	In Latin America, another great victory was achieved by the people of Nicaragua, who have freed themselves from the Fascist Somoza regime, and are now enjoying freedom.
234.	In Africa, African vigilance has decisively destroyed schemes to thwart the heroic struggle of the people of Zimbabwe, who boycotted the spurious elections and rejected their outcome. It is ironic that the plotters, thinking that their scheme had fooled African and international public opinion, are now calling upon the world to recognize the new regime and to lift the sanctions imposed on Rhodesia.
235.	Nevertheless, such bright spots in the international scene do not obscure our vision regarding the many critical problems that remain unsolved and that imperil international peace and security.
236.	In South Africa, the apartheid regimes are adamant in defying world public opinion, international statutes, and the United Nations Charter and resolutions. These regimes practise apartheid, racial discrimination and terrorism. They are setting up domestic Bantustans and are committing cruel aggressions against the frontline African States. Owing to the weak international measures of deterrence against the aggressiveness of the said regimes, the region has become one of the worst hotbeds of tension in the world and directly threatens the security and independence of the African continent, and in particular, of the front-line States. In this connexion, we wish to stress our absolute support and backing for the liberation movements in South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Namibia in their struggle to secure the rights of their peoples to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. We also affirm our support for the resistance of the front-line African States to the brutal racist aggressions, and the manoeuvres aimed at liquidating the cause of national liberation of the peoples of southern Africa.
237.	In Asia, we can but express our deep regret for the explosion of the situation in South-East Asia, which has shaken the stability of the region, has threatened the independence of its peoples, and has reduced the area to another hotbed of tension.
238.	Furthermore, the Korean question remains unsolved. This prompts us to stress the need for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Korea and for the start of the necessary dialogue between the two parts of Korea, in the implementation of the joint communique signed in 1972 for the peaceful unification of the country and the realization of its independence and national unity.
239.	The situation in Cyprus remains tense and calls for concern. This makes it necessary to speed up the efforts aimed at a negotiated solution between the two communities under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General based on the relevant United Nations resolutions, and within the framework of the respect for the sovereignty of Cyprus, its independence, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment.
240.	Despite the strenuous constructive efforts exerted by the group of developing countries during the sixth and seventh special sessions of the United Nations, and the North-South dialogue in Paris, and more recently at the fifth session of UNCTAD, to convince and persuade the advanced industrial countries to co-operate in establishing the new international economic order, these countries have continued to place obstacles in the path of the desired co-operation, clinging more and more to the privileges afforded them by the prevailing economic, commercial and monetary system, which is far from being just and is based on exploitation. As a natural consequence, the provisions of the General Assembly resolutions adopted at the two sessions remain a dead letter, and the Paris and Manila conferences have ended in failure.
241.	This will certainly widen the gap between the rich and the poor countries. It will further deprive the developing countries of sources of economic development and will bar them from acquiring the modem technology needed for such development. It will certainly lead to the strengthening of the blockade imposed on the developing countries by certain advanced industrial countries, in co-operation with transnational firms, to compel them to sell their raw materials at very cheap prices, while the former countries raise the prices of their manufactured goods to an extent that is threatening to destroy the economies of the developing countries.
242.	In this respect, we wish to warn against the danger of drifting along with the claims of some of the advanced industrial countries, especially the United States of America, which attribute the causes of the present international economic crisis to the so-called energy crisis, and blame the developing oil-producing countries for this crisis.
243.	Therefore, we stress the need for the cooperation of all developing countries, especially in preparing for the United Nations special session scheduled for next year on international economic co-operation, with the aim of achieving a basic change in the present structure of economic relations, and setting up the new world economic system, so as to consolidate the economic independence of the developing countries, to ensure prosperity and stability for the peoples of the world, and to help guarantee international peace and security.
244.	While reviewing current issues, we find it necessary to point to the problem resulting from the attempts made by certain countries to give far-fetched interpretations to the concepts related to human rights in order to justify their interference in the internal affairs of States, in particular those of the third-world countries, under the pretence of protecting human rights.
245.	We must warn against the dangers of such attempts, especially in view of the fact that their advocates belong to those countries which continue to provide all kinds of arms to the regimes of oppression, aggression and racism, and this not only violates human rights but also impairs the dignity of man and threatens his very existence.
246.	Owing to our belief in the rights of the individual, of groups and of peoples, big and small, we find it necessary to counter this offensive, which tries to focus the attention of world public opinion on the rights of individuals and minorities in this or that country, and to distract attention from the basic rights of millions of people who are labouring under the yoke of colonialism, occupation and racial discrimination and are even deprived of their right to live. Human rights cannot be safeguarded under conditions of the use of force, repression, and colonialist and racist oppression, or by depriving people of their country, land and home. A striking example is the suffering Arab, who is living under the yoke of racist Zionist colonialism in Palestine and in the occupied Arab territories, and the suffering of the Africans, who are living under the yoke of racist regimes in South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia.
247.	These issues which I have mentioned were among the issues dealt with by the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held early this month in Havana and attended by the representatives of 94 States, representing the majority of the peoples of the world. The Conference enjoyed great success, thanks to the adherence of the heads of State and delegations to the principles of the non-aligned movement, and their determination to move from the state of confrontation among blocs and military alliances to the stage of solidarity and cooperation, in order to spare the world the tragedies of war and the disasters of stultifying economic crises. The non-aligned countries are determined to seek a world that preserves the dignity and life of man without fear and to ensure for peoples the right to self-determination, to choose the political and social system that suits them best, and to participate in establishing a world of peace, security, co-operation and solidarity. Major credit is due to President Fidel Castro and the friendly Cuban Government for facilitating the success of the Conference.
248.	The outcome of the Havana Conference will play a major role in world development. It will provide the United Nations with additional energy and fresh initiatives towards constructive work. The principles of the non-aligned movement, the resolutions adopted by the Conference and the positions taken by it on such principles represent the high human aspirations of all peoples to achieve a better world, free from the evil of colonialism, racism and zionism, free from oppression and exploitation and free from all aspects of influence and the imposition of wills and policies—a world from which the causes of war and aggression have been completely eliminated.
249.	The Sixth Conference of the non-aligned countries expressed its aspirations and hopes to serve the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. They are based on the experience of humanity over hundreds of years and on the lessons learned from the sufferings of peoples as a result of wars and aggression. They are based on the hopes of peoples for peace, security and progress. I am therefore convinced that the results of the Havana Conference will receive the support and appreciation of Members.
250.	Anyone who strives for the attainment of peace and prosperity for mankind must be concerned about the most dangerous hotbed of conflict in our world today, a hotbed that has existed for more than 30 years in the Middle East. The situation in that region constitutes a grave threat to world peace and security. There is a growing possibility of armed conflict, the consequences of which will not be confined to the region but might engulf the great world Powers. Such a conflict, even if limited in its geographic framework, might jeopardize the welfare and progress of peoples and lead to complicated economic, financial and social crises that would shake the world economic system and cause a tangle of chaos and disorder, with unpredictable consequences.
251.	I point out such risks so clearly because my country feels them keenly and warns against them in the light of the events that we all experienced a few years ago. These risks are the result of Israel's stubborn persistence in its aggressive policy, its settler-colonialist expansion, and its refusal to recognize the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and to withdraw completely from the Palestinian and Arab territories. The recent developments that have occurred, notably from September 1978 up to the present time, have rewarded the aggressor with the fruit of his aggression and perpetuated the gains acquired by the enemy through force of arms and acts of aggressions.
252.	The most dangerous manifestations of such developments are represented by the Camp David agreements and the Egyptian-Israeli Treaty of Peace. These the United States of America has designed, supervised, organized and formulated, and has given them its blessing by signing them. Thus, this superpower has fundamentally participated in creating new factors that led to gravely intensifying the crisis in the region and has brought the hotbed to which I have referred to the brink of explosion and collapse. It would have been much better for the United States of America to remain committed to the grave responsibility and task which the United Nations Charter entrusts to the permanent members of the Security Council, namely, to safeguard international peace and security. This super-Power has, however, shirked this mission and these responsibilities with respect to the Middle East. This is a very serious development, from which we should draw a lesson for the future.
253.	An objective analysis of the two Camp David agreements—A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed between the Egyptian regime and the Zionist entity of Israel at Washington on 17 September 1978 and especially the first agreement, proves beyond any doubt that the two agreements have violated international legitimacy and the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations. I shall summarize the proofs and arguments establishing those violations.
254.	First of all, with regard to the right of self-determination, Article I of the United Nations Charter stipulates that the second purpose of the international Organization involves "... respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples . . . ". Such rights have been confirmed by many declarations and decisions adopted by this Assembly. Resolution 3236 (XXIX), adopted on 22 November 1974, reaffirmed the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination without external interference, That people has been waging an honourable struggle for self-determination, The torch of that struggle serves as a beacon for other oppressed peoples. But what have the Egyptian regime, Israel and the United States administration done to this right that has become a main pillar of the international political system?
255.	The first Camp David agreement has totally neglected this right. It has disregarded the Palestinian cause, which all Members have recognized as being the core of the conflict in the Middle East, as they have also recognized that the conflict will not end until a fair and equitable settlement is found for the Palestinian cause. More important is the fact that the agreement does not recognize the rights of the Palestinian people, although it was generous enough to offer administrative self-rule for the inhabitants—as if there were no other ties binding them and as if they were merely a group of people that included Palestinians and Zionist settlers living in settlements that are being widely and constantly established.
256.	The matter does not end here, for in a letter to Begin—one of the nine letters considered an integral part of the first Camp David agreement—President Carter stated that he had been informed by Begin that he understands the terms "Palestinians" and "Palestinian People" to mean "Palestinian Arabs" and the expression "West Bank" to mean "Judaea and Samaria". Thus the agreement denies the very existence of the Palestinian people and admits only that there are Palestinian inhabitants and individuals and claims that the West Bank is an Israeli territory bearing an Israeli name.
257.	The agreement divides the Palestinian people with respect to so-called self-rule. It limits participation in self-rule to the inhabitants of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and negates the rights of the other two groups of this people, namely, those living under occupation since 1948 and those dispersed outside their homeland to all parts of the world.
258.	The institutions of self-rule, as I indicated earlier, will be elected under Israeli military occupation in the absence of any international control. This is contrary to the practice followed by the United Nations, which requires the consultation of peoples with respect to self-determination.
259.	Consequently, the right to self-determination has been violated; the Palestinian people have been ignored; and the occupation will continue through a formula that was plotted and imposed by the three parties at Camp David.
260.	In this connexion, I wish to ask, how can the Egyptian regime; Israel and the United States of America decide the fate of the people of Palestine? Is the right to self-determination to be exercised by the people concerned, or by three arch-enemies of that people? The parties who met at Camp David have conferred this right upon themselves in the name of colonialism and Zionism. Who gave the ruler of Egypt the right to represent the Palestinian people without being authorized by anyone to do so? Anwar El-Sadat arrogated to himself this right when he wrote to President Carter that "Egypt would be ready to assume the Arab role emanating from these texts after consultations with Jordan and representatives of the Palestinian people". Jordan has refused to have anything to do with the Camp David agreements and the parties to them. The Palestinian people has also refused to conduct a dialogue with the ruler of Egypt, who continues to encroach upon the rights of the Palestinian people, unjustly and aggressively appointing himself as its representative.
261.	Secondly, I come to sovereignty over the land. The measure of self-rule devised in the first Camp David agreement is based on a concept separating the people from the land. Such a system was never witnessed before in history, not even in the ages of darkness and slavery. It has separated the people from the land and its resources. Even water resources will not be the property of the people, but will remain under the control of the colonialists.
262.	The first Camp David agreement has deferred the discussion of sovereignty over the West Bank and the Gaza Strip until after the transitional period. Throughout this period, the occupying authorities will remain in the occupied territories and the process of colonization and Judaization will continue. This is a process that ultimately aims at creating a new fait accompli in the occupied territories, so that it will thus become impossible to establish Palestinian Arab sovereignty there in the future.
263.	Israel is determined, as is confirmed by the statements made by its leaders, to offer two possibilities, both of which would lead to the same outcome: either acceptance of the principle of Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, or continued application of the formula of self-rule, leaving the issue of sovereignty open to endless negotiations, while the Israelis continue the process of colonization throughout the period of the negotiations. In a statement on Radio Israel on 25 September 1978, Menachem Begin said:
"After five years of self-rule, and when the subject of sovereignty is raised, we shall establish our right over Judaea and Samaria and Gaza. If no agreement is then reached, self-rule shall continue in those areas, and with it the measures of Israeli security".
In another statement to the daily newspaper Yedioth Aharanot on 1 October 1978, Begin said that he had explained to President Carter that he had accepted "self-rule" just for the sake of advancing the peace process with Egypt, "but this would never mean giving up our sovereignty over these territories."
264.	Subsequent events have proved that Israel is persisting in this attitude. In deeds and words Israel is showing that it will maintain sovereignty over the entire Palestinian homeland. Its persistence in implementing its plans of building settlements and the decision taken by the Israeli Government on 16 September 1979 permitting Israelis to purchase and own lands in the West Bank and Gaza Strip are but two of many irrefutable proofs of this.
265.	With respect to Jerusalem, despite the fact that the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly have affirmed the invalidity of Israeli measures, such as annexation and the alteration of the geographical, historical and demographic features, Begin notified President Carter in the annex to the agreement that "Jerusalem is one city indivisible, the Capital of the State of Israel".18 The President of the Egyptian regime has endorsed this claim in a letter to President Carter where he said: "In this way, the City [Jerusalem] shall be undivided."
266.	Thirdly, I come to the right of return. The flouting of the international community by the parties to the Camp David agreements with respect to the right of return of the Palestinians to their homes and properties has attained its peak. Since the inception of the United Nations and up to this date there has been no resolution that has year after year been reaffirmed more often than resolution 194 (III), which was first adopted by the Assembly at its third session on 11 December 1948, and was reaffirmed in particular in resolution 33/112 of 18 December 1978, supported by all States Members of the United Nations with the exception of Israel and El Salvador.
267.	Despite this clear and collective international will, the parties to the Camp David agreements have feigned forgetfulness of the right of return and have negated it. They have limited it exclusively to persons displaced from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967. As to those expelled and rendered homeless from 1948 to 1967 and after the 1967 aggression, the parties to the Camp David agreements have decided these persons should remain exiled from their homeland for ever, without having any national identity or a people to belong to. Thus, we are facing today a situation that is unique in the period since the Second World War, the most serious feature of which is the heinous disregard by the Egyptian and the United States Governments of a resolution that is virtually part of international law because of the numerous affirmations thereof by the United Nations over a period of more than 30 years.
268.	Furthermore, the return of those persons displaced in 1967 is to be entrusted to a committee whose task, as stipulated in section A, paragraph 3, of the first agreement, will be "to decide by agreement on the modalities of admission of persons displaced from the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, together with necessary measures to prevent disruption and disorder." This means that Israel, as member of the committee, has the right to refuse the return of any Palestinian whom it may consider likely to cause disruption and disorder. Thus, of the more than 2.5 million Palestinian refugees very few would be allowed to return. This would have the effect of annulling the historic resolution 194 (III) and scores of other resolutions affirming the right of return of the displaced Palestinian people.
269.	Fourthly, I turn to the question of the violation of the sovereignty of other States. The tragic sufferings of the Palestinian people appear to be regarded as insufficient by parties to the Camp David agreements, who have proceeded to impose terms of their own on other sovereign States Members of the United Nations. In the section entitled "Associated principles" of the first Camp David agreement, there is a text stating that:
"Egypt and Israel state that the principles and provisions described below should apply to peace treaties between Israel and each of its neighbours— Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon".
270.	Accordingly, the parties to the Camp David agreements have violated the first principle of the Charter of the United Nations inasmuch as Article 2, paragraph 1, of the Charter lays down the principle of "the sovereign equality of all its Members". The parties at Camp David, however, have permitted themselves to infringe the sovereignty of States Members of the United Nations, to impose upon them a specific will, and to commit them to specific measures and policies, as if those parties represented the will of the world. In fact, they are actually violating the will of the international community and the Charter of the United Nations.
271.	Fifthly, I shall speak of the contravention of the will of the international community. Security Council resolution 338 (1973) states in paragraph 3:
"Immediately and concurrently with the ceasefire, negotiations shall start between the parties concerned under appropriate auspices aimed at establishing a just and durable peace in the Middle East."
The Security Council was of the view that such appropriate auspices could be provided by the co-chairmanship of the USSR and the United States in a conference in which all parties concerned would take part. In resolution 344 (1973), the Security Council expressed its confidence that the Secretary-General of the United Nations would play a full and effective role in the Peace Conference on the Middle East, and would preside over its meetings if the parties so desired.
272.	To carry out their plot, parties to the Camp David agreements disregarded all these resolutions issued by the highest international authority entrusted with matters of international peace and security. They singled themselves out from the whole world, and without the consent of the other parties concerned, laid down the features of what they unjustly call "a just peace in the Middle East".
273.	Where, it may be asked, is the co-chairman of the Peace Conference, namely the Soviet Union? Where is the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the role he was to play? Where are the other parties concerned—Syria, Jordan and the PLO? Where is the adherence to the United Nations resolutions that have defined the bases of a just peace and laid down its framework? The parties to the Camp David conspiracy left the circle of international legitimacy for that of darkness and plot.
274.	For the same reasons and on the basis of the same facts, the Assembly adopted resolution 33/28 A on 7 December 1978, which, in paragraph 4:
"Declares that the validity of agreements purporting to solve the problem of Palestine requires that they be within the framework of the United Nations and its Charter and its resolutions on the basis of the full attainment and exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of return and the right to national independence and sovereignty in Palestine, and with the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization".
275.	Sixthly, the agreements are a step towards war. The Egyptian regime, Israel and the United States are trying to deceive world public opinion by claiming that what they accomplished at Camp David is a step towards comprehensive peace. What kind of peace are they talking about, when the United States, under the Camp David agreements, has pledged to furnish Israel with huge quantities of modern sophisticated weaponry, some of which have not yet been supplied to the forces of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization? The fantastic amounts in billions of United States dollars pledged by the United States to Israel in the form of weapons and joint enterprises to manufacture modern aircraft are sufficient to reveal this deception which is feeding the war machinery of the Israeli aggressor to help it to continue with its expansionist invasions.
276.	Perhaps the best refutation of that delusion is the situation prevailing in southern Lebanon. Since the signing of the Camp David agreements, whereby Israel became reassured of the total disregard by the Egyptian Government of international legitimacy and of Egyptian national and pan-Arab obligations, Israel has intensified its land, air and sea attacks against southern Lebanon. These acts of aggression constitute a continuous war of annihilation against the Lebanese and Palestinian peoples. In these attacks Israel is using the most modern weapons supplied by the United States, with the result that thousands of innocent people—women, elderly men and children—are killed; towns, villages and their economic life are destroyed; hundreds of thousands of civilians are forced to leave their homes. By means of this war, which Israel is waging after having received the green light at Camp David, the Israelis want to perpetuate their occupation of some regions in southern Lebanon through their agents, who have betrayed their country and their people.
277.	I have only outlined the situation prevailing in the Middle East, and the risks and dangers which the Camp David agreements entail, the effects of which will not be limited to the region.
278.	Despite all these circumstances which I have outlined, Syria is still determined to do its utmost to help establish a just peace. I repeat what we have always declared before this Assembly and from every other international rostrum—namely, that for a Middle East peace to be just, the following two conditions must be met: first of all, Israel's withdrawal from all the territories occupied in 1967—a total comprehensive withdrawal without any modification of boundaries, and without any diminution of Arab sovereignty over the Arab territories; secondly, recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people—in particular, the right of return, the right to self-determination and the right to the establishment of a national independent State in their homeland—and the participation of the PLO on an equal footing with all other parties concerned in all matters related to the Palestinian cause and its people.
279.	The facts of the status quo in the Middle East prompt us to assert two important facts: first, that the situation in the region is extremely dangerous and might lead to an explosion, the intensity of which may cause a world catastrophe; secondly, that if the aggressor and those collaborating with it are not confronted with a decisive and firm stand on the international level, they will continue to defy the will of the international community. This would cause further tension in the region, and would make the region the most dangerous hotbed of tension in the world, thus endangering international peace and security.
280.	Having presented the above analysis, I wish to conclude by saying that the least that can be done to counteract the Camp David agreements is for the international community to condemn them so that the course to peace would remain open, blessed by the Assembly's will and support. Thus the Assembly would be expressing its respect of the United Nations Charter and its principles and would be contributing to the enhancement of the role of the United Nations in preserving international peace and security.


It is particularly gratifying to Indonesia that the President of this session is not only a distinguished diplomat with a long association with the United Nations but also an outstanding representative of the United Republic of Tanzania, with which my country enjoys excellent relations. I wish to take this opportunity to express to the
President the warmest congratulations of my Government, as well as my own, upon his unanimous election. We pledge to him our full co-operation in making this session of the Assembly a success.
153.	At the same time, I should like to pay my country's tribute to his predecessor, Ambassador Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, for the efficient manner in which he conducted the deliberations of the last session.
154.	To our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whom my Government recently had the pleasure to welcome to Indonesia, I wish to state our sincere appreciation for his unremitting efforts to promote peace and international understanding within the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.
155.	I also take pleasure in welcoming the State of Saint Lucia into the United Nations. The admission of Saint Lucia underscores the widening universality of membership of the United Nations and the need for mutual co-operation. My delegation looks forward to close and useful co-operation with the delegation of Saint Lucia in our common effort in solving the myriad problems that confront the world community today.
156.	Once again we are assembled in this hall to ex-amine the concerns of our times, to seek new avenues to strengthen global peace and security, to solidify international co-operation, and to chart a better future for the nations of the world. These concerns evolve at a time of structural transformation of the present political and economic order—a process which is advancing irresistibly. The challenge facing the international com-munity is to influence the direction of this process towards the formation of a new pattern of international relations, a more equitable international co-operation for development and a new international order developing in a world which requires, for the successful consummation of these processes, a stable and enduring peace.
157.	While we are confronted with these new challenges, new forms of threat to global peace are constantly emerging as a result of power politics and the intensification of the arms race, bringing in their wake a serious deterioration in the climate of international security. We are witnessing, among others, a changing international power structure and a new generation of local conflicts. These conflicts in certain parts of the world emphasize the need for the revitalization of detente. Relaxation of tension between the major Powers and between Power blocs constitutes an important pre-requisite. Detente, as a prerequisite for the maintenance of real peace as distinguished from a mere absence of armed conflict, should be made to evolve into a global system of peaceful coexistence comprising all regions of the world and all aspects of inter-State relations. It must be based on respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of all States, non-interference in internal affairs and the non-use of force. To lead to a durable peace, detente should also be consciously pursued as part of a universal effort towards general and complete disarmament.
158.	It is in this context that consensus has grown among the members of the international community to find ways and means to enhance the effectiveness of our
Organization to deal with the challenges and problems created by the radical changes which are taking place in the international community of nations which have far- reaching consequences. Particularly, there exists an urgent need to strengthen the Organization in order to enable it to discharge effectively its primary responsibility of maintaining peace based on justice and to contribute to the strengthening of international security. In our efforts to strengthen the efficacy and role of the United Nations as an instrument for peace and cooperation, it is essential that the Organization should conform to the changed circumstances of our times. Furthermore, efforts must be made to encourage Members to exhibit the political will to make greater use of the possibilities of peaceful settlement of disputes afforded by our Organization. The Secretary-General underscored the need for this approach when he stated in his report on the work of the Organization that the United Nations, if effectively utilized as the working structure of the world community of the future, could be of unique assistance in solving problems.
159.	The United Nations has a long and enviable record of providing assistance to refugees. More recently, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, among others, has been burdened by the deluge of Indo-China refugees and displaced persons flooding the countries of South-East Asia, putting a heavy strain on them. Indonesia and the other members of ASEAN have none the less extended their co-operation within their limited means to alleviate the suffering of the refugees.
160.	The influx of refugees has left in its trail local problems and unsettled local conditions. The situation is further exacerbated by the fact that the refugees are not only a humanitarian concern but also pose questions or national security containing at the same time potential threats to the political and economic stability of the region.
161.	The recent Geneva Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia has produced some encouraging results, although it fell short of providing an over-all and lasting solution. In this connexion, my Government has noted with appreciation the response of the Government of Viet Nam with regard to extending its co-operation to the High Commissioner for Refugees in tackling the problem at the source, and hopes that it will continue to honour its commitments undertaken in this regard. However, it is of the utmost importance that the international community—in particular, the receiving States—take more concerted action to expedite the resettlement of the refugees.
162.	The importance of the success of the Geneva Meeting on refugees lies in the fact that, given the opportunity, the United Nations system can and does work. The Meeting was able to pluck the nations of South-East Asia from the brink of chaos because we, the participants, were able, for a change, to set aside our differences and address ourselves to the problem at hand, irrespective of our social, economic and political inclinations.
163.	The South-East Asian region is now again faced with a problem of great magnitude. It is pertinent to note that the conflict is still continuing and a threat of widespread famine now appears imminent. Such an eventuality will result in hardship and deprivation on a massive scale for the people of Kampuchea, who have already suffered immensely. It will also worsen and aggravate the refugee problem already faced by the neighbouring countries. My delegation, therefore, calls upon all the parties involved to extend their full and unconditional co-operation to relief operations that may be undertaken by the international community.
164.	In the final analysis, in this deteriorating situation not of their own making, the people of Kampuchea must be allowed to determine their future by themselves. This must be made free of outside interference and influence. Coming from the region, we must express our concern at the threat that this conflict poses to the peace and security of the ASEAN States and to the whole region. It is in view of these considerations that the ASEAN States have urged the General Assembly to consider at this session the situation in Kampuchea.
165.	The principles which I have just noted concerning the situation in Kampuchea are, indeed, of relevance to the whole region of South-East Asia. In particular, it is essential to accord recognition to the principles of respect for the independence of all the States in the region and the sovereign right of those States to define their national policies free from foreign interference and intervention. It is also necessary to reject any action by individual outside Powers which is aimed at the creation of spheres of influence. The countries of the region should be left to solve their own problems in accordance with their perception of national interests and regional harmony. The countries of the region should be given a chance to seek a solution towards meaningful and real peaceful coexistence, regardless of their respective economic, social and political systems, At the same time, the countries of the region should refrain from policies or actions which would give a pretext for or justify interference or intervention by outside Powers. Through such an approach it should be possible to build a strong and vibrant region whose Governments can devote their efforts to the economic development of their peoples.
166.	On the question of the Middle East, the United Nations has adopted a number of resolutions, particularly since 1967, to serve as a basis for a just and durable peace. However, Israel has consistently defied and railed to heed the demands of the overwhelming majority of the international community. Israel's policy of aggression and colonial expansion and occupation perpetuates a situation of protracted conflict and inherent injustice. Israel's defiant acts of provocation and persistent disregard of United Nations resolutions have been exposed, time and again, as being the major obstacle to a just and lasting peace in the region. Israel continues its universally condemned practice of establishing new settlements in the occupied territories. Only a few days ago it took still another defiant step by sanctioning the acquisition of land in the occupied areas by its citizens. Such actions are added proof that Israel intends to maintain control of those areas with a view to annexing them. Its repeated and senseless attacks against Lebanon have caused the loss of innumerable innocent lives and of property.
167.	We are all united in the conviction that a settlement of the Middle East question cannot be achieved through partial solutions. A solution to be just and lasting should be one that is comprehensive— comprehensive in the sense that it should lead to the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from all Arab lands. It should lead to the return of Jerusalem to Arab custody, and it should also lead to the fulfilment of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self- determination.
168.	Indonesia has consistently supported the universally accepted position that the Palestinian issue is the core of the Middle East problem and that the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people should be realized, including their right to establish an independent State of their own, and the recognition of the PLO as the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. No one can ignore the fact that the PLO, as the sole representative of the people of Palestine and their aspirations, is now more universally recognized. We look forward to that inevitable day when the PLO participates in the negotiations for a just and comprehensive settlement leading to the establishment by the Palestinian people of their own national State.
169.	Despite the strenuous efforts of the international community to bring about just and peaceful solutions, the situation in southern Africa has deteriorated over the past year. Colonialist repression and racial discrimination continue to flaunt world opinion and pose a threat to international peace and security.
170.	International efforts over many years totally to eliminate the apartheid policy in South Africa have so far shown no substantive results. In view of this, my delegation feels that it is time now that new ways and means for forcing an end to this policy were considered seriously and implemented with firmer determination. In this regard, Member States should support the complete isolation of the Pretoria regime by any means, including the continuation of United Nations sanctions,
171.	The illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia continues in contravention of the responsibility of the United Nations for bringing Namibia to national independence. This is an open defiance of United Nations authority. We must deal with it effectively in order to bring South Africa to a settlement which would give the people of Namibia genuine independence. Specifically, the States that enjoy a close relationship with the Pretoria regime must exert further pressure in order to make the Pretoria regime adhere strictly and immediately to the relevant United Nations resolutions. In the event these efforts prove fruitless, our recourse should be to implement resolution 33/206 of 31 May 1979, which calls upon the Security Council to consider enforcement measures against South Africa, as provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter.
172.	My delegation is satisfied that the decision on Zimbabwe by the recent Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries held in Lusaka has led to the present London Conference aimed at ending the impasse on the decolonization of Zimbabwe. The fact that all concerned parties are participating has given the Conference an auspicious start which may lead to a positive solution. My delegation, however, believes that that solution should be one acceptable to all parties, and must lead to genuine independence. Until such a solution is reached, my Government will continue to support relevant United Nations resolutions pertaining to the question, including sanctions.
173.	A year has elapsed since the adoption of the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, and progress in this sphere has fallen short of our expectations. The arms race has continued unabated, despite the concerted efforts of the international community. Moreover, satisfactory progress on a number of pressing problems, such as a comprehensive test ban and the prohibition of chemical weapons, has not yet been achieved. The Committee on Disarmament has so far been unable to make significant headway on these problems.
174.	Another important question concerns the security guarantee for the non-nuclear-weapon States. Efforts in this regard did not succeed due to disagreement among the nuclear-weapon States to provide such a guarantee. We believe that an effective and credible guarantee consists in the prohibition of the use or the threat to use nuclear weapons. Such a prohibition is in the interests not only of the non-nuclear-weapon States but of the entire world as well. This issue should be dealt with expeditiously, as the non-nuclear-weapon States, which have accepted unequal and onerous obligations, are justified in urging the nuclear-weapon States to provide such a guarantee.
175.	Indonesia welcomes the signing of the second SALT Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union and looks forward to its entering into force soon. It is our hope that the agreement will contribute to the improvement of relations between them, and thus help to reduce the risk of an outbreak of war. Despite the successful outcome of the second round of SALT the world is still far away from real disarmament. We hope, therefore, that the parties concerned will continue, as they have agreed, to pursue negotiations on measures for further limitation and reduction in the number of strategic arms as well as for further qualitative limitations.
176.	As regards the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, my delegation has welcomed the progress achieved during the meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, held in July. It has set in motion the process of convening an international conference with a view to reaching an international agreement which will facilitate the implementation of the Declaration. The Meeting also epitomized the desire of the States concerned to evolve a common position and to work together to ensure peace in the region. My delegation attaches great importance to the non-use of the Indian Ocean as an arena for great Power rivalry and conflict in any of its manifestations and ramifications. In this light my delegation views with concern the increasing military presence of the great Powers in the area. This constitutes a serious setback to the efforts by the States of the region to keep great Power rivalry out of the Indian Ocean. We hope that the forthcoming conference on the Indian Ocean, the venue and date of which will be decided by this Assembly, will succeed in facilitating the attainment of the objectives of the Declaration to the benefit not only of the riparian States, but of all the peace-loving nations of the world.
177.	The experience of ASEAN, in its efforts to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, offers a useful analogy in this regard. Its most important objective is the attainment and preservation of peace as a prerequisite for that sustained development of the region by pursuing the goals of preventing external interference and containing intra-regional differences. ASEAN hopes, thereby, to make a positive contribution to the maintenance of peace and stability in the region.
178.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea approved during last summer's session a programme of work providing for the adoption of a new and comprehensive convention on the law of the sea next year. My delegation wishes to express its appreciation for this useful and timely decision, which will enable us not only to initiate the exploitation of deep sea-bed resources but also to avoid protracted negotiations which, in the final analysis, will exhaust our limited resources, especially those of the developing countries.
179.	Although the eighth session of the Conference did not finalize a formal text, it did achieve significant progress on certain hard-core issues. My delegation continues to support the statement made by the Chairman of the Group of 77 during the last session concerning unilateral legislation on the exploitation of deep sea-bed resources, since such action would prejudice the results of the Conference.
180.	Indonesia, as an archipelagic State, lying at the cross-roads, between two continents and two oceans, attaches great importance to the successful outcome of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and will always lend its support to the acceleration of meaningful negotiations. It is our earnest hope that all interested parties will negotiate fully in a spirit of compromise in order to reach agreement as soon as possible.
181.	The world has come to realize that there is an inseparable link between international security and economic justice and equality. There can be no genuine and lasting peace as long as gross inequalities and imbalances prevail. As we enter the new decade of the 1980s, we are very much aware that there has been no substantial progress towards the elimination of these inequities which aggravate the widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. Moreover, the world is still afflicted by a pervasive economic crisis and is experiencing a general sense of drift and uncertainty on major issues relating to international cooperation for development. There has been in recent years a growing awareness that the problems now besetting the world economy are of a structural nature, and that the measures taken to date by the international community have not been commensurate with the imperatives for structural change nor with the accelerated development of the developing countries. As a consequence, the world economy continues to show symptoms of inherent structural malfunction, which adversely affects the economies of the developing countries. The resurgence of protectionism has further compounded these difficulties, with negative implications for the pattern of international trade and development.
182.	With the exception of some aspects in certain fields, the North-South negotiations pursued in the various forums of the United Nations system to bring about structural change are either bogged down or moving at a frustratingly slow pace. It is now evident that no real progress has been made because of the absence of genuine political will on the part of a large majority of developed countries to engage in meaningful negotiations. This was clearly apparent during the ministerial meeting of the fifth session of UNCTAD held last May in Manila, the meetings of The Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy and the recently concluded session of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, where the developed countries displayed increasingly inflexible positions towards the legitimate demands of the developing countries.
183.	In the face of these adverse trends and critical developments in the world economic situation, we should seek new initiatives and approaches in order to achieve concrete results on the fundamental issues relating to the establishment of the New International Economic Order. In this connexion the Secretary- General has rightly appealed for a new impetus in the North-South negotiations to dispel the present climate of uncertainty and disenchantment.
184.	The proposal of the Group of 77 to launch a round of global and sustained negotiations on international co-operation for development at the special session of the General Assembly in 1980 constitutes an innovative and bold initiative to bring about a breakthrough in the present stalemate. My delegation wishes to reaffirm its conviction that this new approach should be action-oriented, and that the main issues involved should be dealt with in an integrated manner.
185.	We also subscribe to the view that the global negotiations should not involve any interruption of the ongoing negotiations in other United Nations forums. Furthermore, there should be a close relationship between the preparations of the global negotiations and the completion of the work for the new international development strategy, as the proposed negotiations are designed to make a significant contribution towards the implementation of that strategy.
186.	We see the new international development strategy as the principal instrument for achieving the objectives of the New International Economic Order, constituting a conceptual framework for the whole range of North-South dialogues. We must reaffirm our confidence in the concept of an international development strategy as a concrete commitment of the international community to establish a just and more equitable world economic order,
187.	Having presented the views of my Government on major world problems, may I now touch briefly upon the efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the work of this Assembly. The growing number of problems discussed in the General Assembly bears testimony to the increasing importance of the United Nations and reflects the determination of the international community to settle its problems by means of constructive dialogue.
188.	Conversely, these positive developments pose serious problems for the effective and efficient discharge of the work of the General Assembly, with adverse repercussions for the functioning of the Organization as a whole. In this regard, we welcome various efforts to rationalize the procedures and organization of the General Assembly. I am confident that these attempts at institutional changes and improvements will go a long way towards making the United Nations more effective as a global system for international cooperation.
189.	From my account of our common efforts to deal with world problems and the role of the United Nations, it may have been noted that we have an undiminished and enduring faith in our Organization. All things considered, there is no viable alternative to the United Nations system in our efforts to build a new and better world, however far from perfect the United Nations may seem to its critics.
190.	It is for this reason that Indonesia, which has benefited since its birth from the United Nations, has in its turn and within its limited means constantly supported United Nations programmes and efforts in our search for a more peaceful, just and better world. We have done this because, for better or for worse, we Member nations are the United Nations.
191.	As we stand now at the threshold of a new decade, it is appropriate for us in this Organization to learn from the failures of the past and to take strength from its positive achievements in order to go forward in our quest for a more peaceful, prosperous and just world. The United Nations—that is, we—cannot afford to fail.


I should like, Sir, on behalf of my people, my Government and my President, Hajji Hassan Gouled Aptidon, to congratulate you most sincerely upon your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Because of your personal qualities, your long experience and your wisdom, I am convinced that you will successfully discharge the onerous tasks that have been entrusted to you. In appointing you to this important function, the States represented here have paid a unanimous tribute to your people and to your country for the important role it is playing on both the African scene and the international scene under the wise and enlightened leadership of President Julius Nyerere. I can assure you that my delegation will always be ready to give you its unconditional support and active co-operation.
2.	I should like to express my gratitude and admiration to your predecessor, Mr. Lievano of Colombia, who directed the work of the thirty-third session with dedication and political skill.
3.	It is also a great pleasure for me to pay a tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his outstanding competence in managing the affairs of our Organization, for his dedication and for his constant and tireless endeavours in defending the goals and fundamental principles for which our Organization was founded in order to promote peace and understanding among nations.
4.	The delegation of Djibouti is also happy to congratulate the State of Saint Lucia upon its accession to independence and we warmly welcome its admission to the United Nations family. We wish Saint Lucia every success.
5.	A few days ago Africa lost one of its sons. We wish to express our deep sorrow and profound sadness upon the untimely death of our brother, Agostinho Neto. His loyalty to his people in their struggle for independence, his unceasing battle against imperialism for the liberation of Africa and his qualities as a statesman have earned him the recognition and respect of all peoples, and those of Africa in particular. I should like to express our profound condolences to his dear family, his Government and his people.
6.	As we begin this thirty-fourth year, we are once again gathered here in order to seek solutions to the many questions which continue to confront the conscience of the world with all their political, economic and social complexities. The international community could not have chosen a better place than the United Nations, where the combined efforts of countries may be exerted in order to improve man's conditions as he seeks to fulfil his potential.
7.	Aware of its responsibilities and of the increasing anxieties that weigh upon the world, my country firmly supports the noble principles of the United Nations Charter. In this respect, my country is anxious to offer its co-operation and to make its modest contribution to the international effort aimed at bringing nations closer together in a world of peace and justice and at promoting co-operation based upon mutual respect and the principles of interdependence in equality and dignity.
8.	With respect to the non-aligned movement, my country has since its independence joined in the defence of the principles and objectives of that movement. The work of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which met at Havana from 3 to 9 September, demonstrated to the world that the member countries, in spite of their differences, have decided to preserve their unity. We fully support the movement's initiatives aimed at establishing a new international economic order.
9.	The commitment of my Government to follow the objectives of national unity, equality and peace, strengthened by our will to remain neutral in our foreign relations, is a corner-stone of our policy, not only in order to maintain and preserve our sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence, but also to make more harmonious our hard-won independence in a genuine spirit of co-operation and understanding with all nations. The young Republic of Djibouti has firmly decided to build the foundations of its economic development.
10.	In acceding to international sovereignty on 27 June 1977, my country found itself confronted by various economic and financial difficulties, including, among others, the serious reduction in harbour and rail activities, our principal source of revenue. Apart from those difficulties, my country is particularly affected by the rapid increase in the prices of raw materials and manufactured goods.
11.	The trade situation has deteriorated especially since Djibouti does not export any goods, which further aggravates our trade-balance deficit. Indeed, we import most, if not all, of our needs. This economic dependence on foreign countries, coupled with the rising cost of transportation, places us in a difficult position and slows down our economic development. I do not wish to dwell on these points, but my country would like to be included in the list of the least developed countries, in view of its difficulties. My country is very appreciative of the support, both material and moral, that it has received from friendly countries since its independence. We should like to express our profound gratitude and appreciation for that help.
12.	One can only view the question of respect for human rights with bitterness and disappointment since these rights are not being respected in most countries. Our world, unfortunately, has not yet rid itself of this evil, which runs counter to the principle of respect for man. The essence of respect for human rights means that each person should enjoy political', social, economic and religious rights as a free person. It is for that purpose that the advocates of human rights should work, instead of for political or propaganda purposes. The right of people to fight for their most fundamental needs, to fight against ignorance, disease, the domination and exploitation of human beings, both abroad and at home, the pursuit of justice against racism, racial discrimination and apartheid must be a source of inspiration, respect and attention. Greater priority should be accorded to morality and to the exercise of moderation by all political figures. It is high time that all those who support peace heeded the appeal for help from the millions of victims who are living in abject poverty, the tens of millions of homeless refugees, the human beings in distress but receiving no help in Palestine, Lebanon, southern Africa, South-East Asia, the Horn of Africa and Latin America, before it is too late.
13.	How can we explain that virtually one third of the world's population suffers from famine, abject poverty and total wretchedness, crying out for help while some nations display their supremacy and power by spending billions of dollars on military prestige, thus accumulating an arsenal of armaments? How is it possible to explain this fact while the whole world is seeking peace and security?
14.	We find that some of us are bent on manufacturing and accumulating mountains of dangerous weapons, which are then sold to the countries of the third world. As a result our already limited resources are exhausted, our courage weakened and our unity shattered. In this unhappy state of affairs, the advantage always lies with those who manufacture these weapons.
15.	My country is proud to have directed its national policy towards providing for the well-being of everyone, within the limits and abilities of its resources, by protecting the fundamental social, economic, political and religious rights of all. It is by this sense of duty and by its contribution to the world action on human rights that the Republic of Djibouti, a land of exchanges and encounters, has legitimately assumed its part of international responsibility by offering hospitality to 30,000 refugees—between 10 and 15 per cent of its population—with whom it willingly shared its resources, though these may be limited, and this is done without any regret and in dignity. On this occasion, I should like to thank the countries and organizations which have given us their assistance and support. But in view of the economic difficulties which my country is experiencing and in the light of the increasing number of refugees, we wish to make a vigorous appeal to the international community to seek a final solution to this humanitarian problem.
16.	The Palestinian Diaspora has been a source of suffering for too long. The Palestinian is a man equal to any other. He has the right to a homeland. How can it be possible to settle this conflict or how is it possible to claim to have achieved a peaceful solution of the Middle East problem if this man, this Palestinian who is suffering, is ignored? Peace will come to the Middle East only if the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people are fulfilled and if the Palestinian people find their land and their home again.
17.	The separate agreements between Egypt and Israel have been condemned by all the Arab countries because no peace is possible without the participation of the Palestinian people and their sole valid representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO]. On numerous occasions, the international community has condemned the illegal occupation of occupied Arab territories. It must require Israel to withdraw from all these territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, which must be surrendered unconditionally to Arab sovereignty. But since Israel, it would seem, possesses nuclear weapons, it is time for the Security Council to adopt a decision along these lines; it is time for world consensus to be translated into action.
18.	The problem of Lebanon cannot be isolated from the Middle East crisis. Continued acts of aggression by Israeli forces, the increase in the number of atrocities in southern Lebanon, the violent bombings and the heavy losses as a result of the infiltration of Israeli forces are all acts which flagrantly violate the United Nations Charter. It is disturbing to note that the international community, which is in favour of peace, remains passive before these gratuitous and deadly acts of aggression. It is therefore our duty to support our brothers, the people of Lebanon, in their struggle to defend their sovereignty and their national integrity.
19.	The policy of my Government has always been opposed to any form of racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. In this respect, it is with all our hearts that we give our support to the measures adopted by the United Nations to eliminate these evils. The international community should not lose its momentum in the moral and material support it gives to the objectives of the Declaration and Programme of Action to combat racism and racial discrimination adopted in 1978.' It is with satisfaction that we observe that these efforts have been crowned with success in some regions, where aggression has been resoundingly defeated. It is indeed satisfying to note that, through concerted efforts, the forces in favour of peace that are fighting for self- determination and national independence will always be victorious.
20.	The present situation in southern Africa has become for us all a source of concern and a disgrace to mankind. My Government has constantly denounced and condemned the policy of apartheid and of bantustanization, which is nothing other than a hideous attempt on the part of the South African regime to perpetuate its racist policy. The resolutions approved by the States Members of the United Nations for the purpose of imposing economic sanctions against South Africa have turned out to be ineffective, especially since several Member States are violating those resolutions for selfish reasons and do not live up to their commitments.
21.	The States Members of the United Nations which are in favour of peace should under no circumstances hesitate to exercise pressure on these racists. It is high time for the United Nations to consider more effective methods to weaken and wipe out the odious system of apartheid.
22.	My Government condemns and declares null and void the South African minority regime's unilateral decision to set up elections in Namibia from 4 to 8 December 1978 in violation and in disregard of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 439 (1978), and its rejection of the Secretary-General's proposal to organize elections supervised and controlled by the United Nations.2 The constant South African defiance of world public opinion, by refusing to give to the Namibians their legitimate right to self-determination, is an act which constitutes a serious threat to world peace and security . My Government deplores and condemns the acts of violence perpetrated by South Africa against the Namibian people, and its policy of intimidation as well as the arbitrary detention of the leaders of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]. In order to be valid, any and every agreement must take into account all the conditions proposed by the Organization of African Unity [OAU] with regard to the decolonization of Namibia. These are: respect for territorial integrity, the liberation of all political prisoners, the return of all Namibians in exile, the withdrawal of all South African forces from the Territory, the recognition of SWAPO as the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, and the holding of free elections under United Nations control.
23.	In Zimbabwe, the freedom fighters are engaged in a bitter war against the forces of domination and exploitation. The blocking of the transition and the transfer of power from the illegal and rebellious regime of Ian Smith to the puppet Government of Bishop Muzorewa was nothing more than a disguised and deliberate plan by the white minority, whose principal purpose was to divert world public opinion in order to perpetrate its supremacy over the overwhelming African majority.
24.	We do not see any prospect of success as long as the racists occupy more than a quarter of the seats in Parliament and retain control of the political machinery of power. Any proposal for constitutional changes in Zimbabwe must be designed to reduce the power of the white minority by bringing it to a proportionate level, which would result in a transfer of control to the hands of the people of Zimbabwe.
25.	In conformity with the resolutions of the OAU, we invite all States not to recognize the Government of Abel Muzorewa, and to refuse him any material or moral support. The overwhelming majority of African States, which has identified itself with the struggle for liberation and human rights in southern Africa, is opposed to such recognition. That majority is also opposed to any peace solution in Zimbabwe which does not include the full participation of the Patriotic Front. It is indeed regrettable that the unfortunate retention of Ian Smith as a minister, the state of martial law covering most of the country, the ill-treatment inflicted on hundreds of political prisoners, and the opposition to a genuinely democratic rule by the majority constitute serious factors blocking the way to a peaceful solution.
26.	As regards the question of Western Sahara, my Government reaffirms its position: the Saharan people have the right to express their opinion and their will in the exercise of their right of self-determination. We commend the Republic of Mauritania for its wise decision in the pursuit of peace in the region. We believe that an effort towards relaxation of the present tension in the region, in the quest for peace, is an act of wisdom. All the parties concerned should respect the resolutions of the OAU and of the United Nations.
27.	In conclusion I should like to say that we come here every year with the firm intention of participating in the efforts of this Assembly in order to find solutions to the numerous problems which preoccupy the entire world. It is in this spirit that we are gathered here in order to listen and exchange views in the hope of taking a step ahead in relation to last year. This is an encouraging start towards a goal which has yet to be reached. Thus, the latent desire to find the means of bringing about global peace and security should manifest itself in harmony here in this Assembly. Let us join our efforts for the fulfilment of our aspirations.