226.	Mr. President, the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar is particularly gratified at your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your great experience in international affairs as well as the committed and decisive role that Yugoslavia has always played within the non-aligned movement and in concert with the developing countries qualifies you more than any other to preside over our deliberations.
227.	Our thanks and congratulations go to Mr. Hamilton Amerasinghe, the Ambassador of Sri Lanka, who directed with tact and authority the proceedings of the previous session, respecting the principles of the Charter and always serving the international community.
228.	My delegation would also like to stress the dedication with which the Secretary-General has endeavoured, in all circumstances, to make the collective will of Member States prevail, pursuant to the mandate that we have entrusted to him.
229.	The Democratic Republic of Madagascar welcomes with joy the admission to our Organization of the Republic of Djibouti and of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
230.	The determination of the liberation movements of Djibouti and the political leaders of that country have made it possible for that country to overcome the difficulties inherent in its colonial situation and to make the will for unity and emancipation of its people prevail.
231.	The presence among us of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is a source of particular satisfaction for the delegation of Madagascar because it marks the culmination of the long and difficult struggle of a people firmly attached to its freedom, its sovereignty, its independence and to the promotion of social progress.
232.	The admission of these two States to the Organization bears witness to the predominant role that the countries of the third world intend to, ought to, play in international affairs without there being any need to refer to a certain polarization that has pre-determined the direction of decisions and actions of the United Nations since its foundation. This change, which we welcome but some still question, requires in our opinion a reordering of priorities and a new attitude in the perception of the over-all interests of the community of nations.
233.	Developments in the international situation between the two sessions of the General Assembly have not been such as to allay anxieties.
234.	Despite our collective efforts, the United Nations has not been able to make a positive contribution to the solution of many problems the persistence of which justify our pessimism about the effectiveness of our procedures for negotiation and the sincerity and will of one and all to make the necessary compromises.
235.	The conflicts of convictions, of ideas and of action continue to sustain flash-points of tension, particularly in Africa. New forms of intervention have been devised to undermine the security of certain States, the political options of which cannot and could never coincide with those of the imperialist, capitalist and neo-colonial interests.
236.	However, in the past 10 years, we have witnessed the emergence of conditions which in our opinion can ensure the triumph of world revolution.
237.	The universal acceptance of peaceful coexistence, the growing challenge of the concept of power, the decrease in the manifestations of the cold war and of polarization are factors which have contributed to the improvement of international relations. The third world has fully asserted itself by proposing a rational and concerted policy which takes account of the irreversible downfall of colonialism and of the primary role of the United Nations in establishing a new international order.
238.	These encouraging prospects have produced negative reactions on the part of the imperialist capitalists, who cling blindly to the acquisitions and privileges of the past and are thus bent on preserving the status quo.
239.	We are forced to recognize that there is a situation of confrontation which some seek to conceal or to force into oblivion by preaching the virtues of selective interdependence, of dialogue, of gradual action and prolonged negotiation, all of which constitute excessive delaying tactics.
240.	It may be too early, of course, to speak of a real crisis, but we have the firm conviction that the preliminary signs are there.
241.	Indeed, the world is today witnessing attempts at colonial reconquest and the resurgence of neo-colonialism. The principles of the Charter, such as self-determination, have been distorted in a shameful and cynical way.
242.	In order to safeguard their economic, political and military interests some are not inhibited either by the resumption of the "peculiar dialogue" with the racist regimes of southern Africa or elsewhere or by the destabilization of the progressive revolutionary regimes committed to the true struggle for freedom of the peoples. Interference in the internal affairs of States has become a common practice in the name of moralizing principles and attempts are made to impose on others norms that are contrary to the safeguarding of their own security.
243.	That understanding which is the main objective of international relations is still a distant goal. Positions are being marked out to such a degree that we are seeing a real regression, concealed by bits and pieces of measures and gestures of so-called "goodwill".
244.	The countries of the third world, particularly the non-aligned countries, have no choice other than to take up the challenge hurled at them by international reaction. We for our part are not bent on confrontation but it is our duty to preserve, defend and promote the achievements of the past decade. It is from this standpoint that we will analyse the world political, economic and social situation and it is on this basis that we will determine our positions and our action, and decide on the measures to be taken within the United Nations.
245.	Africa cannot be said to have neglected its economic and social development because two important meetings have been held there: the eleventh extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held from 6 to 10 December 1976 in Kinshasa and devoted to economic affairs; and the historic Cairo Conference of March 1977, which established the framework of Arab-African cooperation.
246.	But obviously the major problems facing the African leaders are political in nature and concern independence, security and the total liberation of the continent.
247.	Indeed, international imperialism has not renounced the desire to keep the African continent under its domination: interventions against progressive countries have increased as is evidenced by the aggression against the People's Republic of Benin, the attempts at destabilization in Angola and the political assassination of the late President Marien Ngouabi. The Shaba affair and other local conflicts have unfortunately provided the reactionary forces of the West with an opportunity to establish a new form of interference in the African political scene. This means that vigilance is called for because rivalries that are no longer fashionable in a world of detente are developing in Africa and endangering the realization of the full emancipation of the African continent.
248.	In southern Africa the action of the United Nations has not led to the results expected, because of the refusal of certain Powers to recognize the urgency and the gravity of a situation which threatens international peace and security. The crisis in this region would have been resolved long ago if certain Western Powers had not collaborated with the forces of racism and colonialism and had not afforded them their protection and their sanction. We are convinced of the need to deal with the problems of apartheid, Rhodesia and of Namibia in terms of their profound unity. But it is absolutely necessary to recognize that priority must be given to the situation in South Africa even though there might be some merit in attacking first those points where the forces of racism and colonialism offer the least resistance.
249.	In South Africa the objective remains the restoration of human dignity. The true nature of the problem is not restricted to the restoration of human rights; it is not only a question of granting civil and political rights to the majority. Quite the contrary. We are faced with a situation that has to be remade, remodelled on democratic lines. In other words, it is a situation which will not be resolved without a true popular revolutionary process.
250.	The elimination of apartheid, the cessation of massacres and repression are only phases, the recognition of political rights can only be the beginning of a new period of transformation at all levels. Government by the majority will be meaningless unless it is accompanied by an economic and social revolution permitting, inter alia, the recuperation of national wealth that has been seized and monopolized hitherto by capitalist, imperialist and neo- colonialist circles. The struggle should aim at the establishment of an economic system which would benefit the majority and at the elimination of all interests that are incompatible with this approach. We feel that any solution proposed must be examined in terms of these objectives.
251.	We reject any initiative the ulterior motive of which is to perpetuate a certain neo-colonial structure which, on the pretext of maintaining the current prosperity of the South African economy, would in fact seek to perpetuate injustice and the exploitation of the Africans.
252.	In view of the incapacity of certain Western countries to choose between their own immediate interests and the just cause of the majority, and in view of the intransigence of the Pretoria authorities and the heinous repressions visited daily upon the innocent people of South Africa, we firmly support the liberation movements which have chosen to combat apartheid by armed struggle.
253.	The preceding remarks also hold true for Zimbabwe and Namibia, whose future depends upon developments in South Africa.
254.	In Zimbabwe, where the Ian Smith regime is daily being driven further towards certain defeat by the blows inflicted upon it by the armed forces of the Patriotic Front, the colonizing Power, which since 1965 has not adopted any effective measure to bring down the rebels, has recently been endeavouring to find an honourable way out of the hopeless situation to the creation of which it has contributed.
255.	The United Kingdom has just requested the Security Council to come to its aid and have the Secretary-General name a special representative.
256.	My delegation cannot oppose a certain United Nations presence in Zimbabwe, if that will facilitate the complete, sincere and genuine decolonization of the Territory.
257.	The appointment of that representative as well as his role, his attributes and his powers must be defined in close consultation between the members of the Security Council and the Patriotic Front.
258.	The Democratic Republic of Madagascar reaffirms its militant and committed support of the Patriotic Front, the genuine representative of the people of Zimbabwe, and reserves its position with regard to the links which some would wish to establish between the appointment of the special representative of the Secretary-General and the acceptance of the so-called Anglo-American plan for a settlement.
259.	We continue to denounce South Africa's refusal to co-operate with the United Nations in order to find a solution to the problem of Namibia. We cannot accept or endorse the South African idea whose aim is the dismemberment of this international Territory and its transformation into a confederation of small tribal states, controlled and manipulated by the racist regime and its allies so as to make it a buffer between themselves and independent Africa. We cannot entertain the idea of negotiations before South Africa has accepted the conditions laid down by SWAPO and endorsed by OAU, namely, the withdrawal of all South African military and paramilitary forces from Namibia and the guaranteeing of the establishment of a normal political climate; the unconditional liberation of all political prisoners and the return to Namibia of all Namibians in exile; the endorsement by the United Nations Council for Namibia of the appointment in the Territory of any interim authority prior to independence; and the accession of the Territory to independence within its present limits, including Walvis Bay.
260.	The situation in other regions of Africa continues to be of equal concern to us.
261.	The painful vicissitudes of the struggle of the Saharan people point to the emptiness of the claims of those who want to close the file on Western Sahara. Although sanctioned by the former administering Power, the solution of the dismemberment and annexation of that country has never been accepted by the United Nations, and still less by OAU.
262.	The Democratic Republic of Madagascar supports the right of the Saharan people to a free and independent destiny and, in recognizing the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, it has demonstrated its willingness not to accept the fait accompli created by the Governments of Morocco and Mauritania.
263.	In the Horn of Africa, we deem it essential that the two brother countries, Ethiopia and Somalia, be and remain truly independent, revolutionary and socialist. But that is Where the shoe pinches, for imperialism is trying to prolong €he conflict in order to make us forget the Zionist colonial grip on Palestine and the grip of imperialism, racism and apartheid on southern Africa.
264.	That is why we believe that it is the duty of all progressive countries of the world, and in particular those of Africa, to work for a reconciliation between those two sister revolutions so as not to play the game of international imperialism in that strategic region of Africa.
265.	The President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, Mr. Didier Ratsiraka, is not unaware of the difficulties of mediation in this conflict. However, he believes that it is no longer possible to remain silent. It would be dishonourable for Africa not to try to find a solution to this specifically African problem or to allow non-African Powers to resolve it in their own way and even to their benefit. For our part we shall continue our efforts, even if we have to begin again a thousand times, for any conflict, whatever it may be, always ends in negotiations.
266.	With regard to the Comorian island of Mayotte, my delegation cannot subscribe to the arguments put forward by France to legalize an occupation which has been repeatedly denounced by OAU and the entire international community.
267.	Threats to international peace and security in southern Africa; the acute crisis in the Horn of Africa; the maintenance of the French colonial presence in the Comorian island of Mayotte—how could we remain indifferent and not share our anxiety about these issues?
268.	In these circumstances, the Assembly will appreciate 'hat my delegation cannot emphasize too much the need to implement the objectives of the solemn Declaration by which the General Assembly on 16 December 1971 designated the Indian Ocean as a none of peace.
269.	Again last year the General Assembly reaffirmed its conviction that the implementation of the Declaration would be a substantial contribution to the strengthening of international peace and security. No real progress has however been made because the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean is faced with a lack of co-operation on the part of certain great Powers and certain maritime users. Of course, we have taken note of the public statements of the two super-Powers which led to a so-called preliminary meeting. No valid result concerning the Indian Ocean can be obtained without the participation of the coastal States, for exclusivist on the part of the superpowers can only engender mistrust and lack of understanding.
270.	Furthermore, the coastal States believe that the maintenance of peace and security in their region in the final analysis fall within their authority and their competence, without being subject to the interests of Powers foreign to the region. Any bilateral or multilateral negotiations on the maintenance of peace in the Indian Ocean cannot be crowned with success if they aim only at a compromise between the interests of those Powers; what is important is to ensure real guarantees of independence and security for the countries of the region.
271.	Like other coastal States, the Democratic Republic of Madagascar refuses to admit that the notion of a zone of peace can be distorted to justify any military presence or activities incompatible with the Declaration on the Indian Ocean. Indeed, history has taught us how the notion of the freedom of the seas has been invoked by the imperialist Powers of Europe to ensure maritime supremacy. Any idea of supremacy in the Indian Ocean, whether exercised by a single super-Power, or by two or several Powers with opposing interests that counterbalance one another, must be rejected; it is in this conviction that we reaffirm the validity of all the objectives of the Declaration on the Indian Ocean.
272.	Elsewhere, both in Africa and in the Indian Ocean region, other hotbeds of tension are of particular concern to my Government. In the Middle East, any delay in the solution of the Palestinian question and in that of the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories increases the dangers of war. The responsibility of Israel for the prolongation of this explosive situation leaves no room for doubt. The proliferation of settlements and the recent measures taken by Israel are tantamount to a de facto annexation of the West Bank of the Jordan and of the Gaza Strip. The refusal of Israel to recognize the national and inalienable right of the Palestinian people- to self-determination, including its right to establish an independent State in Palestine, in accordance with the Charter; to apply the relevant, resolutions on the right of return and the right to compensation of the Palestinians; to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people; and finally to evacuate all the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, which it cynically calls "liberated Israeli territories", that refusal of Israel, I repeat, aggravates the crisis and dangerously threatens world peace.
272. Moreover, initiatives have been taken by the Security Council to bring Israel to recognize the political status of the Palestinians and to extend accordingly the scope of its resolution 242 (1967). Those initiatives, unfortunately, were met by the veto of a certain Power. It is imperative that the latter take into account the political support which the overwhelming majority of Member States lend to those initiatives.
273.	With your permission, Mr. President, I should now like to speak of a question which is not  on the agenda but which in the view of my Government is a source of deep concern inasmuch as it contains all those elements which can at any time bring about a violent confrontation. I have in mind the question of Korea. Indeed, preparations for war, up to and including the maintenance of a sizable nuclear arsenal under the so-called Treaty for the protection of the Seoul regime, are being pursued methodically in the south of Korea. For its part the Government of the United States does not appear to have renounced its design to divide the Korean nation.
274.	The General Assembly in its resolution 3390 B (XXX), defined the framework for a political solution to this question. We call for the speedy application of that resolution as well as of the North-South joint communiqué of 4 July 1972, in order to speed up the independent and peaceful reunification of the country.
275.	The conflicts and crisis situations which I have mentioned-grave in themselves—would not be that dangerous for international peace and security if they were not set against the background of a world armed to the teeth, possessing the necessary means to self-destruct several times over, and not safeguarded against an accident or an error in judgment that could at any moment bring about its annihilation. That is a state of affairs that hardly gives cause for optimism, particularly since we are only two years away from the end of the Disarmament Decade.
276.	The relative failure of any programme for controlling armaments attests to one thing, namely, the attachment of Governments to the erroneous idea that equates the level of security with the level of armaments. Whether or not such an attitude is deliberate or subconscious does not change the fact that the general interest does not lie in the ever-growing sophistication of the conventional and nuclear arsenals of the major and the super-Powers, in the dreaded horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons, or in a quantitative or qualitative expansion in the arms trade.
277.	It is in this spirit that we shall participate in May 1978 in the deliberations of the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We will do so because disarmament, desirable in itself, is one of the necessary conditions for the creation of an atmosphere of trust conducive to universal security. Its economic and social implications are evident; I will not dwell on them, except to say that it would be of great benefit to divert all or part of the $400 billion spent annually for military purposes to development activities, because the only battle that deserves to be waged is that which will liberate man and meet his cultural and material needs.
278.	This liberation of man is a duty which each State has assumed under the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar has respected its commitments in this field by adhering to the two International Covenants on Human Rights, one on civil and political rights and the other on economic and social rights.
279.	The means of their implementation, however, should fall under the jurisdiction of each State. It is up to each State to define its own priorities among the various rights. My delegation believes that for the developing countries priority should be given to economic and social rights, whose very existence determines the enjoyment and effective exercise of all other rights and liberties. It is with this in mind that the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, dated 30 December 1975, stressed the priority of those economic and social rights, and reaffirmed as well respect for other fundamental freedoms. In the final analysis, what is important is the will to apply the Universal Declaration and the Covenants, and it is inadmissible that a State or a group of States, regardless of its power, should usurp our right to be masters of. our conscience.
280.	It has become a commonplace to say that political problems or problems of human rights, such as I have just analysed, cannot be taken out of their economic context, because it is easy to find, in any situation of conflict or tension, material interests at stake. This means that we attach great significance to the numerous and complex economic and financial issues included in the agenda of the United Nations and its specialized agencies, issues for which we hope a speedy and valid solution will be found.
281.	In this connexion we should not like to overlook the efforts made by the Group of 77 to work out and submit coherent programmes for change in the economic relations and structures of the international c- immunity.
282.	The Charter of Algiers, adopted 10 years ago, the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) on the new international economic order—to cite only a few instruments— attest to the constant concern of the third-world countries to put an end to the imperialist exploitation of these riches and manpower, to take into their own hands their economic destiny, to participate in decision-making which affects them and to condemn, reject and refuse all forms of coercive and discriminatory economic policy or practice.
283.	These considerations will inspire us during this session, which is to consider to what extent the objectives contained in the resolutions on economic development and international economic co-operation have been implemented.
284.	Nor shall we hide our concern regarding the impossibility we found during the resumed thirty-first session of arriving at a common assessment of the current world situation. Should we not make a tragedy of the fact that the Conference on International Economic Co-operation did not produce the desired results? For our part, we believe that the context, the scope of the matters taken up and the too-limited nature of the subjects discussed, as well as the absence of political will on the part of the Western States, could only lead to the failure of the Conference.
285.	We are among those who believe that the United Nations system is the most representative and appropriate body to initiate, conduct and succeed in negotiations of a global nature on the establishment of a new international economic order. Thus, our Assembly will have to elaborate specific guidelines for relevant institutions of the system and ask them to abide by the principles and priorities which it defines.
286.	In the forefront of our priority concerns is the problem of raw materials. We deplore the lack of understanding of certain Western States which .still voice reservations about the. objectives, modalities and elements of the common fund aimed at stabilizing the prices of raw materials coming from the developing countries. That instrument would make it possible to achieve the objectives of the Integrated Programme for Commodities called for by the producing countries of the third world.
287.	We also wish to see the resumption of negotiations, in accordance with the terms of the resolutions of the seventh special session of the General Assembly, on other important questions that have been left in abeyance, such as the search for global solutions to the problems of the indebtedness of the developing countries, reform of the international monetary system, and measures aimed at favouring the transfer of technology and promoting industries in the under-equipped countries.
288.	Negotiations on those issues should lead to concrete measures inspired by the International Development Strategy and should not, as in the past, be confined to a search for palliatives contingent upon circumstances.
289.	The picture of the international situation which I have just sketched before this Assembly might appear gloomy and pessimistic, and I hope that no one will take exception to the candour with which my delegation has endeavoured to view and comment on the realities of our time. After all, what good would it do to feign ignorance and not recognize the malaise that exists in relations among the members of the international community?
290.	On the one hand, the world of reaction has not laid aside its objectives of domination and exploitation and even seeks to reverse the course of history. When it is asked to pronounce itself on matters of integration and accession to political and economic rights, it avows that it renounces confrontation, but in fact it takes refuge in empiricism. The result is a series of hesitations, delays, imprecision and harmful improvisations in the development of normal international relations.
291.	On the other hand, the forces of progress, to which we belong, firmly believe in the inevitability of the triumph 306
of liberation over oppression, in the building of an international society of justice, equality and social progress, and struggle for the establishment of a new political and economic order.
292.	To avoid a confrontation of those two trends firm commitments must he made and inconsistent policies have to be abandoned, and we must all recognize the need for joint efforts for the advent of a new world which would look quite different from the old world, of which it is not necessarily- the heir.
293.	The choice between those two trends must be made in accordance with our determination to respect strictly the principles of the Charter and to work sincerely for the realization of its objectives.
294.	If that is not done, the United Nations, a centre of consultation and harmonization, but above all a centre of truth, will no longer have its raison d’être.


1.	 Mr. President, it is a particular pleasure for me to extend to you our warm congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office is a tribute to you personally, to your vast diplomatic experience, and to the leading and constructive role played by Yugoslavia within the non-aligned movement and in the work of the United Nations.
2.	I should also like to express my delegation's deep appreciation to Ambassador Amerasinghe, who presided over last year's session with such great distinction.
3.	Our Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, continues to serve the world community with total dedication, and I should like to express to him our deep gratitude and to assure him of Sweden's full support for his tireless efforts.
4.	As this session of the General Assembly opens, it is also a particular satisfaction for us to be able to welcome two new Members to our Organization: the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose admission we have so strongly and actively supported, both in this Assembly and during our years in the Security Council.
5.	When I addressed the General Assembly for the first time last year, I had special reasons to say a few words about the general guidelines of Swedish foreign policy. The foundation of that policy is neutrality. In our country we are united in the view that we should use our neutral position to pursue an active, independent and progressive foreign policy characterized by global solidarity and respect for the equal rights of all human beings. These are our guidelines as we face up to such problems as injustice in
southern Africa, the unequal relationship between rich and poor countries, or the plundering and misuse of the resources with which nature has provided us.
6.	In Steven Biko the South African people has a new martyr whose death is yet another reminder that racism in southern Africa remains a festering sore in our international society. Developments in southern Africa are important -not only to those who live there. They are of crucial importance for the relations between free Africa and the rest of the world, as well as for international detente in general.
7.	Apartheid is unique. It differs from other manifestations of evil and injustice in the world, for in South Africa oppression has been legalized; it is written into the country's constitution and permeates the entire fabric of society. A minority has created a system based on the idea of its own racial superiority serving to suppress the majority. Let us not forget that the United Nations was born in the struggle against a system which was obsessed by a similar idea. The undoing of apartheid must be a central obligation of the world community. To follow passively developments there is to become, in a sense, an accomplice of the present policy of an oppressive regime.
8.	Every form of black African protest in South Africa, Namibia and Rhodesia has been brutally crushed. The majority of the people is denied every possibility of political expression and participation. It is understandable that the liberation movements of southern Africa, in their despair, finally have seen no alternative to armed struggle.
9.	The United Nations was created to solve international conflicts by peaceful means. We must try to make it possible to achieve majority rule in southern Africa with a minimum of violence. Here the United Nations has a dual responsibility: one is to contribute to the abolishment of apartheid as soon as possible; the other is to try to alleviate the suffering of the civilian population which always follows a long liberation struggle.
10.	We consider the present situation in South Africa to be a threat to international peace. The Security Council, therefore, should impose sanctions to eliminate that threat.' We have, as a first step, proposed that the recommendation already adopted by the Security Council calling for the discontinuation of all arms shipments to South Africa be broadened and transformed into a binding decision.     Sweden has also proposed further steps, including measures against new foreign investments in South Africa and Namibia. Measures of this kind have already been unilaterally taken by the Swedish Government, and plans are being considered for their reinforcement.
11.	Another reason for the international tension in the area is South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and its support of the rebel regime in Rhodesia. Negotiations are under way regarding both these Territories and we note with satisfaction the commitment made by a number of leading States in this matter.
12.	The task in Namibia is to make possible the free elections under United Nations supervision and control envisaged in resolution 385 (1976) of the Security Council. Although the parties would seem to have come closer to an agreement as to how this process of liberation is to be carried out, South Africa is still utilizing its illegal rule in an attempt to retain influence. The Pretoria regime must realize that the only alternative to giving up control through a negotiated settlement is international sanctions and an escalation of the armed liberation struggle. The South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] is playing a leading part in the efforts to secure an independent and unified Namibia, and any agreement must be supported by that movement. SWAPO must also be given full opportunities of working freely in the country and of mobilizing its extensive popular following there. The United Nations will have an important and difficult task to perform during the transition to independence. We have declared our readiness to offer our services within the framework of the United Nations with a view to facilitating a peaceful transition.
13.	The Anglo-American efforts to negotiate a settlement on Rhodesia encounter great difficulties, due above all to the vain hopes entertained by the leaders in Salisbury of perpetuating their minority rule by means of such tricks as a so-called  internal solution . The Smith regime's hard- headed resistance to real majority rule, backed up by South Africa, should be met with broadened international sanctions. At the same time it should be quite clear that a solution in Namibia and Zimbabwe will in no way lead to a relaxation of the world community's attitude towards apartheid in South Africa. International pressures on the apartheid regime must be maintained and intensified.
14.	In the Middle East, efforts are again under way to achieve a peaceful and lasting settlement. As so often before, progress is frustratingly slow. The Swedish Government maintains the view that a solution must be based on resolutions 242(1967) and 338 (1973) of the Security Council. Israel and all other States in the area are entitled to their existence and integrity within secure and recognized borders. The principle that acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible must be respected. Furthermore, provision has to be made for the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian Arabs, including the right to establish a State of their own which lives in peace side by side with Israel. It is essential that negotiations for a peaceful solution be opened as soon as possible. The Palestinians should be assured of participation in those negotiations.
15.	Israel's policy in regard to settlements in occupied territories has added to the difficulties in the search for a solution. Sweden has consistently opposed that policy as being illegal and as complicating withdrawal from occupied territories. I appeal to the Government of Israel to abandon these measures, which are contrary to the principles of the Security Council's resolutions and which place additional obstacles in the way of a negotiated peace. Another prerequisite for a solution is a clear recognition by the representatives of the Palestinians of Israel's right to exist. Unless agreement is reached we risk a new war with terrible suffering to the peoples concerned. A new war would also threaten to involve the great Powers and thus jeopardize international peace and security.
16.	The nuclear arms race continues. The accelerating development of military technology causes the superpowers to seek mutual security at a steadily rising and increasingly dangerous level of armaments. There is a risk that results achieved in the disarmament negotiations will be overtaken by the creation of new weapons systems. The super-Powers, themselves, have been among the first to claim that the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) are a vital component of the process of detente. I wish to underline the importance which the Swedish Government attaches to rapid concrete progress towards an agreement at the second round of SALT talks and the subsequent opening of the third round with a view to reaching mutual security at a lower level of armaments.
17.	In this context, I want to recall the present international debate on the neutron weapon, which is the latest example of the consequences of the development of technical weapons carried out by the super-Powers. The Swedish Government is deeply concerned by every development in the armaments field that could constitute a directly destabilizing factor. It is also obvious that a reversal of the present trend in the arms race of the super-Powers is a basic condition for progress in disarmament efforts. The neutron weapon is unacceptable to us. So are all other nuclear weapons.
18.	International negotiating efforts in the field of disarmament have been intensified as a result of the decision to convene next spring a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. That session will present a unique opportunity to open a new and fruitful phase in the work of disarmament. It is an opportunity that we must not miss.
19.	Questions concerning nuclear weapons should, of course, be given the highest priority at the session. The Swedish Government expects significant and concrete results concerning a comprehensive test ban treaty. It is important that the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva should begin negotiations on this matter as soon as possible.
20.	A comprehensive nuclear test ban would be a sign that the super-Powers had begun a process towards nuclear disarmament. A comprehensive test ban is at the same time an important element in the efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons to new States. It affects the security of both nuclear-weapon and non-nuclear-weapon States, of developing as well as industrialized countries. All have a common interest in co-operating in order to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons or nuclear devices, the consequences of which could be truly disastrous. The Swedish Government will continue to work hard to this end.
21.	Nuclear power as a source of energy raises special problems. One of them is the risk that the dissemination of nuclear technology can facilitate nuclear-weapons development. This problem is receiving increasing international recognition. The Swedish Government therefore continues to work for broader support for the Treaty on the
Nuclear Weapons and for the strengthening of the IAEA system of safeguards.
22.	The rapid technological development in conventional armaments and the proliferation of increasingly sophisticated weapons is alarming. Sufficient attention must be given to this question during the special session to be held in 1978 on disarmament.
23.	According to conservative estimates, military expenditures amounted to between $350 billion and $400 billion in 1976. This is a grotesque misuse of human and material resources. It can be compared with the $15 billion that the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries provided for development assistance during that same year. The Nordic countries have proposed that the special session initiate an urgent and in-depth study of the possibility of transferring the resources released through disarmament measures to economic and social development programmes, primarily in the developing countries. Our objective is that this work should result in international as well as national action.
24.	It is imperative that the special session achieve real progress towards disarmament. The results must be lasting and be followed by further steps. Sweden is in favour of a second special session being convened after a period of three to five years. The United Nations must be given sufficient means to enable it effectively to play its important role in the continued efforts towards disarmament.
25.	The Diplomatic Conference on the Reaffirmation and Development of International Humanitarian Law Applicable in Armed Conflicts was concluded in June this year after making important progress. It is now essential to redouble our efforts in this field. The aim must be a definite prohibition or restriction on the use of certain conventional weapons that are excessively injurious.
26.	Our efforts to achieve peace and security must also comprise action against all kinds of internal oppression We strongly condemn all forms of persecution of people on account of their political or religious convictions, race or ethnic identity, wherever this persecution may be practised During the past year we have had occasion in the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, in government statements and in bilateral contacts, to denounce the policies of a number of Governments in this respect Sweden will continue to give unrelenting support to the struggle for human rights.
27.	We have all seen how terror can be used by individuals Acts such as those that have recently taken place in the Federal Republic of Germany must be met with the condemnation of the world community. These outrageous manifestations of distorted minds demonstrate the importance of the work being carried out in the United Nations to prevent terrorism.
28.	Several important tasks await the General Assembly this autumn. We must increase our efforts to strengthen safeguards against torture. The 1975 declaration on this subject was a step forward, although its practical consequences have as yet not been very significant. A legally binding convention must be our goal.
29.	At the last session of the General Assembly Sweden raised the question of the treatment of persons imprisoned for their political convictions.  Our proposal, which has gamed widespread support, will be considered at this session. We shall work to have a resolution adopted now
30.	Ever since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Sweden has worked to convert separate articles of the Declaration into binding international conventions. Thus, we find it encouraging that the two International Covenants on Human Rights-one on civil and political rights and its Optional Protocol, the other on economic, social and cultural rights have entered into force. However, to attain the objectives of the Covenants, efficient implementation machinery is necessary. So far, only a small number of countries have accepted the competence of the Human Rights Committee to consider allegations by an individual or a country that a State has violated his or her human rights. We strongly urge all countries that have not already done so to accept the competence of the Human Rights Committee in this field.
31. The right of all human beings to meaningful employment and the satisfaction of their basic material needs are other human rights. We are aware that these rights are also still denied to a large segment of the world population. The number of unemployed and underemployed is continuously increasing. More than 1 billion people now live in conditions below the subsistence level. The possibilities to secure reasonable material living conditions for all depend on the capacity of our earth to provide the resources needed, and on our own ability to distribute those resources equitably The future supply of a large number of primary products which play a key -role in our economic life is in question We have become acutely aware that oil, one of our most important primary products, will already become increasingly scarce within only a decade or two. Nuclear power entails special problems and risks and is also based on a primary product of limited existence. The fertility of the earth cannot meet ever-growing demands. If we permit continued land erosion and continue polluting air, water and soil, the situation will rapidly become even more serious. It is therefore necessary that we-primarily the rich countries-learn to economize resources and to take into account the ecological consequences of our activities. We must learn to use without using up, to recycle raw materials instead of piling up growing mountains of waste products.
32.	At the same time, the poor countries must be given scope for increased consumption.
33.	One of the most important tasks of the United Nations in the period to come is, as I see it, to engage
Member States in safeguarding the environment, in improving management of the earth's resources, in developing a resource-preserving technology based on renewable resources and in achieving their reasonable and equitable distribution. A part of this task must be the development of global co-operation on energy.
34.	The problems which spring from the inequitable relations between North and South, between industrial and developing countries, have formed the subject of several important negotiations during the past years. Important international negotiations are now in progress or are pending in many vital sectors. These include the trade sector, with major multilateral trade talks under the aegis of GATT. As to raw materials, the main focus of attention is on negotiations concerning UNICTAD's Integrated Programme for Commodities. The United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for. Commodities will be reconvened in November. Negotiations are being held in New York on an international code of conduct for transnational corporations.
35.	We want to see practical results from those negotiations. A means must be found of stabilizing the commodity markets. We must join in assuming responsibility for developments in the energy sector, with due regard to the interests of all concerned. The United Nations target for official assistance—0.7 per cent of gross national product- must be achieved before the close of this decade. Here those industrial countries which are now lagging far behind have a special responsibility. The trade of the developing countries must be boosted. Means must urgently be found to ease the debt burden of developing countries, particularly the public debts of the least developed countries.
36.	The outcome of the Conference on International Economic Cooperation can by no means be termed satisfactory as measured against development needs. No agreement was reached regarding several important problems, nor was it possible to bring about important structural changes aiming at a new international economic order. Still, it is our view that the Conference did achieve some positive results.
37.	Our task will now be to consolidate those results and search for new ways to solve the remaining problems. Sweden will press for vigorous initiatives from the United Nations in this respect. This becomes even more urgent against the depressing background of the impending failure of the most important parts of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade . So far, the 1970s have brought no substantial improvements in the living standards of the poorest groups. Inequality within many countries has also increased. It is therefore of particular importance to bring about concrete measures to satisfy the basic needs as regards food, housing, work, education and health. The Nordic Foreign Ministers at their recent meeting emphasized how important it was that the work for the new development strategy now be started. The present session of the General Assembly must seize the opportunity to set about these tasks.
38.	In all of these sectors, decisions will have to be taken which bring substantial benefits to the developing countries.
39.	An essential aspect of the new international economic order concerns the utilization of the tremendous potential for development that exists in the developing countries themselves. Collective and individual self-reliance are concepts that have emerged during our discussions. Sweden supports these ideas and stands ready to contribute to their implementation. Building up domestic technological and production capability adapted to the particular requirements in each country is an important element of self- reliance. This process should also create the necessary conditions and facilities to meet the needs of the great majority of the population.
40.	The ultimate aim of the new international economic order is to create a just and equitable world. This is also the ultimate aim of our struggle for human rights. In planning for change we must be mindful of the needs of all people, irrespective of colour, sex and age. When old traditions are abandoned, when established structures are broken up, there is a risk that vulnerable groups become even more underprivileged. Women constitute one such group. The statements from the United Nations women's Conference must therefore be translated into practical action as we now press on towards the realization of the new international economic order. When planning for change we must also pay greater attention to children in our development efforts. The International Year of the Child in 1979 should, among other things, help to make us realize this.
41.	It is easy to lapse into pessimism when we survey the problems that beset our world. I believe, however, that it would be wrong to concentrate on the gloomy side of the picture. It is, after all, not violence and poverty which distinguish our own age from other periods of history. Both these phenomena are as old as humanity itself. What is new in today's world is that, in spite of everything, efforts are being made across national boundaries to tackle these problems on a common international basis.
42.	True, the progress that has so far been made may seem small compared to the vast dimensions of the problems. We would do well to bear in mind that global co-operation has only existed for a brief moment in the many thousand years of human history. It is my firm belief that this co-operation will steadily grow in importance and scope, if only for the simple reason that our problems will sooner or later force us to find global solutions. The world we live in has become too small for national egoism. Global solidarity is the only possible base for a future solution of world problems. The existence of the United Nations and the open debate which we are able to conduct here testify to a growing awareness of this fact. Our task at this Assembly session is now to do our utmost to live up to this challenge.


85.	Mr. President, it is a privilege to join the distinguished speakers who have preceded me on this rostrum in congratulating you on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. It is indeed a categorical acknowledgement of your outstanding qualities of statesmanship and a deep recognition of the constructive role your country, Yugoslavia, has played, and continues to play, in its firm support of the aims and objectives of the United Nations and its Charter. In wishing you success in this difficult task, we cannot fail to mention, with praise and appreciation, your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe, whose wisdom, courage and indefatigable efforts were among the most prominent features of the previous session.
86.	I should also like to avail myself of this opportunity to express the deep respect and profound appreciation in which Jordan holds the person of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his valuable and unrelenting efforts in realizing the objectives and aspirations of the United Nations.
87.	Allow me to express Jordan's great pleasure at the admission to United Nations membership of Djibouti, whose membership in the League of Arab States we also cherish, and to wish its brotherly people continued growth, advancement and prosperity.
88.	I should also like to extend Jordan's warm welcome to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose membership in the United Nations comes as the culmination of a quarter of a century of bitter sacrifices by the courageous Vietnamese people, and to wish them every success in their efforts at development, rehabilitation and reconstruction.
89.	The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization and his realistic appraisal of its achievements and the current world problems is a true and sober expression of the Organization's attainments and shortfalls in terms of its defined objectives, namely, spreading peace throughout the globe, disarmament, combating racism and apartheid, eliminating the wide gap between rich and poor nations, the establishment of a new economic order, the successful conclusion of the Law of the Sea Conference, and other actions and measures designed to achieve international solidarity and global interdependence in support of right, freedom, justice and human dignity.
90.	For mankind, 1977 came in as a year of great expectations, to quote the Secretary-General Yet, as it nears its end, we find ourselves delicately and precariously poised between modest achievements and grave misgivings and doubt.
91.	As a result, a certain measure of pessimism is casting its dark shadow on the international community. This is a cause for regret; yet we deem it necessary once again to quote Mr. Waldheim, in explaining this slow pace of progress.
"Membership in the United Nations is, in the first place, the recognition of a balance between the sovereign rights and interests of Member States and their obligations under the Charter." It is my Government's considered opinion that the predominance of capricious, short-sighted national self- interest over the long-term interests of mankind, which has in recent times become the rule rather than the exception, constitutes the major challenge to the United Nations. Unless those two kinds of interests can be reconciled, the will of the international community respected and the United Nations resolutions implemented, and until defiance of that will and deviation from the norms of international dealings are punished, and if an end is not put to the audacious and disdainful disregard of those resolutions, the fate of the United Nations will remain subjected to the most serious dangers.
92.	The era of colonialism has come to a close. Peoples have been emancipated, but some are still suffering from the remaining vestiges of either the old colonialism, or neo-colonialism. Sooner or later, they, too, will attain their freedom, complete and undiminished, and exercise full sovereignty over their fates and resources.
93.	Helping them achieve their aspirations to a better life through shortening the phases of their development is at once a humanitarian and an enlightened act, the fruition of which, over both the short and long run, will serve the interests of rich and poor nations alike. If the North-South dialogue has not achieved its desired objectives yet, the common interest will undoubtedly prevail in the end. We know of no single short-cut to the establishment of the new international economic order, but we are certain that a genuine dialogue and not a futile confrontation will provide us with more experience, vision and wisdom in finding the road and following it.
94.	The question of war and peace, whether globally or regionally, must be the preoccupation of the United Nations, for on it hinges the survival of humanity. Yet, to a large extent, this is a responsibility of the super-Powers. It is they who must come to grips with the issues of strategic arms limitation and, hopefully, thereafter, mutually acceptable levels of disarmament. Regretfully, we notice that expenditure on armaments exceeds $300 billion per annum, and that what is taking place is a continuous spiralling of the arms race and a never-ending search for new and even more destructive weapons systems. If anything should go wrong, none of us will be spared.
95.	It has been the fate of the sisterly State of Lebanon to experience, during the past two years, a tragic ordeal from which some small pockets of its territory are still suffering, due to external causes that do not augur well for Lebanon. However, Jordan would like to express its great satisfaction and profound happiness at seeing this sisterly State, having passed from this ordeal, accelerating the pace of its reconstruction and exercising once more its cultural and intellectual role as cherished and respected part of our Arab world.
96.	Another issue commanding the attention of Jordan is the tragic conflict in Cyprus. Jordan maintains a historical and long-standing friendship with both Greece and Turkey, and earnestly hopes that the intensive efforts at resolving the conflict between the two Cypriot communities will meet with success within the framework of the independence of the Cypriot people, their territorial integrity and the mutual recognition of both communities in accordance with whatever agreement is reached between them.
97.	The emancipation of Namibia has been on the agenda of the United Nations since 1946, and yet the independence of Namibia remains unresolved and faces problems and impediments. We appreciate the efforts which the General Assembly has made, the guidelines and principles which the Security Council set forth in resolution 385(1976) and, recently, the efforts of certain Western Powers to transform words into deeds and to achieve this independence.
98.	But, tragically, the obstinacy of the discredited South African regime continues to abort any real and meaningful solution based on the inalienable right of the peoples of South West Africa to sovereign independence.
99.	In Southern Rhodesia a handful of exploiting landlords continues to stand in the way of an independent Zimbabwe, based on "one man, one vote" suffrage, thereby blocking the freedom of its 4 million indigenous inhabitants.
100.	The abominable theory and practice of apartheid in South Africa continues to be an affront to the conscience and moral values of humankind in its entirety, as expressed within the United Nations and outside of it, and in the various world conferences held during this year, the latest being at Lagos, Nigeria. World opinion is becoming not only more aware, but intensely more committed to active solidarity with the oppressed black majority of South Africa. While a break-through is in its incipient stages, it is inevitable that mounting world pressures, if properly and effectively organized, will force a change in favour of elemental human decency and the vindication of the inalienable human rights of the oppressed black majority in South Africa.
101.	In the Middle East, the year 1977 started with an aura of guarded optimism. Statesmen, both within and outside of the Middle East, indulged in concentrated efforts with a view to ending the long ordeal of its people, and particularly the indescribable suffering of the people of Palestine. The Arab countries have expressed an unmistakable willingness to opt for a just and lasting peace. This willingness was reiterated by Jordan and communicated to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, when he visited the region in February of this year. It was communicated with equal emphasis when the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Cyrus R. Vance, visited the area in July of this year. The position of Jordan is still positive and clear-cut. The position which we had put forward was based on the following principles: first, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the territories occupied in 1967, in accordance with Security Council resolution 242(1967) and 338 (1973); secondly, the fulfilment of the legitimate and inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to self-identity and self-determination in its homeland, Palestine, in accordance with the Charter and relevant resolutions of the United Nations; thirdly, the enabling of the refugee people of Palestine .to exercise its right to choose between repatriation or compensation according to General Assembly resolution 194(111), which is reaffirmed year after year; and, fourthly, acceptance of peace obligations within secure and recognized borders for all States concerned, in addition to security guarantees for both sides and any other arrangements or guarantees which may be deemed necessary.
102.	Jordan has supported the resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East at the earliest possible date with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization. Inspired by the unity of the cause, it then proposed the formation of a single unified Arab delegation to attend the peace negotiations in order to ensure the participation of all parties, since the question of Palestine is too broad for any one Arab country to assume responsibility for it. His Majesty King Hussein has repeatedly stated that it is inevitable, if a permanent and just peace is to be achieved in the region, that the Palestinian people should be enabled to exercise its right to self-determination and to shoulder the responsibility for its own decisions.
103.	The bleak view taken of the chances for peace in the Middle East is, first and foremost, the result of Israel's disregard of the Palestinian dimension in the crisis, its keeping 3.5' million Palestinians under occupation or dispersed throughout the world, its refusal to negotiate with the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people, its establishment of settlements in the occupied Arab territories and the legalization of those already established, its violation of human rights in the occupied territories, the application of Israeli laws to the Arab inhabitants of those territories, its colonialist practices in an era of decolonization and public statements by the Israeli military establishment denying the existence of occupied territories but later calling them "administered territories" and, finally, "liberated territories" and considering them as an integral part of the "greater" State of Israel..
104.	All those acts were perpetrated by Israel in violation of the principles of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and in defiance of the conscience of the world, whose repeated resolutions fell on deaf Israeli ears* and were met with audacious disrespect for the international community. Israel has always claimed in all forums that it is not only desirous of peace and seeking to achieve it, but that it is also prepared to offer more concessions if only the Arabs would agree to negotiate with it. Yet, when it became convinced that the Arab States directly involved, including the Palestinians, were serious and in earnest about real peace, Israel was evidently caught short and began resorting to various manoeuvres to delay effective steps towards peace. Thus its true designs, which had long been shrouded in ambivalent semantics, if not outright deceit, had to be exposed.
105.	Last week-end, on 1 October, a joint United States-USSR statement was issued concerning the Middle East problem, and it has been carefully studied by my Government. My Government found in that statement a positive development on the road towards achieving a just and lasting peace in the Middle East crisis. It not only came as the culmination of the sincere efforts which the United States had made in co-operation with the Government of the Soviet Union but it also represented an embodiment of the international will as expressed by the various organs of the United Nations, including the General Assembly. In noting the balance struck bet^ en the principles of settlement contained in the statement, particularly the right of the Palestinians to recover their legitimate rights, the Government of Jordan would like to stress that it finds in the statement a sound major step which could be the stepping-stone to positive movement towards peace negotiations at Geneva. It sincerely hopes that this statement will elicit a response from all other parties desirous of preserving their vital interests in building a just and lasting peace and keenly interested in world peace, which the international community is striving to preserve and strengthen.
106.	Earlier, on 29 June in fact, the nine States members of the European Community also issued a statement affirming those same principles and calling for the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to establish its own homeland on its territory of Palestine. In expressing our appreciation to the European States for this development in their position as a group, we also recall, with all due gratefulness and appreciation, the noble positions taken by the members of the socialist bloc, the non-aligned countries, the Islamic States, the African and Latin American countries and all other friendly States and their support over the years, both inside and outside the United Nations, of the cause of the Palestinian people by backing right and justice and by condemning the illegal Israeli occupation.
107.	The whole world is now at odds with Israel, which stands isolated in a position in which its military establishment is defying the world. And in this open confrontation, the Zionist pressure groups here and there exerting feverish efforts to justify Israeli occupation, expansion and settlements and its uprooting and dispersal of a whole people. Israel has been placing obstacles in the face of peace and rejecting the Geneva Conference.
108.	It is no exaggeration to stress, in closing, that the few days and months ahead will be of momentous importance to peace and stability not only in the Middle East but also in the world at large, directly or indirectly.
109.	Jordan staunchly supports the peace option. But it takes two sides to consummate a peace and each must exert sincere and unswerving efforts to that end. If Israel opts for that road, we shall no doubt reach that goal. Should it continue to defy the unanimous will of the international community, we shall have no alternative but to reappraise our options, depending on Members' support in achieving justice, curbing the aggressor and taking the effective and deterrent action stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations to preserve peace in the region and the entire world.


143.	Mr. President, the Barbados delegation wishes to offer you its congratulations on your election as President of the current session of this Assembly. Your election not only redounds to your personal credit, but it also indicates the high esteem in which your country is held. Your country's role over the last 20 years as a rational and mediating influence in world affairs has not gone unnoticed. The members of this Assembly confidently expect that the good sense that has traditionally been displayed by your country will be reflected in your judgement during this session.
144.	My delegation also wishes to place on record its congratulations to Secretary-General Waldheim on his reappointment to his high office. His willingness to accept a second term of-office may be indicative of his courage, but our decision to re-elect him is clear evidence of the high regard in which he is held.
145.	Once again, his admirable report on the work of the Organization has highlighted the main issues which have confronted the United Nations during" the past year. Many of these issues have remained unresolved for far too long. Few of them are new. Some of them have reappeared in a new guise. Each of them is crucial for the maintenance of international peace and good order. The most striking of them is the continued failure of the nations of the world to grapple with the challenge of achieving a just economic order and an equitable distribution of the world's resources among all its peoples.
146.	The main concern of the poor peoples of the developing countries still remains the stark failure of the world community to answer our urgent problems of disease, food, shelter, water, education and health-in short, our basic human needs. This Assembly's primary duty is still to promote higher living standards, full employment and conditions of economic and social progress and development.
147.	My Government therefore shares the disappointment and anxiety reflected in the Secretary-General's comments on the lack of real progress towards achieving a new international economic order. The recent Conference on International Economic Co-operation has done precious little towards effecting real structural change, improving the rate of recovery of the world economy or solving the problems of high unemployment, inflation and balance-of- payments deficits which continue to plague our nations, especially the developing non-oil-producing States.
148.	For the millions who live in the small developing and relatively resourceless countries, action requires international economic co-operation. Strongly committed though we are to the principles of self-reliance, we cannot simply raise ourselves by our own bootstraps, for a programme of self-reliance can only achieve optimum results if external factors that inhibit internal development are eliminated. For this reason, Barbados, like other developing countries of the world, will continue to place its hope in the movement for concerted international economic co-operation and the establishment of a new international economic order.
149.	My Government wishes to commend to this Assembly the solutions recommended in the Mclntyre report entitled "Towards a new international economic order", prepared by the Commonwealth Group of Experts and made a document of this Organization. This report examines the discomforting facts about the harshly unequal conditions of life in developed and developing countries. It notes the failure of the developing countries as a whole to meet even the basic needs of much of their population and observes, among other things, that if the present trends continue the balance-of-payments situation of the developing countries will become disastrously unmanageable.
150.	The solution of these problems does not lie in the declining sense of urgency and concomitant dash for protectionist policies being adopted by the industrialized developed countries. Instead, there is an urgent need for a new approach to commodity arrangements so as to provide price stability for producers of primary products. The early establishment of a common fund of some $6 billion, as proposed by UNCTAD, is imperative. Measures must be taken to expand the International Fund for Agricultural Development to accelerate agricultural and rural development, and there must also be a concerted effort for industrial development and co-operation between the industrialized and non-industrialized countries.
151.	The issue of energy, which was a dominant issue at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris, is crucial to the restructuring of the economies of developing countries and of the world economic order. The Government of Barbados is aware that the world’s non-renewable resources of oil and gas "are being rapidly depleted because of the world-wide energy demand. The interests of all peoples of developing countries demand that we exploit, expand and diversify our indigenous and non-conventional sources of energy. Programmes for the transfer of appropriate technology-especially related to the search for alternative sources of energy—must be initiated without delay. This United Nations and its specialized agencies have a crucial role to play in devising such programmes, which will guarantee the flow of resources for investment purposes from developed to developing countries on a massive scale and enable oil-deficient developing countries to develop new energy supplies.
152.	One of the direct results of acute energy situation in the world is the massive increase of indebtedness of developing countries. Those countries continue to be hampered in their efforts to develop their economies by having to service large debts borrowed on the international capital markets. The existence of this chronic indebtedness is symptomatic of the fact that something is fundamentally wrong with the entire structure of the world economy and the international trade system-
153.	Regrettably, no significant progress has been made towards framing a comprehensive programme to assist developing countries in overcoming the crushing burden of debt which is an effective barrier to the implementation of development programmes.
154.	The seventh special session of the United Nations in
1975,	agreed that the level of official development assistance, should produce a net transfer of such assistance equal to 0.7 per cent of gross national product. Between 1965 and 1975 disbursements on official development assistance from the developed market-economy countries to developing countries and multilateral organizations, net of amortization, increased negligibly, from $11.3 billion to $13.6 billion at constant 1975 prices. Between 1975 and
1976,	the increase has been equally negligible, and may, in net terms, even amount to a decrease.
155.	If there is to be any serious dent in the problem of world borrowing, then assistance should be granted on concessionary terms without the attachment of difficult conditions which at present militate against the fulfilment of development targets.
156.	The record of developed countries in providing concessionary assistance has been deplorable. While the developed countries are committed to reaching an official development assistance target of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product, in fact, only two of the industrialized countries have reached this target, and not many others seem to have the political will to do so. Yet the gross national product of the industrialized countries has been rising, while their net disbursement of aid has stagnated.
157.	Missing the target, in this regard, knows no ideology. The record clearly indicates that both the United States of America, almost all of the other industrialized free market countries, the Soviet Union and the other centrally planned economies of Eastern Europe-all of which often claim to be most concerned about the welfare of the developing countries, and are equally solicitous for our support—have treated the world's poor most shabbily. The United States of America has transferred less than 0.3 per cent of its gross national product and the Soviet Union less than 0.1 per cent.
158.	The record of the members of OPEC is, on the whole, also a cause of concern. Not only is their concessional aid highly concentrated in a handful of countries, mainly Arab and Islamic, but huge portions of the oil-based surpluses which they accumulate are allowed to be siphoned off by developed countries, at no benefit whatsoever to the developing countries.
159.	This parsimonious attitude towards developmental concessionary aid has also had a deleterious impact on the effectiveness of this Organization's development programme. It has adversely affected UNDP, a body which is still to be congratulated for the constructive work it is doing in channelling technical assistance to developing countries. UNDP must be given adequate means to continue its extremely important work.
160.	In this regard, the factors which are considered to be of greatest significance in indicative-planning-figure allocations must be reviewed. While the Government of Barbados agrees in principle that the granting of technical assistance should discriminate in favour of the least developed countries, we also hold the view that this principle should be applied without jeopardizing the development of countries which are classified as being in the mid-range, because of their per capita gross national product. UNDP could be of even greater assistance to our development if, in applying criteria for determining indicative-planning-figure allocations, greater significance was placed on factors such as the narrowness of our industrial base and the virtual absence of natural resources which would permit rapid industrialization.
161.	My country's Government would wish this session to direct specific and more urgent attention to the special characteristics of the small island economies—countries of limited markets. The erroneous belief exists that small island countries receive reasonably generous amounts of official development assistance. It is further incorrectly argued that, since they are not among the world's poorest, it would be difficult to make a general case for an increase in their share of world aid.
162.	I submit that this represents the misuse of crude aggregates for the determination of eligibility for assistance. The extent of the spurious generosity is measured in per capita terms-a criterion of more than doubtful validity for a country like Barbados. A single loan to a single sector for a specific project could not suddenly catapult a small economy like Barbados with a population of 250,000 into that category of developing countries best equipped to sustain improved living standards without external assistance. But crude per capita criteria would have us believe so. The sweeping uncritical use of per capita aid flows as a measure of the needs of a country for continued external assistance guarantees the perpetuation of an inadequate appreciation of need, in the face of dismally unsatisfactory levels of assistance.
163.	My delegation suggests that the aid community rid itself of the simplistic notion that all the social and economic complexities of small economies can be compressed in a per capita measurement of gross national product. My delegation further maintains that a country's capacity to sustain an acceptable or agreed rate of economic advance should be the true measure of its need.
164.	This Assembly's attention has previously been drawn to the urgent need for an action programme in favour of developing island economies. Resolution 31/156, which recommends such a programme, is in accordance with the decisions taken at the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi which recognized that particular attention should be devoted to such countries. I wish, however, to express my country's disappointment at the rate of progress in implementing the terms of that resolution. Strong and urgent action is called for.
165.	My Government considers that the rapid economic development of the less-privileged countries continues to be recklessly delayed by the wanton spending on arms by the developed countries. The record shows that in the last 15 years nations have spent almost $400 billion annually on arms—a shameful waste that is a savage indictment of man's claim to civilization. This conduct highlights the monumental contradiction which the world faces. "Squander- mania" on munitions is practised with reckless abandon as the entreaties of the poor for a new international economic order are met with high-sounding platitudes.
166.	Seven years ago this Assembly directed the attention of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament to the comprehensive programme of disarmament. Most of this has not been implemented. Worse still, this Assembly, having recognized the gravity of the arms situation, endorsed the joint statement of agreed principles for disarmament negotiations—action which was undertaken by the Soviet Union and by the United States. Yet this has not been implemented.
167.	Barbados welcomes the decision that a special session of the United Nations be devoted to disarmament in 1978. Barbados strongly supports the adoption of a declaration on disarmament which would embody the following basic principles.
168.	First, disarmament is the concern and responsibility of all mankind and not an esoteric problem for a few militarily powerful countries.
169.	Secondly, disarmament is possible only within the framework of universal confidence and mutual trust. Hence the Government of Barbados believes that an international system of security is a necessary pre-condition for complete disarmament.
170.	Thirdly, a corollary of the need to foster confidence is the development of machinery which would permit a reduction of arms and armed forces to take place without any unfair advantage accruing to any nation.
171.	Fourthly, the political will to achieve disarmament will not spring into existence ex nihilo but must be generated by a mass campaign designed to inform the peoples of the world of the perils that threaten them.
172.	Principles are lifeless, however, unless they are applied to real problems, and for this reason Barbados strongly advocates the adoption of a programme of action as the instrument to animate the principles adumbrated in the declaration on disarmament. The limitation and reduction of nuclear weapons and delivery systems are central to a programme of disarmament. Barbados is therefore in agreement with the holding of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and the European meetings on mutual force reductions.
173.	Barbados is resolutely and unalterably opposed to the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and is firmly of the opinion that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons should be adhered to by all the nations of the world. A firm commitment and strict observance would, in the view of this delegation, go a long way towards ensuring that the Caribbean, among other regions, remains a zone of peace.
174.	In southern Africa there can be found arms merchants plying their military hardware to assist in shoring up decaying colonialist regimes. Barbados was first intimately exposed many years ago-perhaps as many as 30-to the brutality which has so often typified the attitude of the authorities towards black people in southern Africa when one of our nationals suffered death as a result of beatings at the hands of the so-called representatives of law and order. From this stark experience all Barbadians have grown to detest and abhor the doctrine and practice of apartheid, and it is against this background that our policies towards southern Africa have been shaped.
175.	Barbados hails the courageous struggle being waged by African nationalist freedom fighters, whose actions on the field of battle have been so effective that reluctant Western Powers have been forced at long last to look for solutions to a problem to which they have contributed in no small measure. Once again my country wishes to pay a tribute to those whose lives have been cut short because they sought their freedom from shameful tyranny. Neither we nor history will forget them.
176.	Barbados welcomes the Anglo-American proposals as constituting a basis for agreement on a settlement which provides for majority rule without delay and for the full independence of Zimbabwe in 1978. While welcoming the push for peace, Barbados cannot accept peace at any price. The arrangement of a cease fire must not emasculate the Patriotic Front. We applaud the front-line States for their reasonable but firm approach to the Zimbabwe freedom struggle, and will continue to support steps taken to assist them in bearing the heavy burden which they must carry until Zimbabwe is free.
177.	Just as last year in this Assembly Barbados urged that there be no sham independence for the Transkei, so today Barbados urges that there be no sham independence for Zimbabwe and no sham independence for a truncated Namibia. The South African policy on Namibia, including the attempt to cling to Walvis Bay, represents a wicked attempt to control without governing, to extend the "bantustan" policy in all but name.
178.	During the past year the waters in southern Africa have been troubled Nowhere has this been more so than in Soweto, where youths and schoolchildren have been cut down by the agents of bitter tyranny. Since the Soweto riots of last year murders and detentions have increased; the latest martyr to fall before the diabolical killers that govern South Africa is Steven Biko, a leader of the "black consciousness" movement of that country. But the white rulers of South Africa and their supporters are not the only guilty persons in this sordid chapter of human history. They have allies in many of the capitals of the world. Their allies are persons who pose as respectable, law-abiding citizens while they give economic support through trans- nationals corporations to that violent regime.
179.	Barbados calls upon all those countries whose transnational corporations operate in South Africa to introduce regulations without delay to put an end to this immoral economic intercourse. The Government of Barbados believes that South Africa should be totally isolated through economic sanctions, including an oil embargo and a mandatory arms embargo.
180.	In conducting a relentless struggle against the system of apartheid Barbados welcomed the holding of the World Conference for Action Against Apartheid in Lagos and believes that it moved the world a step further along the road to dismantling that inhuman social system.
181.	Much as my Government despises the blatant disregard of human rights in southern Africa, it cannot turn a blind eye to disrespect for human rights elsewhere, whether in central or northern Africa, in eastern or western Europe, in northern, central or southern America, in the Caribbean or elsewhere in the world. For us in Barbados two wrongs do not make a right.
182.	While Barbados does not subscribe to the view that the question of human rights should be hypocritically or mischievously used as a propaganda tool, it cannot regard as a breach of the principle of non-intervention all comments on and condemnation of violations of civil, political or other rights in places beyond one's own boundaries. Barbados recognizes that the matter of human rights is one of great complexity and delicacy, reflecting as it does the diversity of traditions, codes of behaviour, practices and priorities in different countries and different parts of the world. Nevertheless there are certain violations which must be denounced. It would be unprincipled to overlook these.
183.	Barbadian policy has traditionally been motivated by profound humanistic impulses, and Barbados has consequently pressed for and supported instruments that express concern for and protect human rights, such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, together with its Optional Protocol. Barbados would like to see all the nations of the world ratify and implement in good faith the terms of these important instruments.
184.	On the question of civil and political rights, the Government of Barbados remains unreservedly and without qualification committed to freedom of speech, freedom from victimization on account of political or religious belief, freedom from discrimination on grounds of class, sex or race, the right to a free and open press, the right freely to choose one's leaders, and respect for human dignity, which prohibits acts of unlawful detention or torture.
185.	In the field of economic rights, the Government of Barbados is committed to a programme of social justice and accordingly subscribes to the proposition that the people of every country are entitled to have their basic needs satisfied-including the right to work, the right to proper health services, the right to adequate food, and the right to proper housing and to maximum opportunities for education.
186.	Barbados wishes to welcome the nations of Djibouti and Viet Nam to this Organization. Both have made their way to independence through difficulties, but my delegation is confident that those two vastly dissimilar States have the capacity to add their own distinctive element to the mosaic that is the United Nations.
187.	While welcoming Djibouti and Viet Nam, Barbados wishes to direct the attention of this Organization to the continued and enforced absence of the Central American territory of Belize. Belize is kept out of this Organization and denied access to its privileges, not because of any short-coming or failing on its part, not because of the conduct of an intransigent colonizer, but because of the obduracy of a belligerent neighbour, Guatemala, whose overt and continued belligerence flies in the face of this Organization's sacred principle of universality and of that of self-determination enshrined in United Nations General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960. What makes the effrontery of Belize's neighbour more galling is that States which Barbados thinks should really know better, and which are themselves seeking new freedoms, either supply the openly bellicose Guatemala with arms and encourage it with words, or, like some of our so-called friends, remain strangely silent. It is criminal hypocrisy for nations to utter pieties about the right of all peoples to live in security and at the same time surreptitiously to provide weapons to aggressive countries for the purpose of extinguishing that same right. Barbados calls upon all those countries which supply Guatemala with arms to desist from supporting it in its evil intention of invading Belize.
188.	Barbados is a small peace-loving, law-abiding Caribbean nation which seeks no quarrel with any country. The people of my country have in the past lived peaceably with all men and we intend to continue to do so. It is our wish that the Caribbean remain free from war and the threat of war. We have no military resources to enforce peace within the region, but in respect of Belize we call upon those who have the power or influence to disturb the tranquillity of the Caribbean to desist from so doing. The Government of Barbados wishes to express its approval of the emphatic response of the United Kingdom to the military threat to Belize last June, and it is heartened by the demonstration of will on the part of the United Kingdom to discharge its obligations as the administering Power of Belize.
189.	Barbados looks forward to welcoming a free Belize to this Organization in the near future and urges all nations to assist in enabling Belize to take its rightful place in this Assembly.
190.	During the past years the cancer of international terrorism has continued to afflict the entire body of nations, bedevilling the security of the world and causing the death of innocent persons.
191.	At the. thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly the Prime Minister of Barbados, the Right Honourable J. M. G. M. Adams, declared an unswerving commitment on the part of the Government of Barbados to the removal of the scourge of terrorism from the face of the earth. The will and resolve of Barbados to work towards this end remain as firm as ever.
192.	Acts of terrorism have international ramifications and, particularly when they are executed in a random and senseless fashion, a single country finds it extremely difficult to deal with the menace. Barbados belie s it is imperative that instruments be drawn up which would attempt to distinguish nakedly criminal acts from genuine struggles for liberation. Barbados also wishes to reiterate its support for the principles enshrined in the Conventions of Montreal and Tokyo and would urge all nations at the earliest opportunity to support the adoption of a convention against the taking of hostages.
193.	Barbados, as a small island standing out in the Atlantic, has a natural interest in the proceedings of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The collapse of that Conference at this stage would be particularly detrimental to island communities such as ours, which would be placed at the tender mercies of wealthy predators.
194.	Barbados hopes that at the seventh session of the Conference, planned for Geneva in 1978, the countries of the world will demonstrate that, whatever its shortcomings, as a negotiating forum the United Nations is as useful an instrument as we can invent at this stage of mankind's development.
195.	Barbados will continue to give its full support to the United Nations, confident in the knowledge that it is an institution whose importance for small States cannot be exaggerated. For small States, this Organization goes some way towards precluding the operation of the law of the jungle and of the more savage inclinations of States. In the past Barbados has always resisted attempts to belittle or disregard the role of the United Nations, and we will continue to cling to the belief that our role is to strengthen this institution and to enable it to accomplish the task with which it is charged by its Charter. At the same time Barbados wishes to reaffirm the right of all States to participate in United Nations activities as sovereign equals and to reaffirm the principle of universality which guarantees the right of all States to be Members of this world body.
196.	My delegation comes to this session bringing not might but reason, realizing that wisdom is not related to size, nor vision to power. Barbados will aim to speak out frankly where necessary, but without rancour or malice. Our aim will be to defend principles and to promote policies for their implementation. Barbados will therefore support all efforts designed to advance the economic development of all peoples of all nations, especially those of the poorest nations, holding the view that, since the world's technology has given us the tools to do the job, it would be tragic to fail. Barbados will aim to introduce into the debates of this Assembly a concern for morality and justice in international relationships. Our traditions and best instincts dictate this role to us, and we shall play it without fear or favour.
197.	The issues which this Assembly faces are daunting, but to despair would be disastrous. The lives and well-being of this world's millions hang on our decisions. We must not allow our jargon, our euphemisms, our rhetoric and our resolutions to conceal the fact that behind all our words and documents lie food, houses, schools, jobs, disease—even wars, if we fail. This places on us all a very solemn responsibility. For the sake of all the peoples of this world, whether in deserts or on the seas, in villages or in cities, we must continue to work towards the fulfilment of their basic needs.
198.	This session must not falter. Let not difficulty blunt our resolve, or experience dim our hope.