152.	 The overwhelming majority of speakers at this session of the General Assembly has noted with a feeling of definite relief and optimism the positive changes taking place in the world.
153.	We are in fact witnessing a fundamental change in the entire post-war history of the world — a shift from the lengthy period of tension and "cold war" towards detente and confirmation of peaceful coexistence as an immutable principle in relations between States.
154.	In analysing the course of events, it is impossible not to conclude that the trend towards detente did not come about of its own accord but that it has broken through and is gaining momentum as part of the arduous struggle of progressive contemporary forces against the forces of reaction and the advocates of the policy of negotiating from a position of strength. As we all know, the world system of socialism came into being after the Second World War and consolidated itself into a powerful stronghold in the struggle for peace and international security. The anti-imperialist, anti-militarist front of the peoples of the world has gained immeasurably in extent and strength with the emergence, as a result of the collapse of the colonial system, of new independent States which need peaceful conditions for their political and economic transformation and development. Thus, a huge number of countries and peoples has become involved in the building of peace. The effect of all this was to doom to failure the policy of negotiating from a position of strength and at last bring about changes in the direction of realism even in the foreign policies of a number of capitalist Powers.
155.	The consistent and constructive peaceful foreign policy of the Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist community, supported by many other peace-loving States, and the bold and persistent implementation of the programme of peace proclaimed by the Soviet Union, slightly more than two years ago at the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party have been of decisive
significance in accelerating this crucial change in international life.
156.	The political talks which Comrade Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, had recently with the leaders of the Federal Republic of Germany, the United States of America and France, the conclusion of treaties and agreements with these and other Western countries, the development of co-operation and friendship with India, Egypt, Iraq and many other independent States of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the constructive proposals submitted in conjunction with the Socialist countries concerning the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe — all these developments are graphic evidence of the efforts of the Soviet Union to carry out the Programme of Peace and to give new impetus to a further easing of tension on earth.
157.	The war in Viet-Nam has now ended, and a whole system of treaties and agreements has been concluded in Europe thus easing the way for the strengthening of security and the development of co-operation. Although in the remote past the history of Europe was measured in periods of lengthy military conflict — the Seven Years' War, the Thirty Years' War, the Hundred Years' War, and so on — and although twice in the lifetime of one generation Europe has been the source of devastating world conflagrations costing tens of millions of human lives, today we have for the first time the possibility of measuring European history in decades of peace. To strengthen peace and genuine co-operation in Europe and to transform those ideas into a permanent factor in international life — that is the noble task of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the work of which, we hope, will reach a successful conclusion this year. The talks on the limitation of arms and armed forces in Central Europe are also of great significance.
158.	In speaking of achieving detente, due credit should also be paid to the United Nations, which has done much to help establish an atmosphere of peaceful coexistence and co-operation among peoples and States. We note with satisfaction that in the new conditions of friendlier international climate the Security Council and the General Assembly have been able to decide the question of the admission to the United Nations of the two German States — the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. Our delegation has already had an opportunity to congratulate the representatives of those countries as also the delegation of a young independent State — the Commonwealth of the Bahamas — on the occasion of their admission to the United Nations. In welcoming with a special feeling of friendship and solidarity the admission to the United Nations of the German Democratic Republic, the Ukrainian people wish the fraternal people of the German socialist State further great successes in the struggle for the triumph of socialism and of peace and security.
159.	At the same time, however, we cannot ignore the fact that, against the background of the tangible successes achieved by peace-loving forces, peoples and States in the easing of tension, important contemporary
problems remain unsolved: the dangerous arms race continues, hotbeds of armed conflict persist, and millions of people suffer in the chains of colonial slavery. Certain forces are still active which view with disfavour positive changes in international relations and the movement of peoples towards peace, independence and progress.
160.	Detente and the strengthening of peaceful coexistence are being opposed by the imperialist circles, the elements of the extreme right, the military-industrial complexes which are profiting from the arms race, the counter-revolutionary leaders of the emigre group which have been expelled from their own countries, the Zionist extremists and, in short, by all those who have prospered from lies and the propaganda of hatred and enmity among peoples. Those who seek to turn backward the wheel of history to undermine the foundations of the detente which has been achieved and to denigrate socialist reality can be aptly described by the Ukrainian proverb which says that those who lurk in the dark shy away from the light.
161.	The peoples of the world are aware of the need for ceaseless efforts in the struggle to strengthen peace, as can be. seen from the wide support given by the popular masses and public organizations to the World Congress of Peace Forces, which is to take place shortly in Moscow. That is why, as V. V. Shcherbitsky, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukraine, rightly pointed out in a recent speech made by him at Kiev:
"In the present international situation, when a constructive basis has been established and a considerable investment made for the further improvement of the political climate, the advocates of the 'cold war' find it increasingly difficult to breathe."
162.	All peace-loving forces must, however, maintain a high level of vigilance. The facts show that, wherever they have the chance, the enemies of progress use their vast propaganda machine to try to mislead people, kindle acute conflicts and foster conspiracies; in so doing, they have no compunction in resorting to armed force. That is what happened in Chile, where Fascist thugs overthrew the lawful Government, assassinated the President elected by the people and unleashed acts of terrorism against the people, brutally suppressing their desire for freedom, independence and a better life.
163.	Our people angrily protest against the arbitrary action and atrocities of the military-Fascist junta and express their fraternal solidarity with the people of Chile; they are confident that the just cause of the Chilean people, for which the unforgettable patriot Salvador Allende and thousands of other Chilean patriots gave their lives, will triumph and that the butchers will receive the punishment they deserve and be damned by the people and by history.

164.	Nor can we overlook the fact that the reactionaries, in their efforts to justify a policy of brinkmanship
and the maintenance of a state of tension which is so dangerous for the cause of peace, assert that although the Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist community affirm in their foreign policy the principles of the peaceful coexistence of States, yet they remain true to the ideas of communism and are determined to vindicate their ideology.
165.	But surely even the troubadours of the "cold war" must be aware that the value of peaceful coexistence lies in the very fact that it enables States with opposing social systems and opposing ideologies to live in peace. In conditions of peaceful coexistence the opposition between two systems and the related conflict of ideas must not develop into interference in internal affairs or, a fortiori, into military confrontation, but must entail the peaceful settlement of disputes and mutually advantageous co-operation.
166.	Given this understanding of peaceful coexistence, a solution can be found to many contemporary problems of vital importance for the further consolidation of peace and international security.
167.	One of the vitally urgent problems which must be solved without delay is the situation in the Middle East. Here, as we all know, Israel, for more than six years, has been occupying Arab territories several times greater in area than the territory of Israel itself. During this time the Arab States, seeking to ensure a political settlement of the conflict on a just basis, have shown great restraint. However, the Israeli usurpers are flagrantly undermining the cause of peace and international security and defying Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and other decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. Relying on the support of international zionism and the most reactionary imperialist circles, they are pursuing an adventurist policy of annexation and expansion.
168.	A few days ago guns began to fire again in the Middle East, and now military action is spreading havoc over an ever widening area. The peoples of the world are again faced with a dangerous turn of events. Now even those who earlier had some doubts have come to see clearly that the continued presence of the hotbed of Israeli aggression in the Middle East is the cause of the renewal of military operations.
169.	The frequent discussion of the Middle East crisis in the Security Council has shown that only Israel and its protectors are opposed to a peaceful political settlement in that area. Israel persists in a policy of annexation, terrorism and oppression of the Arab peoples, seeking with the support of its imperialist protectors to undermine the progressive regimes in Arab countries and to maintain and strengthen at any price the positions of international monopolies, and the oil monopolies in particular.
170.	But surely even rabid aggressors have realized that they cannot pursue with impunity a policy of usurpation and annexation, for such a policy generates irresistible opposition in the peoples concerned and rouses them to
fight for their liberation against the aggressors. This is true of any region on our planet, and it is true of the Middle East as well. That is why the smouldering hotbed of Israeli aggression has again kindled the flame of armed conflict in the Middle East and why the responsibility rests with the Israeli forces of occupation.
171.	A just and lasting peace can be re-established in the Middle East only through the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which constitutes a realistic basis for a peaceful settlement in that explosive area. The withdrawal of Israeli troops from all the occupied territories and respect for the legitimate rights of the States and peoples of the area, including the Arab people of Palestine, are indispensable conditions for such a settlement.
172.	We share the opinion of those delegations which have stressed that the termination of the lengthy and bloody war in Viet-Nam is of the greatest significance for peace and security in Asia. We are confident that the talented and industrious Viet-Namese people, with the brotherly assistance and support of the countries of the socialist community, will succeed very quickly in healing the deep wounds of the war and rebuilding their destroyed towns and villages.
173.	We must not, however, forget that the peace in South-East Asia is still very precarious: the Saigon regime continues flagrantly to violate the Paris agreement, military operations are still being carried out in Cambodia, and the peaceful situation in Laos has not yet been properly consolidated. In addition, great efforts still need to be made to ensure genuine peace and security on the Indian subcontinent.
174.	Complete normalization of the situation in Southeast Asia, and indeed on the continent of Asia as a whole, would give new impetus to the efforts to establish peaceful co-operation among all Asian States on a basis of equality with no exceptions whatsoever — a development which would serve to strengthen international security.
175.	The idea of strengthening collective security in Asia was greeted with interest in that vast area. The United Nations, too, could encourage a dialogue on this subject among the countries of the area, an action which would, incidentally, be in conformity with the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)].
176.	We expect that even at this session the General Assembly will take decisions which will help to improve the situation in that important part of our planet. We refer primarily to the termination of the United Nations Commission for Korea, the disbanding of the so-called United Nations Command, which is a cover for foreign interference in Korean affairs, and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from South Korea. Such action will remove one more obstacle from the road to a peaceful political settlement of the Korean question without any outside interference.
177.	A vital factor in the strengthening of international security — and one which is embodied in the United Nations Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security — is the strict observance by all States of the principle of the non-use of force in international relations. On the initiative of the Soviet Union, the General Assembly adopted at its twenty-seventh session resolution 2936 (XXVII) concerning the non-use of force in international relations and the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, having rightly noted that in the present situation a ban on nuclear weapons can be achieved only if, at one and the same time, States renounce the use of force in international relations.
178.	Indeed, the most noteworthy stages of progress in the improvement of the international situation in recent years have been linked with an unequivocal affirmation of the obligations of States to refrain in their relations from the use or the threat of force. It is sufficient to refer in this connexion to the treaty of 12 August 1970 between the USSR and the Federal Republic of Germany or to the Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War, concluded between the USSR and the United States for an unlimited period on 22 June 1973.
179.	The USSR and the United States undertook to take the necessary action to remove the danger of nuclear war and not to permit its emergence or the use of nuclear weapons by specifically agreeing that both sides will refrain from using force or the threat of force either against each other or against other countries. The salutary effect of this agreement on the international situation is obvious. And if other States, especially the nuclear States, were to adhere to the principle of renouncing the use of force and adopting decisive measures to prevent the outbreak of nuclear war — a principle jointly established by the Soviet Union and the United States — they would provide an even firmer guarantee of the strengthening of universal and lasting peace.
x 180. If someone "frightens the weak-willed", as they say, with the non-existent threat of collusion between the "two super-Powers" but at the same time refuses to take part in the joint action to strengthen international peace, he thereby reveals his own demagogic and negative approach to practical international action to eliminate the threat of nuclear war.
181.	We consider that all the conditions exist for the Security Council and all its permanent members to adopt specific practical measures concerning the non-use of force and, at the same time, the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 2936 (XXVII).
182.	No one who soberly assesses international events can fail to see that never before in the whole post-war period has the general climate changed so rapidly. An energetic search is under way to find solutions to the most important and the most weighty problems facing the world.
183.	Among those problems is, of course, the problem of disarmament, which affects the interests of all States
without exception. It has many aspects, both general and particular. The practical experience gained over many years shows that it is useful to approach them in different ways: either on a bilateral basis or with the participation, for example, of a specially delegated group of States meeting in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, as is the case at Geneva, or in a forum in which all States can take part — the World Disarmament Conference. The need for such a variety of approaches to the solution of this complicated problem is dictated by life itself.
184.	Consequently, some well-known treaties and agreements have been concluded in recent years which have played and continue to play an important part in the search for a consistent, concrete and effective solution of the problem of disarmament.
185.	Because of the 1963 Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water,2 which has already been signed by more than 100 States, the atmosphere has become significantly freer of the products of nuclear fission, and a start has been made in preventing irreversible changes in the human environment. This year is the fifth anniversary of the signing of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], which has been an important milestone along the road to removing the threat of nuclear war. In our view, it is fully appropriate for new efforts to be made to increase the number of States which are parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to ensure its ratification by all the countries which have signed it.
186.	The Ukrainian SSR advocates greater progress in the activities of the Geneva Committee on Disarmament. The talks taking place under the auspices of the United Nations at Geneva deal with the broad spectrum of disarmament problems. We all know that the general efforts made both within the framework of the United Nations and elsewhere led to the preparation of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction [resolution 2826 (XXVI), annex]. The agenda of the Geneva Committee now includes the drafting of a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons. The socialist
, countries, including the Ukrainian SSR, submitted a draft convention on the prohibition of such weapons3 for consideration by the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. In our view, the situation is now favourable for the immediate adoption of this important convention.
187.	The General Assembly has every reason to express its satisfaction with the position taken by the two strongest military Powers — the United States of America and the Soviet Union  —  on the limitation of strategic defensive and offensive weapons.

188.	However, no matter how gratifying the conclusion of the existing agreements may be, it does not of itself remove the burden of the arms race from the peoples of the world. Thus, as A. A. Gromyko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, pointed out in his well reasoned statement: "... only in recent years has it become possible to take the first... steps towards limiting the arms race" [2126th meeting, para. 115]. But military expenditures continue to grow on a world scale at an increasing rate that is approximately twice as high as the rate of growth of world industrial production. This has a negative effect on the level of capital investment for non-military purposes and on the amount of funds made available for improving the living conditions of mankind.
189.	Accordingly, the Soviet proposal concerning the reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council by 10 per cent and utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries is of enormous importance for the cause of disarmament, for reducing the burden of military expenditure being borne by the workers, and for the provision of substantial additional assistance to developing countries [A/L.701].
190.	It would, of course, be desirable that not only all the permanent members of the Security Council but also other States which have large economic potential and considerable military expenditures should join in the implementation of this proposal.
191.	Our delegation fully supports and welcomes this timely and important proposal and hopes that this latest noble initiative of the Soviet Union will be supported by the overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations and by all progressive forces and peoples.
192.	Many of the heads of delegations who have spoken from this rostrum, and above all the heads of delegations of developing countries, have already reacted favourably to the Soviet proposal. True, there were also delegations which did not find the proposal to their liking. Fortunately, they have thus far been few in number —  only two or three.
193.	Among the few sceptics and opponents of disarmament, as you have heard, was the delegation of a country which is a permanent member of the Security Council, that is, a country entrusted with special responsibility under the United Nations Charter for the maintenance of peace and international security and for disarmament. That, however, did not prevent the representative of that country, with his characteristic penchant for demagogy and anti-sovietism, from opposing the Soviet proposal, which is aimed at solving the most important international problem of our times, namely, disarmament, and is dictated by a sincere desire to help satisfy the needs and requirements of developing countries.
194.	So it has come about that a State which puts itself forward as a defender of small and medium-sized countries is in fact again taking up a position, as it has done at previous sessions of the General Assembly, which is opposed to the interests of those countries and is
opposing detente, the strengthening of international security, and disarmament. It has again been demonstrated that the representatives of this Power, in their judgements and actions, close ranks with the reactionaries and the opponents of detente; they make no constructive contribution to the United Nations and maliciously reject everything that is conducive to the safeguarding of peace and security of peoples and to disarmament. They try to cover up their bankrupt position with rabid anti-sovietism. Truly, as the popular saying has it, their bones are filled with spite.
195.	At the last two sessions of the General Assembly, as we know, approval was expressed for the convening of a World Disarmament Conference to examine the problem of disarmament in all its aspects with the participation of all States and with due regard to the positions of all parties concerned. Unfortunately, the stand taken by two of the permanent members of the Security Council is actually bringing to nought the work of the Special Committee established by the General Assembly to make the preparations for the World Disarmament Conference.
196.	In the opinion of the Government of the Ukrainian SSR, the sooner that this World Conference takes place, the sooner will further talks on disarmament, including those held under the auspices of the United Nations, be given a powerful boost and the sooner will speedy and concrete results be achieved in the matter of halting the arms race.
197.	Our delegation therefore believes that the Committee established to convene the Conference4 could begin the preparatory work without delay. If any country, nuclear or non-nuclear, is not ready to take part in the work of the preparatory committee at this time, it can join it at a later stage.
198.	The struggle for disarmament has now entered a very specific phase; the time has come for action. To assume the obligations of preventing nuclear war, renouncing the use of force and nuclear weapons, and reducing military budgets, to take an active part in the preparation and conduct of the World Disarmament Conference and to work for the early prohibition of chemical weapons and the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe — these are specific steps in the implementation of which all States, large, medium-sized and small, undoubtedly have an interest. Along this road are to be found limitless opportunities for peaceful initiatives by all Governments.
199.	Disarmament is capable of consolidating and strengthening the process of mankind's turning away from the "cold war" period to an era of peaceful cooperation. Political, economic and other measures, supplemented by an easing of military tension, will undoubtedly bring stability and permanence to the processes of detente and improvement of the international climate.
4 Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference.
200.	Our delegation considers that speedier progress towards the complete elimination of colonialism would be a very important contribution to the further relaxation of international tension and to the consolidation of the peace and security of all peoples. The existing colonial enclaves are permanent hotbeds of tension in international relations not only in Africa, but also in Oceania and Latin America — in all parts of the world where the desire exists to maintain the conditions of the last century and breathe new life into colonial regimes.
201.	Profound indignation was aroused throughout the world by the bloody massacres carried out by Portuguese punitive squads against Africans in Mozambique and other territories. The fact that Portugal receives armaments from its NATO allies and enjoys their protection and support is not the least of the reasons for these colonialist outrages.
202.	Peoples are aroused to just indignation by the inhuman apartheid regime in South Africa. The racist regime in Pretoria not only deprives the African population of South Africa of its elementary human rights but also constitutes, in fact, the foundation, of the tripartite alliance of the colonialist racist regimes of Portugal, South Africa and Southern Rhodesia or, as it is justly termed in Africa, the "unholy alliance" in southern Africa. Repression continues in Southern Rhodesia as well. Our delegation believes that there is and can be no justification for the sale of arms to racist regimes. The embargo on the supply of arms to South Africa and Southern Rhodesia must be strictly observed by all States. Diplomatic, economic and military relations with the racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury must be broken off by all States which have not yet done so. Every day that the colonial and racist regimes continue to exist through the aid and support of Western monopolistic and military circles is an insult to the honour and dignity of Africans, an insult to the dignity of all honourable people and a threat to peace and international security.
- 203. In this connexion we again draw the attention of the General Assembly to the need for persistent efforts to achieve the earliest possible implementation of a programme of action for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514(XV)]. In accordance with the traditional policy of the socialist countries, our nation will continue to render every kind of support and assistance to oppressed peoples in their legitimate struggle for the elimination of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR warmly welcomes the proclamation of the independence of Guinea-Bissau by the people of that country, welcomes the participation of representatives of the national liberation movements in the work of United Nations organs, and expresses its firm conviction that the day is not far off when new independent States created by the liberated peoples of the remaining colonial territories will be numbered among the Members of the United Nations.
204. The nature of the auspicious changes taking place in today's world confirms yet again the vision of the founder of the Soviet State, V. I. Lenin. As early as 1920
he stressed that the policy of socialism created "completely different international relations which enable all oppressed nationalities to rid themselves of the imperialist yoke".5 The present restructuring of international relations on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence enables States which recently attained independence to fight more effectively against exploitation by monopolist capital.
205.	We are aware that the peoples of the developing countries are facing great difficulties. We know that international monopolies, because of their greedy nature, will not voluntarily renounce the pursuit of profits, the merciless capitalist exploitation of economically weak countries. We consider that, with the help of the United Nations, it is both possible and essential to establish a political and an international legal framework to regulate the activities of monopolies and make possible the introduction of profound social and economic transformations, thereby helping to protect the interests of the developing countries and countering the attempts of the monopolies to impede the social and economic progress of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
206.	In this regard, particular importance attaches to: a further strengthening of the principles of the sovereign equality of States; non-interference in internal affairs; respect for the basic political, economic and cultural character of all States; equality of rights; and the right of peoples to control their own destinies and their own natural resources. These, indeed, are the principles which form the basis for the ever stronger relations between the socialist States and the developing countries.
207.	Success in the development of international economic co-operation can in turn do much to strengthen the auspicious progress now being made in the political relations among States and can also make those relations long-lasting and irreversible and can confirm the triumph of stable and universal peace on our planet.
208.	In the case of our country, which has suffered the horrors of devastating wars throughout its history, the direct interrelationship between the strengthening of peace and economic development is not just a theoretical issue. We built power stations and planted trees, we transformed the appearance of our towns and villages, and then, with heartfelt pain, we saw the fruits of peaceful labour perish in the flames of a war unleashed by fascism. The "cold war" and its legacy, the arms race, have diverted considerable energy and resources from peaceful development. But it is our wish that the installations built by the hands of our people should stand for centuries, that our orchards and fields should yield generous harvests and that future generations should continue our work on a peaceful earth.
209.	That is why we support the joint efforts of all States in the establishment of the kind of international relations which will ensure that the "cold war" — together with its dangerous atmosphere of suspicion, the arms race and the clatter of lethal weapons — will recede into the irrevocable past and will yield, for all time, to lasting
peace and mutually advantageous international cooperation.
210.	The peoples of the world judge the political maturity of the United Nations as it approaches its thirtieth anniversary, not by its age, but by its actions, by its contribution to the strengthening of international security and the development of international cooperation on a basis of equality. May the bold and positive action of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly on the important problems which reality itself has caused to be placed on the agenda demonstrate the readiness of the United Nations to justify the great hopes placed in it by people of goodwill throughout the world.


166.	Mr. President, our Prime Minister, His Highness Prince Souvanna Phouma, is retained in Vientiane by his many obligations and has done me the honour of asking me to be the leader of the delegation of Laos to this twenty- eighth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Thus it is my pleasant duty to express to you, on behalf of my country, Laos, our feelings of great esteem and confidence as well as our warmest congratulations on your brilliant election to the presidency of the Assembly.
167.	I could not at this time fail to pay a just tribute to your predecessor, the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland, who last year guided the twenty-seventh session with equal diligence and talent.
168.	I should also like to refer with admiration to the dedication and unflagging activities of the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. We hail with respect his praiseworthy initiatives and his frequent pilgrimages in the quest for peace to serve the principles of the United Nations Charter so as to adapt them to the new realities.
169.	Because we ourselves have suffered from the Indochina tragedy, we can fully appreciate the initiatives for peace and goodwill which are presented to circumscribe an incipient conflict and to restore order and calm wherever they are threatened.

170.	It is a fact that mankind does not know and has practically never known universal peace. But our common duty is patiently to seek it by uniting all our efforts so as to banish war and to promote the coming into being of a rational order. What might appear to be Utopian today may become a reality tomorrow. Perhaps we shall thus be able to limit conflicts and end terrorism, which all too freely springs up in many different places in a way which ensures impunity for itself while making innocent victims run grave risks. We understand the deep reasons for certain struggles and we respect the ideals and the aspirations which prompt them. But it is difficult for us as Buddhists to recognize that a systematic recourse to force is the right way to promote an ideal or a just cause. Furthermore, if the means used are cruel and repugnant, they may do a disservice to the cause which they are supposed to defend. In this sense and contrary to the well-known adage, "the end does not justify the means", it should be possible to settle the most legitimate claims by peaceful means through national and international legal institutions.
171.	This concept of non-violence obviously leads us to regret the bloody events which have overcome our neighbour the Khmer Republic, a country friendly to us. It came into the conflagration late and it deserves to have the hostilities on its soil come to an end soon and to have a peaceful life more in accord with its Buddhist traditions.
172.	Further removed from us, three new States have been admitted to the Organization: the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. We congratulate them and welcome them.
173.	Until they become reunited, the simultaneous admission of the two German States is a source of satisfaction to the international community at the level of political realities. This new event is the result of a long evolution and we see in it also a healthy result of detente. These are two States having different systems of government which recent events have brought much closer together and which are now on a footing of equality within the same Assembly. Because of this doctrine, other divided States may expect sooner or later to be admitted in similar manner to the United Nations. However, one must be forewarned against an improper application of that concept. It is not conceivable, on the pretext of universality, to take into consideration a mere dissident movement in rebellion against the central power of a State. To do so would create a dangerous precedent and introduce in international relations a centrifugal and pernicious force which would encourage new divisions or the erosion of sovereign States. We have recently observed the de jure recognition by certain States of political parties or movements which are far from having the attributes of a sovereign and organized State. An extensive interpretation of the legitimacy or representative character of these movements would lead us — and this would be mistaken — to multiply admissions to the United Nations at the whim of revolutions and alliances.
174.	The Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, recently held in Algiers, rightly pointed out, among other considerations, this delicate problem of legitimacy among the non-aligned. It further drew attention to the polarization on a world scale of wealth and poverty. It is to be hoped that the views expressed and the settlements proposed on that occasion will prompt the rich countries to think these things over and lead them to consider or reconsider the problems of underdevelopment with more sympathy and understanding.
175.	Allow me now to speak on the problem of Laos in the light of the most recent events.
176.	Emerging weakened after a lengthy struggle, my country is now reborn to hope, to a dawn of a new era of peace and national harmony. Whereas internationally there is detente and co-operation, internally we must liquidate the consequences of war and organize peace. Our efforts in this direction have not been in vain. To our great relief, the useless fratricidal struggles have stopped and there is on both sides, in a spirit of agreement and mutual understanding, a firm will to promote a mutually satisfactory negotiated settlement of the problem of Laos. A reassuring event has already taken place, which deserves our attention. On 21 February 1973, to the general satisfaction of all, the Agreement on Restoring Peace and Achieving National Concord in Laos was signed in Vientiane in order to seal the reconciliation of all the people of Laos and decree the immediate cessation of fighting.
177.	After lengthy and laborious negotiations on the thorny problems which remained in abeyance, this agreement was defined and completed by the Protocols of 14 September last. These new arrangements set forth in detail the conditions for the implementation of a vast programme of reconciliation of the people of Laos without foreign interference.
178.	On the basis of the agreements concluded and under the decisive impetus of His Highness Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma, who achieved this, a new Government of national union will shortly be formed.
179.	The problems we had to face throughout the negotiations were many and arduous. The patient and determined quest for peace made possible the most difficult compromises and made the most delicate points easier to handle. It was not a question of sterile quarrels, of rhetorical jousts, of vain propaganda. It was rather a matter for the two opposing parties to undertake constructive talks and to clear the way for a broad consensus on the points which could bring us together and unite us. These sustained efforts have borne fruit. Moderation, common sense and, above all, the spirit of conciliation have prevailed. It is the victory of reason over division and misunderstanding. Whatever the results of the fights, the country does not wish to recognize either victors or vanquished. Everyone is an equal citizen, with the same rights and duties, and all are equally determined to work for the common good. A chapter of sorrow in our history has been closed.
180.	Perhaps the situation has never been more favourable, nor the opportunities greater for our country to become again an oasis of peace.
181.	If it so happens — and this is always regrettable — that some promises are not kept, or there are violations of the cease-fire, these may be isolated events caused by irresponsible agents, or ephemeral and localized acts of minor importance that cannot be allowed to jeopardize the policy of reconciliation which was won in noble battle.
182.	We also know that the atmosphere of detente has had a decisive and beneficial influence on our own political situation and has greatly eased the problem of Laps.
183.	It would bean illusion, nevertheless, and indeed even dangerous in some respects, to seek peace at any price. Need I remind you that Laos is a small country which has paid a heavy toll for the war imposed on it from abroad, a war which is not ours. My country must no longer, directly or indirectly, pay the price for detente. That is why we are striving to find a political balance in the best way possible which, while respecting treaties, will effectively guarantee our independence and neutrality. We no longer wish to be a battlefield for any nation, whether it is a matter of an ideological war or of territorial conquest. We reject any domination and oppose all the most insidious forms of a certain "mini-imperialism" which, under fallacious pretexts, would seek to expropriate a part of our national territory, carrying out what you yourself, Mr. President, have described as "partition by despotism".
184.	We also wish the international community to be witnesses, to recall solemnly to those who will bear the responsibility for it, that there is an imperative need for the total withdrawal of all foreign troops, in particular those which two decades ago brought war to our country. Under the terms of the Paris agreements and of the Vientiane Agreement, this withdrawal must be complete 60 days after the formation of a Government of national unity.
185.	I shall spare you further details. We are at present embarked on our path of national reconciliation and peace, while aware that this will be long, difficult and full of pitfalls, because it is no easy matter to eliminate the seeds of distrust and suspicion which a quarter of a century of foreign interference and subversion have inevitably accumulated.
186.	As such, the Laos Agreements nevertheless constitute an interesting experiment and a valuable contribution to world peace. It is indeed in Laos that progress towards a political settlement and the restoration of peace in Indochina have been most marked. In comparison with our neighbours, the Laos solution is unique, because there never has been and there never will be in the new situation, either in law nor in fact, any division of the country. Under the aegis of our august sovereign, a single Government will be formed which will exercise its prerogatives over the entire Kingdom and will follow one policy only.
187.	What can that policy be if not one of strict neutrality towards all States without exception, a policy which my Government has voluntarily taken up since 1962, at the time of the signature of the Geneva agreement?  Laos, because of its size, can be a threat to no one and cannot be considered as such. Its people have no hostile intentions towards any country. It has never interfered in, nor will it ever interfere in, the internal affairs of another State. Its congenital pacifism predisposes it to the maintenance of a peaceful system in its own country and to the continuance of good relations with all its neighbours. Naturally it is entitled to expect that other States will show equally strict respect for its sovereignty and frontiers. Neutrality has become our creed and the aim and basis of all our foreign policy.
188.	Yet it remains a fact that the Laos solution is only one step towards genuine peace. Without a global settlement, covering all of Indo-China, the peace will be precarious and my country may indeed fall back into the chaos of war. But the first corner-stone has been laid. We wish to strengthen it and place other corner-stones elsewhere among our neighbours.
189.	Friendly nations who are interested in world peace and in maintaining a neutral Laos, have not spared their encouragement and support. We note with reassurance that the process of rapprochement and reconciliation has been followed with a great deal of sympathy by the concert of nations, as well as by the great Powers, which are more specially concerned with safeguarding and consolidating peace.
190.	It is a good augury that those same Powers, in a spirit of generosity and of international solidarity, which is to their credit, are prepared to grant the countries of Indochina the aid they need for reconstruction within a multilateral and bilateral framework and according to modalities that are to be determined. At present, a large-scale programme is being prepared among the donor countries.
191.	Endless conflict has in the past accustomed us, in spite of ourselves, to launch recriminations and hurl invectives  —  to condemn, and to deplore from this lofty rostrum the ill deeds of an implacable battle.
192.	The favourable turn of events makes me confident however and enables me to end my statement on a more optimistic note.
193.	1973 is a propitious and reassuring year. For my country it is the year of concord and the year in which peace has been restored. By giving us peace, this year has also given us faith in the future and new reasons for hope.


178.	First of all, I should like to convey the greetings and best wishes of my Sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Deva, for the success of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
179.	I should like to convey to you, Sir, on behalf of my delegation, our most sincere congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. We have great admiration for your qualities. I am confident that those qualities, together with your wide experience, will serve you in good stead in your high office. My delegation wishes you all success and offers its whole-hearted co-operation in your important task.
180.	I also take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation of the distinguished services of the outgoing President of the Assembly, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, who discharged his functions as President of the twenty- seventh session of the General Assembly in an exemplary manner.
181.	Most of the speakers who have so far participated in the general debate this year have drawn the attention of the audience towards the growing detente among the major Powers of the world today. The spirit of co-operation and understanding that have prevailed between the two superpowers has been generally welcomed. The Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War concluded between the Soviet Union and the United States has been lauded. The dialogues between China and the United States on the one hand and between China and Japan on the other have been rightly appreciated. The improved political climate of Europe has been noted with satisfaction.
182.	My delegation also views these recent developments in international relations as positive steps towards the goal of international peace and security. No more does the fear of a nuclear holocaust haunt us every now and then. The cold war, it seems, has come to an end. But may I remind the distinguished audience that neither detente nor peace is in itself an end. We need detente for the sake of peace and peace for the sake of progress and development and for the happiness and prosperity of mankind.
183.	It has, therefore, become incumbent on all of us, especially the small and developing countries, not to be swayed by the feeling of euphoria concerning the present state of world affairs into being complacent about the urgent problems that face most of mankind today. My delegation does not intend to create any misgivings in any quarter, nor does it doubt the sincerity of the big Powers which have worked towards bringing about an atmosphere of increased detente. What my delegation wishes to stress is the need to seize this present opportunity, which is characterized by a mood of co-operation and understanding, to work towards solution of the problems that exist in the world today. The momentum of detente should be allowed to gather greater strength and deeper meaning. The mood of detente should be harnessed to bear fruitful results to mankind everywhere.
184.	What I have said just now will be all too clear and vivid when we look at the problems that still beset us in our world today. First, the continuing economic disparity between the developed and the developing countries is a very alarming feature of the present-day world. In spite of the declarations at the first and the second Development Decades by the United Nations, the gap between the developed and the developing nations is ever widening. The rich countries are getting richer and the poor countries poorer every year. The target of 1 per cent of gross national product as aid to the poorer countries remains a distant goal. Unless massive doses of technology and capital are injected into the developing countries, the economic disparity will continue to grow and the world will soon find itself polarized between the rich northern countries and the poor southern countries. My delegation, therefore, makes a strong plea to the industrialized nations to try earnestly to achieve the target of 1 per cent of gross national product in aid.
185.	At the same time, the industrialized nations should provide favourable trade terms to the developing countries. The spirit of detente should prevail in the field of trade and commerce as well, in order for it to have any significant meaning to the developing countries. My delegation hopes that the present negotiations being held by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in Tokyo will be able to come forward with some bold and substantive proposals towards granting more favourable trade terms to the developing countries.
186.	The painful history of the colonization and economic exploitation of the developing countries has been a major cause of conflicts and war. So long as these conditions remain unchanged we cannot safely look forward to an era of peace. So long as three-fourths of mankind cannot achieve a minimum standard of decent living, peace and security remain threatened.
187. Bearing these things in mind, I believe, the framers of the Charter of the United Nations adopted the goal of economic prosperity as one of the purposes of the United Nations.
188.	Nepal has been waging a battle against the latent forces of insecurity. My Sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra, has recently said:
".. . the battle lies well within our territory- it is a battle against backwardness and destitution, to fight which I have exhorted the need for development... a crusade against poverty, however time-consuming and arduous it be, is a need and a moral responsibility we cannot shrug off our shoulders".
189.	While the urge to develop, the effort to develop and the problems facing the effort are very similar among the developing countries, the magnitude of these problems is much graver in the case of the developing land-locked countries. The land-locked countries, having been denied by geography the cheapest means of transport, sea transport, have to incur additional costs for transport in international trade. This increases their cost of production and makes their products non-competitive in the international market. This problem, having been recognized by the international community, has found expression in regional economic organizations, in the General Assembly, and particularly in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. All these international organizations have adopted various recommendations and appeals, and unless some effective way is found to subsidize the additional cost of transportation the efforts of the developing land-locked countries will be retarded.
190.	Our interest in the United Nations Committee on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction and the forthcoming Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has been motivated by the desire to count the hidden wealth of the sea-bed and ocean floor among the arsenals of our war against poverty and under-development. For us particularly, we of a country which is full of young mountains but lacking in sufficient mineral resources necessary for industrial development, and with a limit posed by topography on the extension of more arable land to grow food for the growing population, the promise of mineral wealth and fisheries is of great importance. It is only natural that we should show our eagerness to guard our rights derived from the declaration of the common heritage of mankind. This causes us to defend the area beyond the national jurisdiction from being converted into an area which becomes economically meaningless or unfeasible.
191.	While we are ready to accommodate the interest of the coastal countries, we expect the same reciprocity from them. We believe that the bigger the area belonging to all mankind, the bigger will be the benefit derived by mankind.
192.	The United Nations resolution /3029 (XXVII)] has clearly laid stress on taking into consideration the interests of the developing countries. Nepal, as a developing country, is ready to contribute to the attainment of the purpose of the resolution for the benefit, of all the developing nations.
193. However, the sharing of benefit and the utilization of the exploitation of the sea-bed and ocean floor and the
enjoyment of the right of fisheries, and so forth, shall remain mere ideals for land-locked countries if they are not backed by specific provisions guaranteeing them free and unrestricted access to and from the sea. There should further be a specific provision for port and other essential facilities in order to make the land-locked countries able to enjoy these benefits with all the rest of the world. In order to narrow the gap of development, these essential features have to be accommodated in the convention on the law of the sea.
194.	On the question of equitable sharing, while giving consideration to the needs of developing countries, further consideration should be given to the rights and interests of the land-locked countries which are least developed among the developing. What we urge is not to adopt any new norm that has not already been in practice among the international community. We only want the same norm to be applied judiciously.
195.	My delegation is indeed very happy to welcome the Bahamas in our midst as an independent and sovereign country. The emergence of the Bahamas is yet another example of the decline of colonialism all over the world. But this evil has remained unmitigated in some parts of the world. In the southern part of Africa, the chronic problems of colonialism and racialism have persisted stubbornly as before. The people of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea- Bissau are still suffering from the worst type of colonialism practised by Portugal. My delegation strongly condemns the recent massacre of the defenceless and unarmed people of Mozambique committed by Portuguese colonialists. In utter disregard of world opinion and the various resolutions adopted by the United Nations General Assembly regarding the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the colonial rulers of Portugal are stubbornly perpetuating their old policy. The repressive and retrogressive policies of the colonial Powers are incompatible with the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Moreover, the Portuguese colonialists are exploiting the resources of those Territories while ruthlessly suppressing the independence movement waged by the freedom-loving people of the Territories.
196.	The racist policy of apartheid followed by South Africa is a constant challenge to the ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This policy is not only the cause ,of humiliation for the majority of the people of South Africa but also an affront to humanity and civilized behaviour. The South African regime is now trying to fortify itself further through its unholy alliance with Lisbon and Salisbury. Both South Africa and Portugal have been receiving assistance from their major trading partners, which, in turn, make huge profits at the cost of the indigenous population. The major trading partners of South Africa should stop their investment in that country so long as it does not give up the inhuman apartheid policy. My delegation has always supported the idea that the freedom fighters and refugees from the southern part of Africa should be given assistance to combat racism.
197. The South African regime has continued its illegal occupation of Namibia even after the termination of its
mandate by the United Nations. This is a further affront to the United Nations. Furthermore, South Africa has extended its inhuman policy of apartheid to Namibia. The freedom fighters of Namibia are being subjected to great pain and torture in the prisons of South Africa. My delegation strongly supports the efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia to discharge its function in accordance with the resolution adopted by the United Nations.
198.	In Southern Rhodesia, the racist minority regime has continued the policy of discrimination and repression against the majority of the people. World opinion is overwhelmingly in support of the right of self-determination of the people of Zimbabwe. The mandatory sanctions imposed by the United Nations against the illegal regime remain ineffective.
199.	This situation in the southern part of Africa constitutes a grave threat to peace. There must be a limit to the suffering and humiliation of a great number of people at the hands of a minority regime based on ruthless exploitation. It is incumbent on all States Members of the United Nations, including the major trading partners of these racist and colonialist regimes, to work sincerely for the implementation of the various resolutions on the subject adopted by the United Nations. We must all act in unison and sincerity before the situation becomes explosive, resulting in a violent bloodbath.
200.	In spite of some encouraging developments in the field of disarmament, the arms build-up seems to be growing in alarming proportions among many nations. Even small and medium-sized countries are spending fortunes in trying to arm themselves. The big Powers, while trying to curb the armaments race among themselves, seem to have been seriously engaged in outdoing each other in supplying military hardware to various countries. The test-ban Treaty  remains ignored and neglected by some of the nuclear Powers. Nuclear tests have continued with total disregard for world opinion. There has been no progress towards the ban on chemical weapons. Huge amounts are being spent on the production and development of sophisticated weapons of destruction. Such activities, while creating an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, drain away vast sums of money which could have been utilized to alleviate the sufferings of the poor and needy people all over the world.
201.	Lasting peace is not possible without achieving complete and universal disarmament. With that in mind, my delegation has been supporting the idea of a world disarmament conference, after adequate preparatory work, in which all nations of the world, including the divided ones, should be allowed to participate.
202.	The Middle East problem remains unresolved in spite of the best efforts of the United Nations, in spite of the growing detente between the major Powers. That only goes to prove further that any lasting and durable solution to the problem can be worked out only by the parties themselves concerned. My delegation appreciates the initiative taken by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in going to the Middle East to assess the situation and consult with the leaders of Egypt, Israel and Jordan about solving the problem. My delegation would like to reiterate our belief that Security Council resolution 242(1967) of 22 November 1967 provides a reasonable basis for a just and peaceful solution of the Middle East crisis. There is ample scope for a just solution of the problem within the framework provided by that resolution. What is needed is the political will to implement it and to adhere to the formula which has already been provided. We have in the past pleaded for the withdrawal of Israel from the occupied territories. We are constrained, however, to find that Israel has not shown any willingness to do so; on the contrary, it is trying to bring about demographic changes in the occupied territories. We strongly appeal to Israel to withdraw from the occupied territories so that the tense atmosphere can be relaxed, which will be conducive to further negotiations.
203.	There has been an alarming increase in the frequency of acts of terrorism, hijacking and other actions of reprisals and counter-reprisals. The wave of wanton killing, hijacking and kidnapping has become a matter of grave concern for us all. My delegation strongly condemns all such actions and urges that the main issue of terrorism should not be side-tracked and buried under verbose speeches.
204.	1 have made a brief reference to the problems that face us in the world today. I might have sounded somewhat sceptical in my assessment of the world situation. Far from being so, I have only been suggesting that the present is an opportune moment to go to the depth of the real problems facing most of mankind today.
205.	My delegation takes note with satisfaction of the encouraging developments which have appeared on the contemporary international horizon. The most significant among them is the end of the fighting in Viet-Nam. The Paris peace agreements on a Viet-Namese cease-fire were designed to end the untold misery and destruction suffered by the people of Viet-Nam for a long time. We hope that the terms of the Paris peace agreements will be scrupulously observed by all parties of the conflict so that lasting peace can be maintained in Viet-Nam. The withdrawal of American troops from South Viet-Nam is a welcome step. We reiterate our stand that the peoples of Indo-China should be left free and unhindered to decide their own future without any outside interference.
206.	Another notable development is the admission of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany to the United Nations this year. As a result of patient and skilful negotiations, the two countries have been able to sign a treaty on the basis of their relations towards the end of last year in Berlin. For us at the United Nations the admission of these two countries brings the Organization closer to universality. My delegation is happy to welcome the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, both of which, with an aggregate population of 73 million, a surging economy and a highly-developed technology, will no doubt be a source of great strength and energy to the United Nations. Viewed from Europe, the admission of the German Democratic
Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany marks the fulfilment of untiring efforts to bring about a spirit of co-operation and peaceful coexistence, which have been evading that continent for such a long time.
207.	Nearer my country, India and Pakistan have been able to enter into an agreement regarding the repatriation of the prisoners of war and the exchange of civilians. My delegation heartily welcomes this step, which will go-a long way towards alleviating the humanitarian problem that had cropped up as a result of the 1971 conflict. My delegation hopes that the spirit of understanding and friendship will prevail in implementing the terms of the agreement. This agreement should further pave the way for the normalization of relations between India and Pakistan. This improved situation in the subcontinent should help Bangladesh to obtain its rightful entry to the United Nations.
208.	My delegation would like to reiterate its support for General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI) regarding the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Our support for this Declaration is motivated simply by a desire for peace in this sensitive area. My delegation hopes that concrete measures will be taken to implement the Declaration as soon as possible.
209.	The United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held at Stockholm in June 1972, was able to focus the attention of Governments and the public to the need for concerted action to preserve and enhance the human environment. The growing realization that protection of the environment is a problem being faced by both developed and developing countries, though in varying degree and nature, is a welcome fact. While for developed countries the problem of the human environment is a direct consequence of pollution and industrialization, for developing countries it has in its roots the unscrupulous use of natural resources and the inability to control the process of deterioration caused by nature. To give just one example, soil erosion has been posing a serious problem in my country. Vast tracts of fertile land are being annually washed away by rivers. We have not even been able to assess the damage caused annually as a result of the problem of soil erosion, much less to do something towards the solution of this problem. These and other such problems of the human environment should draw the immediate attention of the Governing Council of the United Nations Environment Programme.
210.	In conclusion, I should like to stress that we have come to the United Nations to pledge our support and rededicate ourselves to the attainment of the noble ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We strongly feel that it is the only Organization which can bring peace and harmony in our world, which is divided between developed and developing nations and big and small nations. The States Members of the United Nations should work sincerely to make this Organization more effective to ensure lasting peace, to develop friendly relations among nations and to achieve international co-operation in solving various international problems.