The delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines wishes to offer Mr. Joseph Garba its sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We look forward eagerly to playing our part to ensure the success of the session under his experienced leadership.
The historic forty-third session is still fresh in our minds, and we would be found wanting if we failed to pay a tribute to the former President, Mr. Dante Caputo, for the efficient manner in which he presided over the forty-third session of the Assembly, thus ensuring its successful conclusion.
My delegation wishes to congratulate the Secretary-General for his enlightening and comprehensive report on the work of the organization and for his initiatives during the past year in pursuit of peace and security.
There is a wind of change blowing in international politics. We witness a trend in international relations in which confrontation is being replaced by co-operation, and bitter cold-war rivalries of the past by consensus and mutual accommodation. The present mood to a large extent reflects the easing of East-West tension and greater co-operation between the major Powers. The international community welcomes the progress made by the United States and the Soviet Union in negotiations aimed at reducing by half their stockpile of strategic weapons. The prospects for a comprehensive and verifiable treaty banning chemical weapons, which has been proposed by both super-Powers, is also very exciting.

The eyes of the world are upon us at this time. The General Assembly at this session will earn the respect of the present as well as future generations, if, through its deliberations and decisions, it can sustain the present trend and widen the current detente to ensure peace and progress for all mankind. The Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines applauds the people of Poland for their historic decision to enhance democracy and move to an open-market economy.
The positive developments in the Soviet Union, Hungary and East Europe, inspired by General Secretary Gorbachev, hold tremendous lessons for the third world on the evolution of political theory.
The cordial atmosphere of international politics today presents an opportunity which should not be missed for resolving those intractable regional conflicts which for so long have destabilized the world community.
In Afghanistan, in spite of the 1988 Geneva Agreements and the withdrawal of Soviet troops, the war continues unabated. The delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines supports the Secretary-General in the efforts he is making to facilitate a settlement. We look forward to a return to normalcy in that country torn by civil war, and to the early return to their homeland of the millions of Afghan refugees in Pakistan and Iran.
The fragile cease-fire in the Iran-Iraq war and the direct talks between the two sides have yielded no conclusive results. We urge the Governments of the two countries to co-operate with the Secretary-General's efforts to transform the present cease-fire into a lasting peace based on Security Council resolution 598 (1987). While the Paris Conference on Cambodia held in August did not yield a comprehensive solution to the problem, it was nevertheless a commendable step towards achieving the conditions necessary for the Cambodian people to freely exercise their right to self-determination.
We also applaud the diplomatic and other initiatives of fee Association of South-East Asian Nations and hope that all other interested parties will join in the search for a durable peace in Cambodia.
The problem of the two Koreas still remains unresolved. It appears that efforts to establish a machinery for dialogue and peace have made no substantial progress. It is fee firm belief of my delegation that the admission of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations would not only be in conformity with the principle of universality, but would help to create a better political environment for a peaceful solution of the Korean question.
My delegation looks forward with enthusiasm to the implementation of the Secretary-General's peace plan for Western Sahara. We hope feat there can be an early referendum on self-determination. We urge continued dialogue between the POLISARIO and fee Kingdom of Morocco and a continued search for a settlement of this issue within the framework of the proposals of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity.
While encouraging signs have emerged on the political horizon in many parts of the world, there are some intractable problems which defy our best efforts to find solutions.
The oppressed majority of South Africans are still struggling to achieve their freedom and self-determination. My delegation reiterates its call for the intensification of sanctions and other forms of pressure by the international community on South Africa for the eliminating of the inhuman system of apartheid and for the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners.  The end of Namibia's long road to independence is in sight. The withdrawal of South African forces and the demobilization and disarming of territorial forces were' carried out on scheme, the draft electoral law is under careful examination before final assent is given, political detainees have been released by both Parties to the conflict; some 83 per cent of estimated eligible Namibians have demonstrated their commitment to the electoral process by registering to vote a month before the deadline, and many thousands of refugees, some in exile for a whole generation, have returned to their homeland. These are all positive steps leading to the eventual independence of Namibia. We join those who have paid a tribute to the Secretary-General, his Special Representative and Deputy, and the many United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) military police and civilian personnel for their dedication and personal commitment to Namibia's freedom.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines fully supports the United Nations plan for implementing Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and calls on all parties not to impede the movement towards peace. My country looks forward to the day when the Namibian people, who have waited so long for the opportunity to determine their future, take their seat as the newest Member of this Organization. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is concerned that recent efforts to bring about a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict have not yielded any positive results. My country will support any initiative which is aimed at securing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). There is today growing support for a properly structured conference based on Israel's right to exist and recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians. We support that proposal.
The bloody civil war drags on endlessly in Lebanon. My delegation supports all initiatives, including those of the Arab League, for stabilizing the situation in that strife-torn country. All the parties to the conflict should move towards securing an effective cease-fire and initiating the process of national reconciliation leading to the full exercise of Lebanese sovereignty. All external pressures in Lebanon should be removed in order that the Lebanese parties might agree on some viable system of peaceful coexistence.
Last year this body paid a glowing tribute to all those serving and those who have served in the United Nations peace-keeping forces on being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for
"their achievement and their contribution to the United Nations peace-keeping operations and, by extension to world peace and security". Today, we lament and deplore the tragic, cold-blooded murder of Lt. Colonel William R. Higgins, a United States citizen, while serving in the United Nations peace-keeping forces in Lebanon. We call on those organizations or groups which are at present holding foreign hostages to release then and thus end their suffering and that of their relatives and friends. We also urge those countries with influence over the hostage-takers to assist in arresting this crime against humanity and to help to bring all the foreign hostages home from Lebanon.
Turning to my own region, Latin America and the Caribbean, my delegation welcomes the very positive developments in Central America. We commend the five Central American Governments for their determined efforts to restore peace and stability to the region and call on the international community to do all in its power further to advance the peace process.
My country welcomes the ratification of the Cartagena Protocol which opens the way foe accession of the Caribbean nations of Belize and Guyana to the Organization of American States.
We also note with satisfaction the progress being made in the Republic of Chile for the full restoration of its democratic institutions.
The eastern Caribbean, particularly Antigua and Barbuda, the British Virgin Islands, Dominica, Montserrat and Saint Kitts and Nevis recently experienced the full force of hurricane Hugo, which left death and considerable damage to housing, infrastructure and agriculture in its wake. The road to recovery will be long and costly and we hope that the international community will move swiftly to assist in the rehabilitation efforts.
While being encouraged by all the positive developments in the international community, my Government feels, however, that insufficient progress was registered during the past year in resolving various existing non-military threats to global peace and security. These threats include persistent poverty in many parts of the world, lack of economic growth and development, large-scale unemployment, injustice and inequalities between nations and severe environmental degradation. These problems tend to be global in scope and require the concerted efforts of the international community to find solutions to them.
The fruits of science and technology are very unevenly distributed internationally and in the current North-South frame of analysis, the developing countries of the South find themselves falling further behind in the race for development and progress. The external debt crisis continues to impede growth in developing countries and this situation is aggravated by fundamental imbalances in the international monetary system.
Protectionism is on the increase and the terms of trade for the primary-producing  countries still work against them in the current unfavourable international market situation. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines welcomes the convening of the special session of the General assembly devoted to international co-operation, the Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, and the preparation of the international development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade - all of which will be held within the coming year. We hope that these conferences will lead to a clearer understanding of the present problems in the areas of trade, external debt and development.
The international community should be constantly reminded of the problems of small island developing States, in which category Saint Vincent and the Grenadines falls. These States are characterized by narrow economic bases, limited internal markets, diseconomies of scale, and lack of opportunities to take advantage of external markets. There is a further disadvantage in that many of these States - like Saint Vincent and the Grenadines - are archipelagic, a phenomenon which poses seriou3 problems with consequential economic and social cost.
Their small size also makes such States run the risk of being overlooked in international economic and financial decision-making. It is important that adequate resources be made available to them on appropriate terms for national development.
The population explosion of our time and over-exploitation of the natural resources of our planet due to poverty and rapid economic expansion have resulted
in a number of environmental problems which put at risk the entire human race. The issues of toxic waste, deforestation, desertification, acid rain, the widening gap in the ozone layer, erratic climatic changes and the greenhouse effect are global in scope and must be dealt with by the entire international community working together. Swift and workable solutions must be found if mankind is to preserve the environment for coming generations.

Other problems in society, such as the international flow of refugees, the status of women and children, and the international scourge of drugs continue to require the urgent attention of the international community.
The Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines recognizes the grave danger that international drug trafficking and drug abuse pose to all countries. That scourge transcends national borders and it is imperative that international co-operation be increased and intensified to eradicate it from the face of the globe. To that end, my delegation gives unqualified support to the proposal of Trinidad and Tobago for the establishment of an international criminal court to investigate and adjudicate the criminal responsibilities of persons engaged in drug trafficking, and to the initiative of Jamaica for the establishment of a United Nations multilateral, multisectoral force that would provide assistance to States, on their request, in the areas of intelligence and interdiction.
The next decade will perhaps be the most challenging ever faced by human society. Advances in science and technology have put into our hands the means of achieving unlimited progress. Current developments in nuclear technology, space travel, oceanography and biotechnology will profoundly affect our lives in the future. But the same technology can be the means of annihilating the human race. Some of the fundamental issues facing the world today have to do with life and death and survival.
 As we examine these issues during the remainder of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines will work with all other nations in the interest of world peace, security and prosperity.


I should like at the outset to express my delegation's satisfaction and pleasure at your election, Sir, to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. The unanimity of that decision reflects not only your own distinguished record as Foreign Minister and Permanent Representative of your country to the United Nations but also the prestige of your country, Nigeria, of which all of us in Africa are proud.
The outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina, shouldered the responsibility of his office with distinction in a momentous and difficult year. We wish to acknowledge our debt to him.
Our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has been at the head of our Organization during some of its roost troubled and also some of its most productive and successful years. The turnaround in the fortunes of the United Nations during his watch owes much to the skill of the helmsman and we want to reassure him of our continued confidence.
The current session of the General Assembly must seriously address itself to problems affecting the world economy. In the vital field of international economic relations, the fresh breeze that has led to such excitement in international political relations has not even made a ripple. The direction of the world economy is still determined by a small circle of rich and powerful nations for which short-term expediency and the requirements of individual national economies have all too often taken precedence over the steps required for a healthier world economy from which all States would benefit in the long run. For the smaller countries the result has been a collapse in commodity prices causing severe prejudicial terms of trade, where several times the volume and quality of produce is now required to purchase the same amount of manufactured goods from the North than was required only a few years ago. In addition, the necessary borrowing on the part of the developing countries, coupled with high interest rates, has resulted in a debilitating debt-service burden for those countries that has culminated in a net reverse transfer of resources from South to North in the order of nearly $50 billion annually according to the calculations of international financial institutions. Fifty billion dollars annually is a very big amount to owe and we ate informed that more money is still continuing to flow from the developing countries to the developed countries.
How can we, in all conscience, talk of kinder, gentler times and continue to countenance the continual transfer of such a phenomenal amount of resources from the poor and the hungry to the rich and the affluent? We welcome the positive developments on the international political stage and we believe that all peoples should enjoy political and civil rights. Conscience, however, enjoins us to submit that these rights are not enough. People have economic and social rights as well: the right to good health, the right to food and shelter, and above all the tight to a decent standard of living. It should be the lot of no one to suffer the degradations of illiteracy and poverty. Hunan rights are a package the elements of which are mutually reinforcing, and the denial of any of them weakens the entire package. A poor man, a sick man and an illiterate man are just as manacled as the man who is denied individual freedom or the right of free speech. It is the package that is important, for it goes beyond the selective, and at times cynical, championing of this or that right to the core of the purpose of existence·, the tight to a decent and meaningful life. Any attempt to separate one from the other or to compartmentalize these rights and champion one right at the expense of the other is to sow confusion and set the stage for futile recriminations.
All States represented in the Assembly should subscribe to that view and attempt to pursue the objective of a good and decent existence for all human beings. The pursuit of a healthier world economy, of growth and development of the poorer countries and of fairer terms of trade between the North and the South is fundamentally a struggle for human rights and for the tight of people to a decent existence.
In our interdependent world that struggle must involve a concerted approach, including greater recourse to multilateral mechanisms on the part of all States. Nations must act together to solve the global and interrelated problems of the world economy, as low commodity prices, high interest rates and acute external Indebtedness. The politics of inclusion that appear to be gaining ground in international political relations, particularly through professions by the big Powers of their readiness to give a larger role in the management of international affairs to the United Nations, should also be reflected in international economic relations.
The initiative taken by the developing countries in urging the Assembly to hold a special session on economic co-operation, in particular for the revitalization of the growth and development of developing countries, in April 1990, is a timely development. The special session should focus on the need to renew the stalled North-South dialogue and on the direction of the world economy. I am pleased to note that the recent summit Conference of the Countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, held at Belgrade, endorsed this suggestion and all the member States of the Non-Aligned Movement will be co-operating in the exercise. In this era, when economic mega-blocs are in the process of being formed in North America and in Europe, and where East and West are drawing closer in many spheres, it is essential that developing countries are not left out of the discussions and the mechanisms that will affect the future course of international economic and political relations. We also note that preparations are under way for the elaboration of the international development strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade. We wish to stress the complementarity we see between that process and next year's special session on economic co-operation, to which I have already referred.
Following the 1986 special session of the General Assembly on the critical economic situation in Africa, the Assembly adopted the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. That Programme represented a compact between the African countries and the international community, especially the donor countries. The African countries were to take steps to redress their economies through structural adjustment programmes, which they have done - often at a significant social and political cost - and the international community undertook to create an international environment conducive to African recovery by facilitating an increase in commodity prices and resource 21ows to the continent. The mid-term review of the implementation of the Programme, annexed to resolution 43/27 of 1988, clearly states that the international community has not kept its side of the bargain. The African States have made the adjustments that were required of them. Let me echo the words of Mr. Michael Manley, Prime Minister of Jamaica, when he sand recently: ,We have done everything that was asked of us. But what has the other side done?,
Commodity prices have continued to fall and resource flows to Africa have not increased in any appreciable way. Given the sacrifices the African countries have made to keep their part of the bargain, it is important that the Programme be made o work. Since the review of the Programme will take place in 1991, and the programme itself is to run only up to 1990, it is important that the Programme be mandated to run until the final review, and we hope that decision will be taken at this session.
Problems of the environment affect the entire globe, which is our common abode, and many speakers have referred to this important factor. From the depletion of the ozone layer to the poisoning of the atmosphere and the rivers, the degradation of the environment affects all of us. The global warming of the general climate affects com tries in Europe, in the Americas, Africa and everywhere. For us in Africa the problem of the environment is important as we face what one representative has described here as the encroaching deserts. We have heard from many delegations of the encroachment of the desert on to their own fertile lands. We also have the related problem of the dumping of nuclear and toxic wastes which have been the subject of resolutions by the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the International Atomic Energy Agency and the General Assembly itself, last year. Greater responsibility is needed in the way the world uses its natural resources and disposes of the dangerous waste products of its factories. In the last year representatives will have read press reports about the very dangerous dumping of wastes in certain African countries, which action was rightly condemned by the OAU and other internal forums. We therefore welcome the intention to hold a special international conference on the environment in 1992.
We are also aware that all too often the weak ate made to pay for the sins of the strong - if only because controlling the strong is so much more difficult. It is important that the burden attendant upon safeguarding the environment should be shared judiciously according to resource usage, waste production and need. Particularly, it is essential that no new obstacles are put in the path of the economic progress of the developing countries, which are already at the receiving end of the imbalances and inequities of the present international economic order and of the abuse and misuse of the international environment.
Respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and independence is not only just? it is also good politics and essential to the attainment and maintenance of world peace. The General Assembly clearly recognized that fact when it adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples way back in December 1960. Yet today, nearly three decades later, colonialism is still very much in evidence. Again, that is a practical reality of our times. The right of peoples to decide their own destiny is being denied not only in the well-publicized cases of southern Africa and the Middle East, especially Palestine, but also in countries in the Pacific, the Caribbean basin and elsewhere.
However, the major issue facing the Organization this year is the decolonization of Namibia. That is as it should be. The birth of a new nation is a supreme event in international affairs. And when the United Nations is the appointed intermediary the event becomes even more special to all of us. We ate now entering the horns stretch in the implementation of the Namibian independence plan. Much ground has already been covered and much reference has been made to this phenomenon in speeches we have heard in the last two weeks. But a lot more still remains to be done in the remaining four-and-a-half weeks. Pretoria and its functionaries in Namibia are still refusing fully to comply with Security Council resolution 435 (1978)  the South West Africa Territory (SWATP) command structure has not been disbanded, end we are told that it has only been stood down  the so-called disbandment of Koevoet on 30 September has proved to be illusory  restrictive laws, in particular AG-23, continue to inhibit freedom of assembly and the registration, electoral and constituent Assembly proclamations leave much to be desired. These proclamations were affected only last week, end more information is still being given as to what exactly has been agreed to. Some improvements have been made, some changes have been recorded, and we commend the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) for this, but we need to be vigilant and to ensure that in the next four-and-a-half weeks nothing will be done to reverse the clock. Intimidation of followers of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) by the South-African-sponsored Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) end the South West African Police is regularly reported. In fact, if members read Namibian newspapers they will find they ate full of reports of attacks on SWAPO men and supporters, at times with the police just standing by. UNTAG police units are stretched to the breaking-point we are told, and the assassination of SWAPO leaders has actually taken place.
So, while we ate on the home stretch, a grave situation still surrounds events in Namibia, and it is important that we should all keep our guard and remain vigilant. As we enter these final weeks of the election campaign the desperation of the anti-SWAPO forces in Namibia is becoming evident daily. It is important, therefore, that urgent action be taken to strengthen UNTAG police units and to increase the number of projected electoral monitors. We are very pleased that a number of States represented here have agreed and are going to send observers, monitors and guests to Namibia over the next few weeks to observe what will be happening. The more observers, the more guests, the more people we can have in that country, the better. We welcome the effort being made by many States around the globe.
Meanwhile, the United Nations must prepare well-thought-out plans for the post-election period in Namibia, assuming the election proceeds satisfactorily. For there can be no doubt that, as the decolonizing authority, the United Nations has a continuing responsibility to see that Namibia's independence is a success. A good mother does not give birth only to abandon the baby immediately. This session of the General Assembly must ensure that the United Nations prepares itself to be a good mother. My delegation is ready to contribute in the process of clarifying the united Nations role during the transition period following the elections and in the elaboration of a continuing United Nations responsibility to ensure that Namibian independence is a success. These are urgent tasks which require our immediate attention. Every effort has been made to draw the attention of the United Nations Secretary-General and of the United Nations generally to these natters, especially the question of convening the Assembly after the elections. Whoever wins the election, it is not yet clear how the Assembly will be convened and how it will proceed to draw up the constitution leading to independence. We would be pleased if the United Nations would remain seized of these problems and would continue to provide solutions until the time of independence itself.
In South Africa itself, apartheid, the root cause of all the problems in southern Africa, continues to be firmly entrenched. The state of emergency still continues  Mandela and other political prisoners remain incarcerated j liberation and mass democratic movements ant still proscribed·, the Group Areas Pet and other obnoxious legislative acts continue to be on the apartheid statute books. That is the reality of the situation in South Africa itself.
President de Klerk's talk of reform so far remains only mere talk. It is important that the Pretoria regime be urged to go beyond rhetoric to concrete action. The liberation movements are ready to engage President de Klerk in serious negotiations. They have formulated an imaginative negotiating platform which was adopted by the OAU Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa, in Harare, on 21 August 1989, as well as by the ninth non-aligned summit conference in Belgrade, It is on the table for South Africa to take advantage of. This is an olive branch from the liberation movement. It outlines a number of confidence-building measures needed before negotiations can begin and sets out the fundamental human rights that should guide the formulation of a new constitutional dispensation for a future South Africa. It is quite obvious of course that negotiations, or any form of dialogue, cannot take place while the leaders are incarcerated in gaols or while the present restrictions emanating from the state of emergency remain. The international community has warmly welcomed this important initiative for peace to which I have just referred, taken by the liberation movement. So far Pretoria has remained mum on this proposal. We are told that certain of the seven leaders who are now incarcerated nay be released sooner or later. That might be a palliative, but what we need is a complete and full constitutional dispensation that can being peaceful conditions in which negotiations can truly take place for the future of an independent South Africa.
Until Pretoria dismantles apartheid it is important that the international community intensifies its pressure on it and increases the sanctions against it. There is no secret about the fact that Pretoria is now talking reform is directly related to the impact of international sanctions and the pressure exerted by the liberation forces and other democratic forces in South Africa. There is no doubt whatsoever that sanctions are working and can continue to work. They have damaged the South African economy to a great extent, as has been admitted by the economic spokesmen for that regime. Therefore, more sanctions will certainly put more pressure on the regime. The medicine is slowly taking effect. We appeal to those friends of Pretoria who oppose sanctions to join the rest of the international community in bringing meaningful pressure to bear on Pretoria by applying sanctions and supporting the liberation movement.
To the international banking community we say that 1990 will be a critical year for the apartheid regime, because in that year it has to reschedule its debt. Rescheduling the debt is not an automatic right for the racist regime let it be a favour, granted as an inducement to meaningful change in South Africa. The concatenation of events makes the coming rescheduling exercise a particularly potent force for positive political developments in South Africa. We urge the bankers to use it. We have given them adequate information to ensure that they ace quite clear about the choices before then.
Elsewhere in southern Africa, there are regional efforts to bring peace to Angola and to Mozambique. The Assembly has heard statements by the Foreign Ministers of both those countries, elaborating on those measures. We in Zimbabwe appeal to outsiders to stop supporting rebel elements in Mozambique and Angola, especially UNITA in Angola, which has created difficulties in the process of reconciliation. We are seeking African solutions to African problems. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations can help as requested and as required, but we ask them to give these initiatives a chance.
We also seek peace efforts in the dispute between Mauritania and Senegal, the situation in the Sudan and the situation in Ethiopia. African solutions, initiated by the OAU, are at work in those situations, and we again appeal to outsiders not to interfere in the processes of reconciliation that ate taking place. We are satisfied that the initiatives taken by the Organization of African Unity, if given time to mature, will provide solutions and bring peace to the three areas I have mentioned.
We are also anxious to see Western Sahara's independence consolidated with speed and firmness. The Secretary-General's efforts to bring permanent peace to Western Sahara are commended. We also commend the meetings that took place earlier this year between the King of Morocco and the POLISARID Front. We hope these efforts will continue.
The denial of the Palestinian people's right to self-determination is a continuing sore in international relations. We deplore the heavy-handed methods of the occupation forces against the aggrieved heroic Palestinian nation. We wish to reiterate our conviction that only an international peace conference under United Nations auspices, with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as an equal partner are addressing all aspects of the Middle East crisis, can bring peace to the region. The proclamation of a Palestinian State last year was an important development in this area. We commended, and commend, the PIO for the step it took, and we are pleased that over 85 countries have recognized the Palestinian State. From that strong position, the Palestinian leadership should be able to proceed to meaningful negotiations with big Powers, small Powers and others in the region that are seized of the problem of Palestine. The independence of Palestine has been long delayed, and we should like to see the Palestinian people take their place as equal citizens alongside the peoples of other nations.
In Central America, we welcome the decision to disband the contras and the scheduled elections in Nicaragua, which are to be monitored by the Organization of American States, the United Nations and a host of other international observers. We are pleased that a dialogue has resumed between the Salvadorian Government and the Marti National Liberation Front aimed at bringing peace to El Salvador. We urge flexibility on both sides so that a peaceful solution can be found to their conflict. The only warning we as outsiders would issue regarding the Central American situation again takes the form of urging outsiders not to interfere in the processes that are taking place there. The effort being made by the leaders of Central America to corns together and produce plans that enable them to enjoy self-determination and full human rights and provide peace for their own territories is commendable - if only outsiders do not interfere. In that respect, the main instigator of problems that have arisen in Central America is, of course, the United States, which has continued to fail in troubled waters in Latin America.
In Afghanistan, we again urge all outside Powers to stop supplying arms to the opposing sides, and we call upon the Afghan people to negotiate an end to their civil war in a spirit of national reconciliation. We are pleased to note the departure of Soviet troops, and we are also pleased to note the confidence and patriotism that act brought to the Afghan people themselves. We hope that sooner or later they will convene a shura - an assembly - that will make it possible for all Afghans inside and outside Afghanistan to get together to resolve their problems. We believe all Afghans can solve their problems in peace in a shura, their traditional assembly which had met periodically over the past 300 or 400 years.
On the question of Kampuchea, we welcome the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces and urge the parties concerned to negotiate their differences among themselves in order to arrive at an acceptable solution. We noted with disappointment the failure of the recent Paris Conference. We also noted with disappointment that both the Vietnamese and the Phnom Penh delegations to that Conference refused to accept the international mechanism that was suggested a United Nations peace-keeping force. We have made it clear to them, and we make it clear now, that we do not see any possibility of disarming the rival forces, bringing peace to Cambodia and holding elections there without the active participation of the United Nations. The United Nations has much experience with peace-keeping forces around the world, and, in our view, is the only organization that can assist in the peace-making and peace-keeping process.
With regard to the Korean peninsula, it is our view that the Korean people should be left alone to negotiate their reunification without outside interference. We urge that the military manoeuvres by outside forces that often take place on the peninsula or in waters near it be stopped.
With regard to Cyprus we appeal again to both parties to co-operate with the Secretary-General in the search for a lasting solution. We commend the meetings that have taken place under the chairmanship of the Secretary-General between the President of Cyprus and the representative of the Turkish Cypriots. Again, we call on outside Powers to cease interfering in the internal affairs of Cyprus.
In Belgrade the leaders of the non-aligned countries called for self-determination for the remaining colonies of New Caledonia, Malvinas, Diego Garcia, Mayotte and a dozen other territories scattered across the globe. The forty-third session of the General Assembly declared an International Decade for the eradication of the retrograde system of colonialism. We repeat that call from this rostrum.
As can be seen from the problems I have just touched upon, we have not yet readied the Promised Land, the new detente notwithstanding. Much remains to be done, and in that the United Nations must play a central role. We therefore welcome the declarations that have be τ made from this podium by the great Powers, renewing their faith in the United Nations. These days of change also mean a period of uncertainty, a period of opportunities, yet also of danger. In such a period, recourse to and respect for the Organization and its agencies becomes more indispensable than ever before.
It was in recognition of that fact, and motivated by the desire to strengthen peace and the rule of law, as well as to bring the age of reason to international relations, that the non-aligned countries convened at The Hague, from 26 to 30 June 1989 a Conference on Pace and the Rule of law in International Affairs. We were pleased by the wide attendance at that Conference, which included important countries not members of our Movement. The Conference was a landmark in the struggle to bring the rule of law and the role of the World Court to the centrality they should enjoy in the resolution of conflicts and in the management of international relations. An important initiative was taken at the Conference to have the General Assembly declare at its current session a decade of international law from 1990 to 1999, leading to a third Hague Peace Conference. That is one of the concrete acts that can be achieved at this session of the General Assembly in the cause of peace, justice and the rule of law. We urge all Member States to support that noble initiative by the non-aligned countries. I am informed that a concrete proposal has already been submitted to the Sixth Committee and that it is now being debated.
Last - but by no means least - is the all-important issue of nuclear disarmament, to which I have not referred extensively in my statement. We have all had the opportunity to welcome the signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - in 1987. That was a truly significant step in the right direction, but what remains to be achieved is even more formidable. In comparison to that, the INF Treaty is indeed only the tip of the iceberg. The super-Powers have a special responsibility in this regard. As the possessors of the largest arsenals of nuclear, chemical and other weapons of mass destruction, they have a duty to take the lead in the disarmament process.
But of course we of the non-aligned movement, as well as the Organization of African Unity, can take some credit for the fact that at the special session of the General Assembly convened last year to discuss the question of disarmament we made our position abundantly clear. We indicated the hazards of war with which the road to disarmament is replete, and we are pleased that our call has been heeded in some quarters.
Today the world still has many problems, but in 1989 there is a window of opportunity to address some of them. History will judge us harshly if we miss that opportunity.


Like many other countries in the developing world, Suriname has been confronted in this decade with falling prices of our main commodities, with difficulties in penetrating the markets of the industrialized nations, with obstacles to creating a solid democratic society, and, moreover, with the benign but distant interest of some of our developed sister nations in the difficult process of underpinning the political changes taking place in our country with the security of provision for the basic needs of the people.
We must admit, however, that while these experiences have had a negative impact on the steady pursuance of our development objectives, they have at the same time strengthened our determination to meet the challenges that face us and to redouble our efforts to achieve the goals we set for ourselves years ago. For that reason we have once again come to New York with great pleasure, to share with you our experiences and be part of the new, emerging political understanding between and within independent nations.
Before doing so, however, I wish to associate myself with the sentiments expressed by previous speakers and congratulate you. Sir, on your election as President of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I am pleased to see a representative of the African continent, with its ongoing historical political development, in the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. Africa, with its great diversity and economic possibilities, can play a decisive role in shaping the new, emerging political relations and co-operation in our world. It is also fitting, indeed, that a son of our brother country Nigeria, with which Suriname has historical ties, has been chosen, since that country has served as an example because of its contribution to unity and integrative in Africa, and to international co-operation and peaceful coexistence. Your experience and diplomatic skills, demonstrated as Chairman of the Special Committee against apartheid, justify our sincere expectation that under your leadership this session of the General Assembly will come to a successful conclusion.
We should also like to express our profound appreciation to the former Minister for Foreign Affairs of Argentina, Mr. Dante Caputo, for the distinctive and able manner in which he guided the affairs of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. We wish him well in his future endeavours. Likewise, we should like to pay tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his personal contributions to the search for peace, security and stability in the world. His tireless efforts to strengthen the Organization and to achieve solutions to the numerous conflicts threatening international peace and security, as well as his dedication to the cause of sustained development in the developing countries, is well known and deserves our gratitude.
Concerning Suriname, it is with a feeling of pride and satisfaction that I can announce that our Government has succeeded in gratifying the cherished wish of the majority of the people of Suriname by actively starting the termination of the internal armed conflict. This fight in which brother took up arms against brother had been going on for years. Convinced that combating violence by violence would not bring peace and prosperity to our people, we opted for the road of dialogue and consensus. This road recently led to the conclusion of the peace agreement of Kourou, which in turn set off a genuine peace process and brought an end to the meaningless bloodshed, the victims of which were mostly innocent people.
We are aware that we have only just begun and that we shall certainly encounter many obstacles on our path. But, armed with reason, humanity, friendship and solidarity - qualities for which our people are noted - we shall overcome those impediments. Today, a new, important step forward is being taken in the peace process and the process of dialogue and consensus. The peace agreement has already resulted in the abolition of the state of emergency in the eastern part of the country. Because of this, real prospects for the safe and speedy return of thousands of  refugees to their homelands have been created, through the contributions of international agencies as the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees are indispensable, and we are indeed grateful for the assistance they are rendering.
At this juncture, I should like to express my Government's appreciation for the activities of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees with regard to the problems of refugees, and uprooted and displaced persons in general. We therefore applaud the Guatemala Declaration and the Complementary Plan of Concerted Action, which were adopted at the first International Conference on Central American Refugees, as important steps in the right direction.
Now we, the Government and people of Suriname, are once again in a position to fulfil out internationally agreed obligations towards our countrymen in the eastern part of our country. Once again these fellow-citizens of ours will be able to make use of the political, social and economic rights they ate entitled to.
The last phase of our democratisation process has thus started and, hopefully, peace and stability will soon once more characterize our Surinamese society. Without united efforts, we shall then be able to work for the economic, social and political reconstruction of the country as a whole. Because of the peace agreement, our people are able to dream again, to dream of a new horizon, of a future of genuine peace and prosperity which they can make come true through their own efforts.
I am also happy to be able to observe that positive developments have taken place in the formerly strained relations between the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Republic of Suriname. We express the fervent hope that these developments will be expanded, strengthened and consolidated, to the mutual benefit of both nations. Allow me at this time to present in brief our position on a selected number of international issues. After years of effort and persistence and through the tireless and patient exercise of the good offices of the Secretary-General, significant progress may be observed in the field of international relations.
It is indeed with satisfaction that we are witnessing that the practice of detente has been reborn and that a new style and new attitude have emerged in the conduct of international relations} that new approach, whereby confrontation has been replaced by dialogue and understanding, has already resulted in negotiated solutions to some regional conflicts which had hitherto seemed unsolvable.
The Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - and their ongoing discussions regarding other matters of great importance to international peace and security the agreement between Iran and Iraq the Geneva Agreements with regard to Afghanistan and Pakistan; the scheduled independence of Namibia; and the recent agreement on the Central American conflict are all good examples of the lessening of political tensions in the world.
These developments augur well for the future of our planet and although we should not expect that conflicts which have lasted for years and have deep-rooted causes will immediately be settled, I feel obliged to urge the parties concerned to respect the agreements  d to refrain from tactics and measures which could delay or even stifle the peace process.
I especially refer to the recalcitrant attitude of the apartheid regime of South Africa, which continues with killings and harassment of the Namibian people notwithstanding the peace agreements signed in December 1988. My Government condemns the involvement of both the military and civilian authorities of the apartheid regime, which intimidates and victimizes the Namibians, obstructing them in the exercise of their legitimate right to elect a Government of their own choice.
At the same time it is encouraging to note that the countries of Central America have demonstrated their firm political will to reject the use of force and to restore a climate of trust and tranquillity in their region. The agreement recently reached has highlighted the profound desire for peace of the Central American peoples and their commitment to negotiation and to dialogue to resolve long-existing conflicts, and thus deserves the full support of the international community.
In spite of the positive trends of accommodation and detente, some hard cotes of suppression and conflict still persist. In spite of continuous condemnation by the international community the apartheid regime of South Africa continues its policies of discrimination, detention and suppression of the majority of its people.
Events of recent months have brought no comfort to those who hoped to see the apartheid system dismantled. Only when this institutionalised racism is totally eradicated will peace and security be assured in this part of the world.
The situation in the Middle East continues to be unstable and dangerous. The question of Palestine remains the core of the Middle East problem and the prime example of disregard of United Nations resolutions and of the will of the international community. My government deplores the deterioration of the situation in the occupied territories and the constant increase in the number of Palestinians slain or wounded. We believe that only an international peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations, and with the participation of all parties concerned, will be able to establish a viable, negotiated framework to address all the dimensions of the conflict and being hope for restoring peace and security to the region. In this respect we welcome the efforts of President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt as an opportunity to break the deadlock in the Middle East peace process. I sincerely hope that mankind will soon witness progress and tangible results in the form of a lessening of tension and confrontation in regional conflicts.
Regarding the Kampuchean problem, my delegation is of the view that a just and durable peace in Kampuchea can be reached only through a comprehensive political settlement, one which takes into account the interests and aspirations of the people of that nation.
As I said before, my Government believes in dialogue and in this sense we welcome the resumption of contacts in the Korean peninsula. Even though no concrete advance has as yet been noted, we hope that the dialogue with a view to the ramification of the two Koreas will be intensified and that the proposals of 11 September 1989 by President Roh Tae Woo may serve as a basis.
Although we have made optimistic observations with regard to changes in the international political arena we note with disappointment that international economic prospects remain uncertain. Slow or negative growth and the persisting debt problem are causing further deterioration of the quality of life in the <1evelöping countries. Never has the situation of the developing countries been more adversely affected than during the past decade.
Governments of developing countries have instituted courageous reforms in order to revitalize their economies, but their experience has been that economic adjustment programmes have been disproportionately heavy and have had very severe social and political consequences for them. Their experience has been that without massive external support the successful and positive influence of economic growth and development will remain illusory. As a consequence of these developments the economic disparities between industrialized and developing countries have widened.
About 40 years ago it seemed as though the international community had learned a valuable lesson from the enormous tragedies of the 1930з. Much to our regret, however, we must observe that the present outlook is proof to the contrary. The style of dialogue and the understanding which have characterized international political relations during the last few years and which have resulted in many negotiated agreements, have unfortunately not yet trickled through to international economic relations. On the contrary, we notice an approach which does not recognize the needs of developing countries and does not assist them to lift themselves out of their poverty and modern development.
There is a lack of political will to consider comprehensive measures which take into account the new realities and changing circumstances in the international economic environment. These measures should include development objectives such as poverty reduction, long-term solutions to foreign debt, development financing, and reactivation of the international economy. Such comprehensive measures should also include redefining international economic relations, removing the structural imbalances in the international economic system and preventing the further widening of the economic and technological gap between industrialized and developing countries.
I should like to stress that the lofty goal of a more just and equitable distribution of the world's riches can be reached only if multilateral co-operation for economic and social development is revitalized and strengthened. We are not asking for pity or mere sympathy but for new economic conditions which recognize our needs and help to ensure that we, the developing countries, can lift ourselves out of our poverty and underdevelopment. We therefore urge our developed partners to show their political readiness to widen the field of multilateral economic understanding during the preparations for the fourth international development strategy and during the special session on international economic co-operation. Shortly after the independence of Suriname the Surinamese Government participated actively, as a member of the Ad  Hoc Committee, in the preparation of the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages, which was adopted by the General Assembly in 1979 and which has been in force since June 1983.
Despite the setbacks of recent years, in which hostage killing was added to the chapter of human suffering, my Government remains confident that the convention against the taking of hostages and other relevant instruments will serve the purpose for which they were created. My delegation is of the view that murder and terrorism cannot be condoned under any circumstances.
Suriname has since its inception been a member of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries. Ten years ago, this matter was placed on the agenda of the General Assembly for the first time. The Ad Hoc Committee has made tangible progress since then, as reflected in its successive reports, but, because of certain conflicts of interest, the badly needed convention is still pending. Meanwhile, the activities of mercenaries continue to create a devastating atmosphere in many developing countries. The Special Rapporteur on Mercenaries has repeatedly drawn the attention of the world community to the subversive practices of mercenaries. An adequate convention, together with concerted international actions directed towards combating the phenomenon of mercenaries, will have a tremendous impact on the eradication of this evil. It is for these reasons that our Government expresses the hope that the General Assembly will be in a position to finalize the drafting of the desired international convention at the earliest possible date.
During the first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, it was recognized that the cessation of nuclear-weapon testing would be an important contribution to the goal of ending the qualitative improvement of these weapons and the development of new types, and prevention of their proliferation. Despite the General Assembly's insistence in later years, this goal has not been reached, although we have to admit that recently some progress has been made. In this light, we welcome the reduction of tensions in East-West relations, since this provides the basis for more effective action in freezing nuclear-weapon production and subsequently dismantling nuclear weapons. However, given the importance of such action for the survival of mankind, we feel that discussions aimed at achieving complete nuclear disarmament should not be merely bilateral, but a multilateral undertaking. A multilateral approach will more successfully guarantee that the interests of the whole of mankind are served,  d that the resources derived from disarmament will be used for economic and social development.
My Government shares the view that nuclear-weapon-free zones are an essential contribution to the promotion of peace and stability. We therefore call upon all States to co-operate in the establishment of such zones. As a party to the Treaty of Tlatelolco, we appeal to the States which have not yet done so to join ranks and try to keep the Latin American and Caribbean region nuclear-weapon free.
Furthermore we wish to stress that disarmament in the field of conventional and chemical weapons should not be neglected. It has been reported, at the Conference on Disarmament during its Geneva session in the summer of this year, that about 20 countries still have arsenals full of chemical weapons. These horrific means of mass destruction should undoubtedly be eliminated. It is high time that a chemical weapons ban treaty with a very tight verification system be concluded under the auspices of the United Nations.
The drug problem is doubtless one of the most serious universal concerns of today. It is not merely a problem that undermines out economies and endangers the physical health of our peoples) recent developments in our regime demonstrate that the abuse of and illicit traffic in drugs and psychotropic substances also increasingly threaten the social and political stability of our countries. We have witnessed the developments in this context in one of our sister countries in the Western Hemisphere. We firmly support that country's Government in its efforts to combat the organized drugs mafia and its severe negative social, economic and political impact. Because of the international dimensions of this problem, my Government underlines the need for intensive regional, interregional and international co-operation in order effectively to deal with this plague of mankind. In this connexion, we welcome the recent initiatives of Governments in our region. We are of the opinion that these initiatives deserve the fullest support of the international community. We furthermore believe that the relevant United Nation s agencies and the other international and regional institutions involved should be encouraged in their endeavours, and that financial resources must be committed to assist them in their battle to eradicate the scourge of narcotic drugs.
As time goes by, we notice that our planet is no longer the same safe haven for mankind if; used to be. The international community recognizes more and more that environmental issues such as climate changes, the conversion of fertile land into desert, the depletion of freshwater resources and the disposal of hazardous chemicals are jeopardizing our ecological systems as well as the most vital interests of mankind. Although environmental problems have grave effects on the development of third world countries in particular these problems should have the attention of the international community as a whole. Given the vital and urgent global character of our environment, a multilateral approach is required to tackle these environmental problems in all their aspects, and the contributions and co-operation of the industrialized nations are indispensable and of major importance. My delegation therefore looks forward to the convening in 1992 of the United Nations conference on environment and development, which we hope will be held on our continent.
It is essential that measures in this context take note of the necessity of eliminating or reducing the imbalance in international production and consumption patterns. One of the major malpractices against the environment that should strongly be rejected is the dumping of nuclear waste and hazardous chemicals by industrialized countries in developing countries, a practice experienced by the latter as abuse of their unfavourable economic situation.
The Amazon countries, to which Suriname belongs, have adopted a declaration in which, inter alia, they express their firm intention to widen and strengthen the mechanisms for co-operation committed to the protection of the environment in the Amazon region. We are fully aware of the region's importance to the world, and we are capable and responsible enough to protect it.
I have tried to stand up in plain view and make what I hope has been a clear, forthright statement of out position, because I wanted the Assembly to know exactly where our country stands, what it advocates, and what it believes. It is true that in our efforts to obtain our cherished goals, we, the United Nations, have lost some ground. We have not been spared certain disappointments and unpleasant surprises. At the same time, however, we have learned by experience. We have learned that peace, development and prosperity are not to be had by merely asking. Like other great ideals, they can only be obtained through hard and consistent effort.
As we stand on the threshold of the 1990s, I am pleased to observe that today's developments in world affairs give us cause for a certain optimism for the future, a future in which our ever more indivisible and interdependent world beholds a new horizon, a horizon holding out the promise of peace, development and prosperity for all. Let us, then, proceed to examine specific ways and means to make the goals and end results we seek possible. It is our profound hope and expectation that our Organization will have a vital role to play in this coming new era.


During the debate at the fortieth session of the General Assembly four years ago, President Sanguinetti announced to the world community from this very rostrum that Uruguay had resumed its traditional path of political democracy, and was determined to respect and to enforce respect domestically for all human rights as guaranteed by the Constitution of the Republic, and further announced his firm resolve to resume active participation on the global stage of international relations in the pursuit of peace, universal respect for human rights and the equality of all nations, based on respect for national sovereignty and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States.
Six months prior to the conclusion of President Sanguinetti's constitutional term, I have the honour to mount the same rostrum to announce to this international community that today those intentions have been fully realized.
Indeed, within a few weeks, elections will be held in Uruguay to elect all the authorities who will be responsible for the destiny of the country for the next five years. This fact, commonplace in the political tradition of a democratic country, is particularly significant in out case, since it represents the culmination of a period of democratic recovery during which full respect for the Constitution has been restored? all individual rights have been scrupulously observed, and national reconciliation has been achieved, inter alia by a general amnesty ratified by popular mandate. Law and justice have been restored, and the country has been rescued from a declining economic situation through the vigorous revitalization of the external sector and the application of stabilizing policies which have allowed reasonable product growth, a decrease in unemployment and an increase in real earnings.
On the international front, Uruguay has honoured all its commitments, including those of a financial nature which entailed - then and today - considerable sacrifices. It has actively contributed, at times beyond the power of its political weight and its material resources, to efforts aimed at reinforcing international peace, security and co-operation. It has embarked upon a firm policy of regional and sub regional integration and participates actively with other democracies in the hemisphere to co-ordinate positions in order to satisfy our common interests. In short, the Government of Uruguay is acting on the international scene, secure in the moral and political authority it derives from the right to represent a free, democratic, stable and peace-loving society. This task of democratic consolidation has been successful but also extremely difficult. As President Sanguinetti said to this Assembly in 1985:
"Democracy is a fragile flower; ... it only grows aid survives in the right soil and the right climate. A genuine democracy based on respect for the individual and an the periodical, free advice of the people can be preserved only within an economic context that allows its citizens to provide for their basic material and spiritual needs. ... When this condition is not fulfilled, and poverty and unemployment prevail, violence emerges and is unleashed, the powers of disorder take advantage of the fertile soil, the fabric of society disintegrates and, in the international sphere, political loyalties become erratic." (A/40/PV.6, p. 12)
Indeed, democracy is never limited to a purely political dimension, nor is it a sufficient condition to ensure freedom for all the people.
The economic and social component of a democratic society is what ultimately determines its feasibility aid stability. It is for this reason that the question posed by the foreign Ministers of the Group of 8 when considering the problem of foreign debt is a valid one today: How much poverty can freedom withstand?
Like democracy in other Latin American countries and other regions of the world, democracy in Uruguay has been constantly threatened by a severe economic crisis unprecedented in its history.
We are aware - and this is always worth repeating - of our share of responsibility in the task of overcoming the crisis and promoting development and economic growth. We know that that is possible only through our own efforts, through the formulation and application of our own policies and, particularly, through our own sacrifices. But we are also aware that, despite the social and political cost of these adjustment processes, the expected benefits will not be obtained without greater participation and commitment by the industrialized countries, particularly in the areas of international finance and trade.
The issue of underdevelopment, therefore, remains the major world problem faced by mankind. The growth achieved by a few Asian countries cannot hide the fact that there has been significant regression in the social indicators of many countries in Latin America and Africa. That bears eloquent testimony to the seriousness of the situation and the political risk to their governing institutions, and consequently to world peace.
The vast foreign debt which weighs so heavily on many of our countries has reversed the flow of financial resources, which now runs from South to North. The task of turning the tide cannot be delayed, since this debt is paralysing all our efforts to achieve economic development and democratic stability.
It is encouraging to note that creditor countries have new accepted the principle of shared responsibility in the foreign-debt problem, and have agreed that this problem is not simply financial but also political and social. It is also noteworthy and encouraging that creditor Governments appear willing to consider formulas to help the constrained economies of debtor nations.
In this respect, the agreement between Mexico and its international bank creditors has set a precedent regarding the feasibility of the Brady philosophy and has aroused legitimate hopes and expectations in the rest of the debtor nations.
Without a pragmatic approach to the debt problem there will be no development and no economic growth; without these prerequisites it will be very difficult to continue to believe in democracy, and without democracy world stability and peace will be very hard to maintain.
What we need today is a revolutionary change in our ideas and policies with respect to international economics, ultimately leading to the formulation of a new development strategy. The starting point of that strategy should be recognition of the interdependence of all States, whatever their size or economic or military power; and the objective should be to ensure that this interdependence is viewed as guaranteeing greater predictability and stability in world trade and economic relations and a more just distribution of the benefits.
This new international strategy for development should be dynamic, flexible and, above all, concrete and precise in the formulation of measures designed to fight poverty, to eliminate protectionism and discrimination in international trade, and to facilitate access by all developing countries to technology and to the financial and economic markets of industrialized nations.
The environmental dimension should be an essential ingredient in the new international development strategy. The deterioration of the environment has become a matter of concern to the entire international community and there is no doubt it will continue to be a matter of concern in the years to come.
There can be no doubt that the environment must, be protected and that each State must assume responsibility and take action in this respect for its own well-being and for that of other peoples of the world. But it is also true that
the correct solution to the problem requires sincere and broad international co-operation to ensure that the cost of protecting the environment is not borne by only a few countries which ate still struggling for full development of their un-exploited natural resources. In no case - and this is more important still - should protection of the environment become a new form of conditionality to which the sovereign decisions of countries still requiring international co-operation for their development would be subordinated.
In summary, Uruguay is conscious of the urgent need to protect the environment-, but we are also aware that this is a task requiring the participation and efforts of the entire international community and that it should be carried out in a way compatible with the national sovereignty of all nations.
However, the implementation of a development policy that guarantees both the protection of the environment and the rational use of natural resources requires the provision of financial resources and appropriate technologies not available to all the countries in the world.
As we stated last year and repeat today: the technological dependence of the developing countries is not only a factor inhibiting their economic development, but also as a serious threat to their political sovereignty as that posed by foreign aggression.
The cost of transferring financial and technological resources to developing countries represents barely a marginal fraction of the funds used by the super-Powers in the arms race, for which they invoke reasons of national security. They forget that reasons of national survival would make it mandatory for them to allocate more than a marginal fraction of that overall expenditure to the transfer of resources and technology to developing countries, thereby facilitating their
participation in the common task of protecting both world peace and the quality of the environment.
In dealing with the question of the environment, the international community must resort to the basic mechanism of co-operation between nations because we are faced with a common danger, affecting us all, and there is no political system or degree of development or military Power than can give any State the slightest immunity against it.
Unfortunately, it is not only dangers to the environment that indiscriminately affect all nations and peoples. There are other reasons forcing us to resort to and develop the mechanisms of global solidarity and co-operation. Terrorism and drug trafficking, which at times appear to be complementary phenomena, continue to wreak destruction and havoc, despite the universal revulsion they arouse.
Uruguay unequivocally condemns terrorism. For us, any terrorist act is inhuman and cruel, violates the most sacred human rights and reveals the basest and most destructive feelings of men. There is no purpose, no cause, no issue, however noble, that can justify the commission of a terrorist act. For that reason, Uruguay will contribute, without qualifications based on motives or purposes, to efforts directed at establishing new legal measures and at strengthening existing ones providing for the eradication of this scourge from the face of the earth.
With respect to drug trafficking, we are concerned at the rate at which it has expanded and at the vast power behind it, but at the same time we are encouraged to see that the governments of consumer nations have become aware of their responsibilities and that producer nations have shouldered the risks involved in an open war against drug traffickers. In this connection, it is my duty, and my pleasure, to express to the Government of President Virgilio Barco Vargas and to the people of Colombia the solidarity of the Government of Uruguay in respect of recent events in our sister Republic, and our admiration for the courage with which Colombians are tackling this problem.
The political climate that now prevails is perhaps the most propitious in four decades for the successful initiation and implementation of undertakings necessitating the willingness of Governments to co-operate with each other. Ideological dogmatism and political inflexibility appear to be losing ground in the face of realism and common sense. Over the last few months, we have embarked on a new era of dialogue and collaboration, which has translated into a cessation of hostilities, the reaching of agreements, and the establishment of contacts and channels of communication. All of this has led to the solution, or imminent solution, of several regional conflicts.
The cessation of hostilities between Iran and Iraq; the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan that has already taken place; the recent efforts to normalize the situation in Kampuchea; the December 1988 agreements on southern Africa and the beginning of the self-determination process in Namibia; the agreements on New Caledonia; the contacts concerning Western Sahara; the new surge in the Central American peace process following the regional presidential summit last August; and the promising resumption of dialogue between Argentina and the United Kingdom with a view to settling their differences directly - these are manifestations of this desire for peace, and proof of the sterility and futility of confrontation, intolerance and misguided nationalism.

This new spirit is evident also in the changes introduced by numerous countries in the principles and objectives of their domestic policies, which have led them to greater openness, both internally and externally, thereby strengthening the prospects for international peace and co-operation. 1 am referring to political evolution on the domestic front in the Soviet Union and other Eastern European countries, as well as to the steps taken towards democracy by the last authoritarian regimes in South America, which are evidence of a less dogmatic political vision that, fortunately, appears to be spreading in almost all regions of the world.
However, there remain areas in which the voices of peace go unheeded, First, the human-rights situation in the world is still far from satisfactory. The international community knows that the important progress made in the political field will remain precarious while vast sectors of the world's peoples are unable fully to enjoy their human rights.
There can be no doubt whatsoever that no progress - whether economic, social, political or moral — will have a firm foundation so long as any vestiges of racism and racial discrimination remain, and in particular while practices such as apartheid continue. South Africa's persistence in disregarding the resolutions of the United Nations will not stifle the persistence of the rest of the world in reclaiming for that country the full force of the equality and dignity of the human race.
The work of the United Nations in developing human rights and establishing the means of guaranteeing respect for them must continue, with the support of the international community. A very important step has been taken with the drafting of the convention on the rights of the child, which we trust will soon become, for every State, the appropriate ethical and legal framework for improving the status of children.
The Middle East conflict continues to threaten world peace and to cost the parties involved a high price in human life and in moral and material damage. Nevertheless, signals are beginning to come from both sides - signals that are helping to generate the climate necessary for a negotiated solution. For Israel, this would mean lasting peace within safe borders, and, for the Palestinians, the possibility of exercising freely their right to self-determination.
In this region, we are also particularly concerned about the tragic situation in Lebanon - a country with which we have many links, and whose long-suffering people are the victims of an unjust and senseless war, with the Resulting death and devastation with which we are all too familiar.
Uruguay has raised its voice in the past, and does so again, to call on all the parties involved to intensify their efforts to achieve a final solution to the conflict. This implies the withdrawal of foreign troops from Lebanese territory and the harmonization, by democratic means, of domestic differences. In this regard, we wish every success for the mediation undertaken by several heads of State of the League of Arab States. We trust that the pursuit of peace in Lebanon will succeed and that this country will once again be as prosperous and peaceful as it once was.
These problems, as well as other situations that threaten peace, are this year, as in previous years, difficult challenges to which the General Assembly should respond by trying to reconcile the specific interests of each nation with
the general interests of the international community. We are aware that this is a task fraught with difficulties, but at the same time we are encouraged because we know, Mr. President, that under your enlightened and expert direction, we shall achieve the desired results.
I should like to conclude by expressing our sincere congratulations to Mr. Dante Caputo on his intelligent and effective presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session, and also to the Secretary-General, whose dynamism, tact and commitment have strengthened the role of his office within the Organization and have been an essential factor in enhancing its prestige through his successful intervention in the peaceful solution of a number of regional conflicts.