91.	 Mr. President, I should like first on behalf of the Federal Government to congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and at the same time I should like to express our pleasure that you, an outstanding political personality and diplomat, representing one of the leading countries of the non-aligned movement, are presiding over this Assembly.
92.	On behalf of the Federal Republic of Germany I welcome in our midst the two new Members, the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. This is an important step towards bringing our Organization nearer to the goal of universality.
93.	We have assembled here to try and bring the world-a world divided by conflicting ideologies, separated by a gulf between poor, and rich nations, torn by various conflicts- further along the long road to our objective: a world of peace, of economic and social progress, a world in which the dignity of man is respected. In fulfilling this task, central importance attaches to the United Nations, the only universal organization.
94.	Our age is one of far-reaching change. New thinking and new action are required. Only a generation ago the course of the world was determined by a few big Powers. Since then a hundred new States have emerged and have entered world politics with their own ideas and their own claims. For the first time in history the nations of the world are aware of their dependence on one another worldwide.
95.	There is a growing recognition of the fact that through co-operation we must transform our period of transition into an era of joint progress, in order to prevent it from becoming, through confrontation; an era of joint decline The world is looking for a just order of co-operation. In the past the system between States was often understood as a relationship of supremacy and subordination, politically, militarily and economically. This policy of supremacy no longer has a future. True, the idea of safeguarding one's own interests through power politics is by no means extinct. But it is confronted by the strongest force of this era: the will of nations for self-determination and independence.
96.	That will is strong particularly in the nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It has led to the dissolution of the huge colonial empires, and it will doom to failure any endeavour to establish new dependencies. This also applies to any attempt to establish supremacy by ideological means through ideological colonialism.
97.	Under the conditions prevailing in today's world, a country's interests can be safeguarded on a durable basis only through a policy of co-operation and fair reconciliation of interests. The world order of the future can only be an order based on equality.
98.	The Federal Republic of Germany has from the very outset built its foreign policy on respect for the self-determination and equal rights of all nations. We want self- determination for the indivisible German nation. We are helping to build the European Community, a Community in which all members have equal status and equal rights.
99.	We are also helping to shape the North Atlantic Alliance, an alliance which is a union of equal member States.
100.	With our policy of detente we are seeking co-operation with our Eastern neighbours on the basis of equal rights and mutual benefit.
101.	We seek equal and balanced partnership with the nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America, and we fully support them in their claim to independence and the right to develop as they see fit.
102.	In a nutshell, we want a world devoid of supremacy. We do not want to establish spheres of influence; we do not want to export ideologies. Rather we want a world in which all nations will determine their own way of life politically, economically and culturally and in which they will cooperate as partners, as equals.
103.	The movement of the non-aligned has become a major force in the quest for such a world of independence and equality of nations. Regional groupings as well, based on equality, can also make an essential contribution in Asia, in Africa and in Latin America.
104.	Our aim is a world of partnership. This means we must achieve the following goals. First, in order to safeguard peace, we must bring about constructive co-operation between Western and Eastern industrialized countries, beyond all ideological differences. Secondly, we must stop the arms race, which threatens peace and wastes resources. Thirdly, we must settle the smouldering conflicts in many regions of the world by peaceful means. Fourthly, we must constantly reduce the gap between rich and poor nations. We must overcome hunger and need and misery everywhere in the world. Fifthly, we must make respect for the rights and the dignity of man the foundation of justice and stability in the world.
105.	In a world of nuclear weapons, the policy of safeguarding peace determines the destiny of mankind. Safeguarding peace is the common goal of all democratic forces in my country. Safeguarding peace is more than avoiding war. Through the renunciation of force and the peaceful settlement of conflicts we must build a world of partnership. The member countries of' the European Community have embarked upon that path. Twice in this century they have been embroiled in war. Today, the Europe of the nine countries has become a force for peace in the world. In the North Atlantic Alliance the democracies of Europe and North America have united to secure peace. The European Community and the North Atlantic Alliance, in turn, provided the firm foundations from which it became possible to launch the process of East-West detente.
106.	The Federal Republic of Germany has made a substantial contribution to make detente in Europe possible. By means of the treaties of Moscow, Warsaw and Prague, it has opened the way to normal relations with its Eastern neighbours. Within that context, relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union will also in future be of fundamental importance for detente in Europe. We want to develop these relations further.
107.	The treaty with the German Democratic Republic on the basis of relations has laid a foundation on which the two German States can live together. Part and parcel of that policy pursued by the Federal Republic of Germany is its declared aim to work for a state of peace in Europe in which the German nation will recover its unity in free self-determination. We are certain that, here again, history will show that a nation's will for unity will assert itself. Nobody can elude the logic of history by using ideology as a subterfuge.
108.	The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has carried forward and developed among the 35 participating countries the process of detente that had been initiated bilaterally. The Final Act of Helsinki is a clear rejection of concepts of supremacy. Relations in the whole of Europe are to be based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all States.
109.	My Polish colleague, the previous speaker, was right in pointing out that the Federal Republic of Germany and the Polish People's Republic have made progress along the road to normalization. The meeting of Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt with the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Mr. Gierek, in Helsinki has given an important impetus to this development.
110.	At the forthcoming follow-up Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be held in Belgrade a sober balance-sheet will have to be drawn up as to whether and to what extent the general principles and the specific declarations of intent on economic and humanitarian matters in the Final Act have been put into practice, and what still has to be done.
111.	The Federal Government will do its best to ensure that the follow-up Conference will give fresh impetus to detente. The Belgrade Conference must become not the end of the road, but rather a point along the road in the long-term process of detente. There must be no relapse into cold war. That would render further progress impossible and jeopardize what has been achieved so far.
112.	Detente in Europe starts from the existing realities. Among those realities are the ties between West Berlin and the Federal Republic of Germany. We shall do everything to secure the viability of West Berlin. West Berlin must fully participate in the process of detente and its progress. In this context the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin of 3 September 1971 is of decisive importance. It must be strictly observed and fully implemented. Berlin is both a symbol and a yardstick of the will for detente and co-operation between East and West.
113.	We know that ideological differences will continue to exist between East and West. We are ready for a competition of ideas and achievements. However, detente means that neither side should attempt to impose its system on the other.
114.	Beyond their ideological rivalry, East and West have a common interest in safeguarding world peace, in developing mutually beneficial co-operation, and in resolving the problems of the developing countries. The latter need the contributions of the Western and the Eastern industrialized countries in order to master their problems. The developing countries need least of all a transfer of the East-West conflict to their regions.
115.	President Carter, in his recent speech in Charleston, defined the goal as follows:
 Our goal is not to encourage dissension or to re-divide the world into two opposing ideological camps, but to expand the realm of independent, economically self- reliant nations.
116.	A world of partnership can thrive only in a climate of international trust. Such trust presupposes that nations and individuals can live free from fear. They have a right to be secure from the threat or use of force, be it force in the form of political or economic subjugation or be it force of weapons of whatever kind.
117.	In 1976 the Western defence alliance demanded that no country build up a higher level of armaments than was required for its defence.
118.	The Federal Republic of Germany has from its beginning taken the position that force cannot be a means to settle problems. That is why it actively advocates balanced and controlled disarmament on a world-wide scale. There must be an end to the arms race.
119.	We take seriously the task which we assumed when we became a member of the Geneva Conference of the Committee on Disarmament of the United Nations. From the beginning, we endorsed the initiative to convene a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on disarmament. Even before the non-proliferation Treaty came into being we had renounced nuclear weapons. We consider the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to be an essential prerequisite for safeguarding peace. As a party to the non-proliferation Treaty, we appeal once more to all States which are still standing aside to accede to the Treaty.
120.	The arms race is an enormous waste of resources in a world which ought to concentrate its efforts on the elimination of hunger and distress. Expenditure on armaments amounting to roughly $330 billion in 1976 is a challenge to the common sense and moral conviction of all States.
121.	The forthcoming special session of the General Assembly on disarmament must clearly show how we can live up to this challenge. It must not bog down in generalities.
122.	Besides world-wide endeavours for disarmament, regional efforts are required, especially where the size of the existing military potential makes such action particularly urgent. It is for that reason that the Federal Republic of Germany is actively participating in the Vienna negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions. Our aims are clear and straightforward: first, we want parity of forces in Central Europe—neither side should have more forces than the other; and, secondly, we want such parity at a lower level. If those aims were to materialize, this would be a step towards greater stability. It could give fresh and strong impetus to the process of detente.
123.	In all efforts for disarmament and arms control- world wide and regional—we are conscious of the importance attaching to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks between the United States and the Soviet Union. We welcome the efforts made in those negotiations. The progress achieved in the course of those negotiations will have a favourable effect on detente in general and on other endeavours for disarmament and arms control.
124.	Developing a world based on partnership presupposes that we settle conflicts by peaceful means. Three conflicts have been on the General Assembly's agenda for a good number of years—those in the Middle East, Cyprus and southern Africa.
125.	In the Middle East, a region neighbouring on and closely linked with the members of the European Community, we were relieved to witness the termination of the civil war in the greater part of Lebanon. But there is no peace yet. We appeal to all who are involved in the constant outbursts of fighting in southern Lebanon to lay down their arms at last. This is essential not only for Lebanon itself but also for stability and peace in the whole region.
126.	A settlement of the Middle East conflict is of vital importance also to Europe and the world as a whole. Together with its partners in the European Community the Federal Republic of Germany reaffirmed the principles for a solution in the statement on the Middle East made by the European Council in London on 29 June 1977. A just and lasting peace settlement must, starting from Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), give effect to the following principles: it must implement the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force; it must respect the right of all States in the region—and that means the right of Israel as well—to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; it must end the territorial occupation which Israel has maintained since 1967; it must take into account the legitimate rights of the Palestinians. In the view of the Federal Republic of Germany, those legitimate rights of the Palestinian people include its rights to self-determination and to give effective expression to its national identity. A solution must therefore take into account the need for a homeland for the Palestinian people.
127.	The States members of the European Community have urgently appealed to all parties involved to begin peace negotiations as soon as possible. The Palestinians must participate in those negotiations. The road to negotiations must not be blocked by the unilateral creation of faits accomplis. That is why the Federal Government, in this forum too, comes out against the establishment of Israeli settlements in the occupied Arab territories.
128.	The Federal Republic of Germany has friendly relations with all States in that region and uses them in its efforts to help to bring about a peaceful settlement. Advantage must be taken of the promising signs which emerged at the beginning of the year. This requires all concerned to show respect for the inalienable rights of the other side. I urgently appeal to all parties to the conflict to be aware of their responsibility for maintaining world peace and to make possible a peace settlement through realism and a spirit of compromise.
129.	Stagnation will also have to be overcome at last in the search for a solution of the Cyprus conflict. Any settlement must respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus. The aim of giving the independent Republic of Cyprus a bicommunal and federative structure must and can be attained only through direct negotiations between the two ethnic groups. The Federal Republic of Germany supports the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to bring those negotiations to a successful conclusion under his auspices.
130.	In recent years African problems have moved more and more into the forefront of international politics. The policy of the Federal Republic of Germany is unequivocal. We support the independence of the African States; we support racial equality; we are against colonialism, against any kind of racial discrimination and against any attempt to establish, by pursuing power politics from outside, new dependencies in Africa. Having in mind the continuing suppression of the black majorities in southern Africa, President Nyerere once said:
 Man is so constituted that he will not rest until he feels that he has freedom and the human dignity which goes with it. Otherwise, he will sooner or later fight for his own freedom within his society and for the freedom of his society from outside domination.
131.	The Federal Republic of Germany therefore presses for a peaceful solution of the problems in southern Africa before it is too late—a peaceful change designed to lead all races into a common future of independence and of coexistence based on equality. It is for the community of States which, at the Conferences of Maputo and Lagos, so impressively demonstrated their determination, to eliminate the vestiges of colonialism and racial discrimination in southern Africa. The Federal Republic of Germany shares the objectives of all those who, in liberation movements and elsewhere, champion the cause of self- determination and human rights by peaceful means.
132.	As regards Rhodesia, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany supports all international efforts—in particular the Anglo-American initiative—to replace the illegal minority regime and to bring about a speedy and peaceful transfer of power to the black majority.
133.	As regards the problem of Namibia, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany is actively involved in the initiative of the five Western members of the Security Council designed to prepare the way for Namibia's independence on the basis of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). The citizens of Namibia are to determine their future in general and free elections in which SWAPO is to participate. In this the United Nations has to play an important role. We expect the United Nations to appoint a special representative for the transition of Namibia to independence, and to contribute during the transitional period to the protection of Namibia's internal security and territorial integrity by providing peace-keeping forces. After achieving political independence, Namibia will be faced with the huge task of building up its own economy. In doing so it will need the help of its friends. The Federal Republic of Germany considers this to be an important task.
134.	With all the emphasis at its command the Federal Republic of Germany calls for the ending of racial discrimination in the Republic of South Africa. We call for an end to the policy of apartheid, and the policy of  bantustanization  and for the establishment of social, economic and political equality for all sections of the population. That includes the safeguarding of the rights of the minorities.
135.	The States members of the European Community have drawn up a code of conduct for European firms in South Africa  designed to give effect to the principle of equal treatment for black and white workers. That is an important step towards the establishment of the economic and social equality of races, wherever we have an opportunity to do so.
136.	The Federal Government has reacted with concern to indications that South Africa may plan a nuclear weapons test. We take it that the Government of South Africa will keep to the declarations it has made in the meantime. However, we appeal to it once more to accede to the non-proliferation Treaty in order to dispel any doubt concerning its position.
137.	The time for peaceful reform through a constructive dialogue between the races is running out. Further delay, further hesitation, would be bound to result in a racial war which could bring chaos to the whole of southern Africa. We express our sympathy and sorrow for all those who have already become the victims of racial conflict. South Africa can find peace only if it implements human rights for all races.
138.	Besides the Middle East, Cyprus, and southern Africa, there are further sources of serious conflict. At present we all think of the fighting and bloodshed in the Horn of Africa. We must make every effort to settle all these other conflicts peacefully, too.
139.	A world of peace and partnership is inconceivable if we do not overcome the gap which divides today's world more deeply than any ideological differences—the gap between rich and poor. The challenge for us is to create a new international economic order which will make it possible for all men in all countries to lead a life free from hunger or need. There is also the question of implementing human rights in the social and economic fields.
140.	We cannot achieve this new order by discarding existing and proven structures. Such structures must, rather, be steadily developed and in a flexible way adjusted to ever new requirements and conditions. We must preserve the effectiveness of the steering mechanism of the market economy and at the same time ensure for the developing countries both equal participation in world economy and a more than proportionate rate of growth.
141.	The search for a new order must be based on the recognition that neither side-neither developing nor industrialized countries—can reach their economic goal alone. The developing countries can step to, their own progress only in a climate of world-wide economic growth. Commodity prices of greater stability, rising exports of finished goods from the developing countries, a larger transfer of resources—all this presupposes that the industrialized countries will return to stable growth. In turn, the industrialized countries also need the impetus of accelerated development to regain stable growth.
142.	The international economic order must therefore serve the twofold aim of providing more than proportionate growth rates in the developing countries and stable growth in the industrialized countries. It must be an order based on equality and mutual commitment, in which each group of countries assumes responsibility for the realization of both aims in the awareness that only thus will it be able to attain its own goal.
143.	What, specifically, needs to be done? First, all countries must stimulate the growth of the world economy by common effort, without refuelling inflation. There must be no backslide into recession. Following an agreed strategy, the Western industrialized countries should exert every effort to promote continuous non-inflationary growth.
144.	Let me point out for the Federal Republic of Germany that the considerable increase in our imports during the past few years has given a strong impetus to the international economy. At the same time, we have also exported stability in terms of our relatively high, stable prices. We will make further determined efforts to stimulate economic activity in our own country.
145.	Secondly, we must keep the markets of the industrialized countries open and provide them with further finished goods from the developing countries.
146.	The exchange of industrial goods is the most dynamic sector of world trade. It has always offered the best chance for an increase in the export earnings of the developing countries, and will continue to do so.
147.	Only a steady increase in exports of finished goods from the developing countries will make it possible for us to overcome the traditional pattern of exchange in which commodities are supplied mainly by the developing countries. In other words, that is the only way in which we can create a structure of equal rights and opportunities.
148.	A steady change in the structure of world trade is also in the interests of the industrialized countries. Free trade and world-wide structural reform, instead of economic controls and protectionism, are indispensable elements of progress.
149.	The Federal Government cautions against the growing trend towards protectionism, which it considers to be a serious danger for international economic co-operation, in particular the co-operation between industrialized and developing countries.
150.	In all organizations to which it belongs, the Federal Republic of Germany therefore speaks out explicitly in favour of free world trade and of unimpeded and growing access to markets. We continue to be staunch supporters of free world trader even though this implies difficult processes of adjustment for some sectors of our own economy.
151.	Even during the recession of 1975, we increased our imports of industrial goods from developing countries by 24 per cent and in 1976 by as much as 32 per cent. That trend has continued during the current year.
152.	The Federal Republic of Germany ranks first in the world in per capita imports of semi-manufacturers and finished goods from the developing countries. It has also accumulated a foreign trade deficit in its dealings with the developing countries which do not export oil and has thus substantially stimulated their economic growth during the past few years.
153.	Thirdly, we must attain more stable commodity prices. The heavy price fluctuations typical of many commodities are harmful to both sides, raw material exporters as well as raw material consumers. In many developing countries such fluctuations prevent a systematic implementation of development plans, while at the same time they cause an increase in cyclical fluctuations in the industrialized countries, thereby leading to slower growth.
154.	In concert with its partners in the European Community, and in close consultation with the other Western industrialized countries, the Federal Government actively participates in UNCTAD negotiations on the Integrated Programme for Commodities. It advocates the conclusion of commodity agreements where suitable. It also supports the establishment of a common fund as a key instrument in attaining the agreed objectives of the Integrated Programme.
155.	Apart from price stabilization, the Federal Government also advocates measures for the stabilization of export earnings. Such measures are of particular importance for the poorest among the developing countries.
156.	We must promote the transfer of technology to the developing countries. Technology must be accessible to all countries without discrimination. This applies equally to the peaceful use of atomic energy.
157.	The Federal Republic of Germany is trying to co-operate, on the basis of partnership, in strengthening the capacity of the developing countries to absorb technology. It promotes private investment in developing countries as an important vehicle for the transfer of technology. We must step up the transfer of resources to the developing countries.
158.	In 1976 the net capital influx from official and private sources into the non-oil-exporting developing countries reached a total of almost $71 billion, which is double the amount of 1973. This large increase has helped considerably to ease the impact of world recession on the developing countries.
159.	During the past few years the Western industrialized countries have reached the target of a total capital transfer of 1 per cent of their national product; the Federal Republic of Germany has exceeded this target with a capital transfer of 1.18 per cent in 1975 and of 1.19 per cent in 1976.
160.	It must now be our first priority to increase official assistance. The developing countries and especially the poorest among them are increasingly in need of non-repayable grants and credits on concessional terms. Despite budgetary constraints, the Federal Government has therefore raised, by more than 20 per cent its appropriation for development assistance for the 1978 budget. This rate of growth is twice that of the total budget.
161.	The Federal Government takes an active part also in the endeavours to solve the problem of indebtedness of the developing countries. This problem affects some of them in particular. We therefore intend to provide, as before, assistance on a case-by-case basis.
162.	Overcoming hunger and need in the developing countries is the great task of our times, and it can be fulfilled only if all countries which are in a position to do so contribute their share to this. At the Downing Street Summit Conference, held in London on 7 and 8 May, the seven major industrialized countries of the West therefore called upon the industrialized socialist countries to contribute to the necessary increase in the transfer of resources to the developing countries. In 1976 development assistance from member States of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance amounted to less than 25 per cent of the assistance provided by the Federal Republic alone.
163.	Access to markets of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance presents a similar picture. Only 4 per cent of the exports from developing countries go to industrialized socialist countries as against close to 75 per cent to member States of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
164.	The industrialized socialist countries have long been integrated in world economy. They should therefore accept responsibility for a stable and developing world economy. This is also in their own interest.
165.	A substantial contribution to the development process can also be made by foreign private investment in providing capital, technology, modern management methods and channels to world markets. This potential can only be used, however, if industrialized and developing countries jointly commit themselves to creating a climate of mutual confidence which will encourage a smooth and continuous flow of foreign investment.
166.	This does not only imply legal security for investors. It also means that the companies established with foreign participation are ready to act in harmony with development plans and to refrain from trying to exert any political influence. In this respect, too, the Federal Republic, of Germany is committed to the principle of the sovereignty and independence of all countries.
167.	In order to feed a growing world population and to supply an expanding world economy with raw materials, it is imperative that the production of food-stuffs and raw materials should grow at a sufficient and steady pace. The bulk of grain and raw material production is currently concentrated in industrialized countries. On a long-term basis, however, we shall not be able to meet the growing demand unless the developing countries themselves can steadily increase their own production. This is another significant field of co-operation.
168.	One of the greatest challenges for us is the energy issue. In the remaining years of this century, the world must manage to switch from oil to new forms of energy. During the transitional period the oil-producing countries bear a special responsibility. The industrialized countries, for their part, must be prepared to exercise the necessary degree of self-discipline without which the task of restricting fuel consumption and of developing alternative sources of energy can never be accomplished.
169.	Of key importance for the future of the world economy is the successful conclusion of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The exploitation of the mineral resources of the high seas and the sea-bed has become the critical issue of the negotiations. We must establish an international sea-bed regime and we must do so quickly in view of the long lead-time for investments in deep sea mining. This regime must permit rational exploitation of raw materials and meet the interests of all countries-raw material consumers and raw material producers alike. It must not be monopolistic in character and must, give all interested States unqualified access to the mineral resources of the high seas.
170.	Development policy must focus on man. Its first priority must therefore be to satisfy basic needs of all men. Not only must growth be accelerated; it must also be appropriately structured. It must focus on such areas where the poor live and seek a living.
171.	The assumption that somehow growth also reaches the poor has proved false. Poverty must be fought directly, and we must provide the poor with the ability and the means of working productively.
172.	I have singled out a few areas in which we must make real and rapid progress in our search for a new international economic order based on joint responsibility. The Federal Government will strive with all its vigour to achieve such progress.
173.	We hope that our efforts will gain additional momentum from the recently established Independent Commission on International Development Issues. We are pleased that a personality of such international renown and broad political experience as Willy Brandt has agreed to head the Commission.
174.	A world of partnership must also be a world of respect for human rights and their implementation. In our endeavours to make the world a more human place we must put a halt with all our vigour to the ever multiplying forms of violence. The taking of hostages has become an urgent problem for all mankind.
175.	During the last session of the General Assembly the Federal Government therefore proposed an international convention against the taking of hostages.'1 Early deliberations in the Committee which has been requested to prepare the text of a draft convention have confirmed the will for objective co-operation in accomplishing this task.
176.	We must continue the work we have begun with all our vigour. I request the General Assembly to extend the Committee's mandate in accordance with its recommendations. We must also make progress in the solution of the complex problem of terrorism. Terrorism in its national and international forms has become a grave danger for all who want to live in peace and freedom. We must jointly fight this danger.
177.	During the past year the International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and on Civil and Political Rights have entered into force. These Covenants are inseparably linked. Freedom from want is no less significant a human right than freedom from fear.
178.	It is now a question of applying human rights world-wide. Here again the United Nations must continue to act as a champion. World-wide independent bodies are required. 1 reaffirm what I said last year concerning the tasks of an international court for human rights.
179.	Let us always remember that the concept of human rights is the irresistible force of the modern world to which the future belongs. The implementation of human rights alone will be the yardstick by which progress in the world is measured.


228. First of all, Mr. President, allow me to extend to you the felicitations of my delegation on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. I must also congratulate you on your distinguished career as a diplomat in the service of your country, especially in advancing and promoting the principle and practice of non-alignment.
229.	To the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, we address a sincere tribute for his initiatives in pursuance of the cause of peace.

230.	Although new ourselves as a Member of the United Nations, we welcome the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti, which are now Members of this world Organization, and to them we offer and extend the assurance of our co-operation.
231.	This is the second occasion in which a Seychelles delegation has attended a General Assembly session, but the first at which the new Government of Seychelles, which was formed on 5 June this year, has been represented. This occasion, therefore, provides my delegation with the opportunity to make known the views and policies of my Government on a number of important matters. However, before I pass to consideration of the international scene, it is necessary to correct any misapprehension that may have gained currency as a result of the speech made by the then President of Seychelles on the occasion of Seychelles' admission as a Member of the United Nations in September last year. Mr. Mancham stated then:
"Britain, which took over from the French, has guided us with an attitude of friendly enlightenment over the years, and in this spirit readily and unreservedly granted us independence on 29 June this year."
This is simply not true, as it gives the very definite and wrong impression that the people of Seychelles did not have to struggle for their independence. Even if there was no bloodshed, the Seychelles did have to battle over a period of many years for independence. Individuals were sent to prison for their political beliefs or party affiliation in support of independence. Even in April 1974, at the time of the last general election in my country, public meetings and processions were prohibited for a month under the Public Order Act. And when there were gatherings of workers and others at this time, these gatherings were dispersed with tear gas. A number of persons were injured and, indeed, some of them are still suffering as a result of the injuries sustained then. Quite a number were imprisoned.
232.	That those actions were taken was not the immediate result of British Government decisions, but they did occur under the British Administration at that time in Seychelles, and certain British officials on the spot were responsible for them.
233.	As I mentioned earlier and as, I believe, is widely known, there was a change of Government in my country just a little under a year after independence. Those responsible for toppling the previous Government were prompted to do so by a number of reasons; but the principal one was the proposal by the then President that the general election due in June 1979 at the latest, should be postponed for five years beyond that date. That proposal was considered to be a threat to democracy and a step along the path to dictatorship. The new Government, which assumed office after the coup, is pledged to hold a general election within the next two years under a new constitution which is currently the subject of consultations with the people throughout the country. Indeed a constitutional council will be set up in the near future to draft the new constitution, taking into account the views of the people.
234.	Now that Seychelles' has been finally and truly liberated, my Government wishes to express its deep and sincere gratitude to the OAU in particular, but also to all those who individually assisted, for the part they played and the contribution they made. It is also appropriate and right that in this forum my delegation should record the appreciation of the new Seychelles Government for the aid of all kinds that the country received, both prior to independence and since, on a bilateral and multilateral basis. Without this aid, our political independence could not be properly consolidated and made meaningful.
235.	Turning to international affairs, my delegation would like to mention that it is our Government's intention that Seychelles should be completely non-aligned, so that we do not immediately and automatically line up with one State or bloc irrespective of the rights or wrongs of any particular international issue. Small though we are, we reserve the right to make our own assessment of each question and, without fear or favour, to criticize when we consider criticism is due and to praise when praise is merited. But we shall make no attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.
236.	The present Government accepts and will honour all the international agreements made by its predecessor in office and, indeed, all agreements that the country inherited at the time of its independence on 29 June last year.
237.	In a spirit of friendly neighbourliness and a belief in regional co-operation, we shall endeavour to promote and strengthen links with our neighbours in Africa and around the Indian Ocean.
238.	There are a number of international questions of perhaps more immediate concern to Seychelles, given its geographical location and its membership in the OAU.
239.	Let me first make reference to the question of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, which, of course, has already been the subject of United Nations resolutions, but which continues to be of considerable concern to countries in and around the Indian Ocean. Seychelles subscribes whole-heartedly to the concept of the Indian Ocean zone of peace. While the countries of the Indian Ocean have a legitimate right to guard and to provide for their own interests, for us the concept of the Indian Ocean zone of peace means that there should be no super-Power military bases or facilities there—indeed, no permanent super-Power presence of a military nature of any kind. The sooner this can be achieved, the better. Neither should the superpowers arm certain countries in the area in order to use them as pawns in their own power struggle.
240.	I must also mention two matters which have been raised by many representatives in their addresses and which are at the moment being discussed in different forums of the United Nations. They are the new international economic order and the law of the sea.
241.	The major economic problem facing the world today is the wide gap between the standard of living of the advanced industrial countries and that of the developing countries. It is also a political problem, because the disparity between developed and developing countries transcends political ideologies. As a third-world country, Seychelles joins other developing countries in the urgent demand for a new international economic order. We believe that there must be fundamental changes in the structure of economic dominance and inequality. We also believe that such changes must proceed and apply universality, and not sectorally. Whatever changes are finally agreed upon must depend on human needs and conditions.
242.	As regards the law of the sea, we in the Republic of Seychelles attach very great importance to the formulation of a new law, of the sea. The sea is one area which we will exploit for our resources. We hope that at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea a satisfactory conclusion can be reached.
243.	Turning now to the question of southern Africa, which has three constituent elements—namely, Namibia, Zimbabwe, and the apartheid system in South Africa—the Seychelles delegation wishes to make its Government's position quite clear and unequivocal. Firstly, Namibia should become an independent State as soon as possible. Participants in all talks leading to independence and on the future constitution of the country must include a delegation from SWAPO, which is the one organization really representative of the people of Namibia. There can be no conditions attaching to this country's independence. Like all other countries, and as provided in the United Nations Charter, Namibia has the right to self-determination. Constitutional talks must be held and must result in agreement on a constitution and on the election of a parliament on the basis of universal adult franchise, under the supervision of the United Nations or OAU to ensure no undue pressure is applied by anyone.
244.	As regards Zimbabwe, Seychelles adheres fully to the OAU resolution adopted at the recent summit in Libreville  in which it is stated that there should be full support for the Patriotic Front in its efforts to liberate the country; that the people of Zimbabwe should be afforded political,, material and financial assistance to regain their rights to self-determination and independence; and that the question of the political leadership of the country, after the ouster of the Smith regime and the attainment of independence, must be left to the people of Zimbabwe to decide on the basis of universal adult suffrage.
245.	There is little to be said about apartheid that has not been said before in condemnation of that odious and inhuman system, except that it has to be ended just as soon as possible, and to that end all right-thinking Members of the United Nations must lend all their support and efforts.
246.	As regards the Palestinian cause, we believe that the Palestinians should have a right to a homeland of their own and that the Israelis should withdraw immediately from the occupied Arab territories.
247.	As to Western Sahara, my Government yesterday officially recognized the Frente POLISARIO in its attempt to liberate the people of that region. I shall now read the text of a telegram the President of the Republic of Seychelles has sent to Mr. Mohamed Abdelaziz, President of the Revolutionary Command and Secretary-General of the Frente POLISARIO, the movement which is currently engaged in an armed struggle:
"It gives me great pleasure on behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Seychelles and on my own behalf formally to extend our official recognition of Sahawri Arab Democratic Republic. We have followed with great interest the valiant campaign being carried out by the Polisario Front in its attempt to liberate the people of Saguiet el Hamra and Rio de Oro and will endeavour to assist you in every way possible on the diplomatic front and in international forums to free your country from foreign occupation."
248.	The official recognition of the Government of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic coincides with the date originally set for an OAU summit meeting that was to have been held in Lusaka, Zambia, to discuss the question of Western Sahara. That meeting was unfortunately postponed on account of the security situation in Zambia. And once again the future of the Sahawan people was shelved for an indefinite period. My Government's decision is a demonstration of its solidarity with legitimate liberation movements on the African mainland and of its sympathy with the ideals of the Frente POLISARIO, which coincide with the aims of the Seychelles People's United Party, as manifested during its own liberation struggle against colonialism.
249.	We hopefully wish that much of the world unrest will be solved at this thirty-second session of the General Assembly.


1.	Mr. President, I wish to convey to you the congratulations of the Finnish Government on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. We greet you as a statesman with wide experience in European and United Nations affairs. You also represent a country that has greatly contributed to security and co-operation in Europe as well as to international co-operation globally by its active role in the movement of the non-aligned countries. Your election, furthermore, marks a year when important negotiations serving both these ends take place in Belgrade.
2.	I am also glad to welcome the two new Members of the United Nations, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti.
3.	It is customary in this general debate to review the main international events since the latest session of the General Assembly. In my statement I shall concentrate on what the Finnish Government believes are the main trends in the world today These can be put in three words: detente, disarmament and development. Each depends on the other; none can progress in isolation.
4.	The principal purpose of the United Nations is the maintenance of international peace and security, but this is not a static concept; today it is more dynamic than ever. It comprises economic and social development and increased respect for human rights. As the Secretary-General points out in his report on the work of the Organization, the practical problem in this process has been to find a working balance between national sovereignty and national interests on the one hand and international order and the long-term interests of the world community on the other. Over the years the search for this balance has had its moments of hope as well as of disappointment. But the search must go on. The Finnish Government for its part continues to lend its full support to the world Organization in this important.
5.	The agenda of the world community remains overwhelming in size and urgency. Thus in the minds of many optimism may seem unwarranted. Yet there are encouraging elements. The international community is becoming increasingly aware that the problems facing it can only be solved by showing determination tempered by patience and tolerance.
6.	Such determination has been shown in one of the essential areas of international detente—the process initiated by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.
7.	In full conformity with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, is a unanimously adopted set of provisions aimed at reducing tensions as well as establishing friendly and active relations between its participating States. In our experience the Final Act has already proved to be a useful instrument in strengthening security and promoting international co-operation.
8.	The importance of this process to the world community at large should not be underestimated.
9.	I should like to reaffirm in this forum the commitment of the Government of Finland to do its share to promote this process. We look forward with confidence to the first follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which in a few days will begin its deliberations in Belgrade in order to take stock of the progress made until now and to plan future action.
10.	The interconnection of international security and international co-operation is the central element h relations between nations. The strengthening of security through co-operation is not just one option among others; it is the only option open. Nor is it a process that takes place by itself once an international framework such as the United Nations is given. On the contrary, it requires indispensably the active participation of all nations. The great Powers have a special responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, but lasting results can only be achieved with the full participation of all States, big and small, each according to its political profile.
11.	It has been generally orally accepted that détente and disarmament are two intertwined process long run the survival of detente is condition;	progress in disarmament. One proof of this is that whenever have disarmament issues been negotiated as international as today. Some progress on a number of disarmament issues has been made, but. many remain impatient at the meager results of arms limitation.

12.	Because of this it has become popular to blame the arms race on the major Powers and on them only. While this may give an easy excuse for those who want to continue their local arms races, the international community can ill afford such simplified explanations. Regardless of its quantitative or qualitative dimensions, the arms build-up is the result of complex political, economic and technological processes.
13.	New developments in weapons technology, particularly in the strategic and nuclear fields, have caused concern both on the global level and in many regions. The deployment of new types of weapons may give rise to a new round of the arms race. To avert this impending danger the world community must organize itself to increase its control over these processes and developments. Thus, the joint search for disarmament should be seen as a joint search for security. The Government of Finland expects that this search will be carried out thoroughly and realistically at the forthcoming special session devoted to disarmament.
14.	After these observations a word is due on one of the most pressing disarmament issues- the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The Finnish Government continues to believe that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons  is a solid foundation for further efforts in this field. Those disappointments that have been encountered in the efforts to contain the spread of nuclear weapons do not lie in the alleged weaknesses of the non-proliferation Treaty. Rather the reason is in the failure of the international community to use the Treaty as an effective instrument against the dangers of proliferation. The prospect of nuclear explosives in South Africa is a telling reminder of the danger of nuclear proliferation.
15.	Adherence to the non-proliferation Treaty is a contribution to the security of all States concerned. This should also be reflected in the terms applied in international co-operation and trade in nuclear materials and technology for peaceful purposes. The fundamental of the non-proliferation Treaty will become eroded if States that have not pledged themselves to refrain from using peaceful nuclear facilities for military purposes can benefit from international nuclear co-operation. Therefore, one of the key tasks of today is to strengthen the non-proliferation Treaty and make the commitment to non-proliferation fully universal.
16.	While we must continue to work for detente on a global scale, we are still awaiting a break-through in the main conflict areas of the world. One of the most difficult obstacles is the white minority rule and its repression of the vast majority of the people in southern Africa. This cannot be tolerated. There must be a change and there will be a change. The essential question is whether this change takes place through consent rather than bloodshed and violence.
17.	With this in mind, the Nordic Foreign Ministers at their meeting in Helsinki earlier this month expressed the readiness of the five Nordic Governments to offer then- services within the framework of the United Nations with a view to facilitating peaceful solutions in Namibia and Zimbabwe. They also established a working group to investigate the possibilities of a joint action programme for further economic measures against South Africa. The Assembly will recall that earlier they proposed that the Security Council should transform the voluntary arms embargo against South Africa into a mandatory arms embargo. They also stated that it would be a significant action if the Security Council made a decision aimed at preventing new foreign investments in South Africa. Those positions stand.
18.	In southern Africa we are approaching a situation where the credibility of the United Nations and its very capacity to live up to the Charter are seriously undermined. If the present opportunities for peaceful solutions are not seized, we shall face a situation where the world Organization collectively and Member States individually will have to review their stands in order to protect the basic principles of the Charter.
19.	Over the last year, declarations by Arab and Israeli leaders containing a tone of moderation and realism have given the international community reason to hope for the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. Mutual distrust has, however, so far seriously hampered the efforts, to get the negotiating process involving all parties to the conflict under way. The momentum which nevertheless has been achieved should not be allowed to lapse. Therefore, it is particularly important that none of the parties now takes steps which are perceived as adding to the obstacles and thus leading ultimately to further frustrations and perhaps a serious international crisis.
20.	The Finnish Government continues to support the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations. They create conditions for peace-building that should be fully utilized by the parties concerned.
21.	Peace-keeping operations place a heavy financial burden on the Organization and on troop-contributing countries in particular. It is therefore necessary that the General Arguably should devote special attention to the consideration of the whole question of peace-keeping financing. This question should be examined not only in relation to the future but also as a problem which places the present peace-keeping operations in serious jeopardy.
22.	The efforts to reshape the world economic and social order are parallel to the quest for detente and disarmament and pursue the same goals. Indeed, they are just different facets of global interdependence. Success or failure in one has profound effects on the other; the continued diversion of material and human resources to military ends is a conscious choice against development and contrary to the stated aims of the United Nations.
23.	As a recognition of this fact the Nordic countries have proposed that within the framework of the special session on disarmament a new comprehensive study on the link between disarmament and development be undertaken.
24.	Much to our regret-but not unexpectedly-the resumed session the General Assembly  was not able to arrive at any consensus assessment of the results of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation. This should, however, not discourage the Assembly. Progress on a number of issues was achieved. It is also encouraging that a will to negotiate prevailed. The problems of economic and social development are of such magnitude and such vital importance to the entire membership of the United Nations that we must pursue the negotiations together until we reach satisfactory results. In this we must show determination and courage.
25.	We are now facing a twofold challenge: to preserve a favourable negotiating atmosphere between the North and the South and to make vigorous efforts to build on the groundwork laid in recent global conferences. We must do everything possible to prevent a sliding back to a collision course-the price for all of us but especially for the least developed and the most seriously affected countries would be too high. A period of stagnation such as the world economy is now experiencing creates immense pressures. Solutions to these problems can only be found in international co-operation. We are too interdependent to afford confrontation.
26.	The other part of the challenge consists of making maximum use of the results of the negotiations which admittedly have been limited so far. Three important milestones mark the road ahead: the Integrated Programme for Commodities with its common fund, the solution of the debt problem of the developing countries and the increase of official development assistance. These issues are all of critical significance to the developing countries, and Finland will fully support the search for solutions in these areas. In order to move more effectively towards the target for official development assistance Finland has decided to set a medium-term target of at least doubling the present level of its official development assistance.
27.	Along with attacking the three most immediate challenges to which 1 just referred the United Nations must also respond to a longer-term challenge towards securing the establishment of the new international economic order. I am referring to the formulation of a new global development strategy. That should essentially be aimed at achieving what in the 1960s and 1970s remained an unattainable goal: the substantial raising of the material and cultural level of the poorest segments of the world's societies. It must imply a frontal attack on mass poverty. It must strike a balance between the growth needs of nations and the right to a life in security and dignity of the individual human being. Furthermore, it is not possible in our view to speak about development only in terms of growth and quantitative resources. Development must also mean a qualitative change in society, in the lives of its members. They will respond by engaging their will and energy in the development process. In particular, the participation of women must be activated in full equality with men in accordance with the world programme of the United Nations Decade for Women.
28.	In this connection, I should also like to say a few words more generally about the approach taken by Finland to human rights as an issue in international affairs. Our own values in this field are based on the Nordic traditions of freedom, solidarity and justice. By ratifying the International Covenants on Human Rights and numerous other instruments in the United Nations system we have demonstrated our belief that human rights are a matter of importance for peace and good relations between States. It must be strongly emphasized that this applies to all human rights-civic and political, as well as economic, social and cultural rights. Some of the burning political problems of the world, such as those related to the situations in southern Africa and the Middle East, are also at bottom human rights problems. Social and economic development as a whole can be regarded as an effort to promote human rights.
29.	International work in this field can best be carried out on the basis of common, accepted codes of conduct; no purpose is served by attempts to impose one set of values on another. Efforts to find common ground are therefore of primary importance. We see a great task for all countries in promoting and implementing human rights, both nationally and internationally. Success in this task will help to strengthen the rule of law and to build a durable world order in peace and security.


1.	Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia I have the pleasure to preface my speech by extending to you my sincere felicitations on your election to the high post of President of the General Assembly at its thirty-second session. Your election, Mr. President, constitutes a recognition of your personal qualities and of the important role played by your country in the international field.
2.	I should also like to express our appreciation of the sincere endeavours of your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, which had a positive effect on the achievements of the last session.
3.	I am also very happy to express, on behalf of the  Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, our thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his untiring efforts to promote the cause of the United Nations and, consequently, to enhance its effectiveness.
4.	It is also gratifying for me to associate myself with all those who preceded me in welcoming to the United Nations as new Members the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. The admission of those two new States should be considered a step forward for our Organization towards achieving the goal of complete universality of membership-a source of satisfaction in view of the twilight of military and political colonialism in the world.
5.	What dampens this optimism, however, and indeed leads to a pessimistic outlook is the behaviour of certain
States and regimes that enjoy membership in this Organization in practising settler colonialism, which is even more dangerous than military and political colonialism, and the violations that those States and entities commit against the purposes and objectives of the United Nations and against human rights, as well as the crimes that they commit against international peace and security. What adds to this gloom is the great number of political and economic issues that remain outstanding on our agenda and that require deliberation and eventual solution.
6.	We are today witnessing a greater interaction and interdependence in the economic relations of the community of nations. Added to this are the rising expectations of the peoples of developing countries for a better life. At the same time, we are witnessing the high level of technological capability and the tremendous productive capacity of the industrialized countries. It is only when the industrial countries utilize those resources and technical proficiency for the benefit of the international community at large and offer the emerging nations just opportunities to develop in turn their own resources without exploitation that we can truly state that a new era has dawned and a noble aim of our Organization has been attained.
7.	The Paris Conference on International Economic Cooperation afforded an opportunity for assessing and deliberating on those problems and seeking appropriate solutions for them. It thereby reaffirmed the conviction that international co-operation was essential in erecting a sound and equitable international economic order.
8.	It should be mentioned, however, that there were negative aspects—which need not be mentioned here for the sake of maintaining the spirit of co-operation—that prevented the Conference from achieving its original purpose of establishing a new and just international economic order.
9.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which feels a strong sense of responsibility as a member of the international community, has spared no effort within its power to ensure that the Conference could reach the desired goal of international co-operation. My Government remains ready to play its full part in achieving those goals for the mutual benefit of the developing and developed countries. Saudi Arabia still believes that the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation continues to serve as a valid and sound basis for progress, especially since substantial groundwork has already been achieved through the procedures of the Conference.
10.	It seems appropriate to mention these issues because, to a great extent, politics is directly linked to economics. Therefore, if we truly aspire to establish a new international
order, whether on the economic or political level, it is imperative that world tension be diminished and the international community bear its responsibility, no matter how heavy that responsibility may be, in the light of international legality a5 defined by resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Justice must be the foundation of all deliberations in seeking solutions for issues as a means of resolving conflicts.
11.	It is in this co-operative spirit that the League of Arab States has played a valuable role on the regional economic and political levels; in this way it was able to put an end to the long conflict in Lebanon, as well as to provide the assistance that was needed by the Republic of Djibouti in order to consolidate its independence in an atmosphere of tranquillity and prosperity. We must not forget its active role in setting up a fruitful dialogue between African and Arab States for the purpose of bringing about economic and political co-operation between them in order to achieve progress for those States and eventually for the whole world. I should also like to refer to the role of the League of Arab States in initiating a similar dialogue between European and Arab countries in order to achieve mutual benefits. All these roles and initiatives by the League of Arab States are undertaken in order to achieve the lofty goals of the United Nations and to strengthen the principles of its Charter and the cause of consolidating economic and political co-operation among its Members and to ensure international peace and security. I should like also to pay a tribute to the constructive role of the Islamic Conference in promoting co-operation among its members in support of the United Nations and the purposes and principles of the Charter.
12.	Although these regional developments have contributed to the spread of peace and security at the international level, the continued racial and settler policies in Rhodesia, South Africa and Israel seriously threaten that peace and security. The conduct of the Governments of South Africa and Rhodesia constitute a flagrant example of the violation of human rights and of the dignity of man, since the majority of the indigenous population is deprived of the exercise of its civil and political rights despite the numerous resolutions adopted by this Organization. We indeed hope that the good offices of both the United States and the United Kingdom in seeking a peaceful solution to the problems of Rhodesia and South Africa may be brought to a successful conclusion, and thus prevent the deterioration of a situation that could lead to an explosion endangering world peace.
13.	In our time, we are witnessing the most abhorrent type of colonialism, that which is exercised by the Zionist entity in Palestinian and other occupied Arab territories, where Israeli settlements are being established one after another in an attempt to rid those lands of their original and rightful inhabitants and replace them with immigrants from every part of the earth. The Zionist regime, besides changing the physical and demographic character of the occupied territories, plays havoc with the spiritual shrines of Jerusalem, which are revered by all monotheistic religions and which mean a great deal to the faithful everywhere. Those Zionist settler practices in the occupied territories constitute a danger which in itself is living proof of Israeli aggressive intentions and explicitly show no intention on Israel's part to withdraw from those territories, thereby seeking to impose a fait accompli. Such practices, accompanied as they usually are by crimes against religious values and human rights, are not new in the region and have existed since the inception of the Zionist entity in the area. What is new is that Israel, while continuing its occupation and trying to make it permanent, is at the same time proclaiming its desire for peace. Israel's conduct in Palestinian and other occupied territories on the one hand, and its obstructionist position towards peace initiatives in the Middle East on the other, offer full proof that Israel does not want or desire peace.
14.	The world community, seeking an equitable and peaceful solution for the Palestinian problem and that of the Middle East, and acting through its international organizations and agencies, has adopted resolution after resolution condemning Israeli policy and conduct. It is appropriate in this context to mention the excellent and objective studies undertaken by the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, as well as its recommendations, which deserve careful consideration and implementation. We extend our thanks and appreciation to that Committee for its efforts. Nevertheless, Israel is still determined that any endeavour that could lead to peace shall end in a stalemate.
15.	Usurpation, violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter, ignoring General Assembly and Security Council resolutions and violating human rights in Palestinian and other Arab territories constitute Israel's infamous record in this Organization. We consider this to be an unprecedented challenge to the will of the international community, world public opinion and the free conscience of mankind. In acting thus, Israel again places squarely on the General Assembly and the Security Council their responsibilities towards the Middle East problem and the question of Palestine and their responsibility towards peace and security in the world.
16.	Many of those who preceded me dealt with the question of nuclear proliferation and its dangers and the ways and means of preventing its spread. I should like to mention in this connexion the open secret of Israel's production of nuclear arms and the dire consequences arising there from. This daring and blatant act shows that Israel's energy is directed not towards peace but towards augmenting its military menace.
17.	We all remember vividly the Israeli naval piracy which enabled it to obtain a shipment of plutonium. Details of this were reported prominently by the international news media and referred to in statements by officials in certain quarters. What increases the danger and gravity of this situation is the irresponsible conduct that characterizes Israel's bloody history in our region, a history of continuous aggression. That is why it is the responsibility of the world community, as represented by its specialized agencies and the States seeking the limitation of nuclear weapons, to take the measures made necessary by the importance of this matter.
18.	The Palestinian people and the Arab nations believe in peace "based on justice, since peace without justice can never prevail or endure.
19.	While striving to attain a just and lasting peace the Arab nations are seeking to establish the international legitimacy of the question of Palestine and of the rights of the Palestinian people, as well as of the Middle East problem in general. The Arab nations spare no effort to pave the way for peace in the area. They have extended their co-operation to all sincere efforts in pursuit of peace within or outside the United Nations. But Israel, with its atrocious practices and aggression in the occupied Arab territories and through barbaric Zionist policies directed against the people of Palestine, international legitimacy and the march towards peace, has frustrated every effort. Thus Israel endangers the prospects of peace and security in the Middle East and brings the whole area nearer to the brink of war. Zionist policies encourage the prospect of war because peace would limit and contain Israel's illegitimate expansionist ambitions and its settler colonialism in the area.
20.	In the face of these provocations the Arab countries have resolved to exercise self-restraint in order to avoid the horrors of war in the area They have concentrated on developing their economic and social resources for the benefit and in the interest of their people and in accordance with their principles and beliefs within the framework of Islamic principles and teachings, which advocate peace. What concerns us most is that the Israeli challenge may compel the Arab countries to react in order to defend themselves and to protect their legitimate rights, which can never be ignored.
21.	The Arab nations call upon the international community to fulfil its responsibility by taking appropriate measures to assert its will and to support the legitimacy and the maintenance of peace, which are specifically guaranteed under the Charter of the United Nations. We call upon all States with special relations and involvement with Israel to refrain from providing Israel with military or economic support and assistance. No less important in this respect is the supply of a stream of manpower through immigration. The history of Israel has shown repeatedly that such assistance only perpetuates its aggressive intentions and its challenge to the will of the international community by continued intransigence in the face of international efforts to find a peaceful solution.
22.	Thirty years ago, when the General Assembly was in the process of partitioning Palestine and creating the Zionist entity, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia delivered its solemn warning of the consequences of such action and its effect on stability, security and peace in the Middle East. After a lapse of 30 years I find myself compelled today to reiterate at this rostrum what His late Majesty King Faisal ibn Abdul Aziz Al-Saud, Minister for Foreign Affairs in Saudi Arabia at that time, said:
"Remember that in the Preamble of the Charter you have pledged before God and history that you would stand firm against the aggressor and direct your effort to establish world peace and international security. Is not what is being attempted today in Palestine a case of flagrant aggression? ...
"A people who want you to destroy, with your own hands, what you built up yesterday would want you to tear the Charter to pieces with no other object than the fulfilment of their own desires.
"Remember that within your hands lies the establishment of peace and security in the Middle East. Likewise, within your hands lies the fomentation of disturbances and bloodshed...
"Prove, gentlemen ... that you are only for right and
justice	Prove that right, justice and the halting of
aggression come before anything else


142.	 Mr. President, I should like to begin by congratulating you on your overwhelming election to preside over this Assembly. The Gambian delegation has no doubt that under your able and wise guidance the deliberations of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly will be both smooth and fruitful. This is because you bring to the presidency of our Assembly so much experience gained through a long and distinguished career in the service of your country and the international community.
143.	Through you, Sir, I should also like to extend warm congratulations to all members of the new General Committee of the Assembly and all officers of its Main Committees. We wish all of them every success in their efforts to lead us towards meaningful decisions during the coming weeks. In this respect the full co-operation of the Gambian delegation can always be counted upon.
144.	This is in keeping with the seriousness of Gambia and the high regard in which it holds the world Organization. This is especially so because we are one of the smallest States Members of the Organization in terms of both physical size and population. It can also be said that in economic terms we are one of the weakest countries in the world. A gathering of countries such as the United Nations, which, purely on the basis of our humanity, accords us rights, obligations and opportunities equal to those of other countries, big and small, and where we can meet regularly to discuss matters of common interest is in fact something vital to us.
145.	That is why we cannot overemphasize the importance we attach to the structure of the Organization. This structure must be seen to reflect and to be geared towards meeting the needs of the generality of the membership. The large majority of States Members of our Organization are developing countries - that is to say, they are the centers of deprivation, disease and illiteracy. None of these evils is the direct result of the activities or inactivities of any country or group of countries alone. The existence of these evils has been and remains the direct responsibility of all of us through our individual and collective behaviour. The Organization which brings all of us together in order to discuss, plan and execute together is therefore the most suitable vehicle for making up for our mistakes and our inadequacies.
146.	But we in Gambia believe that the structure of the world Organization itself has a number of serious inadequacies for the purpose which it should serve. We also believe that this Assembly is obliged to amend those inadequacies.
147.	My delegation considers that the General Assembly should pronounce itself on whether or not the United Nations is indeed a gathering of equals. If, as we would sincerely wish, it is decided that all Members are equal both in the spirit and in the letter of our Charter, then we submit that in a gathering of equals there is no justification for the existence of a permanent inner circle of a few Members with the power to approve or disapprove of decisions by the vast majority of the Members.
148.	The arguments which were formulated when the five permanent members of the Security Council were so designated now belong to history. They have been superseded by the more urgent, more fundamental, more widespread and more persistent human problems of hunger, malnutrition, insufficient health facilities and, in general, a deeper and wider division of the world between the  haves  and the  have-nots .
149.	We frequently remind ourselves that one of the cardinal purposes of the United Nations is to prevent war and to maintain peace throughout the world. But how many wars and breaches of the international peace have we unfortunately experienced since the birth of the Organization? What corner of the world can claim an uninterrupted period of real peace since 1945?
150.	It is the belief of the Gambian delegation that, as of 1977, we have more than enough evidence that the United Nations is either not addressing itself adequately to the need to secure and maintain peace in the world or not going about the problem in an appropriate manner. We have over the past 30 year: suffered wars and breaches of the peace in all regions of the world, and we shall continue to do so until our Organization gears itself to tackling the root- causes of war and of breaches of the peace.
151.	Experts in warfare and sociology will confirm that the absence of war does not mean the presence of peace. In addition to non-belligerency, peace carries with it that ease of mind that only comes to someone living in good health, under adequate and dignified shelter, someone who does not worry about where or when he will have his next full and balanced meal, someone who, in general, is able to live with and relate to all his fellow men on equal terms in every respect.
152.	That is the kind of peace that should be the first goal of the United Nations; not a fire-brigade type of peace. To achieve the former quality of peace the Organization will have to consider making the membership of a body such as the Security Council reflect, considerably more than it does now, the desired aims of the world body. The sessions of the General Assembly should place increased emphasis on economic and social matters rather than delegate these exclusively to subsidiaries like UNCTAD and the Economic and Social Council. In short, our present values must be reversed. Economic, development and social problems such as the environment must supersede political problems. Instead of politicizing economic problems let us economize political problems.
153.	This would be the first stage towards making the United Nations more practical. The next stage would be a decision to improve our follow-up machinery. Resolutions must not just remain pious. Once adopted the machinery should be competent and willing to implement them. In turn the General Assembly should become a more insistent watchdog over the implementation of its resolutions. It should begin doing this by a regular and frank annual assessment of the executive capacity of the various organs of the United Nations. Praise and honour would be accorded to the meritorious and improvements made in defaulting organs.
154.	This way, we feel, our Organization will begin to get its priorities correct, and become more meaningful to the millions of ordinary men and women all over the world whose fate is a determinant to whether we live in peace or not.
155.	It is in the foregoing light that we view with satisfaction the holding, only a week or two ago, in Nairobi, of the first United Nations Conference on Desertification. Desertification is a major source of concern to the people of the Gambia.
156.	We are a strong, courageous, hard-working and friendly people. We have a realistic and stable Government
- that is dedicated to the improvement of the quality of life in the country. By this combination between the people and their Government, we have been able to baffle those prophets of doom who, when we become independent and
• sovereign some 12 years ago, predicted to the rest of the world that the Gambia was not a viable proposition as an independent State.
157.	Resolutely and without fuss, both the Government and people, under the wise and judicious leadership of our Head of State, Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, have embarked upon the task of nation-building—not to prove any point of anybody, but to regain our lost heritages of dignity, equality and self-reliance.
158.	By the time we celebrated our first 10 years of nationhood, our achievements had brought us to the forefront among the world's most free, proud and self- respecting peoples.
159.	Our economy was buoyant. As an agricultural country the turnover of our principal crops had risen by over 100 per cent. Crop diversification was successfully introduced and new areas of economic activity were initiated. Consequently, today our domestic economy continues to be encouraging.. Our gross domestic product at current market prices showed an increase of more than 21 per cent this year over 1975-1976. In 1975-1976 there was a rise under the same headings of more than 19 per cent over those of 1974-1975. That year in turn showed a rise of over 12 per cent on the previous year. At the same time the inflation rate over the same period was considerably lower than the preceding two years. Our real rate of economic growth in 1976-1977 was therefore much higher than in the preceding years.
160.	I make reference to our achievements to underscore two points. The first is that, unhindered by an inequitable world economic relationship and by natural phenomena, developing countries, large or small, are capable of pulling themselves up by their own boot-straps and tackling their own problems successfully.
161.	My second point is more immediate and more urgent to my country and people. All our achievements, which my colleagues will permit me to consider as impressive, stand to be whittled away by a drought which, for the second time in less than 10 years, prevails over the length and breadth of the Gambia this year.
162.	As of now, when we have barely three to four weeks to the end of our rainy season, the total amount of rainfall so far varies from less than a third to less than a half of the seasonal average in large areas of the country. Already entire crops have been lost in some of these areas, and in other areas crop losses will range between 40 per cent and 60 per cent.
163.	Many of our friends in the international community have been informed of this catastrophe. I am pleased to acknowledge the good deal of assistance already received from a number of quarters. The anxiety in the Gambia over the drought situation cannot be over-emphasized. We are especially worried that we may be once more on the threshold of a second spell of drought lasting for years rather than months or weeks. The situation today is disturbingly similar to that of the same period in 1968. As everybody knows, that was the onset of the five years of catastrophic drought in the Sahel which took the lives of millions of human beings, livestock, and vegetation in that region of West Africa.
164.	By the time that dark period ended in 1973-1974, coupled with the world economic crisis of the same period, the Gambian economy, having made a magnificent start, was hanging in the balance. From a foreign reserves position worth about 14 months' of imports at the outset, our reserves fell to below four months' worth of imports by the end of 1974.
165.	We hope and pray to Allah the Merciful and Beneficent that we are not on the threshold of a similar experience. We would also like to feel sure that humanity is one and indivisible, and that our friends individually and in the international community will come forward unhesitatingly and join us in facing an emergency situation. In this regard, I should like to place particular emphasis on the long-term needs for combating the effects of drought and preventing future droughts.
166.	Let me hasten to observe that in the past, developed countries provided emergency aid to developing countries at the expense of their normal aid allocation for non-emergency purposes. When we appeal here for aid to fight an emergency situation we do so with the hope and expectation that such aid, when forthcoming, will not be a deduction from the aid packages already earmarked for us before our emergency. Such aid measures would not only be insufficient for our over-all needs, they would run high risks of being counter-productive and leaving us in more troubled waters than they found us. Emergency aid must be what it literally means. It must come from fresh, unforeseen efforts and must complement, rather than replace, planned and calculated aid.
167.	I am glad to say that at the regional level the Sahel countries are already at a high level of co-ordination and mobilization in the fight against desertification and drought. Under the aegis of our permanent organization- the Permanent Inter-state Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel—the eight member countries hold regular meetings at the ministerial and heads of State levels to co-ordinate action against our common plight. It is gratifying to note the participation and full involvement of the United Nations Sahelian Office and the Club des Amis du
Sahel in our endeavors. It is true to say that what we have achieved so far is very much due to the collaboration of these two bodies and to other generous and dedicated international agencies.
168.	Gambia is particularly pleased and honoured that the ministerial and summit meetings of the Sahelian countries will be held in its capital, Banjul, early in December this year, and my Head of State has given me the mandate to extend our heartfelt invitation to all international agencies and organizations which are preoccupied with the improvement of the quality of life in the world to attend the Banjul meetings. The ministerial meeting will be from 8 to 10 December and the summit will be on 12 and 13 December.
169.	In Gambia we believe firmly in the principle and the practice of human rights and dignity. That is why we always place ourselves on the side of every people fighting against foreign domination, oppression based upon any form of racial or class distinction, and any form of dictatorship of a given minority over a given majority.
170.	Gambia, like most other countries represented in this Assembly, was under foreign rule for a number of centuries. Throughout the dark period of our history, our people were deprived of the most basic forms of human rights. They had no say in choosing their rulers or in deciding how they should be ruled. They were obliged to abandon their culture and to assimilate foreign culture. They had no freedom of movement or assembly, nor any freedom of speech.
171.	It is the view of our Head of State, Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, that once freed from such a long period of countless forms of indignities, the least our people deserves is an unhindered opportunity to live a free, dignified and secure life.
172.	It is our view that widespread lip-service is paid to the issue of human rights but very little real practical effort goes towards achieving these rights.
173.	If, for example, the Western Powers were really committed to changing the odious system of apartheid in South Africa, it is the view of my delegation that the system could not have survived all the pious resolutions and calls for its abrogation in this Assembly and in other international forums. Instead we see the South African regime going from strength to strength to the point of becoming a nuclear Power.
174.	That, of course, is thanks to the active and far- reaching economic, military and political collaboration of major Western countries. To us, the message is clear. For the sake of amassing profits from slave labour, those Western Powers are willing to encourage and finance investments in the South African economy. They go even further than that by giving extensive military and political assistance and backing to ensure the stability of the apartheid system. To those countries material gains such as a healthy balance of payments and a buoyant economy take precedence over the freedom and dignity of man. Those Powers sustain and dominate the South African economy. Yet they turn round and join those of us who make sincere efforts and protestations against the racist regime—purely on the basis of our respect for the dignity of man and the sanctity of his life.
175.	The issue of human rights is a composite one. The existence of those rights is not represented by the mere absence of political prisoners or of government by decree. In our view an individual's rights as a human being extend far beyond and go much deeper than those. An individual who enjoys his full human rights is not hungry or thirsty in the midst of plenty. He does not eat or drink from the leftovers of others. He has the right to decent and adequate health and education facilities, and clothing. He has sovereignty over the fruits of his labours and over the natural resources of his motherland. He looks upon other people with the same amount of equality and respect as they do upon him.
176.	Those are prerequisites of human rights, which transcend national and international boundaries. They are by no means easy to attain. But they form the core of man's wish and will to live. Life cannot be meaningful without them. So we are all obliged to make human rights our major pursuit in life. Let us first achieve universal human rights and everything else will be added unto us.
177.	As I said earlier, our concern in the Gambia for human rights makes us rally to the side of all peoples fighting to free themselves from any form of foreign, racist and unjust oppression. My country, therefore, never ceases to condemn the illegal regime of Ian Smith in Zimbabwe, the South African occupation of Namibia, the Zionist occupation of African and Arab territories in the Middle East, and the French occupation of the Comorian island of Mayotte.
178.	Bolstered by Western economic interests and by white racists, the Smith regime has defied international condemnation for over a decade. During that period it has continued to receive its fair share of world trade and essential commodities. Its agents have travelled freely and openly all over the world. Communications between that regime and the outside world have remained unhindered. All this, in a country against which every member of our Organization professes to be applying sanctions. The Gambian delegation is convinced that we are not living up to our solemn declarations. If we kept our word, it is inconceivable that a fledgling clique such as that in Salisbury could continue to prosper against our joint wish and will. This is why Gambia, and indeed all other African countries, have come to the conclusion that an armed struggle is the only sure means of crushing the rebels in Zimbabwe.
179.	We have reached this conclusion with a sense of regret and a certain amount of sadness. That is because we, like all our African brothers, would very much have preferred a peaceful solution. We regard any life lost in the present liberation struggle, be it that of a black or that of a white Zimbabwean, as a great and almost irreparable loss of human resources for the future nation. The march of history cannot be halted and the end is clear. Zimbabwe will soon be under black majority rule, come what may. Why, then, must the lives of its young, strong and healthy citizens be wasted?
180.	Those are the feelings and questions which make us willing to continue searching for a peaceful settlement in a parallel effort to the armed struggle. That is also the reason why we feel that the latest Anglo-American proposals for a peaceful settlement deserve to be taken seriously and given a chance.
181.	My delegation sincerely hopes that it does not have to come to the same conclusion on Namibia. At the twenty-first session in 1966 this Assembly decided to terminate South Africa's Mandate over the Territory. This was in accordance with the opinion given by the International Court of Justice. The following year, during the fifth special session the United Nations Council for Namibia was established to administer the Territory and prepare it for independence.
182.	Yet what do we have today? We are still negotiating with the South African racists on the timing and manner of independence for the Territory. Meanwhile the Namibians, ironically through a considered decision inherited by the General Assembly, continue to be oppressed and exploited by the most opprobrious political and social system that ever was, and the regime in Pretoria continues to carry the Territory along a predetermined path to assimilation into the apartheid set-up.
183.	Faced with this situation and encouraged by the spontaneous rallying of the entire Namibian population to the call of the South West African People's Organization for immediate and complete independence, my delegation might well come to feel that there is no alternative to armed struggle. We shall adopt that position for the simple reason that that people's human rights cannot continue to be a subject of negotiations and a matter of give and take.
184.	My Government's position on the French occupation of the Comorian island of Mayotte is well known. France likes the world to believe that it is a champion of democracy. But whereas democracy respects and accommodates the wishes of the minority, it proceeds on the basis of the wishes of the majority. France's presence in Mayotte is a complete negation of this basic principle of democracy. When France was the colonial Power over the Territory, it administered it as a single colony. Therefore, France cannot now pretend to any rights or duties to dismember the Territory on the basis of pockets of  Yes  and  No  votes.
185.	The Republic of the Comoros is unitary and indivisible. For a country of France's standing in world affairs and in the so-called free world to claim otherwise is to lower its international credibility.
186.	As I said earlier, the Gambian Government is opposed to all forms of occupation or acquisition by force of any territory, and when it involves the territory of an African or friendly State, we are that much more opposed to the act. This is why we will not cease to denounce Zionist aggression in the Middle East until Israel withdraws from every inch of territory it has occupied during and since the 1967 war. The arguments used in creating the
State of Israel are familiar to us all. That is why we find still less acceptable the present seizure of Arab and African territories on the basis of a supposed need for a national home—unless, of course, one would have us believe that Jews need a national home more than Palestinians. That, indeed, is the clear implication. And until Israel vacates all occupied territory and until our Palestinian brothers have a secure and adequate national home in the birthplace of their ancestors, we shall continue to regard Zionism as racism and to speak against the regime in Tel Aviv. In this respect, we have committed our unreserved support, morally, politically and materially, to our Arab brothers in their struggle for their birthright against international Zionism and its mentors.
187. It is with some sadness that I have to make reference to the divided land of Korea. For too long now, the people of Korea, sharing the same culture, the same history, the same language and, in some cases, even the same ancestors, have suffered an artificial demarcation that divides them from one another. This is contrary to their wishes and aspirations. Left to themselves alone, it is obvious that they would have solved their family problems internally and peacefully and would have reunified their country by now. The Gambian delegation would like to see all foreign interests stand aside and leave the Korean people alone to solve their own internal problems.
188. The Korean nation is an intelligent and purposeful one. If in working out their differences the Korean people decide that they need the assistance of an outside agent, we are sure they will not fail to appeal to the right quarters for such assistance. We believe that the most appropriate source of such assistance would be the United Nations. We are also convinced that the world body would not shirk its responsibilities if it were approached for any assistance in reunifying this divided people, and would thereby contribute immensely to the warding off of a constant threat to world peace.