Let me start by
saying how pleased I am to see a representative of my
own country presiding over this session of the General
Assembly. It is the first time that the Czech Republic
has had the honour of chairing this supreme body of
the United Nations. I am grateful to all who made this
possible by supporting our aspirations. I wish you, Mr.
President, every success in the performance of this
important function, a function which was raised to such
a high standard by your predecessor, Han Seung-soo of
the Republic of Korea.
Representing the Government which assumed its
function this July, I would like to confirm the
continuity of Czech foreign policy, with its emphasis
on the Euro-Atlantic dimension but also with a truly
global reach and a strong involvement in multilateral
cooperation. I should also mention that the Government
of the Czech Republic has made its active participation
in the fight against terrorism and against the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction one of its
top priorities.
A year ago at this time, the whole world was
shocked by the horrific terrorist attacks on the United
States of America on 11 September. The appalling
dimensions of those attacks revealed the nature of the
new threats that the international community is
currently facing. Our response must be firm. We must
move from the policy of containment to the policy of
active struggle against international terrorism. At the
24

same time, we need to discuss issues that may be the
source of, or a fertile ground for, violent acts of a
similar nature.
This November, Prague will host the summit of
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the
Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Czech
Republic will support NATO's enlargement to include
additional countries from Central and Eastern Europe.
At the same time, we are aware of the importance of
NATO and European Union relations with the Russian
Federation, Ukraine and the Mediterranean countries.
We also anticipate that the Prague summit will mark an
important milestone in the history of the alliance in
connection with its transformation to meet such current
security challenges as international terrorism and other
asymmetric threats. We are convinced that these steps
will contribute to strengthening the stability and
security of the world as a whole.
The Czech Republic is paying great attention to
the problem of Iraq. We advocate the unconditional
implementation of the relevant Security Council
resolutions, including those concerning the renewal of
arms inspections, disarmament, the release of detained
Kuwaiti citizens and the return of confiscated Kuwaiti
property. The current regime in Iraq, because of its
efforts to develop and produce weapons of mass
destruction and its failure to comply with the will of
the international community, represents an enormous
risk not only for the security and stability of the Middle
East region, but for the international community as a
whole. I can assure the Assembly that the Czech
Republic supports the peaceful resolution of disputes in
international relations.
However, our nation has its tragic experience
with never-ending concessions to aggressive regimes.
We must not forget that peace must sometimes be
defended by force. The Czech Republic considers the
letter by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iraq to the
Secretary-General as a reaction to the firm stand of,
and the pressure by, the international community. This
pressure on the Iraqi regime must continue until all
Security Council requirements are met in full.
The Czech Republic is also closely following the
developments in the Middle East. Let me recall that our
preference in this regard has always been for a peaceful
and just settlement of the problem in line with Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1403
(2002). The only meaningful option is to continue
negotiations with the objective of stabilizing the
current situation as a step towards achieving complete
and lasting peace in this region. The Czech Republic
shares the vision of peaceful co-existence between
Israel and an independent and democratic Palestinian
State, based on mutual trust and arrangements covering
all security concerns. In this regard, we welcome the
promising results of the Quartet meeting held earlier
this week.
With regard to peace and security, we recently
witnessed some encouraging progress in the resolution
of armed conflicts in Africa, namely, in Angola, Sierra
Leone, Liberia and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, as well as in other areas, including the Balkans
and Afghanistan. We welcome and support the positive
changes. For example, the Czech Republic is devoting
long-term attention to relations with the States of
South-Eastern Europe and to the stabilization efforts of
the international community in the western Balkans.
This year, the Czech Republic became a participant in
the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe, which we
regard as an important instrument for the economic
renewal and reconstruction of the region.
As for Afghanistan, we consider peace, stability
and democratization a key factor, both for the further
peaceful development of the entire region, as well as
for the wider international context of the fight against
terrorism. The international community has to increase
its efforts to stabilize the security situation and support
the economic renewal of Afghanistan, including the
breaking of its economy's dependence on the
cultivation of opium.
Important components of the United Nations
agenda include the areas of disarmament, arms control
and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
The Czech Republic supports the process of the gradual
reduction and destruction of nuclear arms within the
framework of the ongoing process of the
implementation and achievement of the universality of
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons and the coming into force of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Similarly, the
Czech Republic is working to achieve both the
universality and rigorous implementation of the
Chemical Weapons Convention, including the
destruction of existing arsenals, and the strengthening
of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention. We
also wish to see a renewal in the activities of the
Conference on Disarmament and the commencement of
25

substantive talks on a fissile materials cut-off treaty.
We invite member States of the Conference to take a
decision concerning the enlargement of its
membership.
The Czech Republic supports steps to strengthen
the authority and effectiveness of the United Nations.
This includes the reform and enlargement of the
Security Council, the revitalization of the General
Assembly, adapting peacekeeping operations in line
with the Brahimi report, efforts to transform the culture
of reaction to a culture of prevention and making
changes in the Economic and Social Council and its
subsidiary bodies, among other things, as a response to
the challenges posed by goals of the Millennium
Declaration and recent major United Nations
conferences.
One of the major challenges currently facing the
international community is to ensure that all countries
have fair access to the benefits of globalization. Issues
such as development assistance and cooperation, debt
relief for highly indebted developing countries and
non-discriminatory participation in a multilateral trade
system, together with what we call good governance,
are key both for further economic progress in many
parts of the world and for preserving favourable living
conditions for future generations.
In that context, the Czech Republic welcomes the
successful conclusion of the Monterrey Conference on
Financing for Development, held earlier this year, and
of the World Summit on Sustainable Development,
held in Johannesburg just a few weeks ago. The
Summit reinforced the determination of the
international community to pursue the goal of
sustainable development and, most importantly,
stressed implementation, time-bound goals and specific
commitments, responsibility and accountability. Let us
now make sure that the core message of Johannesburg
is not forgotten. Let us hope that the Summit is
followed by concrete actions at the global, regional,
national and local levels, including through initiatives
such as the New Partnership for Africa's Development.
The Czech Republic attaches great significance to
the strengthening of international law and respect for
human rights. We are determined to seek an early
conclusion of a general United Nations convention on
international terrorism. We also welcome the
establishment of the International Criminal Court. I
believe that the Czech Republic will join the large
group of parties to the Rome Statute in the near future.
The Czech Republic is conscious of the
contribution of the United Nations to promoting respect
for, and protection of, human rights. We call for a
consistent approach to fulfilling the obligations entered
into, in particular in relation to the advancement of
women and the protection of the rights of the child,
including in situations of armed conflict. We advocate
the prevention and gradual elimination of all forms of
racism and discrimination, including that against
members of ethnic or religious minorities, persons with
disabilities and older persons and a ban on torture and
the death penalty. We are paying very close attention to
the draft optional protocol to the Convention against
Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment. The Czech Republic will
actively promote the adoption of the draft protocol by
this session of the General Assembly.
This session of the General Assembly will be
remembered, inter alia, for the admission of two new
members, Switzerland and East Timor. I welcome
Switzerland most cordially to the United Nations
family, and I look forward to welcoming East Timor.
Their entry into the Organization represents a further
step towards completing the universality of the
membership of the United Nations, the achievement of
which the Czech Republic unanimously supports and
which represents further proof of the vitality of our
Organization.
I could stop here. But before I finish, allow me to
take advantage of this occasion to raise two issues.
First, I would like to reaffirm the continued interest of
the Czech Republic in supporting the activities of the
United Nations Information Centre in Prague, which
last year was housed in new premises — the so-called
Prague United Nations House — also seating
representative bodies of other organizations of the
United Nations system. And finally, on behalf of the
people of the Czech Republic, I wish to warmly thank
all who generously provided humanitarian and other
types of assistance to my country after it had been
struck by devastating floods last August. At that
critical time, we saw an enormous wave of
international solidarity, and the floods thus contributed
to a coming together among ourselves, our neighbours
and the rest of the world.
26


I would like, through
you, Sir, to congratulate Jan Kavan on his election as
President of the General Assembly and to assure him of
our delegation's cooperation as he undertakes his
important responsibilities this year.
Yesterday, people the world over paused to
remember the victims of the tragic events of one year
ago. I had the opportunity of attending the interfaith
service yesterday, where the President of the General
Assembly and the Secretary-General spoke movingly
about how the commemoration of that event must
reinforce this institution's vocation as the forum
dedicated to world peace.
Canadians entirely subscribe to the sentiments
that were there expressed. The attacks of last
September were a cruel and devastating blow to the
United States and, indeed, to us all. I am proud to say
that Canadians stood in solidarity with our closest ally
at that terrible moment. When the terrorists struck that
day, they were also attacking the very principles of
international law, security and humanitarianism that are
embodied in the United Nations Charter. We believe
that our ultimate response to the challenges of 11
September is thus to rededicate ourselves to our beliefs
and to the principles upon which the United Nations
was founded.
(spoke in French)
Now, more than ever, the main challenge for each
of our countries and for the United Nations is to
manage our interdependence. Environmental
degradation and endemic poverty, the proliferation of
disease and epidemics, the increasing threat of
terrorism and organized crime  these are serious,
complex issues that no one nation can confront alone.
To succeed, our countries must work together, while
also drawing on the expertise of civil society. Such
interaction is a formidable challenge and one that the
United Nations is best suited to meet.
Recognition of our interdependence in no way
threatens our respective sovereignty. In fact, it gives
each of us even more tangible means to act and to
succeed through the sharing of our information,
resources and initiatives.
The principles of multilateralism are articulated
with vigour and resolve in the Millennium Declaration,
which assigns a decisive role to the United Nations
Charter  and rightly so, for it is much more than our
constitution. Indeed, it is our heart and soul. It
reconciles national interests with the highest moral and
ethical standards that must govern the actions of each
State. For us, the Charter is the key to unlock the door
to the world of peace, security and justice that we hope
to build.
The terrorist threat leads us to work together and,
tragically, illustrates the extent of our interdependence.
It demonstrates the urgency of finding solutions that
are equal to the task at hand and whose effectiveness
hinges on new partnerships among our countries. Our
reaction to terrorism must be steadfast, to be sure, and
we must make no concession to the agents of terror, but
if we want our reaction to be truly effective, it must
enhance both national security and respect for basic
rights. In fact, democratic governance and security find
their most solid foundation in societies in which rights
and freedoms are respected and where, as a result,
dissidence more often than not takes constructive,
rather than violent forms.
What is more, the fight against terrorism
challenges us to find ways to open our hearts and
minds to the diversity of our world, its cultures and its
religions. Now more than ever, we must promote
dialogue, understanding and tolerance with respect to
other people. In this way, we will help to eradicate at
its source much of the pain that all too often translates
26

into rising hatred, extremism and fanaticism of all
sorts.
Multilateralism has definitely proven its worth
over the past year. For example, dozens of countries
have offered their resources and experience to
Afghanistan as members of the coalition against
terrorism or of the Afghanistan Support Group. They
have also contributed to the various United Nations
programmes seeking to establish political stability and
representative Government.
The G8 Global Partnership Against the Spread of
Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction, concluded
at Kananaskis in June, is another concrete example of
our joint commitment to battling terrorism and other
threats to peace. Canada, as Chair of the G8, was a
strong advocate of this major effort designed to
strengthen international security and strategic stability.
Canada will continue to work to make this initiative a
success.
At all times, Canada is ready to offer its support
wherever it is needed and we encourage the
international community to continue to do likewise. We
also believe that the multilateral approach is useful in
addressing the obvious challenges posed by sustainable
development. In this regard, the consensus that
emerged from the Monterrey Conference calls on all
countries to work together to forge broader
partnerships between developed and developing
countries.
In this regard, the situation in Africa cries out for
action. For too long now, inaction has taken a heavy
toll in terms of human suffering. However, hope is
beginning to shine through. The New Partnership for
Africa's Development, devised by African leaders
determined to meet the challenges of self-development
and endorsed at Canada's urging-during the G8 summit
in Kananaskis, seeks to provide the people of Africa
with conditions founded on good governance and
democracy, while ending their marginalization and
offering them the chance to achieve prosperity.
As we meet here today, the Israeli-Palestinian
crisis remains at its all too familiar impasse, despite the
fact that everyone knows what is needed to restore
peace. We all know that the targeting of civilians must
stop, that the security of Israel must be assured, that
settlement-building must end, that the humanitarian
needs of the Palestinian people must be met, that the
Palestinian Authority must reform itself democratically
and that the peace negotiations must resume. We all
know, in sum, that a road to a peaceful future must be
built, a future in which two independent, viable, secure
and democratic States, Israel and Palestine, live side by
side in peace and security.
Canada calls on the Palestinian Authority and the
Government of Israel to start back on the road to peace.
The people and the Government of Canada will
accompany them and support them every step of the
way.
We also meet here today in an atmosphere of
deepening tension caused by Iraq's continued flouting
of the will of the international community and by the
differing opinions that prevail around us on how to
address this situation and bring the crisis to a close. Let
there be no doubt: at the origin of today's tensions is
the persistent refusal of the Iraqi Government to
comply with its obligations to us all under Security
Council resolutions. For the past seven years, Iraq has
refused to demonstrate that it has abandoned its
chemical, biological and nuclear weapons programmes,
and it remains even today unwilling to do so. But let
there also be no doubt that bringing Iraq into
conformity with its international obligations must be
the work of us all acting together.
We believe that our ability to find a solution to
this challenge, one that is consistent with and, indeed,
that reinforces the international framework that we
have so painstakingly constructed since the last
devastating World War, will define this generation and
create precedents that may determine the future
direction of the world. It is with this in mind that
Canada welcomes the powerful message delivered here
today by President Bush affirming his country's
commitment to work with the Security Council in
resolving this serious threat to our collective peace and
security.
We therefore urge Iraq to seize this opportunity
without delay, and to grant immediate and
unconditional access to United Nations weapons
inspectors in compliance with its Security Council
obligations. The onus is clearly on the Government of
Iraq to take this step now. The onus is equally on us to
ensure that our international institutions emerge from
this crisis reinforced and strengthened.
Such institutions may well be new, as in the case
of the International Criminal Court (ICC), a body that
has the potential to ensure the integrity of our
27

international legal system, upon which so much
depends for the peaceful resolution of our differences.
This week I had the privilege of attending the inaugural
meeting of the Assembly of States Parties here in New
York with many in this Hall and was encouraged by the
depth of international political and public support that
exists for this important new body.
The people of the world want an end to impunity.
They insist that their leaders no longer turn a blind eye
to gross violations of international humanitarian law
like those we witnessed in the past century. Immunity
from the law is simply no longer acceptable. The States
parties to the ICC Statute are more than willing to put
into action the proposition that we can best enforce
rules of law that we have arrived at by our common
accord   those indeed that we are willing to have
invoked against us as well. For the 79 States parties
that attended the Assembly of States Parties and the
many observer States close to ratifying the Rome
Statute, our objective remains to work resolutely and
cooperatively to make the Court a reality.
The International Criminal Court represents a
major change in the way the world works. The times
we live in demand many such innovative approaches.
For example, in response to a call from the Secretary-
General, Canada, along with others, launched the
independent International Commission on Intervention
and State Sovereignty. Its landmark report, entitled
`The Responsibility to Protect', has shifted the
parameters of the debate from divisions over
intervention toward agreement on the responsibility of
a State to protect its people. The report holds that
sovereignty entails responsibilities as well as rights:
that sovereignty is responsibility. When States are
unable or unwilling to afford protection to their own
people, the international community has a
responsibility to step in temporarily and to provide that
protection. The report represents, in our view, an
opportunity for us to reinforce the United Nations in its
collective security mission. It also provides an
occasion to affirm the fundamental norm-building role
of the United Nations and to find better ways to
prevent and, where necessary, alleviate human
suffering.
Part of our shared responsibility to raise the
credibility of multilateral institutions is to address their
shortcomings, including those of the United Nations
itself. We are greatly encouraged that the Secretary-
General and his Deputy, Louise FrÈchette, are
proposing far-reaching organizational reforms. They
can count on Canada's support. We also support reform
in other areas, notably in respect to the nearly
moribund Disarmament Commission and its glacial
progress on issues of non-proliferation, arms control
and disarmament, where recent gains such as the
United Nations Programme of Action on small arms
and light weapons and the negotiations on an
international code of conduct on missiles are being
overshadowed by a myriad of compliance problems.
Certainly, there are problems with multilateralism
and the institutions we have created, but that should
not cause us to doubt the desirability of an effective
rules-based system. Our objective should be to address
these shortcomings where we see them and reform
what we must, and in the process answer the criticisms
of those suspicious of an interdependent world. We will
persuade the sceptics only by building better
institutions to implement the international rule of law
and globally arrived-at solutions to our common
problems.
Let us therefore embrace cooperation, not
division. Let us expand our sovereignty by pooling it.
Let us be partners in the larger enterprise of building
peace and freedom. No one country can meet all the
challenges of our times on its own. Let us have
confidence in our common humanity. Let us make the
United Nations our principal instrument of peace. I
pledge to the Assembly today that Canada will spare no
effort in so doing.


I bring to the
Assembly warm greetings from President Kessai H.
Note.
On behalf of the Republic of the Marshall
Islands, I am honoured to congratulate Mr. Jan Kavan
on his election to this high office. Let me also take this
opportunity to thank the Secretary-General for the hard
work that he and the Secretariat have undertaken in
preparation for this General Assembly.
I am also very pleased to extend a warm welcome
and congratulations from the Marshall Islands to the
people of Switzerland and of East Timor, as the newest
Members of the United Nations.
It is unfortunate that this, the fifty-seventh
session of the General Assembly, is meeting in the
shadow of the anniversary of the terrorist attacks that
shocked our host country — and the world — on 11
September 2001. Modern terrorism is an issue of
concern for all peoples, regardless of nationality or
religion. It is an issue that no nation can afford to
ignore.
While sharing in the feelings of terror, horror and
sorrow caused by the terrorist attacks in the United
States, the people of the Marshall Islands are hopeful
that the Member States of the United Nations will
continue to join together in working towards global
peace and security. I urge this body, which collectively
represents the moral force of all Member States, to do
everything in its power to eliminate the threat of
terrorism.
I am pleased to announce that the Marshall
Islands has recently completed a process of national
priority-setting and of assessing Government policy.
We have thoroughly reviewed the state of our nation
through the holding of a National Economic and Social
Summit, whose findings have formed the basis for our
long-term sustainable development plan, entitled
“Republic of the Marshall Islands Vision 2018”.
This process of review was guided by
consultations with all stakeholders and all sectors of
our society. Extensive discussions and interviews were
carried out in order to ensure that all members of the
Marshall Islands community would have the
opportunity to contribute to our vision for the future.
The Marshall Islands Government has determined
that all development policies and objectives will be
guided by the vision generated by the Summit, and we
are now in the process of implementing the core ideals
of this blueprint for sustainable development.
In developing our national vision, the Marshall
Islands Government has also responded to the
international agenda as set by the United Nations. We
have ensured that our policies will reflect the all-
important priorities of good governance, respect for
fundamental human rights, protection of the
environment, and conservation of natural resources. We
have also taken account of social development
objectives and of the need to invest in the areas of
health and education. We are confident that, by linking
our national priorities to the international agenda, the
correct policy decisions will be made.
During the 1990s the Marshall Islands went
through a period of structural adjustment and reform at
the demand of the international donor community. We
have faithfully carried out these costly and socially
disruptive reforms, in the hope that some form of
reward would be forthcoming. We now have in place a
forward-looking and pragmatic set of policies, and we
are eager to translate them into action for the
betterment of the lives of our people. Yet there are few
who are willing to assist us in achieving this goal.
I therefore stand here, at the fifty-seventh session
of the General Assembly, to advocate for a new
international paradigm: one that recognizes both the
unique challenges facing small island developing
States such as the Marshall Islands, as well as the
unique resources and gifts that such nations possess —
resources that can benefit the whole of the international
community only through substantive and sustained
partnerships.
It is time to reconceptualize the relationship that
exists between more established and less-established
nations, from one of donors and recipients to one of
mutual beneficiaries and collaborators. Only in this
way will it be possible fully to realize the promise of
true international cooperation and development.
The Marshall Islands has so much in the way of
native intellectual, environmental and cultural
resources to share with the international community.
We look forward to creating new forms of partnership
with entities around the world — partnerships that will
redound to the benefit of the global community and of
all its residents.
30

The partnerships that are most meaningful to us
are ones of a practical nature. Our communities, and
those of many other nations like the Marshall Islands,
are seeking partnerships of action that offer pragmatic
and practical solutions that are coordinated and
targeted for maximum effect.
The Marshall Islands shares challenges that are
uniquely peculiar to many small island States: a
precariously fragile environment that is highly
sensitive to the threat posed by global warming; a
narrow economic base that imposes constraints on the
potential for progressive and sustainable development;
and an institutional milieu that is slowly developing the
capability of harnessing the benefits of science and
technology.
In relation to our international partners, the
Marshall Islands is particularly concerned about the
following issues. First of all, we are concerned about
the environment. The Marshall Islands Government
recognizes the need for a coordinated and
comprehensive approach in seeking appropriate
solutions to the challenges posed by environmental
degradation and pollution.
We commend the Barbados Programme of
Action, which, in conjunction with the outcome forged
at the Johannesburg Earth Summit, will provide a
guiding framework for sustainable development for
small island States, such as the Marshall Islands. The
wide divergence of views expressed in Johannesburg
posed many challenges, but also produced rich insights
into areas where our common strengths lie, and into
how these might best be utilized.
Further, it is vital that the international
community recognize the great challenge to life and
culture that is posed by global climate change. This
threat to life and culture is felt most acutely by nations
such as the Marshall Islands — nations that face the
very real threat of complete obliteration if our oceans
rise by even marginal levels.
On behalf of the Marshall Islands, I commend
those States that share our concerns and have signed
and ratified the Kyoto Protocol. May I also urge the
remaining non-signatory States to consider the vital
importance and urgency of this issue. If the
international community does not act now, the future
will see the disappearance of many small island
nations, which in turn will have immeasurable
economic, environmental and immigration
consequences for the entire global community.
Secondly, an issue that is particularly relevant to
the Marshall Islands is that of nuclear cleanup and non-
proliferation. The Marshall Islands seeks partnerships
with members of the international community that will
help raise to new levels the dialogue about nuclear
weapons and their testing.
The people of the Marshall Islands have suffered
greatly at the hands of a world that is continually
preparing for war. We are restrained by the persisting
legacy of toxic nuclear waste, which poses challenges
far beyond our financial and scientific capability to
solve. Our food chain continues to be affected, and our
development is thwarted by our inability to use
damaged lands.
I am pleased to state that the United States
Congress is currently reviewing our situation, and we
are hopeful that the outcome will contribute towards
amelioration of this problem. Nevertheless, we believe
that our hard-learned lessons can help to inform and
instruct the international community in future debates
about the use and testing of nuclear weapons.
And thirdly, another issue that is particularly
pertinent for our people is that of oceans and fisheries.
As a nation whose entire livelihood depends on the
resources of the sea, the Marshall Islands Government
pledges its unwavering support for the Law of the Sea
management regime. In particular, we emphasize the
importance of Article 63 (1) of the Convention, which
speaks of the need for States to agree on measures
necessary to coordinate and ensure the conservation
and development of shared stocks.
The Marshall Islands is also pursuing the
establishment of national fisheries industries that will
gradually enable the replacement of foreign fishing
fleets; the delineation of our own exclusive economic
zone; and the establishment of international guidelines
to protect our oceans for generations of future
fishermen and the people who count on the work they
do for survival.
I have mentioned only a few of the priorities that
my delegation will be seeking to raise at the
appropriate moment in the upcoming committee
debates and in our interactions with United Nations
agencies and our development partners. There are, of
course, many other issues of concern to both the
31

Marshall Islands and the international community as a
whole — issues with which all of us will wrestle in the
coming years.
Among the most important challenges faced by
this body is the continued exclusion of the Republic of
China on Taiwan from the United Nations. The
Marshall Islands Government reiterates its concern that
the exclusion of a nation of peaceful and law-abiding
citizens is not consistent with the inclusive ideal of the
United Nations. I therefore urge each and every one of
you, all of us, to overcome our biases and to allow the
admission of the Republic of China on Taiwan to the
United Nations.
Another important challenge faced by this body is
the ongoing conflict in the Middle East. The Marshall
Islands considers that urgent diplomatic action is
required in order to work towards a peaceful solution
to this threat to international peace and security.
The Marshall Islands wishes to emphasize its
support for the expansion of the United Nations
Security Council. We believe that there should be an
increase in the number of both permanent and non-
permanent members of the Council and that such
expansion should include members from both
developed and developing countries. This would
significantly broaden the representation base of the
Council and thus reinforce its ongoing validity.
May I take this opportunity to congratulate the
international community on its support for the newly-
established International Criminal Court. The Marshall
Islands is hopeful and confident that the Court will
prove to be a powerful mechanism in the
administration of justice at the international level. We
are, however, currently considering the making of a
bilateral agreement under Article 98 of the Rome
Statute and will determine this issue after a careful
assessment of the implications of such an agreement.
Finally, I wish to reaffirm the strong commitment
in fellowship and solidarity of the Marshall Islands
with all the Member States of this body.
Long live the United Nations. God bless the
United Nations.


I
should like at the outset to express to you, Sir, on
behalf of the Kingdom of Morocco, our sincere
congratulations on your election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session and to
assure you of my delegation's full cooperation with a
view to achieving a fruitful outcome to the session.
I should also like to take this opportunity to
extend greetings to the Swiss Confederation and
congratulations on its membership of the Organization.
Given the cultural, humanitarian and intellectual
heritage of that friendly country, its contribution will
enrich the work of the Organization.
We also wish to congratulate Timor-Leste on its
forthcoming accession to the Organization, and to wish
that country every success.
Just three days have elapsed since the first
anniversary of the tragic events of 11 September 2001.
Those events deeply wounded the people of the United
States and shook the entire world with horror.
International relations have since entered a new phase
whose dimensions and repercussions we are still
assessing. Those events brought into focus the
cohesion and solidarity of all segments of the
American people in the face of such tragedy. They also
brought to the fore the effectiveness and usefulness of
solidarity and cooperation among States in combating
terrorism. Indeed, as His Majesty King Mohammed VI
has stated, terrorism has no religion or homeland.
Everyone is aware of the Kingdom of Morocco's firm
10

stance and its renunciation of terrorism in all its forms,
as well as its vigorous and concrete commitment to
combating this scourge.
The gradual disappearance of economic borders
and barriers to trade, the continued interdependence of
markets and societies, the rapid development of
information and communication technologies and the
relegation of certain peoples to the sidelines of the
world community have all added new challenges to the
burdens already carried by numerous countries, in
particular those in Africa, which have made great
sacrifices in order to be integrated into the world trade
system.
The African continent, unfortunately, is still a
stage of tragic, complicated and generally fabricated
conflicts. While Africa teems with huge natural and
human resources, those very resources paradoxically
become the cause and the fuel of many conflicts. Yet
the international community remains hesitant to take
decisive and necessary measures likely to create a
climate propitious for peace and stability in our
continent.
Seldom are the underlying reasons for conflict
and instability in Africa taken into account. Of special
importance in that regard are poverty, famine, the
oppression of minorities, intolerance, control of natural
resources, increased flows of refugees and displaced
persons and health problems including endemic
diseases, in particular HIV/AIDS.
But now, to face up to all these challenges, our
continent has established an integrated framework: the
New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD).
It will certainly give new impetus to the economic and
social development of the continent. Morocco,
expresses its hope that the international community
will mobilize all its efforts within the framework of
this energetic programme in order to reach effective
and concrete solutions for solving the problems of our
continent. My country is firmly intent on making an
effective contribution to this endeavour.
The Kingdom of Morocco, convinced of the
organic link between economic growth and the
maintenance of stability and security, has spared no
effort to help in settling African conflicts. In this vein,
Morocco, on the initiative of His Majesty King
Mohammed VI, convened a summit of heads of State
of the Mano River Union, which was held at Rabat on
27 February 2002. At the summit, the Presidents of the
sister countries of Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone
achieved practical results on consolidating regional
peace, particularly with regard to laying down criteria
for confidence-building, border security and
revitalizing the work of the general secretariat of the
Mano River Union. Morocco will pursue the necessary
efforts to restore peace and stability in that region.
In the same vein, the Kingdom of Morocco
continues its support for and contribution to the work
of the United Nations Organization Mission in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), with a
view to putting an end to conflict in that sisterly
country, conflict which threatens stability in the whole
region. In that context, my country, the Kingdom of
Morocco, welcomed the agreement concluded on 30
July 2002 between the Governments of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Rwanda.
The Kingdom of Morocco expresses also its
profound satisfaction at the restoration of peace and
stability in the sister country of Angola, which will
enable that country to rebuild its economy and to fully
play its role at the regional, continental and
international levels.
Concerning the issue of the Moroccan Sahara, the
Kingdom of Morocco would like to recall its constant
good will, and its sincere and genuine determination to
reach a final political solution to this fabricated issue.
Morocco has always cooperated with the United
Nations in this regard, thus bearing testimony to its full
understanding of and sense of responsibility towards
the Organization. Morocco would like also to
emphasize its readiness to continue its cooperation
with the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy,
Mr. James Baker, with the Security Council, in order to
achieve a lasting political solution to the issue of the
Sahara, in accordance with Security Council resolution
1429 (2002). Such an approach will pave the way for
the creation of propitious conditions for a new dynamic
in the region of the Arab Maghreb, which will enable it
to become a stable economic partner that enjoys the
trust of other regional groupings.
In this context, Morocco has supported the option
of the framework agreement proposed by Mr. Baker to
the Security Council as a basis for a negotiated
political solution for this long-standing conflict. That
option would preserve the territorial integrity of the
Kingdom of Morocco and its historical sovereignty
over its land, and would ensure for the population of

the Sahara provinces the exercise of expanded
competencies in the management of their affairs within
the framework of regional democratic institutions.
Morocco accepted this option as a basis for negotiation
in order to reach a final and lasting political solution to
this regional conflict.
In the same context, Morocco insists on the
enforcement of the provisions of Security Council
resolution 1429 (2002), calling for the immediate
release, without restriction or condition, of all the
1,260 Moroccans detained in Algeria. Their release has
been demanded unanimously by the international
community and humanitarian organizations, in the
forefront of which is the International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC). Morocco categorically rejects
any political exploitation of humanitarian issues related
to the Sahara problem, especially since this concerns
the fate of the longest-held detainees in the world.
The Kingdom of Morocco is linked to Europe by
strong and diverse historic bonds. The strengthening of
these bonds with all European countries constitutes a
central tenet of our foreign policy. The Association
Agreement which has been concluded with the
European Union, and the other initiatives to strengthen
Moroccan-European relations at the political,
economic, cultural and social levels, reflect Morocco's
determination to enhance this relationship, particularly
at a time when the European Union is in the process of
expanding its membership, something that would open
new opportunities and horizons for Moroccan-
European partnership. This approach not only seeks to
achieve a bilateral strategic objective between Morocco
and Europe, but it is also a valuable contribution to
nurturing relations in the Euro-Mediterranean region,
whose security and stability have become paramount
for the world.
Morocco, by virtue of its Mediterranean identity,
plays a positive role in the strategic, economic and
cultural formation of a Euro-Mediterranean space, as
witnessed by its active participation in the Barcelona
process and in the Agadir initiative announced by His
Majesty King Mohammed VI for building a free-trade
area among Arab Mediterranean countries.
In that spirit of open-mindedness, responsibility
and confidence in the future, Morocco aspires to
develop its relations with our neighbouring country,
Spain, with a view to building the Euro-Mediterranean
region and moving forward. Unfortunately, however,
recent months have been marked by events that are
inconsistent with the maintenance of security and
stability in the region and that are unlikely to serve the
interests of the two countries and their peoples.
Morocco has spared no efforts in avoiding any
move likely to affect adversely the steady growth of its
relations with Spain, hopes that the upcoming
Moroccan-Spanish talks, which will take place in
Madrid this month, will tackle all issues and conflicts
between the two countries, within the framework of
responsible, calm and constructive dialogue.
The completion of Moroccan territorial integrity
is an absolute priority for His Majesty King
Mohammed VI and for the entire Moroccan people.
Therefore, Morocco considers the status of the
occupied cities of Sebta and Melilia and of the
neighbouring islands to be an anachronistic instance of
colonialism that has no place at the beginning of the
twenty-first century.
Morocco has never ceased, neither at the bilateral
level nor in international forums, to officially demand
the recovery of these parts of its national territory that
are occupied by Spain. In so doing, it has always
expressed its readiness to engage in dialogue in order
to arrive at a solution that would guarantee Morocco's
sovereign rights and secure the interests of the Spanish
community in the areas.
We fervently hope that the two neighbouring
kingdoms, Morocco and Spain, which are bound by ties
of neighbourliness, common history and future, will
build strong, stable and neutral relations to meet the
aspirations of both peoples. As they build with mutual
respect, confidence and common strategic interests,
these relations will take into account the need for
preserving stability and peace in our region,
particularly at this specific juncture when the
international community is confronting formidable
security challenges.
In spite of continued appeals made by the
international community to bring about peace in the
Middle East, the Palestinian people still suffer on a
daily basis from the mad violence inflicted on them by
the Israeli occupation forces and practices that flout the
most elementary principles of international
humanitarian law. Notwithstanding successive Security
Council resolutions, Israel still persists in its repressive
policy, paying no heed to any international covenant
12

and denying the very agreements into which it has
entered.
In contrast, leaders of the Arab States have
demonstrated a keen sense of responsibility and a
continued pledge to embrace peace, culminating at the
Arab summit in Beirut in March 2002 with the
adoption of the Arab peace initiative presented by His
Royal Highness Crown Prince Abdullah ibn Abdul-
Aziz of the sister Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. On the
other hand, Morocco welcomes the vision advocated by
United States President George W. Bush, in which he
called for the establishment of a Palestinian State to
coexist side by side with Israel, as a lasting and viable
solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, one likely to
achieve peace and security for all peoples of the region
and to put a definite end to violence and instability.
However, recent events and developments in the region
do not, unfortunately, give substance to this vision. The
spiral of violence has instead witnessed an
unprecedented escalation.
For decades, the Kingdom of Morocco has been
endeavouring to act as a bridge between the peoples of
the region, with a view to achieving a climate of peace
and security and contributing to the revitalization of
the peace process, the creation of an independent
Palestinian State with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital
and the recovery by Syria and Lebanon of their
territories occupied since 1967.
In view of the importance of Al-Quds al-Sharif as
a key point in the peace process, and seeking to
preserve the national and religious identity of this Holy
City in accordance with the relevant Security Council
resolutions, His Majesty King Mohammed VI,
Chairman of the Al-Quds Committee, is continuing his
efforts, along with brother Kings, Emirs and Presidents
of the Muslim member States of the Committee, with
the United States of America and the Russian
Federation in their capacity as peace patrons, and with
the presidency of the European Union, with His
Holiness the Pope and with the United Nations
Secretary-General, in order to safeguard the Islamic
Arab character of Al-Quds al-Sharif and to preserve it
as a place of coexistence and tolerance among the three
revealed religions.
The Iraqi issue has become a major preoccupation
for the entire world, owing to the suffering of the Iraqi
people. For this reason, while we demand that Iraq
implement the relevant United Nations resolutions, we
also call for deep reflection and patience in dealing
with the Iraqi question, hoping that the Iraqi
Government will respond to the international
community's request. The aim would be to avoid the
infliction of further suffering, distress and misery on
the Iraqi people. At any rate, the United Nations is
required to act within the framework of its Charter's
principles and purposes in order to preserve the
stability and security of all countries in the region. In
this context, Morocco expresses its concern with regard
to the Kuwaiti prisoners of war and missing persons,
and the need to preserve the unity and independence of
the State of Kuwait. Morocco also emphasizes the need
to preserve Iraq's unity and sovereignty over all its
territory.
The same region is witnessing another conflict
involving two sister States that have strong bonds of
friendship and cooperation with Morocco — that is, the
United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
My country is hopeful that our brothers in Iran will
become convinced of the need to settle the conflict
over the islands of Abu Musa, the Greater Tunb and the
Lesser Tunb, by peaceful means, in accordance with
the principles of the United Nations Charter and the
rules of international law. This will affect positively
their bilateral relations, as well as the stability and
cooperation in the region.
In conclusion, under the leadership of His
Majesty King Mohammed VI, the Kingdom of
Morocco, as a member of the African, Arab, and
Muslim family and given its position in the Euro-
Mediterranean region, has always held dear the basic
values of tolerance, moderation, open-mindedness and
dialogue in dealing with the international community.
Morocco will always honour its obligations towards the
international community to strengthen the foundations
of security and stability and to give impetus to the new
visions charted for the world of the twenty-first
century. We will always remain ready to contribute
within the United Nations to finding the most efficient
means of improving conditions in the world.


Proud as we are
that our small island nation of Tuvalu is a member of
this great family of nations, first we must give thanks
to God Almighty for his love and for allowing us all to
participate in this general debate. Let me also extend
my delegation's sincere appreciation to the
Government of our host country, the United States of
America, for its warm hospitality and support.
Tuvalu warmly congratulates you, Sir, on your
election to the high office and commends highly the
outgoing President for his leadership, especially during
a very challenging year for the Organization. Tuvalu
also wishes to reaffirm its strong confidence in the
Secretary-General. In addition, we warmly congratulate
Switzerland on its entry into the United Nations, and
we welcome membership of East Timor later on in this
session.
Tuvalu sincerely joins, both in spirit and hearts,
in the remembrance of the great loss, particularly of
innocent human lives, following the terrorist attacks on
American soil last year. We pray for the victims'
families and for full recovery in restoring their lives.
Within our own Organization, we are proud that of this
turmoil the United Nations has come out ever stronger
with the resolve to combat international terrorism.
In Tuvalu and many island countries in the
Pacific, we know our own unique vulnerability is also
fertile ground to forces of terror that threaten the
security and survival of the islands. It is in this regard
that Tuvalu is committed to the Pacific Islands Forum
Declarations on regional security, highlighted in the
Forum Communiqué, which is circulated as a United
Nations paper. In the same spirit, last year Tuvalu
pledged its commitment to the United Nations anti-
terrorism resolutions, and we still do. But we also need
both technical and financial assistance from the
international community to enable us to fulfil our
international obligations.
Joining and being part of the United Nations is
never easy, particularly for a small and poorly
resourced island country such as Tuvalu. Asserting our
place here competes with the many other priorities of
nation-building. However, our presence here is proof of
our belief all along since our independence that,
through the United Nations principle of equal
participation, our voice on our security and
development concerns will be advocated and better
heard.
2

Although new, Tuvalu supports the reforms being
undertaken in the Organization to streamline and
ensure efficiency. In particular, it supports initiatives
that have been developed on reforms in the Security
Council and in the work of the Secretariat, and it is our
strong view that they warrant proper support. It is also
our view that equitable representation more reflective
of the diversity in the United Nations membership,
both in the staffing of United Nations Secretariat and in
its various working committees, needs to be properly
considered.
As a peace-loving nation, Tuvalu believes that the
paramount mission of the United Nations must remain
the maintenance of peace and security for all nations of
the world, as clearly articulated in the preamble to the
United Nations Charter. However, a long outstanding
issue that also warrants serious consideration is the
question of the Republic of China on Taiwan. This
country has a population of 23 million people, a well-
defined territory and an established democratic system
of Government, and is a responsible international actor
in world trade and relations. It is, therefore, our strong
opinion that the right to self-determination of the
people of the Republic of China and to join the United
Nations should be urgently addressed. The United
Nations cannot be said to be universal, nor can global
peace be assured, until the Republic of China issue is
properly resolved.
As we progress in the new century, however, we
are increasingly challenged by the many changes that
are taking place. Never before has the human race
faced such complex challenges. We are in a world
where the concept of globalization is in the media
every day. Yet while we share a world where trade,
communications and travel appear to have made us a
single global community, large parts of the world
continue to suffer from poverty, marginalization and
environmental decline. We are far from being a
cohesive global community. Unfortunately, Tuvalu and
many small island developing States are in a
particularly weak position to participate fully and take
advantage of the opportunities of globalization. There
is a genuine need for special assistance to enhance our
capacity in this regard.
On the issue of conflict prevention, Tuvalu, like
other vulnerable small island nations, is particularly
weary of conflicts and wars. It is our humble view that,
all too often, countries seem compelled to resort to
military and violent action in order to resolve conflicts
rather than seek to understand the root causes of these
conflicts. We strongly feel this approach needs careful
reconsideration. The build-up of arms and massive
expenditure on so-called defence completely
overshadow all efforts to resolve the underlying causes
of poverty, unrest and instability. For us to survive as
an international community we must reverse this trend.
We must also learn to listen to each other.
In this respect, Tuvalu firmly believes that we
must place greater faith in the United Nations as the
forum for meaningfully addressing poverty, conflicts
and instability and the effects of environmental
degradation. It is here, in the common house of the
human family, where countries should come, put down
their arms, listen to each other and resolve their
differences together. We believe that this is the only
way forward to ensuring long-lasting world peace,
security and sustainable development.
Tuvalu agrees with the importance of sustainable
development and subscribes to the goals espoused in
the Millennium Declaration, particularly those on
poverty eradication. It also welcomes the holding of
the United Nations international conferences,
including, those on the rights of the child, financing for
development and the review of the implementation of
Agenda 21 through the World Summit on Sustainable
Development. In addition, Tuvalu also appreciates
commitments made recently to replenish the Global
Environment Facility (GEF), so vitally important to
many countries, especially to Small Island Developing
States.
However, while Tuvalu appreciates the
considerations for small island developing States in the
various processes, we appeal for more concrete
recognition, particularly by the donor community, of
our special case so that we can cope with the
challenges that we face, particularly with regards to
capacity-building through quality education and health,
access to fresh water and affordable energy,
infrastructures and sanitation. Without additional and
adequate resources, partnership initiatives arising from
those processes will have no real meaning, especially
for those groups that are most in need, such as women,
children and people in rural and outer island areas.
It need not be repeated, but for Tuvalu,
development aid is indispensable to development. For
us, official development assistance (ODA) is the
development budget. The maintenance of vital services
3

to our people through innovative partnerships, such as
the Tuvalu Trust Fund, for example, would not have
been possible without ODA. I would like at this
juncture to acknowledge with great sincerity Tuvalu's
appreciation of all its development partners,
particularly our traditional donors, old and new, such as
Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Japan,
the European Union and the Republic of China on
Taiwan.
For our part, having progressed as a sovereign
nation with relative peace and stability over the past
twenty-four years, Tuvalu is strongly committed to the
United Nations principle of good governance. The
recently elected Government of Tuvalu is fully
committed to the principles of good governance,
democracy and respect for the rule of law. It is also
committed to accountability and transparency, in
harmony with Christian values and traditional and
cultural norms. As in the past, we are also committed
to the prudent management of finances and to further
work on reforms to improve our systems.
Tuvalu is surrounded by the huge Pacific Ocean
and is well aware, both of its rights to its vast marine
resources and also of its responsibility to ensure the
proper and sustainable management of the potentials of
the ocean. We therefore fully associate ourselves with
the Pacific Islands Forum's Regional Ocean Policy
recently adopted by our leaders.
Finally, peace, security and long-term livelihood
for the world will have no meaning to us in Tuvalu in
the absence of serious actions to address the adverse
and devastating effects of global warming. At no more
than three meters above sea level, Tuvalu is
particularly exposed to those effects. Indeed our people
are already migrating to escape. We are already
suffering from the consequences of what world
authorities on climate change have consistently been
warning us. Only two weeks ago, a period when the
weather was normal and calm and the tide was low,
unusually big waves suddenly crashed ashore and
flooded most parts of the capital island.
In the event that the situation is not reversed,
where does the international community think the
Tuvalu people can hide from the onslaught of sea-level
rise? Taking us in as environmental refugees is not
what Tuvalu is after in the long run. We want the
islands of Tuvalu and our nation to remain permanently
and not to be submerged as a result of the greed and
uncontrolled consumption of industrialized countries.
We want our children to grow up the way we grew up
in our own islands and in our own culture.
We once again appeal to the industrialized
countries, particularly those who have not done so, to
urgently ratify and to fully implement the Kyoto
Protocol and to provide concrete support in all our
adaptation efforts to cope with the effects of climate
change and sea-level rise. Tuvalu, having little or
nothing to do with the causes, cannot be left on its own
to pay the price. We must all work together. May God
bless you all, and God bless the United Nations.


I have the honour to deliver the statement of the
Government of Saudi Arabia on behalf of His Royal
Highness the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
It gives me great pleasure at the outset of the
fifty-seventh session of the General Assembly to
convey to Mr. Kavan personally and to his friendly
country, the Czech Republic, our sincerest
congratulations on his election to the important
position of President of the Assembly. We are
confident that he will preside with great skill and
efficiency over our deliberations.
I wish to take this opportunity to express our
gratitude to his predecessor, Mr. Han Seung-soo, who
presided over the last session with wisdom and
experience and deserves our gratitude and appreciation.
I also wish to take this opportunity to express our
thanks and appreciation to Secretary-General Kofi
Annan for his tireless efforts to achieve peace and
consolidate security throughout the world and for his
persistent efforts to strengthen the Organization's role
and enhance its efficiency.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia believes that the
recent admission of Switzerland to membership of this
Organization will enrich the United Nations and
undoubtedly enhance its role, given that country's
remarkable contributions to and experience in
international cooperation.
Our current session coincides with the first
anniversary of the horrendous disaster that befell the
United States of America as a result of a most
despicable act of terrorism that led to the death of
thousands of innocent lives, with enormous material
losses and immeasurable harm from which we are all
still suffering. The pain and suffering of the American
people over the loss of their relatives and loved ones as
a result of this cowardly act was our loss, too, as we
witnessed those events in a state of total shock and
dismay. We felt nothing but absolute condemnation for
those who committed that utterly criminal and barbaric
act.
I therefore convey our sincerest condolences and
heartfelt sympathies to the President of the United
States, to the families of the victims and to the
American people. I assure them that this horrible
experience can only strengthen what we already know
about the inner strength and pride of the American
people. Those feelings of fortitude and resolve, as well
as their determination to confront this challenge and to
move on with resolve, guided by the principles and
values of the founding fathers of their great nation,
were unmistakable when we, along with the American
23

people and President, commemorated the first
anniversary of the tragedy.
It was most overwhelmingly painful for us to see
a number of our young people, who were in a position
to contribute beneficially to the development and well-
being of their own country, fall victim to those who led
them astray as they embarked on a road that ended
tragically. Those young men committed a grave offense
against their country and their religion, which totally
and utterly forbids the crime they committed.
May I be permitted here to quote from the letter
sent to United States President George W. Bush by His
Royal Highness Crown Prince Abdullah, in describing
those young men in a most unambiguous and
meaningful manner:
“We in Saudi Arabia felt especially acute pain at
the realization that a number of young Saudi
citizens had been enticed and deluded and their
reasoning subverted to the degree of denying the
tolerance that their religion embraced and turning
their backs on their homeland, which has always
stood for understanding and moderation. They
allowed themselves to be used as a tool to do
great damage to Islam, a religion they espoused,
and to all Muslims.
“I would like to make it very clear that real
Muslims throughout the world will never allow a
minority of defiant extremists to speak in the
name of Islam and distort its spirit of tolerance.
“Your friends in the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia denounced and condemned the attacks of
11 September as strongly as the American people
did. Like them, we are convinced that nothing can
ever justify the shedding of innocent blood or the
taking of lives and the terrorizing of people,
regardless of cause or motive. Therefore, we do
not simply reiterate our sincere condolences to
the victims' relatives; we also assure all of our
continued will and determination to do all we can
to combat that malignant evil and uproot it from
our world. My country will maintain its firm
resolve to combat terrorism unilaterally and
jointly with the international coalition. We shall
pursue the war against terrorism relentlessly. Our
drive emanates from our firm conviction that
terrorism is a pernicious disease that poses a
lethal threat to every human society and every
effort must be made to confront and defeat it.”
Saudi Arabia's position regarding terrorism has
always been very clear, dispassionate and responsible.
That is logical since our country was honoured by God
to be the custodian of the Muslims' holiest sites, and it
is also the birthplace of the heavenly message of Islam.
Thus, we want to uphold the principles and teachings
of the Islamic faith.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reaffirms its total
support for all Security Council resolutions related to
the question of terrorism. It has been cooperating fully
with the international community in implementing
those resolutions, with the aim of combating terrorism.
Moreover, Saudi Arabia has taken the necessary steps
to close any gaps in regulations related to charitable
fundraising that might be exploited for illegal
purposes.
The competent authorities in Saudi Arabia have
put in place all the necessary measures to implement
Security Council resolution 1373 (2001). Moreover, the
Government of Saudi Arabia has lent its support to
every international effort, within the framework of the
Security Council, to crack down on terrorism by all
means approved by the international community.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which has itself
suffered from terrorist acts, has enacted regulations that
mete out punishment to the perpetrators of terrorist
acts. Moreover, it has made the fight against terrorism
part of its basic school curricula.
At the regional level, Saudi Arabia was one of the
first countries to sign the Pan-Arab Convention for the
Suppression of Terrorism, adopted by the League of
Arab States in 1998, and it is also a signatory to the
Convention of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference on Combating International Terrorism.
At the international level, Saudi Arabia is a party
to 10 conventions and agreements that deal with
various forms of terrorism. We sincerely look to the
United Nations, which represents all countries of the
world, to make the international effort to combat
terrorism a truly global one, without bias or
discrimination, with the primary goal of serving all
members of the international community and protecting
them from the evils of terrorism, including State-
supported terrorism.
Confronting terrorism, international cooperation
in tracking down terrorist organizations and the
exploration of all ways and means to eradicate it
24

represent important steps towards eliminating that
dangerous phenomenon. However, the international
effort against terrorism, regardless of its effectiveness,
will not be capable of totally eradicating that
phenomenon unless it addresses its underlying causes,
including political, economic and social circumstances
that become ground for extremism, violence and
terrorism.
The decision to eradicate terrorism has been
taken, without hesitation or vacillation. However, if our
true objective is to eradicate the possibility of its
recurrence, then attention must be paid to the political,
economic and social conditions that, in many instances,
create grounds for extremism, especially when those
conditions reach serious proportions and the possibility
for peaceful change and development does not exist.
For example, the deteriorating conditions of
oppressed people, whether they suffer injustice and
oppression or are subject to foreign occupation, and the
international community's inability, for one reason or
another, to find just solutions to those problems will
ultimately lead to a situation in which opportunity is
created for people with evil intentions to take
advantage of naïve young men who are led to believe
that violence and terrorism are the only and ideal
means for correcting the injustice that afflict them.
Thirty-five years have passed since the
Palestinian people came under the suffocating Israeli
occupation. The cycle of violence in the occupied
Palestinian territories will never end unless the
legitimate rights of the Palestinians are respected.
Those rights have been acknowledged by the
international community as a whole and are enshrined
in many United Nations resolutions and have become
legally binding through various international
agreements signed by consecutive Israeli Governments
with the Palestinian side.
The obligations contained in those agreements
have been completely ignored by the Israelis, whether
they relate to the continuation of the occupation or the
treatment of the Palestinian people and their legitimate
leadership.
The policy of siege, starvation, military
incursions, the destruction of property and the
desecration of holy places totally contravenes not only
signed agreements, but also international law and
humanitarian norms.
Furthermore, the Government of Ariel Sharon is
marginalizing the Palestinian Authority, established
under the Oslo Accords, isolating the Palestinian
territories and destroying their infrastructure. In
addition, with nothing left to destroy, recently Sharon
has implemented a policy not only of imprisoning, but
also of assassinating, members of the Palestinian
leadership. He recently and blatantly declared that
Israel is no longer bound by any agreement signed with
the Palestinians, including the Oslo Accords.
The situation in the occupied Palestinian
territories will undoubtedly lead to a humanitarian
disaster resulting from the economic siege, the
unchecked spread of disease and the virtual collapse of
public health and security forces.
The most important fact to be recalled by all,
particularly the Israeli people, is that the goal of
security promised by the current Israeli Government
will never materialize. That is due directly to the
policies and practices of that Government, which chose
to ignore dialogue and negotiations and opted for
oppression and violence as a means of resolving the
Palestinian problem.
President Bush's statement to the Assembly
concerning the difficulty of attaining peace between the
Palestinians and Israelis, without providing the
freedom necessary for both, conforms with the current
situation in the occupied territories, which continue to
face a cycle of violence and suffering because one side,
namely the Palestinians, has been denied its right to
freedom and independence.
Therefore, the exit point of that dilemma is
Israel's acknowledgement of the importance of the
existence of a Palestinian State established on a basis
of constitutional legality and capable of conducting
negotiations and resolving pending problems that
cannot be ignored or bypassed. That is the action that
must be taken if we truly intend to put an end to the
crisis in the occupied territories, the price of which is
being paid by both Palestinians and Israelis.
We believe that an independent Palestinian State,
based on a constitution binding on all Palestinians, and
specifying the basis and rules governing their relations
with Israel, will ultimately constitute a guarantee not
only for the Palestinians, but also for the Israelis
themselves, because the Israeli side will have the
assurance of dealing with a legitimate entity with clear
characteristics, structures and institutions. Their future
25

relations will determine their responsibilities. To
achieve this goal, the international community must
move to end the humanitarian catastrophe and suffering
faced by the Palestinian people.
There is also a dire need to halt the violence
raging in the area through a practical and dispassionate
treatment of the security situation. That clearly means
that the international community must hold the Israeli
Government accountable to the same level of security
obligations that is required of the Palestinian Authority.
To limit the security obligations to the Palestinian side
alone is neither practical nor a means of solving the
problem. It is incumbent on all of us to work together
to alleviate the suffering of the Palestinians and to take
the necessary practical steps to put the Palestinian
problem on the path to the desired settlement.
As far as the comprehensive settlement of the
Arab-Israeli conflict is concerned, we see in the Arab
peace initiative adopted at the Beirut Arab Summit a
historic move that contains all the requirements for a
just and permanent peace in the Middle East based on
resolutions of international legitimacy and supported
by all Arab States. It would lead to Israel's full
withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories and to
normalization of Arab relations with Israel.
There is another problem that has reached crisis
proportions and has become a source of grave danger
to the security and stability of the Middle East: the
issue of Iraq and its implementation of the relevant
Security Council resolutions. President Bush
mentioned in his speech before the General Assembly
the need to refer this matter to the Security Council in
order to have the appropriate resolutions adopted. That
represents a new and positive approach that we view
with satisfaction. Without a doubt, that step has led to a
new climate, resulting in the decision of the Iraqi
Government to allow the unconditional return of
United Nations weapons inspectors. That development,
which will avert confrontation through diplomatic
means, shows that a positive step will, in most cases,
lead to a reciprocal positive step. At this point, it is
appropriate to express our satisfaction with the Iraqi
Government's prompt response to the call of the
ministerial committee of the League of Arab States,
which met in parallel with the General Assembly. We
believe that it is now the Security Council's
responsibility to undertake serious efforts to alleviate
the suffering of the brotherly people of Iraq. We also
believe that it is now the responsibility of Iraq to
promptly carry out its pledges to allow the return of the
United Nations weapon inspection teams without prior
conditions.
The world has suffered great destruction and
human misery during the last century, which was
characterized by bloody confrontations, hate, conflicts
and violence. In a world of intertwined dependencies
and common interests, the peace and stability of
humankind depend largely upon the international
community's determination to forsake wars, renounce
violence, combat terrorism and settle disputes by
peaceful means and through the promotion of a culture
of peace and dialogue, as well as by consolidating
international cooperation, tolerance and understanding.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia calls for the
establishment of an international humanitarian order
based on a new form of partnership between the
developed and developing countries, on a solid basis of
cooperation, solidarity and international economic
relations built on justice, equality, mutual benefits and
joint responsibilities.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia looks forward to a
twenty-first century governed by the rule of law and
not by brutal force, a century of true pluralism in which
everyone will participate in managing the affairs of the
present and in creating the future, instead of excluding
and ignoring others. We look forward to a year in
which the moral values that govern human behaviour
will prevail and in which the banners of justice, mercy
and interaction among peoples will be raised in order
to achieve security, stability and peace for all humanity.


One year after the
terrible attacks of 11 September, we commemorate the
innocent victims of those crimes. The best way we can
honour their memory is by taking up and acting upon
all the many-faceted challenges that terrorism and
other threats pose to human security. The world has
changed irrevocably, although we cannot as yet say
exactly how. We do not even know if our immediate
reaction a year ago has been successfully put to use to
make the world a better and safer place in which to
live.
Afghanistan is no longer a base for global
terrorism, and joint efforts to uproot terrorist networks
are making progress, but the threat of new attacks has
not been eliminated. At some stage we will also reach
the limit of what can be done through military force
and police action alone to stop terrorism. Even where
the use of military force is clearly necessary and
justified, as it was against Al Qaeda and the Taliban, it
is never an adequate answer. In Afghanistan we are
now faced with the need to use a full range of civilian
crisis management capabilities, as well as with the
need for a long-term commitment to reconstruction and
the development of a stable and drug-free economy,
and to enable democracy and respect for human rights
to take root in a country that has suffered from war and
strife for decades. And Afghanistan is only one of
many places in today's world where such a
commitment from the international community is
needed.
We must also come to grips with conditions in
which some people can regard even terrorism as
justified. To say that does not imply any understanding
for indiscriminate terrorism. Terrorism is a crime
whose perpetrators must be brought to justice
irrespective of their motives.
It is vitally important to underline the need to
strengthen the rule of law. When terrorists attack
democracy, humanity and justice, we should not and
cannot fight it with means that are in conflict with
those basic values that the terrorists are attacking. It is
time to review frankly the measures taken after 11
25

September and to rectify any excesses that are not
acceptable in societies based on freedom and justice.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) has been
in gestation for many years, and its creation can be
regarded as one of the major achievements of the
United Nations. It was not created primarily to deal
with terrorism, but the importance of the ICC has
obviously grown, not diminished, since 11 September.
The ICC is a long-standing goal of Finland and the
European Union, and we must not allow it to be
undermined. The ICC must not become an issue of
international dispute. We must safeguard it as an
effective and independent judicial institution so that we
can convince those States that remain outside it to join
us in making it truly universal.
Terrorism is only one of many new threats to our
security that are no longer linked to the threat of
traditional war between nation-States.
In a world where our entire national defence
policies and our efforts to build collective security
have been based on the need to wage or deter
traditional war, we now need new and fresh thinking. It
is not only that military power has become partly
impotent in delivering security. It is also evident that
we cannot contain these threats through isolation or by
acting unilaterally.
The United Nations and its Security Council have
global responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security. Human lives are
equally valuable all over the world. People in crisis
situations need the protection and the action of the
international community. Individual and minor crises
can turn into major threats to international peace and
security. Member States must give the United Nations
the wherewithal that is necessary for meaningful action
in preventing crises, managing conflicts and building
peace after conflicts. Action needs true commitment to
multilateralism, which must exceed national interests
and unilateralism. Multilateralism cannot be exercised
à la carte whenever convenient. Global interests require
global action.
An undeniable success story in the history of the
United Nations is the Organization's peacekeeping
activities. Countless lives have been saved by United
Nations peacekeeping operations. But we know, too,
that possibly even more lives have been lost if and
when the United Nations has not been able or allowed
to operate. The reason has been the lack of political
will or the prevalence of national interests in the
Security Council. I would like to reiterate that the
Security Council is mandated to act on behalf of all
Member States.
The concept of peacekeeping has evolved
considerably during the existence of the United Nations
from purely military operations into versatile, complex
and continuous efforts that extend in some cases to
nation-building. A growing element in them is civilian
crisis management. This should be further
strengthened. Crisis management in its whole
continuum should also be based on broad cooperation
and compatibility. Present complex crises are often too
demanding for any one organization to deal with. All
regional organizations should work closely together
with the United Nations and other organizations
sharing the burden of maintaining international peace
and security.
The Middle East remains the region where our
concerns are most concentrated. The conflict between
Israel and Palestine has, if anything, worsened. We
support all efforts of the “quartet” to get the peace
process working again on the basis of the relevant
United Nations resolutions. We support the Palestinian
administration's effort at reform, which we have rightly
demanded must be undertaken, and we expect a one-
hundred-per-cent effort from it to stop all terrorist
activities. At the same time, the Palestinians must be
given the prospect of a clear commitment and a
timetable for the creation of an independent and viable
Palestinian State. The Palestinian administration has to
be given the resources and conditions with which it can
fulfil the requirements of what the international
community demands of it and of what the Palestinian
people have the right to expect.
Without progress in the Middle East peace
process, any military action in the region can have
extremely dangerous and unforeseen consequences. It
is imperative that efforts to get Iraq to abide
unconditionally with all the resolutions of the Security
Council remain the responsibility of the United
Nations.
When the United Nations was founded, the
world's population was 2.4 billion. Now we are more
than 6 billion, and population growth, while slowly
levelling off, will bring that number to at least 10
billion before stabilizing. This is a huge challenge for
mankind. We have only a few decades, at most, to
26

bring our economic, production and societal models to
conform to the exigencies of sustainable development.
But this is not only an environmental challenge.
Nations and peoples must learn to live and to act
together in an ever-shrinking world where no one can
manage on his own.
In a rapidly globalizing world, the need for keen
international cooperation becomes all the more evident.
Decisions taken in one part of the world have many
effects elsewhere. This can quickly lead to an ever-
widening gap and fragmentation between countries and
within countries. Comprehensive implementation of the
Millennium Declaration will make an important impact
on narrowing that gap. A positive example of the
means we can employ to meet the goals of the
Declaration is the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD), which demonstrates the
genuine desire of the African nations to take
responsibility for their future. Finland attaches great
importance to the implementation of NEPAD.
Globalization has wealth-creating potential
through the international division of labour and a more
efficient use of resources. It can increase individual
freedom and make societies more open. But, on the
other hand, it is incontestable that globalization has not
benefited everybody or every country in an equal
manner. Globalization can bring risks and threats to the
environment, core labour standards and trade unions,
and it can challenge national and minority cultures. It
can also be socially damaging. On the whole, however,
globalization is not only inevitable but also potentially
positive. The United Nations has an important role in
managing and harnessing globalization for the benefit
of all. We the Member States must fully participate in
that work.


Allow me to
begin by extending my warmest congratulations to
you –– my colleague Mr. Jan Kavan — on his election
as President of the fifty-seventh session of the General
Assembly.
I cannot but remember the tragedy of 11
September 2001, the anniversary of which we
commemorated just a few days ago. That bloody act
committed here in New York, the host city of the
United Nations Headquarters, was directed not only
against the United States but also against all the rest of
us, the entire civilized world that the United Nations
symbolizes. Georgia has been part of the anti-terrorist
coalition from the very first day. I would like to assure
the Assembly that Georgia has been doing everything
in its power to be a dedicated partner in this struggle
and that it will maintain the spirit of cooperation until
the very, successful end.
The problem of international terrorism is complex
and multidimensional, and I had intended to share our
views and thoughts on that. However, the recent
complications in Georgian-Russian relations have
compelled me to shift the focus of my address. I am
referring to the mounting aggressive attacks on my
country's sovereignty emanating from the Russian
authorities and media. On a daily basis, Georgia is
being accused of harbouring terrorists, aiding fighters
and fueling the conflict in Chechnya. This is a clear
attempt to create an enemy image of Georgia in
Russia's public opinion. Here I have to state clearly:
this is utter nonsense.
We believe that the pressure exerted on my
country under the pretext of these absurd accusations is
being used by Russia as a smokescreen to hide its own
failure to cope with the conflict in Chechnya. As
President Shevardnadze stated in his letter, transmitted
by our Permanent Representative in identical letters
addressed to the Secretary-General and to the President
of the Security Council, “It is hard to imagine a clearer
example of confusing the cause and the effect”.
(A/57/408, annex)
The truth is that this tragic chain of events started
with the conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia, in which
Chechen fighters, citizens of the Russia Federation,
had been initially recruited, trained and sent to fight.
Then, all of this boomeranged in the Chechen conflict
against Russia, when those fighters turned their arms
against their own patrons. As a result of two Chechen
wars, Georgia has had to face an influx of thousands of
Chechen refugees, and armed gangs of criminals forced
into Georgia, followed by insistence from the Russian
side on permitting a military operation against them on
Georgian soil. All this meant a spillover of the endless
and bloody war into Georgia, which we certainly could
not allow. We are able to take, and are already taking,
all necessary measures to uproot any possibility of the
use of our territory by terrorists.
Although it is evident that the problem of the
Pankisi Gorge of Georgia is a side effect of the war in
Chechnya, and not vice versa, the violations of airspace
and attacks against the sovereign territory of Georgia

by Russian military jets and helicopters have acquired
a permanent character. The most recent air strike took
place on 23 August 2002, causing civilian casualties.
Georgia has irrefutable documentary and factual
evidence of the attack, which has also been confirmed
by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe border monitoring operation.
Despite the clear evidence, the Russian military
leadership cynically denies these facts, trying to avoid
an objective investigation in spite of their official
statements that one will be carried out. Moreover,
unfolding hysteria in Russia on the issue of the Pankisi
Gorge has culminated in statements by Russia's
President and its military openly threatening Georgia
with aggression. These actions not only gravely
endanger peace and security in the region, but also
undermine the efforts of the global anti-terrorist
coalition to fight against this menace.
What is at stake here is not only the sovereignty
and independence of Georgia, but also the very
fundamentals of the current international system. That
is why we have brought this issue to this high forum.
As I mentioned, Georgian special forces, aided by
our friends, are conducting an operation to restore law
and order in the Pankisi Gorge and the surrounding
area. We already have achieved positive results and are
ready to cooperate with all concerned parties, including
Russia. Moreover, we are open to all international
transparency measures.
We call on the Russian side to reconsider their
approach and, as President Shevardnadze stressed in
his letter, we appeal “to the leadership of Russia and
the President himself to find a common tongue [and] to
rise above the existing problems”. (ibid.) We strongly
believe that there is no other way out.
Speaking about the conflicts in the Caucasus, I
would like to draw attention to the most painful issue:
the conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia, where our joint
efforts have not yet been successful. I believe that the
major mistake made by the international organizations
was to give the so-called Abkhaz authorities an
opportunity to engage them in endless and absurd
disputes because of which the bases of the peace
process were ignored.
First, there is Georgia, a full-fledged member of
the international community, whose internationally
recognized territory is being violated by the non-
legitimate, pseudo-Abkhaz regime based on hostility
and ethnic cleansing. No positive results can be
achieved if the two sides are treated in the same
manner, if they are viewed as equally responsible and if
a policy of pleasing both of them is pursued.
Secondly, there is the fate of the more than
300,000 refugees and internally displaced persons who
have been ousted from their homeland and deprived of
their basic human rights, and whose prospect of return
has for the past eight years failed to go beyond fruitless
discussions. The years of ineffective negotiations merit
only those conclusions.
I must excuse myself before the authors of the
most recent Security Council resolution on this matter,
Council resolution 1427 (2002), but I cannot agree with
the softness of their statements. Even though the de
facto Abkhaz leadership completely ignored and
categorically refused to receive the document, “Basic
Principles for the Distribution of Competences between
Tbilisi and Sukhumi”, elaborated by the Group of
Friends of the Secretary-General, the arrogance of the
separatist regime was responded to in the resolution
only by a slight reproach.
To our surprise, the most recent report of the
Secretary-General, based on information from the
United Nations Human Rights Office in Abkhazia,
Georgia, points to “a modest improvement in the
human rights situation”. (S/2002/742, para. 23) It is
difficult to understand what kind of improvement is
meant when the separatists insist that Georgian
children should study Georgian as a foreign language at
Georgian schools in Abkhazia, Georgia.
The tragedy in Abkhazia, Georgia, where
hundreds of thousands, mostly ethnic Georgians, have
been forcibly expelled from their homes, has numerous
times been rightfully assessed by the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe as ethnic
cleansing. Thus, we can only be astonished that the
United Nations is so reluctant to make the same
statement. This is the more so as the Abkhaz side has
never complied with any of the 28 Security Council
resolutions adopted since 1993. I hope members would
agree that such inconsistency only strengthens the
separatists' self-confidence and increases their belief in
their impunity.
In 1994 we made an unprecedented decision by
asking the United Nations to permit the commencement
of a peacekeeping operation engaging the
8

Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), whereby
the “collective” peacekeeping forces included only a
Russian military contingent. The reason for this was
the complete absence of other alternatives at that time.
Regrettably, eight years of this operation have made
clear that the Russian peacekeepers, acting under the
CIS aegis, fail to ensure the security that is so
necessary for the return of the internally displaced
persons and refugees to their homes in Abkhazia,
Georgia. In fact, the peacekeepers have established an
artificial border between the territory controlled by the
separatists and the rest of Georgia.
On that basis, we think it is high time to
transform substantively the ongoing peacekeeping
operation. In particular, we are in favour of introducing
a civil police component and creating a joint Georgian-
Abkhaz administration in the Gali district under
international auspices. Considering the solid United
Nations experience in the establishment and
management of international police forces, we have
high expectations of the Assembly's support.
We strongly believe that more active involvement
of the international community, and primarily of the
United Nations, is indispensable. We understand that
the United Nations is currently involved in several
peacekeeping operations. Irrespective of that fact, we
hope that some resources can be found to ensure more
active United Nations engagement in the resolution of
the conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia.
Speaking about the ineffectiveness of
international efforts in resolving the Abkhaz conflict,
we should admit that the lack of unanimity within the
Group of Friends of the Secretary-General remains a
serious impeding factor. That is why it took almost two
years just to win consensus on the so-called Boden
document. Moreover, we are repeatedly faced with
actions by one of the members of the Group that are
utterly inconsistent with the general approach.
At the end of 2000, the Russian Federation
introduced a visa regime with Georgia. But contrary to
the elementary norms of international law, the right to
visa-free movement has been maintained for the
secessionist regions of Georgia: the Abkhazia and
Tskhinvali regions. Numerous protests by the Georgian
side against this discriminatory decision have been
simply ignored. Moreover, this was followed by the
mass issue of Russian passports to the local population
of these two separatist regions, and their mass
conversion to Russian citizenship through simplified
procedures. Here a question arises: how do these
actions, named “legal expansion” even by the Russian
media, contribute to a peaceful resolution of these
conflicts?
I have to reaffirm that a peaceful resolution of the
conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia, remains the only
acceptable option for my Government. But as I have
already mentioned, regrettably, the Abkhaz side has
categorically refused to consider the document that
determines the political status of Abkhazia within the
State of Georgia. Therefore, we have to admit that the
entire peace process in Abkhazia, Georgia, is as much
in jeopardy as it is in need of drastic changes. We call
on the United Nations to address this problem.
Finally, United Nations reform has long been a
topic of discussion. It is unfortunate that work in that
regard has not progressed beyond an exchange of ideas.
Too much time has been devoted to discussions on
Security Council enlargement, the increase of the
number of its permanent and non-permanent members,
the change of procedures related to the right of veto
and the adoption of joint decisions. Regrettably, there
have been no practical results so far.
Here I would like to stress that Georgia reiterates
its full support for the speedy realization of the
aforesaid changes. We strongly support granting
permanent membership to Germany and Japan, as well
as the overall enlargement of the Security Council. We
also insist on increased transparency in the work of the
Council.
The world community is currently facing
numerous challenges which require more decisive and
radical steps. And I cherish the hope that this forum
will be courageous enough to make them without delay.