The heavy responsibility of conducting the proceedings of the General Assembly, assumed in such an exemplary fashion and with such remarkable mastery and outstanding distinction by the distinguished former President of the Assembly, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, now devolves upon Mr. Bouteflika. In associating myself with previous speakers, I should like to express to him on behalf of my delegation our warmest congratulations upon his election. His experience in international affairs, imbued With a spirit of nationalism at once intransigent, clear and open- minded, derives from his experience in the Algerian resistance. It was then strengthened during the difficult years of the struggle for the emancipation of his country, so that subsequently, attending to many matters and many people without losing sight of principles, he rose to full stature as a statesman.
181.	The third world and even the international community will not soon forget the decisive role which he played at the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Santiago, Chile, in 1972, at the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Algiers in 1973 and also at the sixth special session of the General Assembly. It has been often said of the President that he is a man of passion. Yes, he is one of those who have a passion for justice and who are able to put their heart and their talents at the service of a cause which they believe to be the noblest of alt. We would like to state here how proud and reassured Africa feels at seeing one if its best sons become President of the General Assembly.
182.	Permit me also to say to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, how grateful we are for the dynamic and effective action he has undertaken in his three years as the head of the Organization. We are aware of the difficulties he faces and also* of the tenacity with which he confronts them. We also appreciate his sense of initiative and we are assured that the fertile imagination he has demonstrated in the past in guiding the Organization is a guarantee of future success.
183.	Since the creation of the United Nations to this day, the number of Member States has constantly grown from session to session. We should like to welcome Grenada, the People's Republic of Bangladesh and Guinea-Bissau to the United Nations family.
184.	The earnest desire of newly independent States to join the United Nations contrasts strikingly with the criticisms to which its operations give rise. But this is understandable when one realizes that for a young nation, membership in the United Nations is not only felt as a symbol of its succession to national sovereignty, but also, and above all, as a guarantee that it can participate more actively in the affairs of the community of nations and in the achievement of the noble ideals of that community. We, the so- called countries of the third world, particularly in Africa, endorse these ideals, and that is why we intend to strive relentlessly to maintain international peace and security, to develop social progress and to establish justice and human dignity.
185.	This last year the situation in the world has undergone profound change. In some cases it is still too early to appreciate the scope of the changes. But one thing is certain, we are entering a new era in which ideas previously held to be false are being accepted and becoming established in the international community, while others once thought to be axiomatic should now be rethought, or even abandoned as outmoded. Accordingly, the world is becoming more and more aware of the obvious fact of the interdependence of nations and of the need for establishing a less iniquitous world economic system which will be more egalitarian and more human. Furthermore, we see everywhere that the forces of progress, justice and peace have won many victories over the forces of evil and oppression. It is clear now that, giving way before the defeats inflicted by the dominated peoples, and in the face of the intensification of the national liberation struggles, colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism, unmasked and revealed in their most iniquitous deeds, are now finally realizing that their time ha*> passed.
186.	This is how the international situation appears to us, particularly in Africa where the liberation movements in the former Portuguese possessions have succeeded in shaking the very foundation of the regime which oppressed them. Today, Portugal, its back to the wall as a result of the irreversible process of history, is conceding, thanks to the lucidity and courage of its new leaders, the need for a political solution totally in keeping with the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
187.	The Togolese, united in the Assembly of the Togolese people behind their Chief, General Gnassingbe Eyadema, must also warmly welcome the hard- won independence of the glorious fraternal people of Guinea-Bissau and pay a solemn and worthy tribute to the memory of all those who gave their lives in the colonial territories for the cause of liberty, in particular Amilcar Cabral, Secretary-General of the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [PAIGC], and Mondlane, President of the Frente de Libertagao de Mozambique [FRELIMO], both the victims of cowardly assassinations. We also wish to express our gratification at the agreement in Mozambique -and await the turn of Angola between FRELIMO and the Portuguese Administration with a view to the early accession to independence of that Territory. The people of Togo once again reaffirm their total and unfailing support for the young republic of Guinea-Bissau and all the liberation movements recognized by OAU.
188.	We cannot pass over in silence the problem of what is called Spanish Sahara. This territory must be liberated pursuant to the relevant resolutions of OAU and of the General Assembly. We are happy to note that sister States concerned by the situation in this Territory have taken a common stand vis-a-vis the colonial Power by advocating recourse to the International Court of Justice for the purpose of receiving an advisory opinion.
189.	The Government of the Republic of Togo appreciates the praiseworthy efforts hitherto undertaken by the new Portuguese authorities and exhorts them to persevere in this course, at the time when they are giving the best demonstration of their good faith and their determination to do everything in their power to complete the work of total decolonization and of granting each of the peoples still under their domination their inalienable right to independence. However, there can be no doubt that reactionary elements and a conservative right, backed by the white minority regimes, are already at work trying to undermine this process, although it is irreversible. That is Why my delegation considers that instead of being unduly optimistic, the international community must remain vigilant and try to prevent and crush any attempt to bring about a Rhodesian-type of solution in any of the Territories in question.
190.	The situation in Rhodesia, and indeed in South Africa and Namibia, has shown no signs of change since the last session of the General Assembly. Rather, it continues to be for my Government a constant source of concern and, in its view, constitutes a constant challenge to the international community. In spite of numerous United Nations resolutions, the racist Salisbury regime is still denying any share of power to the people of Zimbabwe, and the only thing they are offered in response to their aspirations is repression and corporal punishment. The policy of apartheid remains the form of Government in South Africa and in Namibia, where the oppressed majority are deprived of the opportunity to exercise their fundamental rights. We think that by keeping silent in the face of the conditions under which these populations suffer -people who are committing no other crime than that of claiming the most elementary rights recognized by the Charter of the United Nations as belonging to the human being- the international community is inevitably contributing to its own complicity in these atrocities. I should not like to talk of the distressing attitude of certain nations which, albeit friendly, continue to give financial, economic and military support to these racist regimes. I hope, how-ever, that the events which have occurred in the Portuguese Territories will serve as a lesson and will have the consequence of opening the eyes of the racist authorities of South Africa and Rhodesia and make them understand the futility of their outmoded practices.
191.	For almost a year new events have been occurring in the Middle East. The war of October 1973 reminded the world of the precarious situation in that region. My Government welcomed with satisfaction the troop disengagement agreements between Israel and Egypt and also between Israel and Syria, and calls vehemently for a continuation of negotiations with a view to achieving a global peaceful settlement in the region, with the final objective of the total withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories and the recognition of the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
192.	Furthermore, the gravity of the situation prevailing in Cyprus, which is of concern to the whole world, inspires us to reaffirm our conviction that only dialog and common effort can resolve these most thorny problems. We would venture to hope, therefore, that the various parties to the dispute will finally achieve an understanding and so bring peace to the island of Cyprus. The international community will have to try to reconcile the divergent viewpoints but at th? same time continue its appeal for help for the suffering caused by the most recent events.
193.	The situation in South-East Asia remains a matter of concern and even alarm.
194.	On the question of Korea, my Government very much hopes for the reunification of the two existing States and gave a favorable welcome to the consensus adopted by the General Assembly last year. We do consider, however, that the presence of foreign troops in Seoul is a major obstacle to the reconciliation so ardently desired by the Korean people, and does not contribute to the peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean nation. That is why my country was among those which called for the inclusion in the agenda of the twenty-ninth session of the question of the withdrawal of foreign troops stationed in South Korea [AI9703 and Add. I and 2] and was obliged to break off diplomatic relations with that country, whose stubborn attitude does not seem likely to promote this withdrawal and, in the long run, the reunification of the two States. We very much hope that, through its actions, the international community will assist the great people of Korea to achieve their reunification, and to play in the Organization a role befitting its genius.
195.	In Cambodia, the persistent intervention of foreign troops in the political life of that country constitutes, without any doubt, a major obstacle to peace, security and the well-being of the Khmer people. The Togolese Government will, for its part, continue as in the past to support the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia, headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk, as the only legitimate Government. My delegation therefore takes particular pleasure at the inclusion in the agenda of this session of item 25, entitled "Restoration of the lawful rights of the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia in the United Nations".
1%. In spite of all the changes that have occurred In the world in recent times, it is distressing for us to have to note that in many regions poverty, racism, war, and imperialist and neo-colonialist exploitation are still afflicting mankind. With faith in the noble ideals of the Organization, and convinced of the necessity to work hand in hand with other nations to establish better living conditions for all, the Republic of Togo considers that it is the duty of the international community to continue to work on the problems of co-operation and economic development in the light of what is the now obvious interdependence of nations, the principles of equity and of the protection of the interests of all States, and in particular the poorer States.
197.	It is no longer a secret to anyone that the results of the sixth special session of the General Assembly did not match the hopes which the third world had so justifiably placed in it. Yet at the conclusion of the work of the General Assembly, Member States solemnly proclaimed their joint determination to work for the establishment of a new international economic order based fundamentally on equity, sovereign equality, common interest, interdependence and co-operation among all States, irrespective of their economic systems, This new economic order which is being contemplated must be able to remedy inequalities, rectify present injustices and reduce the ever- widening gap between the developed and the developing countries, and ensure for present and future generations, in peace and justice, a balanced development and economic growth.
198.	In spite of declarations of intention and pious wishes, the mayor problems remain and are getting worse every day. For some years now, the situation in most market-economy countries has been characterized by an increase in economic activity, escalation of prices, intensification of inflationary movements and imbalance of payments, all at the same time.
199.	In the face of the expedients to which these countries have so often resorted, the developing countries have been obliged hastily to readjust the parity of their currency, without taking account as they should of their import needs, their export trade needs, internal production prices and external aid. All these are inter-dependent factors which, upon analysis, are without any doubt of crucial importance for the growth and development of those countries and have led to the erosion of their purchasing power, export earnings and external reserves.
200.	Although the international community agrees in acknowledging that the economic development of developing countries remains the primary responsibility of those countries themselves, international action is indispensable to create a climate favorable for such development. My delegation feels that in order to lend credibility to all this, the market-economy countries should adopt a series of liberal policies in trade, and give new momentum, even a new orientation, to the whole matter of development aid.
201.	I am afraid that the record in this respect is not very good. What is even more worrying is that the share of our countries in world trade is shrinking more and more. This is why my country has, on other occasions, associated itself with other countries of the third world in laying stress on the need for a liberalization of non-tariff obstacles and aid measures in adjusting the structures of the affluent countries. There is no doubt that non-tariff obstacles, including quantitative restrictions, create difficulties for poor countries in their efforts to increase their trade. Everyone is aware that the small share of the least developed countries in world trade continues to fall even lower. Hence the need to resolve the problem of non-tariff obstacles in their repercussion on the economics of third-world countries. That is why I should like to repeat the hope that I have already expressed from this rostrum that the developed countries will redouble their efforts ',o improve the situation, which is constantly deteriorating, to establish a new international economic order and to implement the Program of Action adopted by the General Assembly at its sixth special session.
202.	On the subject of development aid, my delegation can only applaud the intention recently announced by some developed countries to increase their assistance. Despite that happy initiative, the general situation is overshadowed by uncertainties affecting the programs of certain other countries, particularly the United States, which would tend to restrict substantially United States subsidies to the Agency for International Development. It is ever more disquieting to note that, generally speaking, the terms for development and have a tendency to become harsher while those for government loans have remained unchanged. What is worse, export credits which our countries so often need are granted on very difficult terms. Furthermore, since interest rates are high, debt servicing absorbs much of the export earnings of those countries. If one realizes that the practice of tying aid to purchases in the donor countries is growing, one cannot fail to recognize that the real value of aid granted to our countries is proportionately reduced.
203.	Apart from economic and trade and aid policy programs, to which I have just briefly referred, other equally urgent problems are at the forefront of the international scene today. The drought which has been raging in the Sudano-Sahelian region, and which continues, as we know only too well, to cause grave damage and to impose a very onerous burden on the populations of the region, remains a constant source of concern. Although there was an upsurge of international solidarity which was by no means negligible, the phenomenon of desertification, despite recent rains, constitutes for those areas a real sword of Damocles. Proof of this is the particularly disturbing picture presented by FAO, which confirms that this scourge continues to rage relentlessly throughout the continent, from the Atlantic to the Red Sea. We can only once again utter a cry of alarm and express the hope that concerted national and regional programs will together seek and find a final solution to this problem, which affects- the prosperity, tranquility and well-being of the people in the regions concerned.
204.	The disaster in Honduras also calls for an upsurge of active solidarity on the part of the inter-national community.
205.	Another no less alarming problem is that of the exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed. The position of the delegation of Togo, which is similar in this respect to that of the other third-world countries, is well known. The Government of Togo feels that an international authority, representing all States, should have absolute authority over the natural resources of the sea-bed, with a view to their rational exploitation by means of service contracts, the marketing of those resources and the deriving from them of profits which should be distributed equitably in the light of criteria to be determined.
206.	The Government of Togo also endorses the view adopted by a number of developing countries particularly with regard to the territorial sea and the inalienable prerogatives of coastal States over the exclusive economic zone. It very much hopes that the developed countries, which contributed to the molding of certain concepts at a time when most third-world countries were still under domination, will revise those concepts in a spirit of equity, thus making possible the more rapid development of the poorer countries.
207.	At the very time when the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea was coming to an end at Caracas, another conference, devoted to world population problems, was already under way. As we know, the World Population Conference held at Bucharest was convened in order to awaken the conscience of mankind to the world population situation and to the prospects for the development of that situation and the relationship between it and economic and social development. It was also intended to work out a world plan of action with the principal objective of providing the international community with increased resources and more effective means of equipping itself to solve the population problems as a whole. If, for the developed countries, family planning seems to be a panacea for the ills of underdevelopment, for the third-world countries in general and for Togo in particular, the real solution to demographic problems is rather to place this question within the more general context of economic and social development, for, I venture to point out, in Africa particularly, a new birth does not always mean just another mouth to feed; it means two arms and an extra brain to be used for productive purposes by the people concerned.
208.	Aware of the periodic disturbances within the international community, my country, under the en-lightened leadership of its President, General Gnassingbe Eyadema, has for many years been waging a fierce battle against underdevelopment. We are aware of the fact that our country's independence will be illusory if the sovereignty which it claims over its natural resources and raw materials is not full and total. That is why we are now engaged in a ruthless struggle for the recovery and unconditional use of our natural resources, convinced that our efforts can be crowned with nothing but success. But the recovery of our natural resources and our refusal to allow foreign Powers permanently to despoil us in no way implies any doubt of our fundamental policy, which is in favor of economic co-operation and openness to the world at large.
209.	It is in that spirit that Togo has undertaken, with its sister-State of Nigeria, the task of establishing an economic community of West African States which will transcend linguistic barriers. That project is at present at a very advanced stage, and we sincerely hope that in a short time this ancient dream of our subregion will become a reality.
210.	This twenty-ninth session is taking place at a time when Africa is at a cross-roads in the process of decolonization but also, we would venture to hope, of its liberation from racism and all those practices which are so humiliating to human dignity. At the same time we are witnessing a particularly rude awakening to a fundamental requirement of our time: the advent of a new economic order. Thus, the United Nations which at times, it is true, has had very good grounds for discouragement, so remote did the possibility seem of realizing the noble ideas which are its raison d'etre, can today, relying on the results already achieved, contemplate the future with more optimism. It can now derive from the results achieved sufficient strength and courage to continue its arduous task, which, let us hope, will less and less resemble the rock of Sisyphus, and also derive from those results sufficient raison d'etre so that it can deliberately, with unshakable faith and unmixed enthusiasm, continue to work in the service of mankind for the building of a just and more fraternal world.


I take great pleasure in warmly congratulating Mr. Bouteflika, on behalf of the delegation of Burma, on his election to the Presidency of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are glad at the honor thus shown to him personally and to his country, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria. We assure him of our full cooperation in his discharge of the responsibilities of your high office.
2.	My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to Mr. Leopoldo Benites for his distinguished services to the General Assembly as President of its twenty-eighth session.
3.	On behalf of the delegation of Burma, I am happy to extend our sincere felicitations and warm welcome to the delegations of Bangladesh, Grenada and GuineaBissau. The admission of the three new States to membership in the United Nations will no doubt contribute to the strengthening of the world Organization. We look forward to working together with them for the furtherance of the purposes of the United Nations.
4.	The international situation today is characterized by acute preoccupation with economic and social problems. These problems have forced upon nations the need to review old patterns of relationships not only in the economic but also in the political field. These problems have also made nations realize more than ever before that solutions to international problems cannot be achieved except through international cooperation as envisaged in one of the purposes of the United Nations. It seems to the delegation of Burma that such international cooperation presupposes respect for the principles of equal rights and self-determination, and a greater measure of the democratization of international relations. Experience over the last two decades or so also shows that the threat or use of force in international relations defeats its own purpose, and that if nations are to live in peace and friendship and pursue their own paths of progress, it is imperative that States should strictly observe the principle of noninterference in each other's internal and external affairs. It also underlines the need to persevere in our efforts to settle international disputes by peaceful means, without endangering international peace and security, and with justice.
5.	Regarding international peace, it is a matter of great concern that, although there is a trend towards detente and negotiations for the settlement of international disputes, there still exist not only tension but even armed conflicts between some States. Nevertheless, the delegation of Burma is glad to note that, of late, there are signs of more positive thinking on the part of some interested outside Powers regarding these conflicts. We hope that this welcome attitude will become more pronounced in the future. We realize however that in the last analysis, the solution of these conflicts must rest with the parties directly concerned. In this connexion, the delegation of Burma notes with satisfaction that countries mo.e or less vulnerable to outside intervention have shown increasing determination to safeguard and maintain their right to self-determination. This reduces the chances for outside intervention in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of States.
6.	Let me now briefly refer to the problem of colonialism and racial discrimination. It is indeed a most welcome development that the new regime in Portugal has acknowledged the right of the people of its dependent territories to self-determination, and has granted independence to GuineaBissau and paved the way for independence in Mozambique and Angola. The delegation of Burma earnestly hopes that this significant trend will help bring about a speedy end to the evils of colonialism and racial discrimination wherever they still exist in Africa.
7.	We live in an age of rapid change and of crises affecting the structures of society. Life in the international community is developing progressively and often old rules do not correspond to existing realities. We take heart that, in accord with Article 13 of the Charter, the United Nations is increasingly directing its efforts towards the codification of international law and its progressive development. We refer here to the conference of plenipotentiaries for the revision of maritime law.
8.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has rightly been described as the single most important international conference held under the auspices of the Organization. Such high importance
has been attributed to the Conference not only because of the unprecedentedly large number of States participating in it, but because there is a universal recognition that, in a world of dwindling natural wealth and rapid population growth, the seas offer the last reserves of the natural resources on which mankind depends for survival.
9.	The fundamental and paramount task of the Conference is to create a new legal system for a just and equitable sharing by all nations of those abundant but finite reserves. Its outcome is, therefore, not only of profound and direct concern to nations but it will also affect the very lives and wellbeing of their peoples for generations to come. The task of establishing a new international regime of the sea to determine the rights and obligations of States with respect to the oceans, is undoubtedly a very complex and difficult one which necessarily requires time.
10.	On the other hand, the pressure of political, economic and technological realities of a fast changing world is such that it is imperative for the international community to reach agreement as soon as possible on the establishment of a just and equitable legal order in the use of the sea. The consequences of procrastination and delay will be far reaching and can jeopardize our efforts to create such an international regime.
11.	The rapid deterioration of the world economic situation over the past year has been a source of major international concern and has brought economic issues to the forefront of world attention. Recent events, more than at any other time, have also made it clear that the world economic system is based on interdependence and that we can ignore this fact only at our peril. The energy crisis, which remains far from being resolved, presents a dramatic case in point. Evidently, the interests of producers and consumers will often diverge, but these differences must be reconciled in a spirit of cooperation and mutual understanding. When attempts at conciliation fail, the outcome only brings unnecessary economic instability and hardship to the entire world community.
12.	World inflation presents another important example of interdependence. In the modern world, with its complex economic interrelationships between States, it is almost impossible for a country to isolate itself from economic problems originating elsewhere. One economic problem that has received much publicity of late and which has reached worldwide proportions is, of course, inflation. Considering the relative ease with which imported inflation can spread from one country to another, it is hardly surprising that it has now become an international problem. The seriousness of the situation has been recognized by many countries and the need to supplement domestic remedies with international collaboration and coordination on anti-inflationary measures has been increasingly realized.
13.	While international cooperation provides a fruitful approach in the fight against inflation, we believe that a sound international monetary system can also make a valuable contribution to overcoming this problem. On the basis of the final report of the ad hoc Committee on Reform of the International Monetary System and Related Issues (Committee of Twenty),1 a large measure of agreement has already been reached on international monetary reform, including the agreement on the valuation of special drawing rights on the basis of 16 major currencies of the world.
14.	The annual meeting .of IMF recently held in Washington, has approved amendments to the Articles of Agreement of the Fund designed to improve the adjustment process in balance of payments disequilibrium, to impose guidelines on floating rates and to extend the Fund's assistance to developing countries in the form of extended fund facility and the oil facility to meet the current payment crises.
15.	However, there are still fundamental issues that remain to be solved, such as the question of restoring the system of par values and the role of gold in the international payments system. It is imperative that these fundamental issues be solved through closer international cooperation, thus forestalling a division of the world into competitive trading blocs with all its undesirable consequences.
16.	While the problems associated with the energy crisis, inflation and the shortages of food and essential raw materials have caused worldwide hardship and anxiety, the burden has been particularly heavy on the developing countries. This is to be expected, as developing countries, with their weak economic structures, are more vulnerable to adverse external economic pressures. For some, the high cost of fuel and food and, for many others, the inflated prices they have to pay for essential semi-manufactured and manufactured goods, capital equipment, raw materials and spare parts, have severely strained their balance of payments. Many of those countries now have been placed in the highly undesirable situation where they have to devote so much of their energies and resources to meeting the high priorities of their immediate needs that their longterm goals of social and economic development are likely to suffer.
17.	These difficulties could, of course, be mitigated if the international community has the political will to implement some of the more important United Nations resolutions on international economic development and cooperation which have been adopted after arduous debate and protracted negotiations. But, for the most part, these resolutions have been conveniently ignored, as indeed have the high hopes of the much proclaimed International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade.
18.	At the recently concluded World Population Conference at Bucharest there were opportunities to exchange views and information and to devise means of international cooperation on the question of population and food. The forthcoming World Food Conference in Rome will provide further opportunities to explore and to find answers to both the longterm and short-term aspects of the world food problem. The constructive proposals which no doubt will ensue from that Conference should form a basis for greater international cooperation in that field.
19.	The world economy is now at the crossroads. Recent events, as well as new sets of circumstances and relations, have undermined its structure, its basic premises and its institutions. What is now imperative, therefore, is to replace it with a new world economic order that is more in conformity with the changed circumstances, that is more equitable, and, what is most important, that engenders a new sense of responsibility and cooperation for mutual benefit on the part of the international community. We believe that the recommendations contained in the resolutions adopted at the recently concluded sixth special session of the General Assembly have much to contribute to the creation of such a new world economic order. We would, therefore, like to reiterate our support of the principles embodied in the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (SVI)] and urge an early implementation of the provisions made in the Program of Action [resolution 3202 (SVI)].
20.	It would be no exaggeration to say that the United Nations is now in a new and important phase of its development. One of the topics that will surely occupy our attention is the increasing role that the* Organization must inevitably play in the establishment of a new international economic system founded on the principles of co-determination and equality of all countries. Through the exigencies of the world economic crisis and the restiveness of States, the international community is once again discovering the United Nations as the most universal forum in which to seek solutions through concerted action.
21.	The international theme today is interdependence, global participation and solutions. The talk now is for dialog and negotiations between the economically weak .developing countries, which constitute the majority, and the few industrialized developed countries. It is becoming increasingly clear that the contemporary world, more than ever, calls upon all nations to reconcile their differences and to seek joint action in solving pressing world problems through the United Nations. All this suggests that the value of the United Nations is amply being borne out by time, that it is fast acquiring a fresh lease of life and charting a renewed course for international cooperation in the pursuit of peace and progress. To realize this objective is the challenge with which the United Nations is faced today.


Mr. President, in this year in which Australia has established diplomatic relations with Algeria, it gives me particular pleasure, as head of the Australian Government, to congratulate you upon your election as President of this twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. The Algerian experience has encompassed many of the greatest problems facing the world and the Organization today. Sir, your nation's experience—and your own—ensure distinction and significance to your occupancy of this high post.
3.	As head of the first Australian social democratic Government since Australia helped to found the United Nations and to frame its Charter more than a quarter of a century ago, I reaffirm our loyalty to both. Such pledges are easily enough given; yet no nation makes them more sincerely, more earnestly today, than Australia.
4.	No country more than Australia needs the fulfilment of the international objectives of the United Nations to reach the fulfilment of her own national objectives. There are few countries in which the paradox is demonstrated with such force that true national independence depends upon international interdependence. There are few nations to which the mirage of national self-sufficiency can be made so tempting; yet there are few nations for which that mirage can be so easily dispelled. Australia, fortunate in possession of great resources, confident in the ability of its own people to develop those re-
sources, is nevertheless not ashamed to admit its interdependence with its neighbours and its partners across the world and its dependence upon them. We are a people without illusions; we Australians neither falsely exaggerate our strengths nor fearfully exaggerate our weaknesses. It is precisely because we make a rational assessment of our strengths and weaknesses that we recognize that we depend upon a better international order to preserve those things we most value about our national independence/In seeking a better international order, we give primacy to the United Nations.
5.	It is therefore with growing concern that we witness what can only be called a drift away from international order and international co-operation at present occurring in world affairs. Australia's concern springs not just from the real difficulties created by recent events but, even more, from the feeling that there has been a weakening of will, a loss of momentum, in international determination to meet and overcome those difficulties.
6.	Great hopes were born two years ago. The Australian Government whole-heartedly endorsed the movement towards detente between the United States and the Soviet Union. We whole-heartedly supported China's return to her true place in the family of nations—in the Organization and in the world. We whole-heartedly .endorsed the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Viet Nam, signed in Paris on 27 January 1973. We therefore ratified the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], moved our China Embassy from Taipei to Peking, and ended our own military involvement in Indo-China.
7.	Above all, we have been determined to do all we can to ensure that our region and the world should not for a second time lose the opportunity for a new settlement, a new step towards peace and progress, in the way that the chance was thrown away after the war in Korea and after the Geneva meetings in 1954. Yet we have to acknowledge that the hopes springing from the remarkable events of 1971 and 1972 are beginning to sour. There is increasingly a sense of drift, a sense of events out of control. The task of this Assembly should be to help to stop that drift. Our natural preoccupation with our national problems —and for most of us they are very great indeed—must not lead to a loss of international concern and involvement.
8.	We cannot turn inwards. Even the most immediate problems of domestic worry—such as inflation, which so many of us share, the strongest, the most highly developed along with the weakest and the least developed—are in essence international problems for which there can be no ultimate, no complete national solution without an international solution. No nation, no group of nations, no bloc, no alliance, can live alone, can live entirely to itself in this new world. We are all internationalists now—by necessity. Australia is internationalist by necessity and by choice.. Each of us has our bilateral arrangements and our regional arrangements. Many, like Australia, through treaty or trade or tradition, have honourable alignments and valuable associations.
9.	It is, however, through this Organization, its Assembly and its councils and through the specialized agencies that the enduring international settlements must ultimately be sought and the drift away from international co-operation must be arrested. So there must be no loss of nerve, no loss of will here. If we here lose our nerve, if we here allow that drift to continue unchecked, we face the break-down of the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty , the break-down of world economic order, the break-down of all our high hopes and high words about closing the gap between the developed and the developing nations and the breakdown of any claims of the United Nations to be an effective peace-keeper and peace-maker. We should all stand guilty of betrayal of our peoples if we did not act now to stop the drift in these matters.
10.	The special obligations which the might of the super-Powers imposes upon them should not be made an excuse for indifference or indecision on the part of the rest of us. We continue to urge upon the superPowers the need for them both to maintain the utmost mutual restraint in their relations between themselves and towards us. They can, of course, easily destroy each other; they can also destroy all of us. We are entitled to ask them to move forward to a stage of complete detente where their tremendous power can be used jointly for the betterment of the whole civilization. We are entitled to insist upon restraint in their deployment of forces overseas, in areas such as the Indian Ocean. Australia is strongly opposed to the Indian Ocean becoming a ground for competition, much less confrontation, between the great Powers.
11.	Mutual restraint is also essential to prevent the excesses and the dangers of the nuclear arms race. Let me recall that those of us who are so far parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons have given the nuclear Powers certain rights; they in turn have accepted certain responsibilities and given guarantees, as part of a two-way process. We undertook not to develop nuclear weapons in return for guarantees of protection and assistance in the development of nuclear knowledge for peace. Above all, the sponsoring Powers undertook to promote and maintain a world order based upon comprehensive disarmament. Unless these obligations are sincerely fulfilled, the incentive abroad and the pressure at home for more and more nations to get nuclear weapons will increase. A co-operative effort by all leaders must find effective means of halting the arms race and preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons. There is nothing more urgent facing any of us today.
12.	Australia therefore sees with deepest anxiety the continuing and new testing of nuclear devices, the prospect of an ever-increasing number of nations possessing nuclear weapons and an even greater number possessing the capability of exploding nuclear devices. Where it has been open to Australia,
we have expressed our concern , in action before the International Court of Justice.
13.	All of us face a nightmare world in which as many as 15 or 20 nations may possess nuclear weapons by the early 1980s. There is time to prevent it. We have perhaps about a year, two years at the most, in which to prevent it. Now is the time; it may be our last chance. For our part, the Australian Government pledges that it will neither develop nor acquire nuclear weapons.
14.	Our first aim must be to strengthen the non-proliferation Treaty and to work for its acceptance everywhere. Real and rapid progress can best be made through that Treaty. We should build on what we have. We have not time to start all over again. Six years after it was concluded and more than four years after it came into force, some States have still to ratify the Treaty or to make clear their renunciation of nuclear weapons development. Certainly we understand the difficulties the Treaty presents to some nations. We understand their reservations. We acknowledge the discriminatory aspects of the Treaty as it now stands. We would hope that the forthcoming conference to review the Treaty will remove some of these difficulties, but the conference will be more successful and meaningful if more nations ratify the Treaty and work within its framework to improve it and to apply it.
15.	Secondly, we should make a comprehensive treaty to ban nuclear-weapons testing an urgent priority. The treaties which have been concluded and the resolutions which have been adopted are important achievements, but they have not gone far enough towards stopping the nuclear arms race. They are only steps towards universal and comprehensive agreement on nuclear-weapons testing. We must complete the journey .
16.	Thirdly, we need effective international arrangements to govern and to control nuclear experiments for peaceful purposes. We all recognize the promise which scientific collaboration on the peaceful uses Of nuclear energy holds for economic development in the interests of all mankind. But the world cannot afford the risks which lie in the prospects of increasing numbers of countries possessing nuclear devices—even if they profess to have them for peaceful purposes only. We cannot shrug off nuclear explosions which present us with such a threat, particularly explosions conducted outside existing safeguards and without international inspection. Australia seeks support for an international arrangement by which all States could gain access to nuclear explosive services for peaceful purposes under agreed and secure international controls. We urge all nuclear States to co-operate in establishing such a service, preferably under the auspices of IAEA. I join with the Foreign Minister of Canada in this call [2242nd meeting].
17.	Another approach to the goal of disarmament worth serious exploration is the concept of peace zones. Such zones are of course no substitute for comprehensive disarmament and no substitute for an effective non-proliferation Treaty. Australia, however, takes a particular interest in the agreements and proposals embodying this concept, because most of them directly affect our continent and our region. The Antarctic Treaty,1 the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 {XXVI)}, the ASEAN Declaration,2 the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco)3 and the proposal by Iran for a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East [AI9693] all move in the right direction. They command Australia's broad support since they assert the dangers inherent in an uncontrolled, unregulated use of our planet for the deployment of nuclear weapons; they seek to limit the development, emplacement and use of nuclear weapons in the: areas and environments they cover; they all express growing anxiety about the spread of nuclear weapons; they all seek paths towards reducing tensions among the nuclear Powers. For the Australian Government, these initiatives not only represent ends in themselves but, we believe, they serve to stimulate progress on other important measures intended to bring to fulfilment the hopes of mankind to live in security, free from the threat of nuclear war.
18.	Let me say that Australia's anxiety about the nuclear arms race does not blind us to the risks to international peace and security from localized conflicts using conventional weapons. We, the members of the international community, stand condemned for our failure so far to find the sense of responsibility and the means of authority to stop regional disputes being settled by force. It is equally bad that some members of the international community have made possible —for profit—massive recourse to arms and to the means of waging* wars about to start or wars already begun. A world order that permits, or that by default sanctions, the large-scale transfer of weapons from one country to another where the risk of conflict is high, is gravely at fault and very foolish. This short-circuits the process of peaceful negotiation and gives first place to the settlement of disputes by war, by bloodshed and, as always happens—and must always happen in modern wars—by the bloodshed of the innocent.
19.	Clearly , we still have far to go before the international community will agree collectively to forsake the short-term gains on arms sales abroad in return for the longer-term but less tangible benefits that such a self-denying ordinance would confer on the weapons producers. Nevertheless, we now ask that the major weapons-producing countries should set an example by imposing the strictest restrictions on the export of arms abroad to areas where there is a clear risk of conflict.
20.	Recent events have shown that the preservation of peace is more than a matter of arms control; it is also a matter of keeping the peace When violence threatens or occur?. It is not enough for Members of the United Nations to pay lip-service to the United Nations peace-keeping role. Individual Members have the duty to provide the material and financial resources to allow the United Nations to deal with threats to security, breaches of the peace and acts of aggression.
21.	Australia stands ready to participate in peacekeeping operations in whatever way would be most useful. Australia is, of course, allied by treaty with the United States, and we make no apologies for that. There is, however, no area of actual or potential conflict anywhere in the world where loyalties, ideology or interests should make an Australian involvement
in peace-keeping unacceptable or unwelcome. We wish Australia to be always among the first nations of which the United Nations would ask peace-keeping forces. We shall be among the first to respond. We undertake to keep the Secretary-General regularly informed of the nature and size of the contributions we are able to provide over a given period.
22.	Australia further believes that the importance of preventive diplomacy must come to be more widely recognized and accepted, and that the ample provisions offered by this Organization for peace-keeping and good offices should be reinvigorated, explored more thoroughly and exploited more thoroughly. It is time, therefore, to look again at the hitherto untapped provisions of the United Nations Charter and to make all that we can of its capacity to provide useful contributions to such activities as fact-finding, conciliation, mediation and negotiation.
23.	We here should particularly devote increased attention to the role of the International Court of Justice. Not enough nations use the Court. Members of the international community cannot be compelled to take their cases before the Court, but we should strive to build confidence in the Court's worth, its wisdom and its workability as one way of rationalizing and harmonizing international relations. If the. rule of international law and justice is to prevail, then an international tribunal is indispensable. The Court's jurisdiction should be widened. Jurisdiction should become compulsory and universal. New multilateral treaty arrangements, like that which will emerge from the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, should enforce compulsory settlement of disputes, with the International Court as the final court of appeal. By such steps the rule of law can be established and strengthened in a better world order.
24.	In this difficult, complicated, crowded world we are all creating for ourselves, the causes of conflict multiply. Nuclear brinkmanship, ideology, border disputes, race hatred, religious bigotry, national ambitions, foreign exploitation—all provide actual or potential sources of tension, conflict, bloodshed and war. Yet there remains for the future one of the oldest of all causes of war-—the threat of war for the possession of resources. Huge population increases, the revolution of rising expectations, the enormous and often wasteful demands our technological civilization makes upon the world's resources —all have increased the pressures on our world civilization to the very limit of the tolerable.
25.	For countries which lack resources, the situation has become critical. The developing countries have been grossly disadvantaged; Last year's oil crisis brought that sharply home to all of us, developed and developing alike.
26.	It is proper that in this world forum I should state the Australian Government's attitude to the use and development of Australia's own very considerable resources. There is no place in our thinking for economic nationalism in its crudest sense. We do, of course, wish to ensure steady markets at fair prices for what we produce. We recognize the great scope for increased co-operation between producers of raw materials and for groups of exporting countries to associate to build a better framework for orderly and rational development of production and trade. As a relatively developed and thriving nation whose production of many resources is also shared by developing and poorer nations, Australia recognizes its duty to co-operate with such nations in obtaining a fair and reasonable return for our products, and we are co-operating.' Equally, however, we in Australia accept our responsibility to reassure countries which depend upon our resources that they shall have steady, secure access to those resources at fair prices. We must protect our interests, and we shall, but Australia is not in the business of resources blackmail. That is the way to international disaster, for producers and users alike.
27.	Let us accept the plain fact that war for resources or food or markets carried on by any nation or group of nations would in modern times represent the supreme folly. There is no war, nuclear or conventional, by which the victor, so called—assuming there is one—could conceivably win back by war the resources used and destroyed in waging it. If we choose not to listen to the voice of humanity against war, we might at least listen to the voice of common sense and, indeed, ordinary, rational self-interest.
28.	As a major food producer, Australia is. particularly interested in the proposals on food which President Ford [2234th meeting] and Secretary of State Kissinger [2238th meeting] made at this session. Australia undertakes to work constructively and cooperatively towards the implementation of those proposals. Suggestions such as the establishment of an international system of grain reserves are thoroughly commendable, and they deserve our most serious attention.
29.	Of all the changes that have occurred in the international community since the Second World War, none has more profoundly altered the face of the world than the accession to independence by those peoples and States formerly under colonial rule; The process is not yet complete, but we look to a time in the near future when no territory will be controlled against its choice by a metropolitan Power with which it has no geographical, social, racial or cultural affinity. In that regard, we particularly welcome decisions by Portugal about its colonies.
30.	Australia has acted with determination and vigour to apply the relevant Articles of the Charter. Papua New Guinea became self-governing on 1 December 1973. It will become fully independent as soon as the House of Assembly of Papua New Guinea decides. We expect that decision soon: Let me emphasize that the decision we await is that of the House of Assembly. The Australian Government made its own decision long ago: we utterly reject a colonial role for Australia. Meanwhile, the Australian Government deals with the Government of Papua New Guinea in all significant respects as that of a nation already independent.
31.	There is to me, I must say, a most satisfying symmetry in the march of events by which Portugal, the West, and Australia, the newest of the colonial Powers, are acting at the same time towards the liquidation of colonialism. Across the distance of more than four centuries the new world in Australia clasps hands with the old in ending a false, demeaning, unworthy power over others.
32.	The dramatic and welcome progress made towards the dissolution of the oldest and last of the colonial empires now enables the United Nations to direct even more concentrated attention Upon its twin evil, that of racisms particularly in its post-colonial manifestations in southern Africa. We must be unremitting in the efforts sanctioned by the Assembly to break the illegal regime in Rhodesia—Zimbabwe— to end South Africa's unlawful control over Namibia and to end apartheid. We should all make determined efforts to see that the momentum which launched the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination is not lost. <;My Government, conscious that Australia's own record is seriously flawed, is determined to remove all forms of racial discrimination within our own shores—notably now as notoriously in the past, against our own aboriginals.
33.	While racism remains as cruel as any example of man's inhumanity to man, we should not, however, overlook the existence of other forms of discrimination which rob men and women of their right to live in dignity and peace of mind. Throughout the world, political prisoners languish in gaols or are otherwise deprived of their civil liberties. There are thoroughly unacceptable constraints on the right of political asylum. Religious and ethnic minorities are persecuted, workers are denied the protection of conventions of ILO and women are denied equal opportunities. Even in the General Assembly women are scarcely equally represented. The Australian Foreign Minister, Senator Willesee, will during the discussion be submitting Australia's views and proposals on these matters.
34.	There has never been a time in human history when the truth of the oneness, the indivisibility, of humanity has been so manifest. It is no longer only a philosophical or religious proposition, but an assertion of sheer reason and commanding common sense. All the momentous recent developments have profound implications for the future conduct of international relations, since they have one common theme: the interdependence of us all. That interdependence is now almost total.
35.	An attempt by any State to bring about political or economic change in another through unconstitutional, clandestine, corrupt methods, by assassination or terrorism, undermines the rule of international law, encourages adventurism and anarchy, endangers world peace, and turns quite quickly against even the most powerful nations that would seek to advance their cause by such methods.
36.	Unwilful erection of trade barriers by one State or group of States without regard to the hardship caused to others can create economic dislocation around the world by curtailing or closing export markets to which their industries have become geared and on which their foreign exchange earnings depend.
37.	A refusal to recognize the inalienable rights of all peoples to freedom and independence produces tension and conflict, not only between the oppressed and the oppressors, but between them and other nations which become associated or involved in these just and legitimate struggles.
38.	Now more than ever we look to the United Nations. It has the experience, the stature and the capacity to help us identify the sources of tension between nations, to prescribe collective measures to mitigate and eventually to remove* the causes of conflict, and to anticipate and prevent situations developing that have the potential for disturbing world peace.
39.	It is claimed that the world is now short of leadership. It is truer to say that the nature, complexity and universality of the problems rushing in upon us render irrelevant and obsolete that concept of world leadership whereby a handful of powerful men in charge of the most powerful nations can chart the course for the rest of us to follow. So the challenge for the United Nations to provide a genuine and continuing source of leadership, of hope and purpose for the world is more urgent, the opportunity more real, than at any time in the history of the Organization. In the response we make here to that challenge, we shall be judged —as nations, as representatives of our nations, and as men and women—not by our power or size or wealth but by the honesty of our efforts to promote and to practise the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.


On behalf of my delegation I convey sincere congratulations to Mr. Bouteflika on his unanimous election as President of this session. The qualities of his leadership have been displayed both in his country and in the context of the group of nonaligned nations.
45.	At times in history events and developments suddenly assume the proportions of a bursting dam. Since I addressed this Assembly a year ago [2128th meeting], the world has been confronted with war, with profound changes in the distribution of power and economic wealth, with the sudden scarcity of essential raw materials and with continued massive violations of human rights. Those dramatic developments have brought home the dearly bought lesson that peace, justice, freedom and development are inseparably linked. None can be achieved without the others.
46.	Last year, in this Assembly, delegations welcomed political detente. My Government strongly supported, and continues to support, efforts towards detente in Europe and elsewhere in the world. But the situation remains unstable because so far detente largely represents understanding between the big Powers within certain limits, limits defined by elements of deterrence, competition and collaboration. The unacceptable risk; of nuclear war compels cooperation but does not exclude competition. External events beyond the limits of the understanding on detente continue to endanger the balance resulting from detente. Detente between the great Powers has therefore not eliminated sources of friction and crisis caused by lack of justice and freedom.
47.	The most striking and dangerous case in point is the war in the Middle East and its aftermath. The international community was again confronted with the fundamental instability of a situation resulting from the absence of a just peace settlement in the region. Notwithstanding detente between the iJreat Powers, peace proved to be impossible without justice to all the parties concerned. The Netherlands Government welcomes and supports the efforts and steps to achieve such peace and justice the armistice agreements and the subsequent agreements on the disengagement of forces. A high tribute is due the Governments and statesmen within the region and outside it who made those agreements possible.
48.	The position of the Netherlands Government in support of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council is known and is fully reflected in the declaration of the nine countries of the European Economic Community of 6 November 1973.4 Subsequent to that declaration, the countries of the European Economic Community have entered into a dialog with the countries of the Arab world in order to strengthen and intensify their mutual relations and to arrive at longterm forms of economic, technological and cultural cooperation. The Netherlands Government wishes to promote this EuropeanArabian economic cooperation. It expresses the strong hope that the efforts being undertaken in the political field will soon lead in the Middle East to durable peace based on justice.
49.	Another external event affecting detente was the armed conflict in Cyprus. Here too, durable peace proved impossible without justice to all the parties concerned. A political settlement without any further recourse to armed intervention must, in the view of the Netherlands Government, be based on full respect for the independence and territorial integrity of the country and for the fundamental rights of the peoples and communities concerned, The conflict in Cyprus has caused profound human suffering and economic dislocation. My Government has contributed to the emergency operations of the Red Cross and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Parallel to further efforts towards a political settlement, action should be taken by the international community to restore the economy of the island by providing emergency economic assistance.
50.	Although the United Nations has not been able to prevent the disasters that have afflicted the Republic of Cyprus since July, the presence of the United Nations has proved to be of great value. I wish to pay a tribute to the members of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus [UNFICYP] who have acted firmly and responsibly in situations of grave risk and have suffered severe casualties in performing their tasks. In view of the outstanding services rendered by UNFICYP in the present crisis, my Government has decided to make a voluntary contribution of $250,000 for the current year to the financing of the United Nations Force.
51.	The Cyprus crisis and the war in the Middle East have demonstrated both the potentialities and the limitations of the United Nations peacekeeping activities. The Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations has been trying for years to formulate basic guidelines for those operations, but has not yet succeeded in reaching full agreement on the complex issues involved. I am gratified to note that this lack of agreement on the theory of peacekeeping has not prevented the Security Council from taking practical action when circumstances required new operations. I do hope that this will accelerate the work of the Special Committee.
52.	I should like to make one remark here about the question of the composition of peacekeeping forces. In my opinion this question should be dealt with in a pragmatic way and not made dependent on the application of too rigid and antiquated yardsticks of geographical distribution. Paramount should be the objective of the operation: the efficient and expedient safeguarding of peace. My Government remains ready to contribute Netherlands units to United Nations peacekeeping operations.
53.	Another grave so are of danger to and instability of detente is in my view the arms, race in the Middle
East, the unprecedented proportions of which threaten to prevent or to upset any political settlement and increase the potential danger to world peace of the conflict situation in the region. If the world really wishes to promote detente and peace, the United Nations and individual Member States must address themselves to the problems of the arms race in conventional weapons in this and other danger areas.
54.  I have spoken of some external factors which threaten to frustrate the development of detente. In my view a further serious threat to lasting detente is the unsolved problem of nuclear proliferation.
55.	The Secretary General was right in drawing our attention, in the introduction his report on the work of the Organization, to the dangers to our civilization and the human race inherent in the uncontrolled spreading of nuclear "knowhow" and of plutonium, and in the proliferation of nuclear devices [AI9601I Add.I, sect. X], I cannot conceal my Government's profound concern regarding the action taken by India in May of this year in testing a nuclear explosive device.
56.	We have taken due note of the statement of the Minister of External Affairs of India [2245th meeting] that India has no intention of becoming a nuclear Power and that it remains committed to a policy of using nuclear energy exclusively for peaceful purposes. Nevertheless it is difficult to distinguish between a nuclear test for peaceful purposes and a nuclear test for weapon purposes; therefore it cannot be denied that the Indian test explosion represents a setback to international efforts to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons and to ban nuclear tests everywhere and by everyone. I repeat: everywhere and by everyone.
57.	The risk of nuclear proliferation should be a matter of concern to all nations, regardless of size or power. The imperative of world peace must override nuclear ambition. In this context the review conference provided for in the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] gains even more relevance than before.
58.	As a member of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva the Netherlands Government will continue to support all efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. We regret that progress in this field has not come up to expectation. In particular, my Government deplores the fact that the parties to the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water, signed in Moscow on 5 August 1963 have not yet fulfilled their commitment to ban nuclear tests in all environments.
59.	I assume that the Assembly will give great attention this year to the general problems of arms control and disarmament. Several new proposals from different sides deserve serious consideration.
60.	As far as the. situation in Europe is concerned, the Netherlands, in consultation with its allies, will continue to press for substantial results in the Vienna talks on mutual and balanced force reductions.
61.	In the introduction to his annual report, the SecretaryGeneral has urged us "to ensure.that peacekeeping efforts must not be the pretext for slackening the momentum of the search for a settlement of underlying problems." [Al960llAdd.l, sect. VI.]
62.	In this connexion, I wish once more to draw attention to the essential but too often neglected role of the International Court of Justice in the peaceful settlement of disputes. The Court has recently adapted its procedures and rules, which now permit shorter and more simplified action. I wish to support the SecretaryGeneral's appeal to Member States to review the possibility of referring legal disputes to the Court.
63.	Parallel to the achievement of universality in the United Nations there has been a progressive development of new rules of international law acceptable to all States, old and new. Such development of international law will, however, not lead very far without the strengthening of, and more frequent recourse to, effective machinery for the settlement of disputes. I hope that this session of the General Assembly will take action to that end.
64.	There can be no peace without justice and freedom and without respect for human rights. The Secretary General has shown his concern for the disregard of individual rights and the decline in civility. He has reminded us that the democratization of international relations in order to bring peace and justice to the daily life of all peoples has always been a central role of the United Nations.
65.	The Netherlands Government will continue to press for the safeguarding and defense of fundamental human rights, within my own country under the European Convention on Human Rights in the discussions between Eastern and Western Europe, and in the world at large. I wish to express the profound joy of the Government and people of the Netherlands caused by the restoration of democracy and human rights set in motion in Greece and Portugal and by the reversal by the new Portuguese Government of the colonial policies of its predecessors. Those most encouraging developments, which have been welcomed by many in this General Assembly, should not, of course, turn attention away from persistent violations of human rights elsewhere. I refer specifically to the situation in South Africa and Namibia and to the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia. There is reason, too, for continued deep concern about the situation in Chile.
66.	I refer also to the increasingly widespread practice of torture and maltreatment of prisoners. The Netherlands delegation, together with others, will put forward specific proposals in this respect.
67.	The persistence and the very increase of violence and brutality in today's world is an alarming phenomenon. Practices of terrorism jeopardizing the lives of men, women and children continue to be a source of great anxiety. It is a matter of common interest and concern to all nations to prevent and combat such practices by joint and separate action.
68.	In order to strengthen respect for freedom of religion or belief the Netherlands delegation will also introduce proposals aimed at the elimination of all forms of intolerance and discrimination based on religion or belief.
69.	The year 1975 has been proclaimed Intel national Women's Year by the General Assembly of the United
Nations [resolution 3010 (XXVII)]. My Government will fully support United Nations action in this respect, because the role of women is crucial in the search for development and justice.
70.	There can be no peace without justice and freedom. The rapid developments towards decolonization in Africa have brought us considerably closer to the implementation of the right of self-determination of all nations. Some of the basic purposes of the Charter and the ideal of universality are now coming close to fulfillment.
71.	The Kingdom of the Netherlands extends a most cordial welcome to the three new Members of the Organization: Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea Bissau. Our sincere feelings of sympathy towards the people and Government of Bangladesh, which have been so severely tried, have been expressed by our continuing efforts to render effective assistance. In Grenada we salute a nation close to the Netherlands Antilles, part of the Kingdom I here represent. My Government particularly rejoices at the presence among us of GuineaBissau. Its struggle to obtain the rights enshrined in our Charter has finally been justly rewarded.
72.	It is my privilege to inform you that the Kingdom of the Netherlands next year will witness the accession to full independence and sovereignty *of one of its partners, Surinam. The Government and people of the Netherlands are looking forward to the now rapidly approaching day when Surinam will be able to take its rightful place in the General Assembly. In view of Surinam's wish for independence in 1975, the three partners of the Kingdom, that is, the Netherlands Antilles, Surinam, and the Netherlands, will soon meet in a joint effort to reshape the present relationship agreements.
73.	Stability in Europe and in the world is seriously threatened by economic dislocation, by persistent inflation, and by the danger of recession and unemployment. The energy crisis and the profound changes in international commodity markets have produced a catalytic effect on the economic development of the industrialized world. A reorientation of thinking and policy on our pattern of growth and on the level and nature of our prosperity is called for. Obviously, a redistribution of power and wealth has been set in motion.
74.	However, there is the danger that this development will have a polarizing and antagonizing effect on international economic relations in the sense that consumer countries may be forced to embark on alternative sources of raw materials and self sufficiency. I wish to sound a note of warning with regard to these polarizing tendencies. Any nationalistic raw materials policy, if carried to the extreme, risks being self defeating. The alternative then is obvious: cooperation on the basis of economic interdependence, as called for in the Declaration and the Program of Action adopted by the General Assembly at its sixth special session.
75.	The resolution adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly gave expression to these fundamental changes in economic relations and in development cooperation. While the phenomenon of physical shortages was new to the rich countries, we should remind ourselves that a scarcity of resources has always been a normal situation in the poor countries. New border lines have been drawn in the international community. Countries with a structural balance of payments deficit today are found among the poor as well as among the rich. Countries suffering from shortages of commodities today are to be found in both categories. This new reality demands new policies and agreements for commodity markets. It also demands a reorientation of the future economic growth of the rich countries, whose growth will have to be selective in the sense that they cannot continue to use ever increasing quantities of raw materials supplies, both in an absolute sense and as a percentage of global availabilities. Thus, the future requires strategies for development not only for the poor countries but also for the rich strategies aimed at a global policy of interdependence.
76.	A new, worldwide recession would be a disaster, in particular for many developing countries. Regardless of other urgent measures by developing and developed countries, has the time not come for producers and consumers of essential raw materials to meet under United Nations auspices in a common effort to give effect to the notion of interdependence in order to help forestall such a recession? The present situation offers sufficient scope for progress towards a larger degree of justice in international economic relations.
77.	In the search for development strategies we have so far been concentrating most of our attention on medium and longterm development. But the immediate needs of developing countries, the pressing problems of mass poverty, unemployment, undernourishment and lack of housing have often been neglected. Many developing countries are so hard pressed by the emergencies of today that they can hardly give sufficient attention to the problems of tomorrow. The Netherlands Government is convinced of the need for a new development dimension; a strategy and a program are required to meet the immediate needs of developing countries, including those resulting from natural disasters. The United Nations machinery in this respect must be strengthened. The assistance, to be worked out internationally, should be additional to existing aid programs for longterm plans and projects. The Netherlands Government in its budget for 1975 has allocated $100 million for assistance to meet the immediate needs of developing countries.
78.	The sixth special session of the General Assembly has adopted a Special Program to assist the countries most seriously affected by rising energy and commodity prices. The Netherlands Government, in view of the appeal made by the Secretary General, has decided to make available during the budgetary year 1974 an amount of $30 million for assistance to these countries. A substantial part of these funds will be channeled through the Secretary General's special account; another part through the European Economic Community or bilaterally.
79.	Next year, the Netherlands intends to do more; it is prepared to contribute to the Special Fund established by resolution 3202 (SVI). Our contribution will be made in the context of my Government's new four year program for development cooperation, which has recently been submitted to Parliament. This program aims at a target for official development assistance of approximately 0.8 per cent of the gross national product by 1976.
80.	Since peace and freedom cannot survive without justice and economic and social development, all means to redistribute wealth and economic power will have to be considered. It appears to me that the balance of wealth and power between rich and poor countries may be decisively influenced by the exploration and exploitation of the resources of the sea which so far have remained untapped. In the introduction to his report on the work 4 of the Organization, the SecretaryGeneral rightly 'calls attention to the tremendous importance of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea [AI960llAdd.l, sect. XII]. The Netherlands Government adheres to the concept that the seabed and its resources outside national jurisdiction are the common heritage of mankind. Effective exploitation of the resources of the sea for the benefit of the developing world could lead to a decisive change in the existing structure of inequality in wealth and prosperity. The Netherlands, therefore, advocates the adoption of a new legal system that would safeguard this common heritage, emphasizing the duties which the use of the sea entails for all States. This requires effective arrangements and machinery for international legislation, administration, supervision and international jurisdiction. In Caracas excessive emphasis was placed, in my view, on questions of national jurisdiction, to the neglect of vital issues of international control and common interest, and I wonder whether developing countries are sufficiently aware of the enormous benefits that they can reap from international exploitation of the resources of the sea.
81.	I have spoken of some vital problems with which this session of the General Assembly will be confronted: problems of war and peace, problems of instability and equality,  problems of human misery and of the denial of fundamental rights. But I have also pointed to progress, new forms of cooperation and, in some areas, to breakthrough and new departures. The world, and with it the United Nations, is in motion and is moving faster than some may wish or expect.
82.	In this perspective, the Netherlands Government attaches great importance to the special session of the General Assembly to be convened in September next year. That session represents a unique opportunity to come to grips with many of the problems that beset the world today. As one of the elements in this process, the outcome of the World Population Conference in Bucharest has provided a promising first step. The Kingdom of the Netherlands looks forward to the World Food Conference. More than ever before, the urgency of the world food problem calls for imaginative proposals and concrete action.
83.	In the coming months, other international conferences and negotiations, such as the Second General Conference of UNIDO, the review and appraisal of progress in the implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, the discussions on international monetary reform and the multilateral trade negotiations, will take place. All these activities, in which nongovernmental organizations can play an important role, should converge in a decisive effort for reaching agreement on the foundations for a new economic order at the next special session of the General Assembly.
84.	The cynics and self professed realists who tell us that strategies, declarations and action programs are nothing but words which can lead only to frustration and damage the prestige of the United Nations, should remember that the great ideals of mankind, in history and today, were drafted in words which, once conceived, were able to move men to action. A determined effort to carry out by intensified international cooperation what has already been agreed upon in the Strategy and in other instruments can overcome the triple danger of fatalism, cynicism and nationalism, so clearly confronting mankind. If the right choices are made, the thin margin between order and chaos, sufficiency and want, peace and annihilation, described to us by the SecretaryGeneral, can make way for a system of peace, justice, freedom and development. The United Nations offers such a system in the unique collection of instruments for international negotiation and cooperation. Let us use those instruments. Let us devote more time to consultation and negotiation in the United Nations. We have it in our power to guarantee that future generations will not criticize our era as one in which a maximum of opportunities to better the lot of mankind was wasted by a minimum of goodwill and cooperation. Let us seize those opportunities.