24.	 Mr. President, on behalf of the Hungarian delegation may I warmly congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly during its thirty-second session. I am particularly happy to see our present session presided over by an outstanding representative of a neighbourly and friendly country—Yugoslavia.
25.	I take this opportunity to extend, on behalf of my Government and of the entire Hungarian people, heartfelt congratulations to the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on having finally assumed its rightful and legitimate place in the United Nations. As I wish the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam every success in its activity, may I also voice my firm conviction that the active participation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam in the work of our world Organization will be a significant contribution to enhancing the effectiveness and authority of the United Nations.
26.	I should also like to welcome the delegation of the Republic of Djibouti and to wish that newly independent State every success in its activity within the world Organization.
27.	In November of this year one of the greatest events in human history will be commemorated throughout the world. It was 60 years ago that the Great October Socialist Revolution emerged victorious and ushered in the era of fundamental changes in the life of peoples, changes that marked a radical turnabout setting in motion the inexorable process of moulding the shape of a new world. With this great anniversary drawing near, I extend, on behalf of my Government, warmest greetings to the delegation of the Soviet Union and hope that the Soviet people will score further brilliant successes in building communism and fighting for stronger peace and security. The people of my country, which was among the first to respond to the message of the Great October, has remained and will remain true to the ideals of the revolution and lives in indissoluble bonds of friendship with the peoples of the Soviet Union.
28.	The international activities of the Hungarian People's Republic continue to serve the quest for a lasting peace and a more stable security. We are glad to know that a similar policy is being pursued by the friendly socialist countries, as well as by countries of a socialist orientation and other progressive governments. Such endeavours can take a great deal of the credit for the advancement of peaceful coexistence and of detente.
29.	The prevalence of detente has done much to expand co-operation among countries with different social systems, to bring the process of decolonization into its final phase, to consign to oblivion dictatorial regimes that were once believed to be perpetual, and to help certain acute hotbeds of crisis reach settlement. The climate of detente helps make progress also in the difficult issues of disarmament and other questions.
30.	This is perhaps just what the opponents of detente find too much—something that they cannot, of course, openly admit and therefore choose to blur. Yet it is not difficult to discern the true endeavours of the opponents of detente, who are again attempting to drag out the hackneyed and abortive concept of the policy of force and want to obtain military supremacy in an attempt to squeeze political concessions from the socialist and other progressive countries. Prompted by this motive, they seek to introduce into international relations such so-called new elements which actually serve to hold back the process of detente. In pursuit of their goals they openly interfere in the internal affairs of others, primarily the socialist countries.
31.	All of these phenomena cause legitimate concern and anxiety to those who have a sincere interest in extending detente and international co-operation. My Government takes satisfaction from the fact that, in addition to a wide range of States, hundreds of millions of working people- workers, peasants and intellectuals—are adopting an increasingly forceful stand against efforts that pose a threat to detente. This, too, is an important contributory factor to the optimism with which the Government of the Hungarian People's Republic is looking to the future, in spite of the unsatisfactory aspects of the prevailing situation
32.	The aforementioned attempts by the opponents of detente cannot be viewed with indifference by the United Nations. We regard as highly topical, and warmly welcome, the fact that at the initiative of the delegation of the Soviet Union, the General Assembly included in the agenda of its thirty-second session the item "Deepening and consolidation of international detente and prevention of the danger of nuclear war"
33.	Each and every country has a share of the responsibility to bear in the strengthening of peace and security and in the extension of detente. It is indisputable, however, that in these efforts a special responsibility is incumbent on the great Powers. We are all aware of the outstanding role played by the improved relations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America in setting into motion the process of detente. The pattern of widening co-operation, which began to emerge between those two large countries in the early 1970s, contributed substantially to the settlement of some complicated international problems. And now the opponents of detente are sniping at the results and the future of detente, principally by scheming to impair Soviet-American relations.
34.	The expansion of bilateral relations between the other socialist and capitalist countries is similarly of great importance in the efforts to strengthen peace and security. My Government's awareness of this is indicated by the high-level meetings and successful talks it has arranged with other countries. Of particular relevance in this regard are the highly productive visits by Janos Kadar, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party and member of the Presidential Council of the People's Republic, to Austria, Italy and the Federal Republic of Germany. We shall adhere to this policy in the future as well.
35.	Recent years have seen particularly great strides towards peace and security in Europe. My Government devotes especial attention to strengthening peace and expanding co-operation in Europe, and it has taken a whole series of practical steps to give full effect to the principles and recommendations contained in the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. We consider the Belgrade meetings, which opened just a few days ago, an important stage in this process. At that Conference my Government is seeking to ensure appropriate conditions that will enable the representatives of the participating States to review, in a constructive spirit, the results achieved in the implementation of the Final Act, and to take account of the experience hitherto gained and of the tasks that lie ahead.
36.	The Hungarian People's Republic places particular importance on contributing, within its modest means, to the halting of the arms race and to the elaboration of additional disarmament measures. Our representatives are guided by this same desire at international forums, particularly here at the General Assembly and in the Geneva Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, as well as at various bilateral and multilateral talks. We are convinced that political detente should be followed up by positive measures in the military field, without which detente can hardly be expected to last.
37.	My Government is concerned by the attempts of some circles in the developed capitalist countries to whip up the arms race once more. The incessant rise in the arms expenditures of the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the plans for the production of new types of weapons have an adverse effect on current negotiations pertaining to certain disarmament problems, and on the international climate in general.
38.	We, for our part, attach particular importance to the Soviet-American Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, as they have far-reaching implications for the future of the process of detente.
39.	One cannot be satisfied with the present state of the Vienna negotiations on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. Those talks have been going on for over four years now, without making any substantive progress.
40.	We are convinced that an agreement on both the limitation of strategic arms and the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe can be reached only if the parties involved adhere to the principle that none of them shall consider its security prejudiced by any disarmament measure, and only if the Western negotiating partners give up their attempts to obtain unilateral military advantages.
41.	The general and complete prohibition of nuclear- weapon tests remains an immediate task of the highest importance for the control of nuclear armaments. An encouraging and positive response was received in the affirmation, in the statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. A. A. Gromyko , of the Soviet Union's readiness, in arrangement with the United States and the United Kingdom, to suspend underground nuclear-weapon tests for a certain period of time even before the other nuclear Powers accede to the future treaty.
42.	We hope, and indeed expect, however, that such accessions will be forthcoming before long.
43.	It would serve to reduce the risk of nuclear war if the participants in the Helsinki Conference accepted the proposal, put forward by the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty at its Bucharest meeting last year, that the States parties to the Final Act of Helsinki should assume, under an international treaty, an obligation to refrain from being the first to use nuclear weapons against each other. We deplore NATO's refusal of that proposal, for it indeed merits serious study.
44.	We think that we are making a contribution to the final elaboration and conclusion of a comprehensive international agreement on the prohibition of chemical weapons and on the destruction of their existing stockpiles as we are also willing to conclude, as a first step, an agreement banning only the most dangerous means of chemical warfare.
45.	The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic considers it as a matter of extreme urgency that a treaty be concluded on the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and that an international agreement be signed under which all States of the world would undertake not to use force in international relations. The relevant drafts of the Soviet Union provide an appropriate basis for starting concrete negotiations. There are countries that, clearly for motives contrary to these goals, wish to avoid concluding such treaties.
46.	We look forward with expectation to the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We feel that, because of its impact on world public opinion, that forum will be able to bring a favourable influence to bear on the States that at present keep aloof from disarmament efforts for various reasons. The common cause would not be advanced if efforts seeking any rash modification of the working procedures at present employed in the search for solutions to certain disarmament problems were to gain currency at that session. We further expect the special session to agree on definite measures designed to promote the early convening and successful outcome of a World Disarmament Conference. From the point of view of peace and security we place particularly great emphasis on having the hotbeds of tension eliminated by political means and on blocking the way to the emergence of new critical situations.
47.	One of the longest-standing hotbeds of tension is the Middle East, where the prolonged crisis is a heavy burden on international relations. More than 10 years after the Israeli aggression of 1967, the illegal occupation by Israel of Arab territories and the denial of the rights of the Palestinian Arab people persist to this day in defiance of numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. What is more, by establishing a growing number of settlements and by extending the application of Israeli laws to occupied territories, the Government of Israel gives evidence that it is striving for the final annexation of the Arab territories.
48.	My Government still holds that the Geneva Peace Conference, if attended by all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, is an appropriate forum for a comprehensive settlement of the crisis. What is needed is to have agreements elaborated whereby Israel withdraws its troops from the Arab territories occupied in 1967; whereby the national rights of the Palestinian Arab people, including the right to establish their own State, are recognized and enforced; and whereby the security of all peoples and States in the region is guaranteed.
49.	In order to achieve this agreement, it is necessary for the Arab and the socialist countries to carry out more effective co-operation and for the spokesmen for the dead-end "step-by-step" policy to learn at last to live with the hard facts.
50.	The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic is deeply concerned over the armed conflict in the Horn of Africa, which is detrimental to the peoples of that region and provides encouragement to the efforts of imperialism and to the reactionary forces collaborating with it. It serves to divert attention from the Middle East and from the burning situation in the southern part of Africa; it is dealing a telling blow at African unity, and it may create a dangerous precedent. The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic condemns any armed attack on other countries and any manipulation of the liberation movements. We feel that the solution lies in a negotiated settlement of contentious issues.
51. With the disappearance of the "protective belt" around the racist regimes in southern Africa, there has emerged a qualitatively new situation in that part of the continent. The formation of a majority government in Zimbabwe and the attainment of independence in Namibia are immediate and feasible tasks, while the question of the oppressive regime of the Republic of South Africa is also ripe for solution. Great possibilities are, nevertheless, fraught with great dangers, since imperialism wishes to force sham solutions upon the interested parties in order to save its own economic and strategic positions.
52.	The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic, which has from the outset been in favour of eliminating the colonial system, wishes the forces fighting against colonialism and imperialism to be more united than ever in pursuing their cause and to draw up ever more viable programmes for social progress. We are convinced of the ultimate success of their struggle. My Government is against apartheid, too, and it was in that spirit that our representatives took part in the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos.
53.	The Hungarian People's Republic has not altered its stance on the question of Cyprus. We must seek a settlement that will guarantee the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, with due regard to the interests and equality of the two communities. We believe that the holding of an international conference, convened under United Nations auspices, would serve a useful purpose in helping us towards a settlement of the question of Cyprus.
54.	The reduction of tensions and the strengthening of general security on the Asian continent would be greatly enhanced by a settlement to the situation in the Korean peninsula. My Government continues to lend staunch support to the just endeavours of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to attain the peaceful reunification of that country.
55.	The Hungarian Government attaches great importance to the wide implementation of human rights. As is shown by historical experience, it is the socialist system of society that is best equipped to ensure in practice that people live a life of human dignity and enjoy the fullest measure of human rights.
56.	What we find is that some circles employ what is, to say the least, a special approach to human rights. They are absolutely silent on such fundamental human rights as, for instance, the right to work and the right to medical care; they keep quiet about racial discrimination and equal rights for, among others, women; and they are chary, of speaking about such paramount human rights as the right to peace, security and life. It goes without saying that their non- enforcement deprives political rights of any substance and makes their enjoyment illusory, and it reveals the political aims sought by the extensive campaigns launched about human rights issues.
57.	The States Members of the United Nations will comply with their obligations concerning human rights if they make joint efforts to put an end to gross and mass violations of human rights, if they abolish the remnants of the colonial system and eliminate racial discrimination, if they assist in restoring human rights in Chile, South Korea, South Africa, and the Israeli-occupied Arab territories.
58.	My Government repute the United Nations institutional system concerned with human rights as being sufficient and adequate to promote the effective respect for and observance of such rights throughout the world.
59.	The efforts to develop the economic relations of States and to place international economic relations on a democratic and just basis have come to play an increasingly important role in international life. The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic devotes special attention to this set of problems. We know that a truly broad-based range of external economic relations can be built only in conditions of lasting peace and stable security, and that the serious problems faced in the field of international economic relations can only be resolved in a prevailing climate of detente. On the other hand, however, we firmly believe that the advancement of detente and the strengthening of peace and security cannot be separated from the settlement of economic problems. It is our conviction that placing international economic relations on a new basis is a problem of universal scope and that the efforts to achieve this should include finding equitable solutions for the economic problems of developing countries.
60.	My Government will continue to devote great attention to the economic problems of developing countries and will, within the limits of our possibilities, make further efforts to promote their economic development. In no way can we disregard, however, the historical and present-day responsibility that is incumbent on certain developed capitalist countries for the economic backwardness of developing countries. Attempts to blame both the developed capitalist and the socialist countries on this score without making any distinction between them are unjust and lack scientific foundation.
61.	External economic relations play an immense role in my country's economic development. One of the main sources of our economic achievements lies in economic co-operation with the other socialist countries within and outside the framework of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance; but the dynamic growth of our economic co-operation with the developed capitalist countries and with numerous countries of the developing world is likewise growing in importance. The growth of trade flows with the developed capitalist countries has been slowed down by discriminatory measures which are not being removed as quickly as could be desired. Certain groups in the West even some out openly against expanded economic co-operation between socialist and capitalist countries, trying to present the development of economic ties as if it served only the interests of socialist countries and demanding political concessions from them in exchange for increased economic co-operation. My Government resolutely rejects such attempts and reaffirms its position in favour of establishing equal and mutually advantageous economic relations free from discrimination. We hope that those efforts, contrary as they are to the spirit of detente and to present-day realities, will be isolated and that East-West economic co-operation will receive a fresh impetus.
62.	While the results achieved by the United Nations in pursuing its purposes and principles as enshrined in the Charter are not negligible, the Hungarian delegation agrees with those who urge the world Organization to be more action-oriented in its contribution to the attainment of those goals, that is, primarily, to the safeguarding of peace, the strengthening of international security, the development of international relations and the advancement of peoples. The Charter offers a number of opportunities for increasing the effectiveness of the United Nations that have not yet been duly used. It is our common duty to use them to advantage in accordance with the spirit and letter of the Charter. The Hungarian People's Republic still favours the adoption of measures likely to strengthen the role of the United Nations without amending the Charter.
63.	May I conclude by assuring you that the Hungarian delegation will do its utmost to ensure that this session of the General Assembly will make an effective contribution to resolving the important questions on our agenda.


97.	 Mr. President, it is particularly pleasant for me, on behalf of the delegation of Venezuela, to extend to you our most cordial congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. As the first Ambassador of Venezuela to Yugoslavia, 1 know well and have the utmost admiration for the role your country has played in world politics. Hence, my words go beyond mere formality when I state that we are convinced that under your stewardship and guidance the tasks and negotiations of this General Assembly will be particularly fruitful, not only for the vast group of countries
10 Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Being Subjected to Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
we belong to, but for all Member States of the United Nations; in fact, for all the peoples of the world who have placed their faith in it.
98.	At the same time, I should like to express, on behalf of my delegation, our appreciation to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe for his dedication and commitment to the international cause. Having been the Permanent Representative of Venezuela to the United Nations for the last three years, I should also like to extend our greetings to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose loyalty to the exacting and complex duties of his high post has earned our respect.
99.	I should like to welcome most cordially the countries which have now joined our Organization: the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti, the former an ancient people, the latter a new country. Viet Nam gave us lessons of heroism and reaffirmed what history had already taught us: that no force in the world, however mighty, can vanquish those who live or die for the independence and sovereignty of their country. Venezuela had the privilege of participating in the United Nations Mission which observed the process of independence of Djibouti, at the time of the referendum. We are pleased to express our solidarity to that country.
100.	This General Assembly is gathering at a moment of expectations and shadows. To the old conflicts for which the Organization has been trying to find balanced formulas for solutions and settlements, others have been added which are no less serious and grave, presenting a picture of risks and dangers, to which the Secretary-General referred clearly, although soberly, when he pointed out that, without doubt, 1977 had been a year of growing anxiety for the international community.
101.	In the face of political tensions, whether ancient or not, the economic and social problems of the third world become more serious from day to day. Yet, we come to this session of the General Assembly convinced that dialogue and tenacity in negotiations are the only means to attain the solutions we seek.
102.	This Session of the General Assembly will have among the most important items on its agenda the continuation of the North-South dialogue. The United Nations is the most appropriate framework for these negotiations since the problems raised are of direct concern to all our peoples. The results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation have already been reviewed here and will continue to be the subject of our debates. We are certain that the negotiators in Paris did not spend their time in vain. Today, the conviction is gaining ground that the challenge mankind faces must be met in accordance with the terms and objectives stated by the third world.
103.	We, the developing countries, may have a variety of interests, but we do have essentially common objectives. In this fundamental unity lies the negotiating power of the third world; co-operative actions among developing countries strengthen and consolidate it. Such militant solidarity among the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America— which in turn is an important element in enabling us to face the North-South dialogue with greater chances of success- permits our commitment to the principle of collective self-reliance to assume an ever-increasing importance. The efforts of each and every one supplement the efforts of the whole to attain our common objectives.
104.	Despite the gravity of our problems, we have not adopted intransigent positions nor have we. made impossible claims. As the Venezuelan Minister, Mr. Manuel Perez Guerrero said here only a few days ago:  For our part, we are equally determined to pursue international co-operation and to defend our interests.
105.	At the Paris stage of the North-South dialogue, the results obtained were limited in scope, as some far-reaching problems such as the protection of the purchasing power of the export earnings of developing countries and the problem of growing indebtedness, were practically overlooked. The former is basic; the latter is urgent. Our countries cannot forgo the goals of the new international economic order, and we are certain that no one seriously doubts that this is the only course and the only choice open both to the developing countries which demand it and to those societies whose progress and affluence were nourished on injustice and contempt for the rights of others.
106.	There is a definite contrast between the economic and social restrictions imposed on our countries and the uncontrollable, suicidal explosion of military expenditure and the arms race. Upon my appointment by the Secretary-General, I had the honour to participate in the group of consultant experts which brought up to date the report entitled Economic and Social Consequences of the Arms Race and Military Expenditures. The report rightly points out that it is necessary to disclose openly the dangers inherent in a continued arms race, and to dispel the illusion that peace and security can coexist with immense stockpiles of the means of destruction.
107.	This is an objective report. Its conclusions are alarming beyond doubt. The arms race and military expenditures increase or remain at disquieting levels. Over $350 billion are invested every year in the manufacture of and trade in weapons. Scientists by the thousands are devoting their creative talents as well as the prodigious and boundless resources of science to the sole, exclusive purpose of making better weapons, increasing their destructive capability and laying the groundwork for the annihilation of mankind to happen in the shortest possible time. It is no longer enough to stockpile hundreds of thousands of kilos of plutonium in the arsenals of the super-Powers. On the one hand, nuclear physicists intensify the destructive power of weapons; while, on the other hand, certain schools of strategists and political scientists are busy designing the setting for presumed nuclear wars which they call  limited . Would it not be actually absurd to speculate on the possibility of one nuclear Power's agreeing with another on an exercise of limited destruction. And, in any case, if they did agree on this, it is doubtful that it would be within their own borders.
108.	The Secretary-General points out in his annual report on the work of the Organization that every day $900 million are spent for military purposes and he goes on to say:
 In a world where scientific and technological capability is one of the keys to the future, 25 per cent of the world's scientific manpower and 40 per cent of all research and development spending is engaged for military purposes.
Let us reflect on these awesome facts described by the Secretary-General in his report.
109.	As a consequence of this crisis—which reveals very grave symptoms among mankind and in the present-day world-nuclear proliferation has become a definite threat. Without a doubt, it is a threat which can and does arouse the utmost anxiety because it brings into the open the fact that power is contagious for many countries, as is the idea of the false prestige of belonging to the nuclear club.
110.	Venezuela will continue to support the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace so as to give effect to the aspirations of the countries of certain regions of the world and because it is one of the most reliable means to strengthen international peace and security.
111.	It was especially significant for Latin America that the United States signed the Additional Protocol I of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco). We trust that this will serve as an example for those Powers which have not yet adhered to Additional Protocols I and II of the Tlatelolco Treaty, with a view to enhancing the image of our continent as the first denuclearized zone in the world.
112.	The problems of the arms race cannot be detached from the economic and social problems which are the basis of the North-South dialogue. This is also a moral issue to which we cannot be indifferent. Military expenditures and their soaring costs affect and prevent rational agreements in the domain of just solutions. The army of scientists whose talents are used entirely in the service of destruction should have a destiny in accord with the human condition. Hunger and the world food crisis can be adequately surmounted only by means of science and technology. The energy problem, which is rendered more acute by voracious consumption of traditional resources, such as gas and oil, could now have had different options had not research on alternate sources, like solar energy, been held back by the large transnational corporations which for more than a century maintained a monopoly over the traditional sources. As a result of this lack of foresight, all of mankind now faces an uncertain future.
113.	It is only the political decision of states which can halt the uncontrolled race towards world destruction and, especially, the will of the great Powers which, because they possess nuclear weapons, profess to manage the political balance of the world.
114.	Because of the awareness of this danger, and in the hope of achieving tangible results, it was decided to convene a special session of the General Assembly in 1978 devoted to disarmament the success of which will depend on the unanimous effort and the active participation of all States Members of the United Nations.
115.	Since the beginning of the Third Conference on the Law of the Sea at Caracas in 1974, the position of Venezuela regarding the exploitation of the sea-bed has been clear and firm in defence of the basic principles which the countries of the third world have upheld.
116.	We must emphasize two fundamental aspects of this problem which we deem to be of paramount importance in establishing the new international economic order for future generations. In the first place, the regime for exploitation to be adopted, which will regulate the use and benefits of an area corresponding to two thirds of our planet; and, secondly, the institution of a resource policy which would provide the mineral-producing developing countries with effective protection from any adverse economic effects that might follow from an unrestrained exploitation of the sea-bed.
117.	In the Conference on the Law of the Sea we have always supported the establishment of a unitary system for exploiting the resources in the international area of the sea-bed. Our position is based on our acceptance without reservation of the principles of the indivisibility of the area and of the discretionary power of the Authority over its activities, which could be regulated.
118.	Establishing a strong Authority will guarantee that the exploitation of the resources of the area will be for the benefit of the international community.
119.	The indivisibility of the area is a concept which is not subject to negotiation since this represents the effective application of the principle of the common heritage of mankind, the validity of which has been recognized by all countries represented here. The indivisibility of the area in turn conditions the existence of an Authority with broad discretionary powers which, within the framework of the Convention, will enable it to decide on the manner of exploitation and the use and distribution of the resources thus obtained.
120.	Nevertheless, in the spirit of co-operation which has always guided us, we are prepared to take a position which will clear the way for an agreement for the benefit of all mankind.
121.	To this end we have proposed at the Conference on the Law of the Sea that a compromise be adopted between the unitary system of exploitation and what has been called the parallel system, on the understanding that the system to be adopted by way of negotiation be of a temporary character and that all the areas granted under this system automatically revert to the Authority at the end of the period stipulated in the Convention.
122.	The second aspect which disturbs us in connection with the problem of exploiting the sea-bed is that of the countries dependent on the export of minerals. They should not be harmed by this new economic activity.
123.	An irrational and unrestrained exploitation of those immense resources by a restricted number of transnational corporations represents an obvious danger to the export earnings and, therefore, to the development plans, of a considerable number of developing countries. At the Conference of the Law of the Sea a formula has been proposed whereby production in the sea-bed would be regulated so as to be complementary to land-based production. It is not that the third world is opposed to the exploitation of the resources of the sea as the spokesmen of certain industrialized countries repeatedly maintain. The fundamental issue is that the sea-bed should be exploited in an orderly way, without damage to countries whose economies depend to a large degree on minerals or raw materials from the sea-bed, avoiding at all costs the establishment of a monopoly for the exploitation of resources which, ultimately, are the common heritage of mankind, for present and future generations.
124.	Human rights constitute one of the subjects to which our Organization devotes time; much effort and perseverance have been concentrated on them.
125.	Human rights being one of the basic pillars of our international policy, as we reiterated in the joint declaration of the President of Venezuela and the President of the United States, we should like to state now our intention of supporting those initiatives in the field of human rights which tend to strengthen and promote strict surveillance of and compliance with human rights, wherever attempts are made to violate or disregard them. This is why we have sponsored initiatives in this field through our regional forum, by ratifying the American Convention on Human Rights, designed to promote the dignity of the individual throughout the hemisphere.
126.	The human rights issue is gaining momentum, and the participation of the international community in preserving them has become more urgent and indispensable. We believe that human rights extend into the universal ambit. The United Nations Charter is, in this respect, a clear commitment.
127.	One of the contemporary features which most affect essential human rights is the expression of violence in the world, in different ways, such as the kidnapping of persons and hijacking of means of transport, the seizure of hostages and the assault and killing of innocent human beings. These acts are a clear violation of the individual security and the integrity of human beings, as well as of peace among nations.
128.	In this very forum we have warned that, rather than devote ourselves to an exhaustive task of interpreting violence, what is required is to take action. Venezuela has also indicated its criteria in regard to activities to which the term  terrorism  should not be applied. They are those that are part of the liberation struggles now being waged.
 ... violence which takes the form of criminal action can never be a political act. No cause whatsoever, however noble or justified, can mingle with deeds associating or identifying it with manifestations of delinquency or lese humanite.
129.	Venezuela will continue to participate actively in all efforts made here to bring about the prompt drafting and adoption of a set of rules to make the will of the international community effective in eliminating the scourge of violence and, as stated by the President of Venezuela in this same forum last year, to fulfil the wish for a coherent international response capable or Facing the scourge in rational terms.
130.	When mention is made of the human rights question, we must all, as a matter of course, think of Africa and, in particular, of the peoples subjected to the apartheid regime. There have been few doctrines in history, without excepting nazism, as -shameful as the one practised by the regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia, which the former extends to and imposes on the Territory of Namibia. This year Venezuela attended the Maputo International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the Lagos World Conference for Action against Apartheid. In the Security Council we have supported and will always resolutely support the sanctions upon the illegal Rhodesian regime that are necessary to clear the way for majority rule, and we shall contribute as necessary to ensure that Namibia obtains its independence, in accordance with United Nations decisions. Acting on our deeply-rooted conviction, Venezuela will continue to. condemn the policy of the Pretoria regime. It is this Pretoria regime, which has relied on such ample and exceptional technological co-operation that is now preparing to carry out nuclear tests and explosions and is undoubtedly the central point of the crisis which threatens all of southern Africa.
131.	The immense economic investments of the transnational corporations in that region, which are the subject of an impressive report by the United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations, '' have without any doubt generated the danger to world peace represented today by the conflict in southern Africa.
132.	As a Latin American and as a Venezuelan, I should like to refer with satisfaction to the recent achievements of the five countries which are members of the Andean Pact: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. With the agreement on automotive programming signed in the capital of Ecuador, our countries have taken an extraordinarily significant step towards integration, opening the way to a firm and powerful economic future, capable of generating the balanced development of our peoples and their economies.
133.	The process of economic integration is a political fact which is taking place in Latin America as the only valid option for our peoples. We are convinced that Latin American unity is indispensable, and that is why we are determined to strengthen it. To be sure, the political decision was not a simple matter, as it was not easy to implement Decision 24 of the Cartagena Agreement which drew up rules for foreign capital in the subregion. The agreement on automotive programming was reached after a number of difficulties. These were encouraged from outside, as will be logically understood: the pervasive influence of transnational corporations conspiring against any economic effort which does not comply with their conditions. This proves, once again, how urgent it is to have a code of conduct to regulate the activities of those corporations.
134.	We Venezuelans will make every possible effort to strengthen the Andean Pact and to tighten the links binding our peoples together. This is one of the basic ideas of our international policy. The new economic order will of necessity be tied to experiments such as this, or will build on them.
135.	In other words, we, the countries of the third world, must open up our own ways, and among the possible ones, integration will give us strength in addition to other advantages, because there is strength in being united, and five together carry more weight than five separately, as in the case of the Andean group.
136.	Lastly, on behalf of the President of Venezuela and of our people, I must refer to the new treaties on the Panama Canal signed on 7 September by the Latin American Republic of Panama and the United States of America. During the entire twentieth century the Canal has been a source of differences between our countries and the powerful nation that kept a colonial enclave there, dividing the small isthmus country in two. The new treaties returning to the Republic of Panama its sovereignty over the entire territory of the nation were signed in Washington in the presence and with the support of the peoples of Latin America. President Carlos Andres Perez, in his first message to Venezuelans in March 1974, stated that the problem of the Panama Canal was not only a problem for Panama nor exclusively a Latin American problem, but a problem for all free peoples in the world. And here, before the General Assembly in 1976, he reiterated similar views. Before the Organization of American States, during his visit to the United States the President of Venezuela said:
 Our relations with the United States cannot be good relations unless this problem is satisfactorily solved with full recognition of Panamanian sovereignty .
This long-standing Latin American claim has now been satisfied in the new Treaties. Panama has recovered its sovereignty. There are no Latin Americans nor Latin American countries which did not feel that the Panamanian cause was theirs.
137.	Now the treaties and the fate of relations between the United States and Latin America, as well as harmony and understanding in this part of the world, are in the hands of the Congress of the United States, whose ratification will make the treaties legally valid. We have no doubt that the
18 Agreement on Andean Subregional Integration, signed at Bogota on 26 May 1969.
United States Congress, the source of legal power in this great nation, will ratify these treaties. The nearly 150 countries that constitute the world community will be waiting for the major decision to be taken in Washington.
138.	The deceptive campaign mounted by those who represent the past and those who represent obscure and powerful economic interests to the effect that there is no Panama Canal but a  United States canal in Panama  not only constitutes an attempt to mislead a great people, such as that of the United States, but is also an attempt to offend the entire world community meeting here under the auspices of this General Assembly. Despite this neo-colonial campaign, we Venezuelans are confident that the United States Congress will understand the rights of a small and noble people and will exercise the intelligence and understanding that President Carter exercised when he signed the Treaties.
139.	I conclude by reiterating that the delegation of Venezuela is certain that our debates will be fruitful and that the spirit of co-operation will guide our negotiations. Ever since the founding of the United Nations, my country has been a faithful believer in its principles and has loyally complied with our commitments. Today more than ever, we place our faith in the role of this world Organization.


112.	Mr. President, just as the speakers who have preceded me have rightly done, I, too, congratulate you upon your election as President of this year's session of this Assembly. The responsibilities devolving on the holder of that high office are not only arduous but also very demanding. Indeed the task before you calls for a high degree of patience, fairness and impartiality. Happily these qualities are not lacking in your person. I have no doubt, therefore, that the Assembly could not have made a better choice. It only remains then for me to assure you of my delegation's co-operation.
113.	I should like also, with your permission, to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, who presided superbly over the thirty-first session of the General Assembly and steered its deliberations to a satisfactory conclusion.
114.	It would be remiss of me if I did not in like manner pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. His is an unenviable position and his responsibilities are enormous. My Government appreciates the difficulties he has in serving, to the satisfaction of all, a membership that is as a matter of principle equal in sovereignty but yet different in other aspects, such as population, economic strength, military might and, of course, political outlook. I am sure that representatives will agree with me that Mr. Waldheim has acquitted himself well in the discharge of his duties. My Government therefore regards his reappointment for a second term of office as a fitting tribute to his dedication to duty and his total commitment to international peace and stability.
115.	We are meeting at the thirty-second session of the Assembly at a time when we face a global situation which gives both encouragement and grave concern: encouragement because, since we met last, there have been some signs of a decrease in tension in some areas of conflict and some progress towards the goal of achieving self-determination for all peoples of the world; and concern because in others of those areas tensions have escalated.
116.	My delegation welcomes the lessening of tension in East-West relations manifested in the detente that has been taking place. We have noted with satisfaction the consolidation of peace in South-East Asia, it possible for the peoples of that region to assume their rightful place in the community of nations. In this connexion my delegation welcomes the membership of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam in the United Nations.
117.	These developments give mankind a ray of hope that our world can be made a little safer and demonstrate the usefulness of contact and dialogue as a means of solving problems.
118.	My delegation has also noted with satisfaction that the process of decolonization in Africa, though still not completed, has achieved yet another step forward. A fitting illustration of this is the presence in our midst today of the new sister State of Djibouti as a Member of the United Nations. My delegation welcomes the membership of Djibouti and has no doubt that our Organization will be the richer for it. In recognition of this development the Malawi delegation extends its heartiest congratulations to the Government and people of the new Republic of Djibouti on the attainment of their nationhood. My delegation also extends similar congratulations to the Government of France for expediting the process of decolonization in the Horn of Africa.
119.	There are, however, disturbing developments in other parts of our continent of Africa. In southern Africa, for instance, the problems related to the denial of political rights to the majority governments remain unresolved and the situation has now become serious.
120.	We are a part of that trouble-stricken region of southern Africa. We live with the situation day in and day out. We are thus among the best placed to understand the scope and magnitude of the problems of the area. By the same token, what happens there affects us in some way or other. Malawi has made no secret of it: abhorrence of and distaste for the existing racial policies in South Africa. We have condemned apartheid and the methods used to enforce it; we continue to do so to this day.
121.	In pursuit of its policy of apartheid, the South African Government last year granted so-called independence to an area of that country called the Transkei. Later this year, yet another area will be granted the same sort of independence. My Government rejects this type of independence. Therefore, Malawi could not and did not recognize the Transkei as a sovereign State, neither will it recognize any other area which is granted such paper independence.
122.	But my Government has not stopped only at condemning apartheid. We have called upon the South African Government and the white people in that country to change. However, we have done that not with any rhetorical platitudes. We have done so in the context of political reality as we see it today. That is why we have preferred to employ persuasive means of contact and dialogue, as opposed to isolation and ostracism. We believe that this is a matter in which we, the truly independent black African States, must give the lead and example to the whites to the south of us. We believe that by seeing how black Africans treat the white citizens of their respective countries, the whites in the Republic of South Africa can be influenced to change, as they are assured that all we are against is the political system they pursue and not them as persons.
123.	In Rhodesia, regrettably, the political deadlock remains unresolved. Indeed, the position has become even more acute. As representatives have already heard, lives are being lost there—the lives of people fighting for their political rights. We are happy, however, that the United Kingdom, whose responsibility Rhodesia is, in conjunction with the United States, has now taken positive steps to find a solution of the problem through peaceful means. We note with satisfaction also the positive decision adopted by the United Nations Security Council a fortnight ago in its resolution 415 (1977), endorsing these efforts.
124.	I wish to record Malawi's support for these efforts, and any others that are directed towards finding a peaceful solution of the Rhodesian issue. We pray and hope that it will not be long before we welcome a free Zimbabwe into the community of free nations.
125.	I should also like to record Malawi's support for the efforts being made by five Western countries of the Security Council, namely, the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Canada, and the Federal Republic of Germany, to find, on the basis of Council resolution 385 (1976) of January 1976, an internationally acceptable solution of the problem of independence for South West Africa (Namibia), again through peaceful means. My delegation has noted the positive steps taken by the Government of South Africa in this connexion, and hopes that good faith will prevail on all sides to ensure a successful conclusion to this long-standing problem. As with Rhodesia, we hope that an independent Namibia will soon emerge.
126.	Change is inevitable in southern Africa. How soon it will come, however, will depend on our efforts to make the recalcitrant elements realize that time is not on their side. We must therefore create a climate that will lead them to respond positively to the call for change. In this respect, I make bold to say that Malawi has always been in the forefront in advocating peaceful change in our region of Africa. My Government has noted the positive development of the process of contact and dialogue which is manifested in a number of current developments. It is the Malawi Government's intention to continue to play a leading role in the creation of a permanent climate conducive to the rapid change desired by the international community.
127.	Another troubled area whose problems continue to confront this Assembly year after year is that of the Middle East. We have welcomed and, indeed, followed with interest in recent months the efforts of the United States to find a way to bring to a conference table the various parties to the conflict. We have also noted the joint declaration issued on 1 October, over a week ago, by the two Co-Chairmen of the adjourned Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, the United States and the Soviet Union, as a further step towards facilitating the resumption of the Conference. It is our sincere hope that a solution will be found which will take into account the fears, hopes, needs and aspirations of all the people in the region. We believe that this can be achieved, given good will and a willingness to compromise among the parties concerned. For only then can genuine, lasting peace be assured.
128.	My Government has noted with great concern the continuing sale of sophisticated and very costly military hardware to young nations by major Powers. We are- concerned not only that these weapons drain the meagre resources of these emerging nations. The sale of arms does great harm to international relations and increases the threat to world peace. My Government is further concerned about the continuing nuclear proliferation on the international scene. Malawi can see no need for the increased manufacture of these instruments of mass destruction at a time when the United Nations is committed to a search for international peace.
129.	As a developing nation, Malawi is concerned about the enormous amounts of money expended on the purchase of military hardware. I am informed that the developing nations have been known to have spent at least $40 billion in one year on the purchase of weapons. It can only be left to the imagination how much the manufacturing Powers must spend on the development of these weapons. Malawi believes that these resources could be better spent on improving the welfare of mankind than on threatening its security and peace. My Government, therefore, looks forward to a day when this body might meet to discuss ways and means of channelling such resources towards the elimination of poverty and disease, thereby bringing a good life to the entire international community. It is my Government's hope also that the current efforts at limiting the development of strategic arms among the super-Powers not only will continue but also will be matched by equal attempts at reducing the sale of unnecessary military hardware to developing nations, particularly us African nations, so that we can devote our time and resources to the task of improving the living standards of our people.
130.	When I last had the privilege of addressing this Assembly, I touched briefly on a historic event which promised the advent of a new era in trade and economic relations between developing and developed countries. This was the signing in April 1975 of the Lome Convention, under which 46 African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (the ACP group) and the nine members of the European Economic Community [EEC] agreed to regulate their trade and economic relations to their mutual benefit. The establishment of the Lome Convention was achieved because both the ACP Group and the EEC had agreed to negotiate in a spirit of compromise and realism, realizing that their economic interests were intertwined.
131.	Events in recent years have shown that, ultimately, developing and developed countries are economically dependent on each other and that the irresponsibility of one is detrimental to both. Developing countries provide not only the source of raw materials for the developed ones, but also the larger market for the finished goods produced by the latter. The ability of the developing countries to produce the raw materials and ensure markets for the developed countries depends on their economic stability and solvency. Unless the developing countries are able to sell at profitable prices, they cannot expand their productive capability, nor can they ensure a market for their finished goods. The continued economic stability of the developed countries depends on the economic viability of the developing ones.
132.	My country had hoped that the example of the ACP/EEC Convention of Lome might encourage the participants in the negotiations between developing and developed countries, the Conference on International Economic Cooperation or North-South dialogue, which ended in Paris early this year, to take bold steps towards achieving the long-expected new economic order. We had hoped, perhaps naively, that the time had passed when narrow interests and bullish attitudes were allowed to cloud reality; we had hoped that the era that the signing of the Lome Convention promised to usher in had finally come. It was, therefore, with great disappointment that my country saw the dialogue drift on to an inconclusive end, bogged down by old parochial attitudes.
133.	It is Malawi's sincere hope that the North-South dialogue can be resumed and that, when negotiations restart, realism and compromise will be the guiding principles. Malawi has been encouraged by the courageous steps taken by the Government of Canada, a Co-Chairman of the North-South dialogue, in deciding to convert into grants all Canadian loans to developing countries. It is our hope that others will give this example great consideration, as this will not only generate much goodwill between the developed and developing countries but also enable the latter to break out of the cycle that keeps them in perpetual debt and hinders their development. Developing countries will continue to need assistance from developed ones; but we believe that this assistance should be designed to help those to whom it is given to be independent and not perpetually dependent.
134.	While problems and conflicts among nations continue in various parts of the world, my Government notes that peace and understanding have been achieved in many areas through the initiative and mediation of the United Nations. My Government appreciates all that is being done by this Organization in promoting peace-and understanding among nations. Permit me to reiterate my country's readiness to contribute towards making this Organization a medium for ensuring the broadest co-operation among Members in order to promote world peace, understanding and security.
135.	My delegation also notes the continuing interest and work of the United Nations in promoting and improving the economic, cultural and social well-being of the peoples of the world. In this connexion, I want to take this opportunity to express once again my country's appreciation for the assistance it continues to receive from the various United Nations agencies. This assistance is of great importance in our task of promoting the economic and social development of our nation.
136.	I now wish to convey to this Assembly best wishes from my President and the Government and people of Malawi for every success in its deliberations.


1.	 Once again I am moved by the feelings of anxiety and doubt, but also of hope, that I have so often had when it has been my lot to address the representatives in this Assembly from this high rostrum.
2.	I feel anxiety when I consider not only the number but above all the importance of the questions on our agenda, questions which in many cases concern threats to international peace and security, many of them challenges to the conscience of the world, many of them challenges to the international community which it has so far been incapable of tackling whether through impotence, indifference or, above all, egoism.
3.	I feel doubt because our Assembly has been stilled and our lyrical transports are over, what will become of the fine resolutions that we have so cleverly concocted and adopted by all, sometimes with who knows what ulterior motives? For while it is our business to spirit away these dangers we have to note that it is precisely and above all those who have the means to take up these challenges who refuse to do so through either selfishness or political blindness.
4.	I feel nope, too, because, despite these negative feelings and the gravity of the threats which hover over our heads, what prevails with me in the final analysis is a deep-seated feeling of optimism, which is justified by the great book of history, iii which the victory of oppressed peoples has never been other than the outcome of struggle—a struggle against ignorance, a struggle against obscurantism, a struggle against egoism, a struggle also for freedom, a struggle for dignity and a struggle for the prosperity of peoples.
5.	It is to continue this struggle that representatives are once again met here in this hall, the representatives of all the independent sovereign States of the world, to try to find the solutions of worthy and civilized men to the numerous problems created by those for whom sovereignty, independence, dignity and civilization are meaningless unless they car. dominate, oppress and exploit others,
6.	The thirty-second session of the General Assembly of our Organization is beginning its work at a time when international imperialism threatens international peace and security on every front. The year 1977 will go down in history as the year in which multiple acts of aggression were perpetrated by international imperialism against the independence and sovereignty of our States and as the year in which the weakest were crushed without appeal by the strongest and the poorest by the wealthiest.
7.	For its part the People's Republic of Benin will never forget the ignoble and barbarous imperialist armed aggression of 16 January 1977 against its people and its revolution by a horde of mercenaries trained, equipped and paid to commit the most abject mass crimes. On that day the entire world learned with astonishment that in the middle of the twentieth century there could once again be acts of gangsterism which, although committed with the most modern and sophisticated means, none the less belonged to an age which had vanished for ever. Nevertheless, on that day, through that barbarous and ignoble act of aggression, Benin, in addition to suffering considerable material damage, was to lose seven of its best sons.
8.	Coming after the aggressions against Guinea and Angola, that act of aggression was nothing other than the setting in .motion of the same wide-ranging plot hatched by the imperialist Powers against regimes whose only crime was the desire to live in freedom and independence and to be masters of their own natural resources.
9.	If the question of the aggression mounted against the People's Republic of Benin gave rise to long and passionate debates in the Security Council, the consideration of the question is no less topical now. Although those debates helped to clarify the nature of the new threat to the independence of the peoples of the third world constituted by the use of international mercenaries, no practical action was recommended for its elimination. Aid while those debates, in the light of the various report? of the commissions of inquiry, had made it possible to unmask those who instigated that barbarism organized on an international scale, nevertheless they did not lead to the adoption of vigorous measures to prevent a recurrence, as required by the consistent and diligent implementation of the United Nations Charter.
10.	The phenomenon of internal mercenaries should lead the international community to consider with the greatest seriousness the problem of the security of small States and to recommend effective means of really combating this new  form of modern invasion and colonial and neo-colonial conquest.
 As our great comrade in arms President Mathieu Kerekou has so judiciously stated:
"The recent experience of our country, the People's Republic of Benin, in its resistance to aggression by the imperialist army of mercenaries has enabled us, with documentary support, to draw two fundamental lessons. First, the mercenaries, who are the dregs of a capitalist society already in an advanced state of decay, are in truth special and anonymous detachments of the regular troops of the imperialist armies, since they are recruited, led, trained and armed by regular officers specially assigned to that sordid task. One cannot therefore but denounce and combat the use of international mercenaries without unmasking the forces which organize and arm them, set them in motion and assign them their clear-cut targets.
"In the second place, the use of armed groups of mercenaries is a new weapon of mass destruction which has entered into the global strategy of international imperialism for the colonial reconquest of the States of the third world. Consequently, all States must become fully aware of this menace and must organize themselves in order to carry on a resolute and sustained struggle against the new fold of blood-thirsty conquerors. This ongoing struggle against international mercenaries has become an essential and urgent task for all progressive mankind."
46.	I do not wish to reiterate here the disgust which was felt by the entire people of Benin at the participation of a colonial Power which vaunts itself as a land of freedom, equality and fraternity; neither shall I describe again the repulsion experienced by the entire people of Benin when they learned the infamous news that African Governments, Governments of fraternal countries, had, in a cowardly and perfidious fashion, made available to the mercenaries their training camps, their aircraft, their air fields and their men. That is to say that the cowardly act of aggression committed on Sunday, 16 January, against the people of Benin and its revolution would never have taken place if African puppets had not agreed to serve as middlemen. Once the Security Council had recognized the tragic events of 16 January 1977 as an act of aggression,, it should have been logical for resolution 405(1977) to identify and condemn those responsible for that act of aggression.
47.	Be that as it may, the leaders of the imperialist Powers, like the .renegade African Governments that have betrayed the cause of Africa, will none the less remain covered with opprobrium until such time as the just anger of their people casts them one by one on the trash heap of history. For its part, the People's Republic of Benin, in its serene determination to continue its forward march, has the calm satisfaction of having helped through its victory over international imperialism to show States of the third world beset by exploitation and foreign domination, the road they should follow, and of having demonstrated to the imperialist Powers the fate reserved to their enterprises of colonial or neo-colonial reconquest. Nevertheless, we remain convinced that the struggle continues, because imperialism will never accept final defeat; but victory, our victory, is no less certain.
48.	It is this certainty of the inevitable victory of oppressed peoples which, despite the rising wave of danger and of barbarous crimes committed by international imperialism on our continent, justifies my delegation's optimism. The revolutionary gale that is blowing over our great, beautiful and rich continent of Africa is blowing harder with each day that passes, sweeping away one by one the last bastions of colonialism and neo-colonialism, as well as the citadels of imperialist-racist fascism, which have been shaken to their foundations by the great popular mass movements, of which Soweto is the living symbol.
49.	It is fortunate that, after 12 years of guilty inaction and a silence of complicity, the British Government has at last decided to shoulder its responsibilities vis-à-vis Zimbabwe. It has been necessary, in order to shake the Western Powers out of their stubborn indifference to the exactions and the denials of rights visited on the people of Zimbabwe, for the freedom fighters under the leadership of the Patriotic Front to strike a blow at the illegal regime of Ian Smith that endangered its sordid interests in the region. The inevitable victory of the Zimbabwe people thus explains the feverish desperation of the imperialist Powers to find hybrid solutions which will safeguard their selfish interests. The latest plan proposed for the settlement of this problem, though it represents progress over the political blindness which had previously characterized the various positions taken by the imperialist Powers, nevertheless is not a settlement of the fundamental problem, which is that of dissolving the rebel army of Ian Smith, or of the no less fundamental one of the transfer of power to the lawful representatives of the Zimbabwe people, namely, those who, on the battlefield, are leading the freedom struggle under the enlightened leadership of the Patriotic Front.
50.	This is to say that it is first and foremost the Patriotic Front, which is the authentic representative of the Zimbabwe people, which should express its views of the Anglo-American proposals. No one else, no matter how well-intentioned and no matter what sacrifices they have made or may yet make to assist the people of Zimbabwe, can make decisions on its behalf.
51.	The same applies to the problem of Namibia. There again, the intensification of the armed struggle under the firm guidance of the South West Africa People's Organization has compelled five Western members of the Security Council to undertake negotiations with the racist Vorster regime for a so-called "peaceful" settlement of the Namibian problem. That settlement will be nothing more than a gross sell-out of the legitimate interests of the Namibian people if it fails to take into account the views of SWAPO. That plan must necessarily include the implementation of resolution 385(1976) of the Security Council, which stipulates as a pre-condition to the free elections to be conducted under United Nations supervision the withdrawal of the illegal administration of South Africa and, in particular, the withdrawal of its forces of repression from Namibian territory and the unconditional release of all Namibian political prisoners.
52.	The certain victory of the people of Azania, inevitable because it is in the direction in which history is moving, cannot, however, leave us indifferent to the rising danger represented by the increasing military and nuclear potential of South Africa. It has today been duly established that base commercial considerations have impelled a certain colonial Power to assist South Africa to acquire not only the capacity to manufacture the most up-to-date weapons, but also atomic weapons.
53.	And yet that country, which in so doing was cynically flouting the various resolutions of our Organization, is well aware of the ignominious and barbarically repressive policy that those weapons are destined to buttress. It is true that for that Government, as for many others, there will never be a more hateful crime against the human race than that which they suffered at the hands of the Nazis during the Second World War. It is true that the Nazi crimes were perpetrated against white, civilized Europe. Those of the Smith and Vorster clique are, of course, committed against blacks, whom civilized Europe had long reduced to slavery. And was it not the slavery of the latter which has always served as the foundation for the wealth of the former?
54.	But how do the; crimes committed every day in Soweto and in the gaols of Vorster differ from those committed in the Nazi concentration camps? How was the murder of the patriotic leader Steven Biko less odious than the summary executions of the French resistance forces by the Nazis? How are they less repugnant? Or how is it they deserve no more than hypocritical protests, rather than a general call to arms and consistent action on the part of the great Powers? Europe and America made common cause against Nazi racism. But today, in southern Africa, yesterday's allies have become the accomplices of Boer racism. Yet we should "remind ourselves that Africa, which today continues to suffer under Boer racism, sacrificed some of the bravest of its sons so that Europe should not today have to live under the Nazi boot. Africa shed its blood so that the Jew who today persists in according to the Palestinian people nothing more than the existence of wanderers should not continue to suffer the horrors of Hitlerite Nazism
55.	It is certainly useful to say here that the so-called final solution-the solution of total extermination, so unjustly applied to the American Indians, the very same solution attempted against those who illegally occupy the Arab territories and who are Vorster's main allies—that solution could not be the fate of the peoples of Africa even though today's racists will be equipped with the most modern atomic bomb. It is that same racist policy which underlies the intransigence of Israel in various attempts at settlement of the Middle East problem, despite the many relevant resolutions adopted by both our Organization and by other international bodies.
56.	Because it enjoys the unconditional support of the imperialist Powers, Israel persists in blocking every just means of reaching the negotiating table. Because the many crimes it has thus far committed have remained unpunished, Israel persists in remaining deaf to the various peace proposals designed to put an end to the painful and tragic trials which have brought such disruption and sorrow to Lebanon and, above all, to finding just and humane solutions to the Palestinian problem, solutions demanded by the entire international community. And yet the whole world has recognized the justice of the Palestinian cause. Those who have been condemned to be, as it were, eternal wanderers, those who could live only on international charity, have little by little acquired the status of men through their struggle, their fight, their sacrifices. Today they have succeeded in securing recognition by the whole world of their most elementary and legitimate right: their right to a homeland This recognition should be given practical effect; that is to say, the famous Security Council resolution 242(1967) should be amended to take due account of the right of the Palestinian people to form a free, independent and sovereign nation. Because they are assured of the support of certain Powers and, above all, of the inability of our Organization firmly to face up to the violation of the principles of our Charter, Israel is carrying its brazen intransigence to the point of setting up Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories, thus modifying the geographical structure, the composition of the population, and the legal status of those territories, in deliberate violation of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the resolutions of our Organization. This new step on the part of Israel is not only likely to aggravate the Middle East crisis, but it represents, above all, a threat to international peace. It is insufficient, therefore, merely to adopt resolutions condemning Israel. Our Organization must take the necessary strong measures to bring to reason that State, which is insolently trampling underfoot the principles of our Organization.
57.	Thus, when it adopted that resolution in 1967, the international Organization took one decisive step towards the legitimate recognition of the national rights of the Palestinians. Today, by amending that resolution 242 (1967) to take account of relationships in today's world, the community will be concentrating its tireless efforts on a just solution to the Palestinian problem.
58.	Although the struggle being waged by the peoples of the world against international imperialism has not yet come to an end, new conquering and expansionist States, no less barbarous and cynical than those of the past, have arisen, such as Morocco, Mauritania, Indonesia and many others.
59.	While in Korea an international imperialism, through delaying tactics, continues to oppose the implementation of the resolution adopted in 1975 calling for the withdrawal of all military forces so as to enable the Korean people to achieve their unification through peaceful means, in East Timor, in the south Moluccas and in Western Sahara, the sordid interests of the traditional exploiters are combined now with the no less sordid interests of the new invaders.
60.	Thus, despite the unequivocal position taken by our Organization at the last session, Indonesian troops continue their occupation of East Timor.
61.	It is the same policy of expansion and practical annexation, practised by Indonesia, which underlies the desperate acts of the Moluccan nationalists, who had no other way of altering the conscience of our Organization to the situation which has been theirs for the past 27 years.
62.	Nevertheless, strongly committed to the self- determination of peoples though we are, our revolutionary Marxist-Leninist convictions constrain us to dissociate ourselves from all acts of pointless violence perpetrated against innocent populations who are not responsible for the acts of barbarism, domination and exploitation of other peoples.
63.	Our Organization therefore has a duty to reopen the case of the South Moluccas and, as in the case of East Timor, to take the necessary just measures.
64.	In the Western Sahara, two States Members of our Organization are coldly engaging in the genocide of a people under the indifferent eyes of the community of nations. Trampling underfoot the pertinent resolutions of the Organization, the decadent feudal regime of Hassan II, in an unnatural, alliance with the rotten regime of Moktar Ould Daddah, forgetting the recent history of its own independence and the formation of its own State and the recent history of the anti-colonialist struggle of the valiant Mauritanian people, has embarked on the bloody enterprise of enslaving the Saharan people. In this mad military venture, these arch-reactionary feudal-bourgeois regimes are enjoying the obvious protection of the capitalist West, whose conscience and moral virtues, here as in southern Africa, are cynically and systematically stifled by the lust for profit, sordid calculation, and the stubborn will to hegemony and domination in the area.
65.	It took heavy fighting in certain areas such as Zouerate, where there are foreigners at work, to arouse the hypocritical bourgeois conscience of the capitalist world, which mindlessly organizes international genocide and remains indifferent to the atrocities daily visited on the Saharan people.
66.	Trusting in Africa's wisdom, that wisdom rooted in the highest values of an ancestral humanism and a philosophy that has been forged in centuries of humiliation, the thirty-first session of the General Assembly left it to the Organization of African Unity to find a solution to the problem of Western Sahara—the just solution that the Saharan people and the international community rightfully expected. In so doing, it forgot that some of the so-called "wise men of Africa" had sold their conscience to the wealthy Powers.
67.	Thus, like many others, the people of Western Sahara owe their Calvary to the fact that certain Powers, acting through their lackeys, wished to lay their hands on the mineral and other strategic natural resources of the area. Thus a vast plot, in which it became ever clearer that Morocco and Mauritania are the wretched and shabby instruments, has been hatched to subjugate the Saharan people, seize their wealth and establish a base for aggression against the independent African countries of the region. That vast and ignoble plot on the part of international imperialism was to succeed again in preventing the holding of a summit meeting of the heads of State of the OAU, who were to discuss the matter in Lusaka.
68.	That is why it is reassuring that our Organization should have reserved the right to keep the item on its agenda. The item remains on its agenda because the case of Western Sahara is not only an African matter. It remains on the agenda because the principles that are flouted by Morocco and Mauritania are not those of the OAU alone but also of the United Nations Charter. It remains on our agenda because the situation in the region is sufficiently serious to continue claiming the attention of the international community.
69.	In thus cynically trampling underfoot the fundamental principles of the Charters of the OAU and of the United Nations—principles to which they owe their own existence—those two States have lost the honour and respect which they won at the time of their struggle against French colonialism. But one of the accomplices in those misdeeds will have lost not only respect but no more nor less than its sovereignty as well. Indeed, the Mauritanian people are realizing today that, under the pretext of providing for its security, Morocco has seized upon this unexpected opportunity of realizing its ancient mad ambition simply to annex Mauritanian territory.
70.	Mauritania, if not grateful, should at least recall the support given it at the time by the international community—an effective support that was not bought or sold—in the defence of its inalienable right to self- determination and the inviolability of the frontiers it inherited from the colonial era.
71.	By adopting a firm and unequivocal position on this question, our Organization will vis-à-vis the Saharan people take the just and historic decision which is necessary and also permit the Mauritanian people to recover its sovereignty.
72.	That is why, in our opinion, faithful to its noble ideals and the universal principles which constitute the cornerstone of its actions, our Organization must tirelessly pursue efforts with a view to finding an equitable and early solution to the Saharan problem. In this regard my delegation hopes very much that the Secretary-General, under the mandate entrusted to him at the thirtieth session, will submit a report on the situation prevailing in the Territory.
73.	Many international economic conferences are held one after another, and each is more disappointing than the other, since none proves capable of finding just solutions to the problems that today confront our world. No effort has been made internationally to start building the new international economic order that would put an end to the shameful system of exploitation, economic oppression and inequitable relations which continue to be the foundation of international economic life.
74.	Since the thirty-first session, the gulf between the wealthy countries and the poor countries of the third world has widened even further. The economic crisis which is now shaking the capitalist world with its inflationary effects has aggravated the balance-of-payments deficit of the poor countries.
75.	It is impossible to exaggerate the selfishness of the capitalist Powers, which will stop at nothing in the pursuit of the sordid advantages that they have arrogated to themselves at the expense of the peoples of the third world. It is that selfishness which underlies the adjournment of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation. It is that selfishness which underlies the cynical attempts at economic strangulation directed against certain States whose policies of economic independence are inimical to the interests of neo-colonialist and imperialist circles. It is that selfishness which underlies the systematic sabotage of all international negotiations by the imperialist Powers, which are trying to sow dissension among the States of the third world and which oppose the establishment of a united front that might jeopardize their unjust advantages.
76.	Thus, notwithstanding all the literature and all the declarations of good intentions concerning the establishment of a new international economic order, and despite the adoption in this very Assembly of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, our Organization still has very much to do in order to secure the triumph of its ideals of peace and social justice on a world scale.
77.	Because it is confident that just causes always triumph in the end, my country, the People's Republic of Benin, would like to reiterate its appeal that all the countries of the third world join forces in the just struggle to preserve the fundamental interests of our States and peoples-for fierce and resolute struggle remains the only effective means to secure the triumph of our rights in this world which is threatened by the domination of imperialism and other forms of exploitation of man by man.
78.	It is because of that fight that the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam have come to swell our ranks. My delegation welcomes their admission, not only because of the universality of our Organization, but also because we are sure that those two States will bring to our debates here the wisdom and experience that they have acquired in the course of their long liberation struggle. Indeed the Vietnamese people, through its historical victories over all the imperialist coalitions, have given the wretched of the earth not only new hope but also and above all an example to be followed.
79.	I should now like to conclude where I should have begun, that is to say, by extending to you, Mr. President, the sincere and warm congratulations of my delegation on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty- second session of the General Assembly. Your election unquestionably represents a stirring tribute to your own personal distinction, your diplomatic talent and personal virtues. But your election is also a deserved tribute to your country, the socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which has always played and continues to play a role of great political importance within the non-aligned movement, I should like therefore to express the deep satisfaction of my delegation which remains convinced that, under your wise and far-sighted guidance, the work of the thirty-second session will achieve certain success.
80.	You, Sir, have taken over the presidency from Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, another very talented diplomat, who directed the work of the thirty-first session with great skill and who continues to conduct the very difficult negotiations of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
81.	Neither would I wish to fail to seize this opportunity of expressing from this rostrum the sincere congratulations of my Government for the sustained and effective work of our Secretary-General. My delegation is fully aware of the difficulties that the highest officer of our Organization must overcome in order to secure the triumph of the noble and humanitarian ideals proclaimed in our Charter. I should like here to assure the Secretary-General of the complete confidence and co-operation of my country for the maintenance of world peace and security, for the self- determination of peoples against colonialism and neo-colonialism, against racism and apartheid.
32. Ready for revolution, the struggle continues.