A birth in a family is naturally a source of joy and of hope. Thus the people of Burundi share the legitimate pride of the people of Saint Lucia on their accession to independence and admission to the great family of the United Nations. The entry of Saint Lucia into the United Nations is striking proof of the universality of our Organization. The victory of the people of Saint Lucia is undoubtedly an encouragement to other peoples struggling for their dignity and freedom.
3.	In quite different context, let me pay a tribute to the memory of a great African statesman, Agostinho Neto, champion of the freedom and the real independence of Angola and indefatigable defender of peace and dignity in Africa and throughout the world. We wish to convey to the Angolan people our deepest condolences and our feelings of solidarity and encouragement at this difficult time.
4.	Ever since its foundation, the United Nations has set itself the fundamental task of safeguarding international peace and security, the establishment of justice in the world and the strengthening of the ties of cooperation and solidarity among all the peoples of our planet. The triumph of these ideals calls, first of all, for the establishment of an equitable and democratic system in international relations and the promotion of an order of mutual understanding and respect for human rights and for peoples in their totality.
5.	It is within this context that we should view the struggle being waged by the United Nations to put an end to injustice in the world and to create conditions for a just and lasting peace so necessary for fruitful cooperation among nations.
6.	The work that has been done in this area by the United Nations is, in our view, of particular importance. We should therefore like to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to the General Assembly, which can take pride in having so consistently lived up to the importance of its task and, therefore, constitutes an ideal framework for co-operation, exchange of experience and decision-making.
7.	The positive record of the General Assembly is due not only to the political maturity and sense of responsibility of the Member States, but also to the farsightedness and devotion of the distinguished persons who have so competently discharged the functions of President of this principal organ of our Organization.
8.	In electing you, Sir, as its President, the General Assembly not only acted in keeping with its principles and noble traditions. It also wished by design to mark the importance and gravity that it attaches to this session. Your extensive experience in international affairs and your commitment to supporting peoples in the struggle for their independence and dignity are guarantees of the success of this session. We take this solemn occasion to extend to you our sincere congratulations on the trust that the General Assembly has placed in you. Of course, the tribute we pay to you, on behalf of the people and Government of Burundi, goes also to your country, the United Republic of Tanzania, whose ties of solidarity with my country, Burundi, were forged long ago and have been strengthened at the time of our national liberation struggle.
9.	We also wish to extend our sincere gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Lie'vano of Colombia, for having so masterfully and successfully conducted the proceedings of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
10.	We should also like to extend our greetings to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose competence, integrity and devotion in the service of peace and the liberation of peoples have aroused in our breasts sentiments of the most profound admiration and highest esteem.
11.	The work he has been doing ever since he has been Secretary-General of our Organization deserves more than our congratulations and encouragement. We should like to take advantage of our presence here to assure him once again of our confidence and of the total support of the Government and people of Burundi in his noble task of working unremittingly for the triumph of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations Charter.
12 For the first time in the history of our country, the Head of State of Burundi is personally taking part in the work of the General Assembly of the United Nations. This decision was no accident but a logical consequence of the revolution carried out by the people of Burundi on 1 November 1976. That date marks a major turning-point in the history of our country. To understand this, it is sufficient to refer to the period immediately preceding and that immediately following the radical change that took place on that date. To put you in the proper chronological context, let me briefly describe the true history of our country.
13.	A mere 17 years have elapsed since our independence, which was gained by dint of tremendous sacrifices by our people and the valuable support rendered by friendly countries and by the United Nations.
14.	At first sight, Burundi is a young State. However, the truth is quite different. Indeed, the most critical history books, as well as other most authoritative sources of information, are unanimous in asserting that the State of Burundi, cohesive and organized in all sectors of national life, goes back as far as the fifteenth century A.D. The nation of Burundi, even at that time, could take pride in its age-old unity, the decisive elements of which remain today. These are, primarily, the will to live together as a people proud and jealous of their national independence and sovereignty, and, secondly, a common national culture and a single national language, Kirundi, which is spoken throughout the whole country without a single dialect.
15.	All these factors have served to shape the personality of Burundi. This was the driving force of the Burundi nation, which, under the aegis of the party Union pour le progres national [UPRONA], was successful in the elections organized by the Belgian administration and supervised by the United Nations on 18 September 1961. This victory was to lead Burundi, as we know, to true independence on I July 1962. Thus, the unity of the Burundi people was once again consecrated. This marked the turning of a page after a period of darkness and humiliation, and there opened up a new era of liberty and co-operation.
16.	Unfortunately, successive Governments in power did not respect the people's verdict. Irresponsible citizens allied themselves with external enemies of our country to divide and exploit the united, peaceful and hardworking people,
17.	It was therefore necessary to establish State structures in such a way as to make possible and irreversible the creation of a society where national concord and social justice would prevail. For this purpose, power had to be handed over to its true holders, the people. In order to achieve this goal, it was necessary to create conditions which made it possible for the Burundi people to embark on a course of national reconstruction. It is within this context that we adopted, from the very outset, a programme of national rehabilitation, the main element of which was national reconciliation. This major concern of our policy underlay all our decisions. All appointments to posts of responsibility and authority were thus inspired solely by the criteria of competence and patriotism.
18.	The importance of this policy of national reconciliation did not relegate to a second place the other strategic sectors of national life. Thus, the programme of national rehabilitation set as its other immediate objectives the fight against hunger and poverty, ignorance and disease on the one hand and, on the other, the struggle against social injustice and man's exploitation of man.
19.	This policy was reflected in the following measures. In the field of agriculture, it was decided first to increase production of consumer goods in general, and of food-stuffs in particular. Secondly, it was decided to diversify exports. As far as the rural world was concerned, the Government embarked upon a policy of improving and modernizing living conditions, the electrification of important centres in the country, and supplying water to villages and development centres. In the field of education, the Government adopted important measures with a view to enabling all Burundi citizens without discrimination to go to school and university in the same conditions. This policy of the democratization of education was reflected particularly by the State's assumption of responsibility for all teachers and professors, by the building of school and university infrastructures, by the provision of teaching materials and scientific equipment, and by the granting of scholarships to all students. The sole condition laid down for this was that they be successful in competitions and examinations.
20.	With regard to health, the Government decided on the development and improvement of infrastructure in this area, while promoting the training and improvement of cadres.
21.	These health measures would have been futile if social justice in all its dimensions had not been established. That is why the people's revolution of 1 November 1976 called for the elimination of the vestiges of feudalism. It was in this context that we decided on agrarian and fiscal reform and also on the installation of a sound system of justice, which would be accessible to the people, by the creation of new courts.
22.	All these measures were taken in response to the wishes expressed clearly by the people in the course of many consultations which we held from the very first hours of the revolution on 1 November 1976. It is the constant dialogue going on between the people and ourselves which has made it possible for us today to endow with real content the well-known saying "government of the people, by the people and for the people."
23.	The reorganization of the UPRONA party, the crucible of national unity, and repository of the independence of our country, has no other goal but that of transferring power to the people through its organizations.
24.	Out of respect for the profound aspirations of the Burundi people, we did everything in our power to ensure that this mass party, membership of which is entirely free, should be in a position to conceive, guide and monitor all political, economic, social and cultural activities in our country.
25.	In order to permit the Burundi people effectively to exercise its prerogatives of sovereignty, we created the necessary conditions for the party to be able to guide and genuinely to control the executive. In other words, the people run and manage their own affairs in the communes and the provinces. Leaders are only kept in their posts to the extent that they enjoy the confidence of the people.
26.	Thanks to the political maturity of our people, we believe that the time has come to permit it to choose its leaders at all levels. This task is incumbent on the National Congress of the UPRONA party, a meeting of which is scheduled for the end of this year, and this will constitute in practice the consummation of the action already laid down at the level of the communal assemblies and provincial congresses of the renovated UPRONA party.
27.	In the light of the foregoing, we can claim that the State which we are organizing is one which will permit the Burundi people to perpetuate their history, to strengthen their age-old unity, to consolidate the victories they have won, to build their democracy and to determine their future in a free and sovereign manner. It is for the people of Burundi, in fact, to pronounce on the type of society which will safeguard their identity, while guaranteeing their progress in a world Ml of change.
28.	This is the role of the National Congress of the party, and this is why we quite rightly consider that this session of the party will constitute an event of primary importance in the national life of the Burundi people. We were therefore anxious to inform the United Nations and the whole international community of this, especially because we in Burundi consider that there must exist a certain harmony between internal options and a country's foreign policy.
29.	The guiding principles of our country's foreign policy are well known. These are good neighbourliness, positive non-alignment, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, international co-operation and support for national liberation movements.
30.	In the light of those principles which are, for us, inviolable, we propose first of all to deal with subjects relating to the question of decolonization, problems of security in the world, the advent of a new world order and the question of human rights.
31.	The emergence of new independent nations is an event of the first importance in international relations in this last quarter of the twentieth century. This phenomenon is explained by the struggle of peoples subjected to colonial domination and by international solidarity. In the course of this irreversible process of liberation, the United Nations has played an important role. However, in spite of the impressive volume of resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council the work of decolonization is not yet done.
32.	We believe that the time has come to tackle the true obstacles to decolonization.
33.	In so far as concerns Africa, we have come to the conclusion that it is strategic and material interests which put a brake on the liberation of South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Western Sahara,
34.	In our day Africa has, unfortunately, become the proving-ground for rivalry between the great Powers. This renewed interest in Africa can be explained, first and foremost, by the geographical situation of our continent, which is washed by both the Atlantic and Indian oceans and the Mediterranean Sea; secondly, by the disruption of political-military alliances in southern Africa following the liberation of Mozambique and Angola; and, thirdly, by the fact that Africa constitutes a vast reservoir of primary commodities and possesses very sizeable resources still unexploited owing to a lack of skilled people and adequate financial resources.
35.	Those three elements underlie certain policies of power and domination, such as those implied by the establishment of military bases and the presence of warships off the African continent and the policies of aggression continually engaged in by the racist colonial regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury against Angola, Mozambique and Zambia. It is also those strategic and economic interests which inspire the plans of certain Governments for the political and economic destabilization of progressive regimes in Africa.
36.	Conscious of those obstacles in the path of the liberation of African Territories still under racist colonial domination, we are convinced that it is our Organization's task to take the courageous measures that the situation requires,
37.	In the light of the events occurring in southern Africa, the United Nations must take energetic and bold measures that are called for and made necessary by the requirements of freedom and dignity. In particular we call upon Member States which maintain various relations with those racist and colonial regimes in southern Africa to review their policy which, in any case, is in quite clear contradiction with their own system of government and their statements in the United Nations. At a time of co-operation between States and of interdependence it is incomprehensible that millions of human beings should be sacrificed on the altar of strategic and economic interests, interests that are futile, because sooner or later the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe will become the true masters of their own countries and resources. History is rich in lessons in this area,
38.	It is for this reason that we suggest to the great Powers with their interests in southern Africa that they turn over a new leaf in their record of co-operation with the racist and colonial regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury and instead turn towards support for the national liberation movements with a view to preparing for the independence of those countries which are still under colonial domination and laying the foundations for solid co-operation.
39.	The example of the intensive co-operation which exists between the independent States of Africa and their partners in the Western world .should calm the exaggerated apprehensions and unjustified fears of certain countries or certain societies with regard to the maintenance of their interests in southern Africa after the liberation of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe.
40.	For all those reasons, we believe it is realistic completely to isolate the racist and colonial regimes in southern Africa. We therefore urge the Security Council to make use of the provisions, of Chapter VII of the Charter to impose economic sanctions on South Africa, Furthermore, we hope that the economic sanctions decided upon against Rhodesia will be strengthened.
41.	We, for our part, will continue to support the national liberation movements recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAU], that is to say, the South West Africa People's Organization for Namibia, the Patriotic Front for Zimbabwe, and the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania.
42.	We should also like to pay a tribute to the frontline countries, whose solidarity with the liberation movements has been the greatest encouragement for all the peoples engaged in the struggle for their survival and dignity. The international community should offer further support to those countries victims of repeated acts of unprovoked aggression by those regimes which have been condemned by history.
43.	The situation prevailing in Western Sahara is the result of a deliberate policy of recolonization, which has been reflected in the invasion, occupation and denial of the identity of the Saharan people. The sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held in Monrovia, Liberia, in July last, both reaffirmed the inalienable right of the Saharan people to self-determination and independence and recognized the need to permit that people to take a free decision about its future. The Burundi Government has always supported the just cause of the Saharan people under the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO.  We hope that the voice of African wisdom will be heeded by all the parties concerned and that the Saharan people will finally become masters of their Territory and destiny. Then arms will fall silent and a new era of co-operation and peace will dawn in the region.
44.	The situation prevailing in the Middle East is a matter of the greatest concern to us all. The international community has recently witnessed a major diplomatic offensive which culminated in the signing of the agreements between Egypt and Israel. Some thought that that was an important step towards peace. Unfortunately, at the present time peace and security still remain in jeopardy. The Palestinian people are still without a country and many other issues still remain unresolved—such as Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories and the status of Jerusalem.
45.	A just and lasting solution to the question of the Middle East must take account of all those elements the point of convergence of which is the concept of a home- rand and the formation of an independent State. It is in this context that we would encourage any initiative designed to revive peace negotiations among all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] representing the Palestinian people.
46.	In the face of increasing tension in the Mediterranean we call on those States parties to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to transform the region into a zone of peace and co-operation.
47.	Also in the context of the maintenance of international peace and security we whole-heartedly support the aims of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, which was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1971. We call on all States to review their policies of power, which consist of setting up or maintaining military bases in that area, in order to guarantee the sovereignty, territorial integrity and fruitful development of the region.
48.	Peace is an indivisible whole. Security in Africa, Europe and the Middle East would indeed be precarious if Asia, where most of humanity lives, were faced with large-scale conflicts. We have great respect for these peoples with their very old civilizations. Africa has ties of active solidarity forged through the history of the liberation of the African and Asian countries.
49.	We ask all South-East Asian States to settle all their conflicts or disputes themselves without outside interference, so as to safeguard world peace in this region. We sincerely hope that, thanks to their own genius, these States will be able to overcome the obstacles to their negotiations, so that the conditions for viable peace and fruitful co-operation in the region may be created.
50.	On the question of Korea, our Government supports the efforts towards the peaceful and independent reunification of that country. So that this goal may be achieved, all foreign troops must be withdrawn and all bases and other foreign military installations in South Korea must be dismantled. We would also like to draw the attention of the international community to the untoward effects the admission of a divided Korea to the United Nations would have.
51.	The Second World War was enough to demonstrate the drama of mankind's existence threatened by the huge arsenal of destruction made available to human societies through science and technology. Therefore it is urgent to do everything possible to avoid anew global conflagration and to discourage any escalation of violence, for the very survival of the human race. The only way to achieve this is to carry out complete and general disarmament. This will only be done by promoting a sense of solidarity and friendship among peoples and by making people aware of the danger represented by the arms race.
52.	In these circumstances, only political commitment by States can unleash the disarmament process. The Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly [resolution S-J0I2] represents a stage which should be stressed within this context. It is important that the measures recommended in this document should be followed up.
53.	The signing of the agreements reached at the conclusion of the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] by the United States and the Soviet Union is another encouraging sign. We hope that the negotiations during the third round of SALT will start soon.
54.	There is every reason to encourage the initiatives undertaken towards creating nuclear-weapon-free zones. Here we consider it imperative to take the appropriate measures for the application of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa, for the creation of zones free of nuclear weapons in the Middle East and in South Asia, and for the respect of the treaties and protocols banning nuclear weapons in Latin America.
55.	All these measures are of course only aimed at the establishment of true peace. There is no doubt that this implies stopping the arms race, reducing stocks of conventional weapons and destroying stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction.
56.	Nevertheless, if we want to achieve real peace, we must work towards the universal establishment of an order of justice and equity in international relations.
57.	The ever-growing gap between rich and poor countries, the persistence of an unjust international order in die distribution of resources and the maintenance of relations of domination are factors which give rise to serious tension which, in the long term, threaten the establishment of true peace on a global scale.
58.	The response to this situation can only be sought through the United Nations resolutions relating to the establishment of a new international order based on justice and equity. The advent of a new international order in the field of economic relations and information will be our next subject.
59.	In spite of the efforts made at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and later at the North-South Conference in Paris and at sessions of UNCTAD, we have to face the fact that the situation of inequality and injustice is getting worse; hence the need to transform the system of dependence and exploitation into relations of mutual benefit. It should be made clear at once that this struggle for economic liberation by the third-world countries is not directed against the industrialized countries.
60.	The claims of the developing countries are in fact those of having the sovereign rights to their own re-sources, the establishment of machinery for stabilizing the prices of primary commodities which they export, the creation of reasonable conditions of access to the international market, the transfer of science and technology to the developing countries, the reform of the international monetary system and finally international co-operation free of any alienation or humiliation.
61.	These demands by the third-world countries take real account of the interdependence of nations and the complementary nature of world economies.
62.	The full importance of this factor was really felt during the 1973 oil crisis. Drastic measures to deal with the root causes of the crisis should have been taken from then on. The industrialized countries did not have the courage to follow this course; hence the almost insurmountable difficulties which all countries must face. However, we must recognize that this crisis was
63.	This is why we believe that this category of countries deserves special attention from the international community. We hope that in the new development strategy and in the programmes being followed by the United Nations system as a whole the bulk of aid will be devoted to those countries which are the poorest.
64.	In this context we would like to stress the particular difficulties of land-locked countries. For some time the international community has been aware of the situation. The United Nations has even advocated special measures aimed at them.
65.	The creation of the United Nations Special Fund for Land-locked Developing Countries was a response to these countries’ concern. Unfortunately, for reasons which are still unclear, this fund enjoyed neither the sympathy nor the necessary support of the developed countries for the achievement of its aims. We can only express our regret, because the problem of being landlocked can only be overcome with the aid of the industrialized countries. When we say this we in no way wish to minimize sub-regional or regional co-operation in this field.
66.	The need for granting greater financial and technical assistance is particularly justified because these land-locked countries fall into the category of the least advanced of the developing countries. As members know, the international community has been made constantly aware of the vulnerable position of these poorest of the developing countries.
67.	In response to the wishes expressed by these countries, the fifth session of UNCTAD advocated a programme of action  which deserves the unreserved support of Member States and the whole of the international community. Within the same context, we hope that the international community will strengthen its - co-operation with the countries which have suffered from drought, and natural disasters and those which suffer from geographical disadvantages.
68.	Assistance on the part of the developed countries will only be able to achieve its objectives to the extent that the developing countries themselves are convinced of the need to strengthen their co-operation.
69.	The United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires last year, set up some important milestones in this area. We would like to reaffirm our support for the Plan of Action adopted by the Conference.  It does, indeed, seem to us appropriate to appeal to our friends in the third world who possess technology adapted to our conditions of development or who possess sizeable financial resources. In this context, we welcome as an important factor the intense co-operation which exists between Africa and the Arab world, whose historical, geographical and cultural ties are guarantees for the strengthening of this solidarity.
70.	We are also gratified by the growing co-operation between Africa, Asia and Latin America.
71.	However, this co-operation among developing countries would be strengthened if the movement of people and goods were not curbed by, among other things, the lack of infrastructure in the fields of transportation and communications. This is particularly true of Africa. The United Nations has officially recognized this fact by the proclamation of the United Nations Transport and Communications Decade in Africa for the period 1978-1988. This decision has been welcomed as an essential factor in the integrated development strategy of the African continent. We therefore hope that the programme and the measures proposed by the OAU will call forth a widespread response from Member States and the whole United Nations system.
72.	We should like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to UNDP, which has done pioneer work in this field. Indeed, UNDP has set the tone by its decision to set aside a certain sum from its reserves in order to support the objectives of the Decade. It is our firm hope that this example will be followed by Member States and all international institutions.
73.	It is, further, indispensable to reserve an important place in the new development strategy for the United Nations Transportation and Communications Decade in Africa.  In our view this would be an important contribution to the advent of the new international economic order.
74.	The new world order is founded not only on justice and equity in international economic relations, but also on the democratization of information. It is impossible to stress too much the role that information can play in the area of comprehension among men and mutual understanding among peoples. We believe that in order to attain this objective it is indispensable to strengthen vertical and horizontal co-operation with the view of bringing about free and balanced circulation of information. We must recognize the value and quality of the work done in this area by UNESCO.
75.	We should also like to encourage the work of the Committee to Review United Nations Public Information Policies and Activities. We would, however, welcome close co-operation between UNESCO and the United Nations Department of Public Information. In this effort to seek objectivity in the field of information, we must recognize the important role of non- official organizations. We must encourage efforts to establish better organized and more fruitful cooperation between the public and private information sectors.
76.	We, for our part, are ready to look into any formulas for co-operation with the representatives of the information sector, a sector which exercises such a great influence on the lives of individuals and peoples.
Indeed, it would be no exaggeration to claim that much change in the world is the result of the technological revolution in the information media. For example, if respect for human rights is today an important element in the credibility of a Government, this is in large measure due to the publicity resources employed by the information media.
77.	Since we are on the subject of human rights, should like to make clear the position of my Government on this question, which is a matter of fundamental concern to the international community.
78.	For a long time, stress has been laid on civil and political rights, while economic, social and cultural rights have been left aside. For our part, we believe that all these rights are indissolubly linked in terms of their conception and the universality of their application. Conceived in this way human rights embrace the rights of the individual in general, of women and children in particular, and also the rights of peoples and States.
79.	It is clear to us that it is the whole gamut of human rights that should guide us in our policies and positions in the appropriate United Nations organs. As a member of the Commission on Human Rights, Burundi has every intention of discharging its responsibilities in this area.
80.	We hope thus to deserve the confidence which the Governments of Member States have placed in our revolution.
81.	We assure the Assembly of the commitment of our Government to the triumph of the cause of liberty for men and peoples. In this way we will contribute to the building of a better world in which justice and co-operation prevail. We say this because, like all the other members of the Assembly, we are convinced that all our efforts should be aimed at the building of a new society, based on friendship and solidarity. For humanity, to which we all belong, shares a common destiny,
82.	The participation of all the nations of this General Assembly is the most convincing testimony of their commitment to justice and solidarity.
83.	We wish to extend our greetings to this Assembly as the builders of this society where peace, brotherhood and solidarity will prevail.


May I first convey to you, Mr. President, our warmest congratulations on your brilliant election to the high office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
159.	May I also pay a deserved tribute to Mr. Indalecio Lie'vano, the President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. We wish particularly to express our sincere thanks to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, and to his colleagues for the devotion and wisdom shown in their fruitful activities in the service of the interests of the international community.
160.	The Vietnamese delegation extends its best wishes and welcome to Saint Lucia on the occasion of its admission to the United Nations.
161.	It is with profound sadness and boundless grief that we learned of the premature death of the beloved leader of the Angolan people, a worthy son of Africa, a great friend of our people, the President of the People's Republic of Angola, Agostinho Neto, whose image is forever engraved in the heart of every Angolan and of every Vietnamese.
162.	The delegation of the Socialist Republic of VietNam warmly welcomes the great victories registered by the forces of national independence, peace and social progress throughout the world during the period following the thirty-third session of the General Assembly up to now. These resounding victories contribute to the downfall of a series of seemingly impregnable forts of imperialism and international reaction in vital positions, eliminating dangerous hotbeds of war and strengthening the potential for defending peace and the security of the peoples.
163.	In Latin America, the glorious victory of the Sandinist fighters and the heroic people of Nicaragua over the Somoza dictatorship has opened up a new page in the history of that nation. The heroic people of Grenada have overthrown the dictatorial Eric Gairy regime and continue their resolute struggle to safeguard their national independence and build their beautiful country.
164.	The Latin American countries, including those of the Caribbean region, are waging a tenacious struggle to consolidate their political and economic independence, to recover and preserve their natural resources and to promote their multifaceted co-operation. Joining the fraternal Cuban people, we demand an immediate and unconditional end to the encirclement and blockade of Cuba, compensation for the damages it has caused and the restoration of the Guantanamo naval base to that country. We support the rights of Panama to its absolute sovereignty over the Canal Zone.
165.	We reaffirm our active solidarity with the Chilean people, who are waging a valiant struggle against the Fascist clique in power. Likewise we energetically support the struggle of the peoples of Puerto Rico and Belize and other peoples still living under colonial domination for their right to self-determination and independence.
166.	We are elated by the excellent results of the visit by our Prime Minister, Pham Van Dong, to Cuba, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama and Jamaica. This visit to several countries in Latin America has opened up new prospects for relations of friendship and fruitful cooperation between Viet Nam and the countries of that region.
167.	In southern Africa, neither the ferocity of the racist and apartheid regimes nor their collusion with imperialism to impose so-called "internal settlements" can check the persistent struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, under the leadership of the Patriotic Front, SWAPO and the African National Congress of South Africa, respectively, for their independence, freedom and dignity.
168.	The agreement on cessation of hostilities between the Frente POLISARIO and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania constitutes an important victory for the Saharan people in their struggle for the exercise of their right to self-determination and independence.
169.	The separate arrangements in the Middle East only further strengthen the solidarity of the Arab peoples and international support for the struggle of the Palestinian people, whose sole authentic representative is the PLO, for the respect of their inalienable national rights. We join the international community in condemning the Camp David agreements and the so-called Treaty of Peace between Egypt and Israel and we reaffirm our unreserved support for the just claims of the Palestinian people in demanding the return to the Arab countries of their territories illegally occupied by Israel, including the Holy City of Jerusalem.
170.	In Asia, imperialism and international reactionaries have sustained the heaviest defeats at the very places where their collusion is closest and their efforts most intense. The revolutionary impetus of the Iranian people has put an end to the tyrannical regime of the Shah, thereby causing the collapse of the Central Treaty Organization. The people of Afghanistan have foiled all attempts at foreign intervention and subversion, thereby consolidating the gains of the April 1978 Revolution.
171.	In the region of the Indian Ocean the struggle of the peoples of the littoral countries has been stepped up with a view to turning that ocean into a zone of peace and demanding the withdrawal of imperialist military bases, in particular those on Diego Garcia, while in east Asia the presence of foreign troops in South Korea is sternly condemned by the international community. In South-East Asia, the peoples of Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam, overcoming countless difficulties, have scored resounding victories in the field of reconstruction as well as in that of national defence. The events of the past year have shown once again that the friendship and solidarity among the three countries of Indo-China constitute a vital question for them and at the same time a factor for peace and security in that region.
172.	The Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, which has just ended successfully in Havana, represents one of the most eloquent expressions of the determination of the peoples of non-aligned countries to strengthen their solidarity and develop their co-operation with other democratic and progressive forces in the common struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, hegemonism and expansionism, racism, including zionism and apartheid, and for the people's independence and freedom, for world peace and international security and for the establishment of a new international economic order.
173.	Together with peace-loving forces the world over, we warmly hail the signing of the SALT Treaty, which we consider an important contribution to international detente that would create favourable conditions for future negotiations on general and complete disarmament. We sternly condemn those who are stepping up the arms race and accelerating war preparations, thereby endangering world peace and international security. We support the consistent policy of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in favour of peace, detente, the strengthening of the security of the peoples and international co-operation. In this connexion, we welcome the initiative of Czechoslovakia in requesting the inclusion on the agenda of the present session of an item entitled, "Adoption of a declaration on international co-operation for disarmament".
174.	The peoples' struggle for their complete economic independence, for the recovery of their natural resources and for the establishment of a new, just and equitable economic order has developed unceasingly. However, it is a hard fact of life that in many developing countries the economic situation continues to deteriorate. The maintenance of an unjust international economic order has increasingly widened the gap between the exploiting developed countries and the developing countries. The deadlock in the North-South negotiations and the failure of the fifth session of UNCT AD confirm that the exploiting countries are trying by every means to perpetuate their selfish interests, while blaming the developing countries for the consequences of the world economic crisis, the energy crisis, inflation and so on.
175.	My delegation is glad to note that in this year of 1979 we have witnessed many great successes achieved in all regions of the world by the forces of peace, national independence, democracy and social progress. This is the essential direction for the development of the world situation at present. Nevertheless, imperialists, in collusion with international reactionaries, seek by every means to obstruct the advance of mankind, to try to regain their lost positions and to prepare new interventions and aggressions against the peoples that refuse to submit to their dictates.
176.	After more than three decades of undaunted struggle full of sacrifices to regain their independence and freedom, the Vietnamese people in the spring of 1975 won complete victory and achieved the reunification of their country. They thought that from then on they could devote themselves fully to the work of re-construction in peace.
177.	However, our independence was once again threatened and peace jeopardized, and this time the aggressors were precisely those who had in the past vociferously condemned United States aggression in Viet Nam and repeatedly pledged their fidelity to the cause of Viet Nam, namely, the Peking [Beijing] authorities.
178.	One may wonder then why Peking hurled 600,000 troops against Viet Nam when a deep friendship existed between those two neighbouring peoples; why, overnight, Peking treated a friendly neighbouring country as its worst enemy. It is indeed difficult to understand this, unless one knows that for a long time Peking has been hatching a global plan to bring Viet Nam under its heel and turn it into a tool of its hegemonistic and expansionist policy in South-East Asia and in the world. Those in power in Peking have always considered South-East Asia as their zone of natural expansion. In comparison with a big, over- populated China with a "superior culture’’, these are but small countries, under-developed but rich in resources. They looked especially to those countries where there are strong Chinese communities and Maoist subversive groups that provide two choice means of expansion for Peking. Because of its strategic position, Viet Nam constitutes for China the natural door through which to penetrate South-East Asia. Therefore, China scrupulously prepared plans to bend Viet Nam to its will.
179.	That plan comprised all kinds of manoeuvres, from giving assistance to Vietnamese resistance, to the use of that assistance as a means of control and pressure to make Viet Nam give up its policy of independence and toe the Peking line; from using the gains won by the Vietnamese people in their struggle as bargaining chips in bartering with imperialism, to committing aggression by proxy, and finally ending up with direct aggression. It is a matter of common knowledge that in the early 1970s, when the victory of Vietnamese resistance was certain, the Chinese leaders made a deal with their new allies with a view to perpetuating the division of Viet Nam and sharing zones of influence in that part of the world. The occupation by Chinese forces in 1974 of the Hoang Sa—or Paracel—islands of VietNam is clear evidence of this, among other proof.
180.	The total liberation of South Viet Nam in 1975 completely upset Peking's plans. Since then, the reactionary Chinese authorities have intensified their preparations for aggression against Viet Nam. They have thought they could exploit to the full the multiple difficulties that Viet Nam faces after 30 years of war. The prospect of an independent, unified and prosperous Viet Nam enjoying friendly relations with all countries seemed unacceptable to them. In their eyes, Viet Nam, which fiercely defends its independence and sovereign policy, constitutes a "bad example" for the South-East Asian countries and thus becomes a major obstacle to their expansionist and hegemonistic designs. Therefore, Peking had to eliminate this obstacle at any cost.
181.	Being more sophisticated and more cruel than their predecessors, the Chinese expansionists have chosen a new strategy—that of launching a two- pronged attack against Viet Nam on its south-western and its northern border, while seeking to foment disorder inside the country with the so-called Hoa problem, concerning persons of Chinese origin living in Viet Nam. They thus decided to utilize Kampuchea, which they totally controlled with the help of their henchmen, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary, as a base for their attacks against the south-western part of Viet Nam, thus striking at it from the rear and on its flank, choosing a place they thought was the weakest point in Viet Nam, namely, the newly liberated region in the southern part of our country.
182.	It is therefore not surprising that as early as 1965, taking advantage of the fact that Kampuchea was the weakest link of the three countries in this region and acting through its henchmen and using subversive methods, Peking was able to turn that country into a base for expansion in the region. After the liberation of Kampuchea that brought Pol Pot and Ieng Sary to power in that country, Peking brought in tens of thousands of Chinese military advisers and a huge amount of weapons and ammunition in order hastily to set up there an army 23 divisions strong.
183.	On the border of Northern Viet Nam, Peking massed hundreds of thousands of troops which carried out daily provocations and incidents, creating permanent tension, and stood ready to invade North Viet Nam.
184.	As the preparations were completed, the time for these two almost simultaneous attacks was set for the end of 1978 and the beginning of 1979. However, the aggressors, blinded by their ambitions of conquest, committed a grave strategic mistake in underestimating the Vietnamese forces and thus concentrating the bulk of their combat forces—19 out of their total of 23 divisions—in the border zone to launch an attack in the direction of Ho Chi Minh City. Faced with the rapid defeat of the Pol Pot army and the solidarity of the three peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, as well as with the firm support extended to Viet Nam by the socialist countries and peoples of the world, the Chinese authorities, before themselves plunging into the adventure, had to seek some blessing from their new friends across the ocean who are quite ready to play "the China card".
185.	The short time that elapsed between 23 December 1978, when the Pol Pot forces attacked Tay Ninh in the direction of Ho Chi Minh City, and 17 February 1979, when 600,000 Chinese troops were marched into North Viet Nam, clearly showed that Peking's two-pronged plan of aggression was carefully prepared long in advance. So it is clear that late in 1978 the Vietnamese people were faced with an extremely serious, life-or-death situation—their territory was threatened with invasion, their national rights trampled underfoot and the freshly-won peace suddenly lost. Endowed with a time-honoured tradition of a nation for which nothing is more precious than independence and freedom, the Vietnamese people once again took up arms to defend their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
186.	Exercising their right to self-defence, our people responded vigorously, smashing the Pol Pot forces that invaded Tay Ninh late in 1978, thus avoiding being caught in Peking's two-pronged attack and creating favourable conditions to repel victoriously the open aggression of 17 February 1979 launched by the Chinese expansionists.
187.	Had our people not acted thus and held firm, what would have become of the situation in the region? A conflagration would have broken out, possibly drawing into the flames many other countries and destroying peace and stability in the whole South-East Asian region.
188.	These developments have unveiled the aggressor's fallacious allegations about Viet Nam "daring" to provoke China by which it tried to justify its purpose of "giving Viet Nam a lesson". Those allegations are by no means different from those made by Hitler, who arrogated to himself the "right" to punish other nations.
189.	Was it because the Peking rulers take pride in having a human force of a billion inhabitants and having nuclear weapons at their disposal that they dare claim the arbitrary right to teach a lesson to another country?
190.	Whatever the real motivation of the hegemonistic Peking authorities may be, their behaviour is nothing but a revival of the concept of former Chinese emperors, who considered the people of countries around their "Celestial Empire" as barbarians or, at best, as vassals who had to be placed under feudal domination.
191.	One may wonder how in our era, in which the principle of relations between sovereign States is well established, and in which the principle of the equal sovereignty of States and the equal rights of people are enshrined in the United Nations Charter as basic tenets, a country—in this case China—can have acted in so arrogant, if not insolent, a manner, arrogating to itself the "right" to punish another country and to "teach it a lesson". Does Peking, in so doing, wish to set mankind back thousands of years? Can ethics and justice be discarded with impunity from international relations?
192.	We the Vietnamese people, victims of Chinese aggression, are entitled to ask the international community if it can tolerate such a thing. We appeal to it to condemn strenuously the Peking expansionists and not to let them arrogate to themselves the arbitrary ' 'right'' to "teach a lesson" to other countries, in defiance of the entire international community.
193.	We also demand that the Peking authorities halt immediately all their preparations for further aggression against Viet Nam, evacuate the points they still illegally occupy on our border, return to us the Hoang Sa—or Paracel—Islands and compensate us for the material losses they caused in their recent war of aggression in our six border provinces.
194.	During that aggression, Chinese troops brutally massacred civilians, destroyed all their means of livelihood, systematically razing to the ground commercial establishments, hospitals and schools. Those monstrous crimes not only caused immense suffering to the population of the six border provinces of Viet Nam but, what is worse, have cruelly impaired the economic reconstruction of Viet Nam, which still has to overcome the dire consequences of 30 years of war. The criminals must be punished for their crimes.
195.	After being defeated in its aggression against Viet Nam, China agreed to enter into negotiations with Viet Nam beginning on 18 April 1979. Yet, after more than five months and in the course of 12 negotiating sessions in Hanoi as well as in Peking, the Chinese side has consistently refused to respond positively to the logical and reasonable proposals put forward by the Vietnamese side on such urgent measures as the separation of armed forces and the creation of a demilitarized zone, so as to prevent a resumption of hostilities, preserve peace and thereby create conditions conducive to the solution of other issues and the normalization of relations between our two countries.
196.	On the contrary, Peking has, during this time, been feverishly engaged in war preparations and has created a most grave and explosive situation apt at any moment to turn into a major war in the Indo-China/ South-East Asia region. Peking is continuing to mass 12 divisions of its troops on the Viet Nam/China border; moreover, it has been stationing more than five army corps in the military regions adjacent to Viet Nam. Recently, it has been concentrating additional troops in the region of Hai Nan Island. Those Chinese armed forces have been engaged in daily provocations and in attacks on Vietnamese territory, causing us losses in human lives and property. In addition, Vietnamese air space and territorial waters are being repeatedly violated. At the same time, Peking has intensified its hostile acts against the Lao People's Democratic Republic, massing many divisions of Chinese troops on the borders of that country, and engaging in subversive activities and war preparations against Laos. In Kampuchea, Peking persists in its attempts to revive the last vestiges of the Pol Pot army, driving them to sabotage the peaceful reconstruction of that country. To top it all off, the men in power in Peking have been constantly threatening "to teach Viet Nam another lesson".
197.	These facts amply prove that China is feverishly hatching new aggression against Viet Nam—aggression which could be launched at any moment. No man of conscience can have any doubt about this. One may well wonder what country will be Peking's next victim after Viet Nam.
198.	Along with all those war preparations, in order to cover up their dark designs, the Peking authorities have mounted a campaign of slander against Viet Nam with the vociferous support of certain Western circles.
199.	This propaganda daily harks back to the allegation that Viet Nam "invaded" Kampuchea, that Viet Nam is "responsible" for the refugee problem that Viet Nam has become "an instrument of the Soviet Union".
200.	Through this slanderous campaign to sully the image of Viet Nam and to isolate it internationally, Peking is aiming precisely at preparing world opinion' before launching new act of armed aggression against our country.
201.	In the interest of peace and in the name of justice, we urgently call on the international community and on world public opinion to be vigilant, because behind all these Peking intrigues lurks a grave danger to peace and stability in South-East Asia and the world.
202.	In the face of this confusion created by Peking, we deem it necessary to shed light on the whole truth.
203.	Since the days when the Pol Pot regime committed genocide against its own people, it has become a renegade, and the United Front for the National Salvation of Kampuchea, which rose up to overthrow it and to save the Kampuchean people, represents revolutionary legality. Hence it is fully in keeping with international law and the United Nations Charter for Viet Nam to lend its support to this just struggle.
204.	In December 1978, while Pol Pot was massing 19 of his 23 divisions on the border ready to invade Viet Nam, leaving the rear unprotected, the United Front for the National Salvation of Kampuchea, taking advantage of that military blunder, as well as of the favourable strategic moment created by the rapid col-lapse of the Pol Pot fighting force in the face of the Vietnamese riposte, launched a general insurrection culminating in the overthrow of the Pol Pot regime, and thus put an end to the almost four years of nightmare for the Kampuchean people. That is the triumph of the revolution of the Kampuchean people in exercise of its right to self-determination. The world has witnessed the resurrection of a people that has, by upholding justice, escaped total annihilation. This resurrection contributes to wiping out one of the greatest shames of mankind, unprecedented in history, the abominable Pol Pot regime, and paves the way for the Kampuchean people "to go in search of light, to go in search of life", as said by the great Angolan poet Agostinho Neto. Let the valiant people of Kampuchea be allowed to rebuild its life in peace and to settle its own affairs as sovereign master of its own destiny.
205.	The situation in Kampuchea is stabilizing and settling down to normal. It is irreversible. As was indicated m the statement made on 26 September 1979 by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea is ready to accept, without political conditions, assistance given by all countries and international organizations which would be delivered directly to it as the only authentic and legal representative of the Kampuchean people. It denounces:
". . .the perfidious manoeuvre of the imperialists and of international reaction, which, exploiting the humanitarian aspect, poses the so-called problem of 'aid to both sides' or 'provision of relief to the inhabitants.' In fact, this manoeuvre is aimed at legalizing the provision of supplies to the remnants of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary troops in their opposition to the Kampuchean people, at deceiving public opinion as to the existence of this overthrown genocidal administration, and at laying foundations for a so-called 'political solution to the Kampuchean problem'. In this way they are interfering in the internal affairs of £he Kampuchean people."
206.	No reason whatever is to be found for talking about solutions. What should be denounced is the Chinese intervention in Kampuchea, the Chinese responsibility for the genocide committed by the Pol Pot- Ieng Sary clique against 3 million inhabitants of Kampuchea. Any manoeuvre aimed at reviving the Pol Pot- Ieng Sary clique, any manoeuvre aimed at creating "two Kampucheas", constitutes an intolerable interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and a gross violation of the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination and it only prolongs the sufferings of a nation which has already suffered too much. No, there exists only one Kampuchea: the People's Re-public of Kampuchea. There exists only one Government of Kampuchea: the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, the sole legal and authentic representative of the Kampuchean people.
207.	For their part, the Vietnamese people, together with all justice-loving people throughout the world, greet the martyred fraternal people of a resuscitated Kampuchea. We pledge to extend all necessary assistance and support for the reconstruction of their country.
208.	At the request of the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea and on the basis of the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co-operation signed between the two countries, Vietnamese troops are in Kampuchea both to help the Kampuchean people oppose Peking's attempts to reimpose the Pol Pot regime and to ensure peace and security. This stems from the spirit of traditional solidarity between the three peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea—a solidarity which dates not merely from yesterday, but which has been tempered in each country by a century of struggle for independence and which is one of the determining factors in their successive victories over much stronger enemies.
209.	On the refugee problem, we have said and now repeat that this is the consequence of the long years of wars of aggression which our people have undergone; the responsibility lies with those who invaded Viet Nam. At this moment Peking is seeking to exploit this question for political blackmail, and to prepare for a new war. At the Geneva conference on refugees as well as in co-operation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Viet Nam has shown its good will and has taken humanitarian steps aimed at making a contribution to the settlement of this question. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, the High Commissioner and world opinion have greatly appreciated our co-operation. It is deplorable that Washington—by sending warships of its Seventh Fleet to the vicinity of Vietnamese waters—and Peking continue to instigate the illegal departure of Vietnamese people from their country. No one can doubt that this is deliberate sabotage of the results of the Geneva Conference.
210.	Viet Nam is an independent and sovereign country. Its relations with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries are relations of friendship and cooperation based on mutual respect for independence and sovereignty. The Soviet Union and the socialist countries effectively helped us during our national resistance and they co-operate fraternally with Viet Nam in the reconstruction of the country; therefore it is normal that we have excellent relations. The Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation between Viet Nam and the Soviet Union contributes to the cause of peace and international co-operation and is not intended to oppose any third country. What is abnormal and unacceptable is that Peking has arrogated to itself the right to dictate to Viet Nam the conduct of its international relations, to impose on Viet Nam the choice of such and such a country with which Viet Nam should maintain relations. Peking must remember that the Vietnamese people have amply shown their spirit of independence not only in our era but for millennia.
211.	The recent painful ordeals of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, like other peoples' own experiences throughout the world, show quite clearly that a new danger is threatening the international community: Peking hegemonism, in collusion with imperialism, is challenging the peoples of the world. We must increase our vigilance and we must act in time to halt their dark designs. Mankind's fight has not ended against these scourges: imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, apartheid, Zionism and now the hegemonism of Peking which has been added to this list of ills. But we are convinced that the joint forces of peace, independence and freedom all over the world will be capable of taking up the challenge and winning.
212.	We welcome the initiative of the Soviet Union in requesting the inclusion on the agenda of this session of the item entitled "inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations". We unreservedly support the draft resolution submitted by Comrade Andrei Gromyko, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, for adoption by the United Nations.
213.	We warmly welcome the resounding victories scored by the Lao people in their work of reconstruction as well as in their defence of their national independence, foiling all manoeuvres of the Peking authorities aimed at fomenting troubles in the country and at preparing a large-scale attack against it. If the Peking authorities try to teach Viet Nam a "second lesson" by invading Lao territory, the consequences for them will be extremely serious. The people and Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will spare no effort to tighten the ties of friendship and militant solidarity with the fraternal people and the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
214.	Viet Nam and China are neighbouring countries with historical, cultural and other ties which date back thousands of years. The two peoples—Vietnamese and Chinese—have lived the same past, and supported each other in their struggle against feudalism, colonialism and imperialism. In the course of this struggle an indestructible friendship and solidarity was forged. The Vietnamese people will never forget the fraternal sentiments and valuable assistance of the great Chinese people during the Vietnamese struggle for national salvation. That is why we cherish even more our friendship and solidarity with the Chinese people and why we are all the more determined to oppose the hegemonist and expansionist policy of the present Peking rulers, for it constitutes an offence to the sentiments of our two peoples and aims at destroying what we were trying so hard to build together.
215.	To the leaders in Peking we make a pressing appeal: if they stop their hostile policy against Viet Nam, peace will be restored, relations will be normalized, and the two countries will live in harmony for the good of our respective peoples and in the interests of stability and prosperity in the whole region. We should like to proclaim our firm and unshakable will to defend our independence, national heritage and territorial integrity. Nevertheless, we wish to settle all disputes between our two countries by means of peaceful negotiations. We have proved our good will. Let the Chinese leaders do the same. Only in that way will negotiations progress and achieve the results so deeply hoped for by our two peoples and by all peace-loving peoples in the world.
216.	The South-East Asian countries, including Viet Nam, have gone through the same painful past under colonialism. They have been victims of the same policy of "divide and rule" of the oppressors. Yet, in spite of the vicissitudes of contemporary history, our countries are called upon to live in good neighbourliness. As for the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, it is determined to forget the past, to look forward to the future and to do its best to write jointly with other countries a new page in the history of the region. It is in this spirit that during recent years my country has taken the initiative to increase direct contacts at various levels with the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations with a view to establishing together a zone of peace, independence, freedom and neutrality, a zone of stability and prosperity, in conformity with the legitimate interests of each country and with those of world peace and international security.
217.	In our relations with the countries of South-East Asia, we advocate the following principles which we scrupulously observe: mutual respect for independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, non- aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, the non-use or threat of use of force, refrain from all forms of subversion—direct or indirect, equality, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence.
218.	However, it is regrettable that certain countries of South-East Asia which, during the years of our national resistance, had involved themselves more or less closely with imperialist aggression against our country have, at this moment, willy-nilly, allowed themselves to be drawn along in the wake of Peking against the peoples of Viet Nam and other countries of the Indo- Chinese peninsula. It is our sincere hope that those countries will pull themselves together in time, first of all in their own national interests but also in the interests of peace, stability and co-operation in the region.
219.	Have not we countries of South-East Asia come to an understanding that it is desirable to consult with one another on problems of mutual interest? As far as Viet Nam is concerned, we have always favoured contacts and we want to maintain dialogue in order to achieve further mutual comprehension, avoid misunderstandings, narrow differences and increase similarities. Undoubtedly, that is the most appropriate way to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia. In this spirit Viet Nam is prepared to sign treaties of peace and non-aggression with the other countries of South-East Asia.
220.	We firmly believe that, by signing such treaties, the peoples of South-East Asia will show the international community that they are willing to contribute actively to the cause of peace and stability in the region and in the world at large.
221.	Viet Nam has never harmed the interests of any country. In turn, it will not tolerate any violation of its independence and sovereignty. The more the Vietnamese people cherish their independence and freedom, the more they respect the independence and freedom of other peoples.
222.	While fighting for its own salvation against Peking hegemonism, Viet Nam is contributing to the defence of the independence of peoples and the peace and stability of the region. The foreign policy of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is a policy of independence, sovereignty, peace, friendship, solidarity and international co-operation.
223.	The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam advocates the development of normal relations and a diversified co-operation with all countries, regardless of political systems, on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence.
224.	The Vietnamese people fully realize that the struggle which they waged in the past, like the one they are now carrying out for their national interests, is an integral part of the common struggle of the peoples of the world for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress, a policy which corresponds perfectly with the objectives of the non-aligned movement and with those of the United Nations as well.
225.	On this occasion I should like, on behalf of the people and Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, to express our sincere gratitude to our friends and brothers all over the world for the sympathy and support which they gave us in the reconstruction of our country and in the defence of our national independence.
226. At present the United Nations has 152 Member States. The non-aligned movement, for its part, has 95 nations in its ranks. The forces which stand for the defence of peace and national independence against aggression have experienced a new development. They also stand for foiling the designs of Peking hegemonism in collusion with imperialism, and for the establishment of a lasting peace for all nations. The Vietnamese people are more determined than ever to contribute with all their strength to this great cause of mankind.