First of all, allow me to congratulate my
colleague, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal,
Professor Diogo Freitas Do Amaral, on the occasion of
his election to the high post of the President of the
General Assembly.
Each of the 50 sessions of the General Assembly has
been a step for the international community on a difficult
road in search of peace within itself, for the strengthening
of the indispensable role of the United Nations. The
current session will be marked as the anniversary session
by the addresses to be made by the Heads of State and
Government in late October. Russia’s views on the
prospects and difficulties of establishing partnership in a
multi-polar and interdependent world — and it is with
equal partnership that we link our national and state
interests — will be stated by the Head of the Russian
State, President Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin.
If half a century of experience of the United Nations
teaches us anything, it teaches us first of all that only the
equality of States and respect for the diversity of cultures,
religions and national traditions can serve as the basis for
security and prosperity in the modern world. But the
formula “unity in diversity” also presupposes everyone’s
compliance with fundamental principles of international
law and order, respect for human rights and the
6

promotion of economic progress. This is the essence of the
United Nations Charter, which identifies both common
ideals and goals and equal rights and obligations for all
States without “double standards”.
They say that generals always prepare for the last war.
Politicians and diplomats have no right to prepare for the
last peace. On the contrary, it is necessary to avoid slipping
back into a bloc mentality and dividing countries into
“friends and foes”, whether in politics or in economics.
We can indeed make the next 50 years an era of the
United Nations if we accept as its basis the indivisibility of
international security and sustainable social and economic
development for all.
This question becomes more and more acute against
the background of humanitarian disasters in Africa and
other regions of the “third world”, and the social price of
the initial stage of reforms in the post-socialist countries.
No one will be able to hide from global problems behind
dividing lines of national egotism and economic
discrimination, or even expanding military alliances. Such
things will not rein in, but rather spur on the spread of
international terrorism and drugs, and whip up the flames
of local conflicts and the arms race.
One of the principles of the “Agenda for
Development” which is being formulated now should be the
early elimination of the remaining discriminatory
restrictions in the world economy, trade and technology
transfer. In particular, Russia, which is successfully
implementing unparalleled reforms, should be recognized as
an equal trade and economic partner with an economy in
transition.
Such a strategy should also provide for the promotion
of the economic rehabilitation of countries and regions
affected by armed conflicts. The United Nations, its
specialized agencies and Member States should immediately
begin to address directly the problem of the economic
rehabilitation of Bosnia and the former Yugoslavia as a
whole, whose peoples have suffered from war and
economic sanctions that have been in effect for too long.
Russia is ready to take an active part in these efforts, and
we do and will continue to contribute substantially to a
political settlement. The real chances for such a settlement
should not be sacrificed to power or unilateral approaches.
The international community should make equally
great efforts to achieve progress in all aspects of the peace
process in the Middle East and the post-conflict
rehabilitation of all States of that region. We congratulate
Israel and the Palestinians on the occasion of their
reaching an agreement in Taba, whose official signing
ceremony will take place on 28 September next in
Washington under the chairmanship of President Clinton.
We intend to continue our joint efforts with the United
States and to make our contribution to the coming
Amman summit conference.
Europe needs a new model of general and
comprehensive security, without double standards or
dividing lines.
International dialogue on this issue is already under
way. I believe that the active involvement of the United
Nations and its specialized agencies is necessary to the
efforts aimed at the development of this model.
Incidentally, the General Assembly was born in the Old
World.
A new approach is required to disarmament issues in
Europe. On the basis of the implementation of the
Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty (certainly
taking into account new realities) as early as next spring
we should arrive at new major agreements based on the
unity of the vital security interests of the peoples of the
continent instead of the bloc logic of the past.
Our proposal to all nuclear-weapon States to
elaborate a treaty on nuclear safety and strategic stability
has become even more timely.
The indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation
Treaty establishes favourable conditions for this. Our
common task is to create the necessary political
conditions for those States that have not already done so
to accede to it as non-nuclear States. We consider it
necessary, as a matter of priority, to conclude as soon as
possible, but not later than 1996, work on the
comprehensive test-ban treaty. From this rostrum, Russia
calls for a universal and permanent moratorium on
nuclear tests.
The summit of the “Political Eight” on nuclear
safety, which is to be held next spring in Moscow at the
initiative of the President of Russia and which was
approved in Halifax, will make a major contribution to
global stability.
We would like the United Nations to take urgent
measures on the prevention of illicit trafficking in light
firearms and the proliferation of anti-personnel mines. It
7

is these “light” firearms that have led to enormous human
losses in Rwanda and Angola, Liberia and Bosnia,
Tajikistan and Abkhazia. Russia has already introduced a
moratorium on the export of the most dangerous types of
anti-personnel mines. We urge other States to follow our
example.
This issue should be seriously considered in the United
Nations Disarmament Commission. While supporting the
activities of the Commission, we believe that it should
adopt a new agenda corresponding to the current scale of
cooperation in the area of security and to new threats and
challenges in this field.
The problem of global adherence to a single standard
in the area of human rights and basic democratic
institutions is very acute. Russia, approaching free,
multipartite parliamentary and presidential elections, is
making its own contribution to the establishment of these
very standards. We invite observers from foreign States and
international organizations to attend the forthcoming
elections.
It was not so long ago that dozens of agenda items of
the General Assembly were devoted to the struggle against
apartheid. Now it seems unbelievable that this problem has
been solved, owing to a large extent, to the efforts of the
United Nations. I sincerely welcome the accomplishments
of the people and the Government of South Africa, headed
by Nelson Mandela, in the democratization and creation of
a free, multiracial society.
But did we manage to overcome the danger of
violence arising through fascism, racism, and political and
religious extremism? Alas, the answer is far from
reassuring. That is why the international community has no
right to abandon its efforts in this direction and must not
tolerate the emergence of double standards.
The signing of the CIS conventions on human rights
and fundamental freedoms and on the rights of national and
language minorities was the response of the CIS States to
the United Nations recommendations on the creation of a
single humanitarian sphere in this part of the world.
However, much has yet to be done before a unitary
approach to human rights can become a norm of life for,
among others, 25 million of our compatriots in some
countries of the Commonwealth and the Baltic States. A
double standard here is unacceptable.
Russia is interested in the adoption at this session of
decisions on such issues as the struggle against racism, all
forms of xenophobia and aggressive nationalism, ensuring
the rights of minorities and the promotion of democracy
and the rule of law in countries in transition. The United
Nations should further pursue its policy of qualitative
improvement of the international human rights protection
machinery, primarily by strengthening its control and
preventive functions and enhancing its focus on specific
action. The policy of single standards must become an
incontestable rule in the sphere of peace-keeping as well.
Justice without force is powerless, while force without
justice is tyrannical.
There have been many achievements in United
Nations peace-keeping efforts. Without the Blue Helmets,
the world would be much more dangerous and dozens of
conflicts would have been much more bloody. We are
proud that approximately 20,000 Russian servicemen are
serving as peace-keepers in United Nations and CIS
operations.
However, if we want force always to go hand-in-
hand with justice in the activities of the United Nations
and those who cooperate in them, strict observance of
Security Council decisions must be ensured. Here, the
Secretary-General and his staff can always count on the
support of Russia and, I am confident, of all other
Members of the United Nations. The United Nations
should be protected from setbacks like that which has
occurred in Bosnia.
In general, it is necessary radically to improve
United Nations peace-keeping through precision of the
criteria and terms of the United Nations involvement in
areas of tension; a close linkage between peace-keeping
operations and efforts to achieve the peaceful settlement
of conflicts; the efficient operation of the whole
functional chain — peace-keeping planning, command
and control. We are for the earliest possible
implementation of the Secretary-General’s proposal on the
establishment of United Nations reserve forces.
We welcome the conclusion of the Convention on
the protection of United Nations personnel, which I
signed today on behalf of Russia. This instrument will
help to save lives of hundreds of peace-keepers in hot
spots of the world.
Peace-making activities undertaken by Russia and its
Commonwealth partners contribute to a considerable
extent to ensuring regional and international stability. We
appreciate fruitful cooperation with the United Nations in
Tajikistan and Georgia. However, the United Nations
8

support of our collective efforts sometimes unfortunately
reminds us of a saying: “Too little, too late”. Russia,
together with its CIS partners, expects the United Nations
to make a radical change in its attitude towards peace-
making problems in our part of the world.
During the 50 years of the existence of the United
Nations, sanctions have been an instrument that the
Organization has used to deal with the instigators of
conflicts. Now, the time has come to give this instrument
a more selective and precise nature. The principal criteria
in this regard are: distinct objectives underlying sanctions,
advanced coordination of conditions, and mechanisms for
lifting them once the objectives are attained.
As a newly elected member of the Executive Council
of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees, Russia intends to make an essential contribution
to overcoming a new global crisis, namely the tragedy of
millions of refugees. To this end, we intend to seek
practical results from the international conference on
refugees and migrants within the post-Soviet space.
At this session the General Assembly should give new
impetus to collective efforts by the international community
in combating crime, illicit drug-trafficking and terrorism.
The explosions in Oklahoma and Paris, the taking of
hostages in Budennovsk and chemical terrorist attacks in
Tokyo — these are bells tolling for us all.
Whatever agenda item we consider, we are convinced
time and again that the answers are to be found only on the
basis of a single standard: respect for the United Nations
Charter and for the purposes and principles of the United
Nations that have withstood the severe tests of the past five
decades and are lighting the way into the twenty-first
century.


The United Nations has today reached a historic
turning-point for at this session, we are celebrating the
fiftieth anniversary of its founding. I am convinced that
this Assembly will benefit greatly from the President’s
vast experience as a distinguished jurist. On behalf of my
delegation, I would like to extend to Mr. Freitas do
Amaral my sincere congratulations on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly for a session which
will undoubtedly prove to be productive.
We are deeply indebted to Mr. Amara Essy for the
active and competent way in which he conducted the
proceedings of the forty-ninth session of the General
Assembly. It should indeed be noted that a number of
problems and reforms had the benefit of particular
attention under his presidency.
We would also like to express our gratitude and our
high regard to the Secretary-General for his enlightened
and pragmatic leadership. Today, more than ever, the
universality of the United Nations offers to many of us
the possibility of having our voices heard throughout the
world. We would also congratulate the Secretary-General
on his efforts to preserve and strengthen the role of the
United Nations in its work for peace, collective security
and development.
The situation in the world today, marked as it is by
a multiplicity of hotbeds of tension, demonstrates to us —
if that were necessary — the paramount role of the
United Nations. This is naturally a subject for reflection
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and of course a useful matter for us to ponder when we
analyse our compliance with the Charter and the ideals set
forth in it as we now stand on the threshold of an era
which, without any doubt, will prove vital for mankind.
Today, indeed, we are living in a different world — a
world which the end of the cold war has stripped of the
structures and priorities that were familiar to it. New crises,
difficult to understand and to which we must today find
appropriate responses, have arisen in all parts of the world.
Neither States nor even regions can deal with them
effectively and individually.
The explosion of ethnic identities, too long suppressed,
and the breaking up of States, have posed formidable
challenges to the international community, thus threatening
international peace and security. The crises that are
ravaging the world today are not as specific as those of the
cold-war era. Since they fall outside the focus of interest of
the great Powers, the responsibility for action falls on the
United Nations. However, the absence of clear-cut
mandates, plus the inadequacy of resources, is partially
responsible for the performance of the United Nations in its
new role as guarantor of peace. In the light of these
circumstances, it is no surprise that early intervention is
often late in coming. But when the United Nations does
possess the necessary resources and support, it can achieve
commendable results.
The persistence of social and economic crises, the
collapse of Governments and structures underlie this
outbreak of civil conflicts in the world. It is clear that it is
not enough simply to separate the combatants and stop the
fighting in order to eliminate the multidimensional causes
of these conflicts. Until these causes are understood and
combated from the very outset of the crisis, we will never
be in a position to combat the flagrant acts of violence
against civilian populations. Until we are ready to offer
firm resistance to injustice, to acts of aggression, to
continuing violations of human rights and peoples, we will
be doomed to watching history repeat itself over and over
again. Recent experiences of the United Nations have
demonstrated this, but none of them is more revealing than
the history of Bosnia.
Nothing has contributed as much as Bosnia to
engendering a feeling of outrage within the international
community. Although numerous resolutions of the Security
Council reaffirming the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of Bosnia, confirming the inadmissibility of the annexation
of territory by force and condemning “ethnic cleansing”
have been adopted, the reaction of the international
community to the challenge posed by the Serbs has
always been hesitant and confused. The cost of this war
in terms of loss of human life, hardship and material
destruction is frightening. Serb bombings have turned the
designated “safe areas” into vast prisons. Sarajevo has
suffered by far the most from Serb strangulation.
However, the fall of the “safe areas” of Srebrenica
and Zepa marked a turning-point in the attitude of the
great Powers in this long and bloody conflict. These acts
of genocide undoubtedly constitute one of the greatest
humiliations for the international community since the
Second World War. The combined effects of bombings
and diplomacy seem to have negated Serb domination on
the ground at the same time as it has promoted prospects
for peace. Furthermore, United Nations personnel and
humanitarian convoys are no longer exposed to Serb
attacks thanks to the recent resolve shown by the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization. For the time being,
aggression is not paying off and the Serbs seem to have
partially renounced their traditional tactic of murdering
civilians with impunity. Over all, developments in the
situation have dealt a new hand and breathed new life
into the peace process. We welcome this new attitude, but
peace must be both durable and honourable for all people.
Bosnia, as a sovereign State, must be protected. Similarly,
Sarajevo must be preserved as a multiracial and
multicultural city.
The handshake between President Arafat and Prime
Minister Rabin in September 1993 was a source of great
hope and we can but rejoice further at recent events. The
second phase of negotiations led to the signing in
Washington of the Taba Accord on 28 September 1995.
We can only welcome that outcome. We encourage the
two parties to persevere in their efforts to expedite the
implementation of these agreements. They must strive to
contain the violence of extremists and to take all
necessary measures to strengthen mutual trust, which will,
undoubtedly, contribute to lasting peace.
The mutual recognition of Israel and of the PLO has
opened up a tremendous opportunity to strengthen peace
and development in the Middle East, as well as trading
and economic potential for the entire region. These are
the stakes and neither of the parties, neither the
Palestinians nor the Israelis, should underestimate the
importance of this new perspective.
Sometimes there are mixed feelings about United
Nations efforts around the world to contain hostilities and
settle disputes. The United Nations has effectively been
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paralysed and hamstrung by the lack of resources and the
absence of any precise mandate during the crisis in
Rwanda. The establishment of the International Tribunal,
for Rwanda which is responsible for trying and prosecuting
the persons guilty of genocide has also been delayed.
Serious political dialogue can be broached, because it
would be hard to deny that those who promoted,
encouraged or committed crimes must be taken to court.
Furthermore, the whole issue of the reconciliation and
reconstruction of the country has failed because of
persistent internal tension and delays in the deployment of
international aid. An enormous task still lies ahead, not just
in terms of the repatriation of refugees but also of the
reconstruction of destroyed infrastructures, including
housing, schools and medical facilities.
In many respects, there are great similarities between
the situation in Burundi and that in Rwanda. To date,
all-out civil war has been avoided but the situation remains
extremely volatile. The region as a whole is in need of true
reconciliation. We welcome the efforts of the Secretary-
General, who is trying, through constant contact, dialogue
and visits to the area, to resolve these complex problems.
His recent decision to appoint an experienced diplomat to
organize a national conference to promote reconciliation
and mutual understanding among the countries of the region
is a wise decision.
After almost two decades of fratricidal and destructive
warfare, Mozambique is today ready to begin the work of
national reconstruction following the peace process. We
should congratulate all the parties that have taken part in
the political transformation of Mozambique on having
adhered to the peace process. Mozambique, with its
tremendous potential for economic recovery and
development, has a great future ahead, which it should turn
to full advantage. This is a country for which the
international community has every reason to congratulate
itself for having given it timely support and substantial
resources to back the peace process.
In Haiti, the refusal of the army to comply with the
peace agreement and its intransigence in spite of the
condemnation of the international community left the
United Nations with no alternative but to take resolute
action, beginning with economic sanctions, and then
international intervention. This made it possible for the
United Nations to deploy a peace-keeping mission there.
With the return of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide,
political violence and human rights violations have been
greatly reduced. There is now a basis for ensuring the
security of the population, guaranteeing increased political
participation and consolidating democracy.
The untiring efforts in the long and difficult
negotiations in Lusaka to restore peace in Angola finally
led to an agreement on a general cease-fire and the
establishment of a government. The United Nations
played a prominent role in these negotiations with the full
support of three observer States. Much remains to be
done, but progress has been steady and positive. The
future of Angola will depend on the political will and
determination of its leaders to forge a new vision, a new
nation.
In Liberia, the determination of the United Nations
and of the countries of the region has made it possible
finally to conclude an agreement between the parties.
Hostilities are nearing an end, and a cease-fire is to be
negotiated. This agreement, concluded just a month ago,
does not mean that our troubles are over, but we can see
the light at the end of the tunnel. The Liberian people
seem determined to put a final end to this long and
destructive war, and it is the duty of the international
community to contribute to this long-awaited outcome the
necessary resources and substantial support.
Last year, we witnessed the end of United Nations
operations in Somalia, when it became clear that the
determination of the various Somali parties to reach a
compromise in the interests of the people of Somalia was
visibly lacking. Somalia has fallen into oblivion. It is
suffering from total political paralysis. Once again, it is
the same old story: warfare among factions. The country
must be helped to get off to a new start in order to create
better prospects for peace and stability.
We must recall that the prospect of a new civil war
is more likely than ever. The spectre of famine is looming
on the horizon. And the personnel of international aid
organizations faces a difficult choice: to accept a state of
increasing insecurity or to abandon the country to chaos.
We want to hope that, no matter how complex and
desperate the political situation in Somalia, the
international community will not abandon that country
and will continue to provide the necessary support to the
Somalis, in particular in the realm of humanitarian
assistance. We hope, moreover, that our brothers in
Somalia will find the path to wisdom and engage in
constructive negotiations to put an end to the suffering of
the Somali people.
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My country, the Republic of Djibouti, continues to
face difficulties in our economic development that are
exacerbated by the presence of refugees and displaced
persons, which make up more than 25 per cent of our
population. The pressure thus placed on our infrastructures,
our medical services, our housing sector and on education
and employment is more than we are able to deal with. The
cumulative effects of the civil wars that have raged in
recent years, both in our country and in neighbouring
countries, and of natural disasters — drought as well as
floods — have seriously hindered our efforts in the area of
development.
A new era of peace and political stability has begun in
my country, which regained its reputation as an oasis of
peace after the signing of the peace agreement of December
1994 and the formation in June 1995 of a new Government
that reflected the new situation.
Once peace had been achieved, and without any
transition, we began the difficult process of redressing our
country’s finances and economy, which had been seriously
affected by the consequences of three years of internal
conflict and the negative world economic situation.
The first phase of a vast restructuring programme,
proposed by the Government and approved by the
Parliament, has just been launched through the
implementation of various measures involving severe
budgetary restrictions. In addition to these measures, we are
currently negotiating with the International Monetary Fund
and the World Bank for the means to carry out a structural
adjustment programme. Furthermore, in accordance with the
resolutions of the Copenhagen World Summit for Social
Development, we wish to preserve our social achievements,
without which no lasting development can be envisaged.
On the regional level, Djibouti is still working towards
the establishment of a climate of cooperation in all areas.
The member countries of the Inter-Governmental Authority
on Drought and Development (IGADD) and of the
Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa
(COMESA) have great potential and resources, and IGADD
and COMESA are the best instruments for harmonization
and coordination to maximize the exploitation of these
resources.
On the international scene, Djibouti has discharged
productively and responsibly its current term in the Security
Council, and thanks all the countries that have supported it.
Our participation in peace-keeping operations, particularly
in Rwanda and Haiti, where Djibouti’s police and armed
forces are currently serving, is one of the best proofs of
this.
Together with its neighbours, Djibouti hopes to be in
a position to struggle against, and overcome, the
consequences of instability and conflicts in our region.
We share the Secretary-General’s view that the work
of the United Nations is frequently misunderstood. The
development crisis is often overlooked because of the
priority given the short-term alleviation of emergency
situations. But development is no less urgent — quite to
the contrary — because today development is a global
issue, and peace, the economy, the environment, social
justice and democracy are its various aspects. The
pressures created by poverty, unemployment and social
disintegration are no longer contained within individual
frontiers; they affect our entire “global village”, moving
from country to country and from region to region. Only
consistent growth and lasting development will be able to
halt them. But, clearly, no country, no region can alone
successfully face these problems. Even the best-
performing economies will face high unemployment if
world economic growth is not sufficient to absorb their
production. If we restrict ourselves to promoting growth
in some sectors to the exclusion of others, the result of
the growth will be unimpressive.
But it is most surprising that despite the fact that
world economic growth yields sufficient resources to
easily eliminate extreme poverty from the face of the
Earth, poverty not only persists but continues to increase.
The world has a great need of an engine for growth
worldwide, a role played by the United States
immediately after the Second World War, when it
broadened world markets. But we can no longer hope that
a single country will take on this function. Likewise,
outdated international economic policies and institutions
are standing in the way of investments, the creation of
development programmes and the markets necessary to
increase demand in the third-world countries and
consequently stimulate economic growth.
Aside from this global reality, the difficulties faced
by sub-Saharan Africa are sui generis. The Secretary-
General himself recently called the economic results in
Africa disappointing, even in the countries that are
engaged in-depth reforms. Thirty-three of the 48 least-
developed countries in the world are in Africa. There are
many results of this state of affairs and they are well
known. The recent onslaught of ethnic conflicts and civil
wars has greatly contributed to instability, to the many
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faces of poverty and to the underdevelopment of that
region. These conflicts have forced millions of people to
seek refuge in other countries or to become displaced
persons. The situation is particularly tragic for women and
children.
If Africa is to have a serious chance to develop, the
crushing burden of foreign debt must be alleviated. The
long-term debt of the African continent, amounting to $37
billion, constitutes about one-half of the debt owed by all
the countries of the “third world”. Very few of those
countries are in a position to repay their debt.
However, for Africa at least to come close to the
objective of 6 per cent of annual growth in its gross
domestic product, as envisaged by the United Nations New
Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s, would
require substantial external assistance. Even those among us
who, in Africa, have opted for free markets and healthy
currencies, view privatization and balanced budgets with
scepticism.
This situation, exacerbated by the shocks created by
structural adjustment programmes and political reform, is
continuing to intensify internal pressures and social
tensions.
It is important to maintain aid levels during this
transitional period because this will contribute to stabilizing
the economic conditions that would permit the emergence
of political and social conditions propitious to free
institutions. Without such assistance, our fragile economies
are threatened with collapse before they can even attempt
to carry out their reforms. Yet, the fact is that for the
majority of African countries now engaged in this effort,
the flow of capital and assistance in all forms is beginning
to dry up.
As the President of the General Assembly has rightly
said, the world is passing through a transitional period that
is still “vague, confused and imprecise” (Official Records
of the General Assembly, Fiftieth Session, Plenary
Meetings, 1st meeting, p. 6). The effort to identify, to
understand, to assign priorities and to try to remedy
problems whose dimensions have profoundly changed has
just begun. It is revealing, indeed, that in his statement the
President told the General Assembly that the new
international order that is to be built must not leave out the
United Nations, either by replacing it or by doing away
entirely with it.
For the United Nations represents a concept of work,
an expression of the idea whereby all mankind should
unite its strength to solve problems and improve its
conditions of life. To replace, weaken or marginalize the
United Nations would constitute an assault on this
concept.
The United Nations, that is, mankind working
together, should be the central mechanism through which
the world can achieve lasting growth and to lend
credibility and legitimacy to our efforts. Peace and
security remain important questions, but development and
economic and social problems are just as vital.
The structure of the United Nations should reflect
the realities and present problems as they really exist in
order to tackle them in an effective, professional way.
Djibouti favours the constant monitoring of United
Nations operations in order to define means and methods
to eliminate all waste and reduce unnecessary costs.
However, the improvement of the functioning and
the structure of the United Nations will prove of limited
use if the Organization does not have the resources it
needs to operate. The time has perhaps come to envisage
new methods for financing the United Nations. In
addition, in the realm of collective security there is a vital
need to enlarge the Security Council, while respecting the
principle of equitable geographical representation, and to
make it more democratic and more transparent. The
structure and functions of the Council should be
periodically reviewed as the international situation
evolves.
In conclusion, we are the United Nations, and the
United Nations is us. Together we can achieve great
things.


On behalf of the Indonesian
delegation I should like to offer our congratulations to
Mr. Freitas do Amaral of Portugal on his election as
President of the fiftieth session of the General Assembly.
We are confident that under his able guidance we will
make substantive progress in our work.
To his distinguished predecessor, Mr. Amara Essy of
Côte d’Ivoire, I should like to convey our deep
appreciation for the exemplary manner in which he
presided over the Assembly at the last session.
I also wish to pay tribute to our esteemed Secretary-
General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his dedicated
endeavours in pursuing the objectives of the United
Nations Charter and for his untiring efforts for the cause
of peace and development.
We observe the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations at a most crucial time in the history of
humankind. In this post-cold-war era, we have been
confronted by global changes so profound and massive
that we are just beginning to understand some of their
ramifications. These changes have generated challenges
and contradictory trends in international relations which
have cast a dark shadow on our contemporary world and
intensified our sense of uncertainty as we stand on the
threshold of a new century. On the other hand, a
deepening sense of interdependence has prompted nations
to devise more equitable and mutually beneficial patterns
of cooperation — and this has provided us with a new
source of hope. Fittingly indeed, on this fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations, hope is the dominant
feeling in the world today just as it was hope, for a more
peaceful and tolerant world, which inspired the founding
of the United Nations in San Francisco half a century
ago.
6

With the Second World War barely over, the
international community of that time sought to establish a
world organization which would “save succeeding
generations from the scourge of war” by instituting a
system of collective security based on the repudiation of the
use of force “save in the common interest”, and on the
basic principles of sovereign equality, freedom, justice and
the rule of law. This splendid vision was not to be realized,
for soon the cold war set in between two rival military and
ideological blocs locked in a struggle for dominance. Power
politics and the quest for hegemony and spheres of
influence paralysed the collective security system. That may
be why the United Nations has not been able to prevent the
more than 150 armed conflicts which, since its founding,
have erupted in various parts of the world, taking a horrible
toll in human lives and material devastation. And that also
partly explains the persistence of inequities and imbalances
in international economic relations.
The United Nations was but a decade old when the
first generation of leaders of Asia and Africa, reacting to
the debilitating effects of the cold war and the problems
besetting the world at the time, met in Bandung to
articulate a new ethos which would reaffirm the ideals and
principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and
govern relationships between and among nations, great and
small. Thus in 1955 the leaders of Asia and Africa laid
down the “Dasa Sila of Bandung” — the “Ten Principles
of Bandung” — which embodied fundamental principles of
inter-State relations in accordance with the spirit of the
United Nations Charter.
The seeds that germinated in Bandung took firm root
six years later in Belgrade with the formal institution of the
Non-Aligned Movement. Since then, the Movement has
served as a moral and political force that provided an
alternative vision to the bloc politics of the cold war.
Pursuing that vision, the Movement contributed to the
triumph of such causes as the world-wide struggle against
colonialism; the drive against institutionalized racism,
particularly apartheid; the advocacy for nuclear
disarmament, which is finally under way; and, lately, the
launching of a global partnership for development. It is no
coincidence that these are the very same issues as those on
the agenda of the United Nations, for it is precisely within
the United Nations and through its processes and
institutions that the Non-Aligned Movement has waged its
struggles for, and pursued its advocacy of, the principles
and ideas enshrined in the United Nations Charter and
reiterated in the Dasa Sila of Bandung. There is no doubt
that the United Nations has served as the principal
instrument for the amelioration of the human condition
through the pursuit of peace and development.
In spite of the constraints to its system of collective
security, the United Nations has nevertheless undertaken
a large number of peace-keeping and peacemaking
operations. Admittedly, not all United Nations peace-
keeping efforts have been regarded as successful, but they
have consistently promoted progress in negotiations
between the parties in conflict. In the process the United
Nations has expanded the meaning of peace-keeping
beyond mere impartial interposition to include the
protection of humanitarian aid, refugees and displaced
persons as well as assistance to countries holding
elections. Even the set-backs and difficulties encountered
in peace-keeping operations have yielded useful insights
that could help secure the success of similar undertakings
in the future.
With the implementation of “An Agenda for Peace”
and its Supplement, further progress may be expected, not
only in peace-keeping but also in preventive diplomacy,
peacemaking, post-conflict peace-building and the
complementary role of regional organizations in
maintaining peace and security.
We are heartened that the Agenda for Peace has
been complemented with “An Agenda for Development”,
which would not only enhance the capability of United
Nations to do its work in the economic and social spheres
but which will also facilitate the forging of a global
partnership for development.
However, the United Nations is much more than a
forum for maintaining security, resolving conflicts and
keeping the peace. The Organization, its specialized
agencies and related institutions have been engaged in an
immense array of activities that touch every aspect of
people’s lives all over the world.
It is therefore most regrettable to note that the
severest financial crisis in the history of the United
Nations casts a dark shadow over the fiftieth anniversary.
In particular, the failure of one major Member State to
meet its obligations by withholding legally obligated
contributions is not only contrary to Article 17 of the
Charter but has also driven the Organization to the very
brink of insolvency. This aggravating situation has forced
the Secretary-General to try to resolve the crisis through
postponing reimbursements to the troop-contributing
countries. This places an unfair burden on those countries
and penalizes especially the developing countries among
7

them. If the situation were to continue without urgent and
effective measures being taken to resolve it, peace-keeping
operations would grind to a halt and all our endeavours to
maintain peace and security would be endangered. The
fiftieth anniversary presents us with an opportunity to
address this fundamental issue of the United Nations
insolvency at the highest political level, including possible
recourse to innovative global taxation schemes.
The achievements of the United Nations over the past
five decades make a compelling case for the further
strengthening of multilateral cooperation, and we believe
that the United Nations can be an even better instrument of
multilateral cooperation if we act with greater purpose and
determination in rectifying its inadequacies and
shortcomings through a comprehensive process of
restructuring, revitalization and democratization.
My delegation is therefore gratified that steps have
been taken to revitalize the role of the General Assembly,
including the reorganization of its Committee structures and
the streamlining of its agenda for greater efficiency and
efficacy.
Indonesia also believes that the membership of the
Security Council, including its permanent members, should
be increased so as to reflect the changed international
situation since 1945 and to accommodate the interests and
concerns of developing countries, which comprise the
overwhelming majority of the Organization. It is a glaring
anomaly that on the roster of permanent members of the
Council Europe is overrepresented, Asia is underrepresented
and Africa and Latin America are not represented at all. We
are also of the view that additional permanent members
should be chosen on the basis, not only of equitable
geographical representation, but also of such objective
criteria as the political, economic and demographic weight
of a country, its capability and proven track record of
contributing to the promotion of peace, security and
development, both regionally and globally, and its
commitment to assume the responsibilities inherent in
permanent membership. It may also be timely and pertinent
to review the manner in which the veto is exercised at
present with a view to mitigating its arbitrary use and to
ensuring a more democratic decision-making process.
One central challenge not yet fully met by the United
Nations in its fiftieth year is that of general disarmament,
particularly in its nuclear dimension. The 1995 Review and
Extension Conference of the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) adopted three
decisions, namely, to extend the Treaty indefinitely, to
strengthen its review process and to agree on certain
principles and objectives for non-proliferation and
disarmament. Yet the Conference failed to address the
inequalities inherent in the Treaty. Issues long identified
as crucial components of the non-proliferation regime
were marginalized. The indefinite extension of the NPT
removed the element of urgency from obligations under
article VI of the Treaty, which may legitimize existing
nuclear arsenals and perpetuate their further
modernization. Hence, our priority agenda in the
disarmament field should continue to be one of seeking
further deep reductions in those arsenals with a view to
their ultimate, total elimination, curbing the horizontal and
vertical proliferation of nuclear weapons, banning the
production of fissile materials for weapons purposes,
ensuring the peaceful applications of nuclear technology
on a predictable and long-term basis, initiating
negotiations towards an international convention on
security assurances to non-nuclear States, and concluding
the ongoing negotiations on a comprehensive test-ban
treaty.
It is in this context that we have deplored the
underground testing by France and China, not only
because of health and environmental considerations but
precisely because it contravenes the spirit of the 1995
Review and Extension Conference of the NPT and
undermines the ongoing efforts to conclude a
comprehensive test-ban treaty. While urging the nuclear
Powers to desist from conducting further tests, we believe
it is imperative that concerted efforts should now be
directed at achieving a treaty banning nuclear testing in
all environments and for all time, without any loopholes
or exceptions, by 1996.
Perhaps the greatest tragedy of recent times is that
which has befallen the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The brutal aggression perpetrated again this independent
Member State of the United Nations and the slaughter and
“ethnic cleansing” of its people have shocked the whole
world. Denied its legitimate right to defend itself as a
result of an unjust arms embargo, Bosnia and
Herzegovina faces the prospect of the forcible dismantling
of its multicultural, multi-ethnic and multireligious society
and the erosion of its internationally recognized
sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.
The major Powers, which early on could have put an
end to this tragedy, have failed the cause of justice and of
a principled solution, offering instead rationalizations for
what clearly amounts to a policy of appeasement. Only
now, after an excruciating wait, have the United Nations
8

and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) finally
taken firm action. On the ground, the tide of battle seems
to be turning, while at the same time a new peace process
is unfolding which appears to have some viability.
Indonesia welcomes the accords recently reached between
the Foreign Ministers of the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia and the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, comprised of a set of broad
principles that are to govern a peaceful settlement of the
conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Developments have
thus entered a crucial stage, and it is of paramount
importance for the international community to ensure that
neither an unjust nor an unworkable peace be forced on
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In this regard, President Soeharto has offered
Indonesia’s good offices to facilitate a peace process based
on direct negotiations among the leaders of the States
directly involved in the conflict. These negotiations should
be conducted on the basis of certain basic principles, such
as peaceful coexistence and non-interference in internal
affairs. Any settlement should take into account existing
United Nations resolutions and existing proposals for
settlement and should entail mutual recognition by the
States that were components of the former Yugoslavia,
respect for internationally recognized boundaries and
protection of minorities. Furthermore, the process should
proceed in stages, from direct negotiations between the
leaders themselves to an appropriately structured
international conference, to be held when agreement has
been reached on the basic elements of a settlement.
In the Middle East the pursuit of peace has continued
to gather momentum. The historic Declaration of Principles
signed two years ago was bolstered by the agreement
reached last week between the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) and Israel, which calls for an extension
of Palestinian self-rule in the occupied territories, phased
withdrawal of Israeli forces and free elections for a
Palestinian Council, thereby paving the way for a final
settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli dimension of the Arab-
Israeli conflict. Indonesia welcomes the agreement as an
important watershed in the Middle East peace process. But
the path to a lasting peace still faces major hurdles and
challenges, including those posed by Israeli settlements in
the West Bank, the unresolved question of Palestinian
refugees 50 years after they were forced to flee their
homeland and the status of Al-Quds Al-Sharif. At the same
time, progress must also be achieved on the other tracks of
the Arab-Israeli negotiations, which is a sine qua non for a
comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question. The
ultimate guarantee for a durable and just peace is Israel’s
withdrawal from all occupied territories, including the
Syrian Golan Heights and southern Lebanon.
The global economy today is reportedly at its
strongest in many years. According to the World
Economic and Social Survey of 1995, it has attained an
average growth in output of 3 per cent per year. But the
rising tide of production has not lifted all economies.
Thus, notwithstanding the promise of global recovery,
over 2 billion people remain poverty-stricken, often under
circumstances of extreme deprivation. Up to 18 million
die annually from hunger, malnutrition and poverty-
related causes. The gap between the haves and the have-
nots continues to widen, doubling in size over the past
three decades between the richest 20 per cent and the
poorest.
Policy decisions affecting the developing countries
are increasingly being made by international agencies or
groups, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
the World Bank, the World Trade Organization (WTO)
and the Group of Seven. It even seems that the United
Nations itself is being marginalized, as decision-making
on international economic and financial issues continues
to shift to the Bretton Woods institutions, where the
participation of the developing countries is less equitable.
It is no secret that some countries would like to
inaugurate a global system in which finance and
macroeconomic management become the exclusive
domain of the IMF, development strategies that of the
World Bank and international trade matters that of the
WTO.
I submit, however, that given the expanding role of
the developing countries in the world economy and the
growing interdependence between States, the participation
of developing countries should be enhanced rather than
curtailed. The solution of global economic problems
requires a global partnership for development, and that
partnership cannot be forged without sustained dialogue
and cooperation on key economic issues between the
developed and the developing countries. This is why, after
the Jakarta summit of the Non-Aligned Movement, where
economic development was restored to the top of its
agenda, the Movement sought to relaunch a constructive
dialogue between the North and the South based on
mutual interest, common benefit and equitably shared
responsibility. That kind of dialogue has been welcomed
in this Assembly, and it is our hope that other key players
in the globalization process, such as non-governmental
organizations, transnational corporations and international
financial institutions, will in time also join that dialogue.
9

Just as important is the revitalization of the institutions
which the United Nations Charter set in place 50 years ago
to lay the social and economic foundations for peace. We
must ensure, however, that in the process we will
strengthen the role of the developing countries in decision-
making and enhance the democratic character of the United
Nations.
It is in this context that I have opposed the idea of
establishing an economic security council to take the place
of the Economic and Social Council, because it is bound to
frustrate our efforts to democratize the functioning of the
United Nations. As to the attendant suggestion to wind up
the work of the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD) and the United Nations Industrial
Development Organization (UNIDO), I believe, to the
contrary, that these two bodies are vital to the achievement
of accelerated, sustainable and equitably spread
development, especially for the developing countries. Since
its establishment 30 years ago, UNCTAD has consistently
endeavoured to redress the inequities and imbalances in the
world economy and to give a greater voice and role to the
developing countries in its management. UNIDO, too, has
proven to be of concrete benefit to the developing
countries, in particular in their efforts to accelerate their
industrial development. Both UNCTAD and UNIDO,
therefore, should be strengthened rather than be allowed to
be whittled down or eliminated.
We believe that the problems now plaguing many
developing countries could have been forestalled if they had
adequate access to international markets, to financial
resources and to appropriate technologies. And while we
expect that the results of the Uruguay Round will alleviate
the crisis by liberalizing the international trading system,
we also know that the lion’s share of the benefits will
accrue to the developed countries. This imbalance is due to
the significant loss of differential treatment in trade for the
developing countries, the limited progress achieved in
lifting restrictions on agricultural exports and the imposition
of trade conditionalities based on labour codes,
eco-labelling and so on. If the new trading regime is to
have a positive impact on the developing countries, these
problems and imbalances should be squarely addressed, and
the rights and interests of the developing countries,
particularly the least developed among them, should be
upheld.
Amid such trends as increasing globalization, the
integration of global financial markets and speculation
during periods of national adjustment to privatization, the
developing countries have become increasingly vulnerable.
Among the developing countries, those in Africa are
particularly disadvantaged because their external-debt
problems have virtually excluded them from investment
flows — they must rely on official development
assistance (ODA), which continues to decline. At the
same time, negative financial flows continue to hamper
their development efforts. In 1994 alone the continent’s
indebtedness was double that of other developing
countries. It is therefore incumbent upon the international
community to give its priority attention to the critical
situation in Africa.
The World Summit for Social Development,
convened earlier this year in Copenhagen, underscored the
determination of the international community to raise
global standards of living and to address the problems of
poverty, unemployment and social integration. Its
Declaration and Programme of Action offer a pragmatic
and feasible course to alleviate mass human suffering and
to elevate the human condition. Now we must translate
rhetoric into action, and realize the true potential for
global prosperity.
An integral part of that process is the
implementation of the Declaration and Platform for
Action adopted at the Fourth World Conference on
Women, recently concluded in Beijing. For only through
the empowerment and advancement of women by such
means as access to economic resources, to education and
to the decision-making processes in all fields and at all
levels can the social and economic welfare of humankind
progress. It is essential, therefore, that we create an
environment conducive to women’s full participation in
the development process, as both its agents and its
beneficiaries, if we are to move forward in our efforts to
achieve sustained economic growth, sustainable
development and social justice.
The observance of the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations is particularly significant to us in
Indonesia, for it takes place while we celebrate the fiftieth
anniversary of the proclamation of our independence. To
us, this is not a mere coincidence in time but a
convergence of ideals and values. Neither is it a
coincidence that the Charter of the United Nations and the
Constitution of Indonesia embrace the same principles and
objectives, such as independence, social justice, equality
and abiding peace. For the United Nations and Indonesia
emerged from the crucible of the Second World War and
the struggle for independence yearning and hoping for the
universal peace that can only be derived from a sharing
of the fruits of freedom and justice by all humankind.
10

Since then, the United Nations and all of us, the
peoples who are its constituents, have gone through another
crucible, that of the cold war and the massive global
changes that attended its wake. And, again, we have
emerged with a yearning and a hope that the peace
envisaged in the United Nations Charter 50 years ago will
be attained in our time. The difference is that this time we
have 50 years of experience to illuminate our endeavours
and to sharpen our perspective of the future. On this
occasion, as we rededicate ourselves to the vision of the
United Nations Charter, let us resolve to use our collective
experience in our continuing efforts to revitalize and
strengthen the Organization that is the vehicle of our hope.


It is my pleasure at the outset to express my
congratulations to Mr. Freitas do Amaral personally, and to
his friendly country, Portugal, upon his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly. We are confident that
his experience, wisdom and statesmanship will contribute
to the success of this session’s deliberations. May I assure
him of the cooperation of the Syrian delegation in achieving
the desired objectives. May I also extend the expression
of our thanks and appreciation to his predecessor,
Mr. Amara Essy, for his untiring efforts during his
presidency of the previous session.
On this occasion, we should like to express our
appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations for his efforts to enhance the standing and role of
the United Nations and to focus the international
community’s attention on the most outstanding issues of
our times.
This session of the General Assembly has great
significance in the life of the United Nations, as it
coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of
this international Organization which remains,
notwithstanding any criticisms, an unequalled organization
in the history of international relations. It is the house
under whose roof the representatives of all the world’s
States meet each year: friends and foes, adversaries and
allies, on the basis of commitment to the purposes and
principles of the United Nations Charter, foremost among
which are: maintenance of international peace and
security; respect for the fundamental rights of men and of
States, both small and large; affirmation of equality under
those rights; non-interference in the internal affairs of
States, and standing up to aggression in accordance with
the principles of justice and international law.
The problem facing the United Nations, in our
belief, does not lie in the purposes and principles of the
Charter, but rather in the decision-making mechanism in
the United Nations and in the selective manner of
implementing those decisions. Furthermore, the grave
financial crisis afflicting this international Organization is
in fact but the reflection of a political crisis fundamentally
centred on the identity of the United Nations and its role
in the post-cold- war period. The question that arises in
this context is: does this international Organization truly
represent the aspirations of its Members’ peoples, as
stated in the preamble of its Charter, namely, “We the
peoples of the United Nations”? Is it not surprising to
hear even the State with the largest population and the
largest surface area complain, despite its permanent
membership in the Security Council, of interference in its
internal affairs?
Given such a situation, will it be feasible to
introduce meaningful democratic reforms of the United
Nations structure that would be acceptable and agreeable
to the Organization’s Member States, both large and
small, rich and poor, of the North or of the South? Or is
15

it that the democracy of the majority by which national
decisions are taken is not valid for decision-making in the
United Nations or in international relations?
In any case, we do not live in an ideal world, even if
we aspire after such a world. We are convinced that it is
essential to promote constructive international dialogue and
cooperation if we are to achieve the introduction of reforms
that, both in substance and in form, would realize the
aspirations of Member States and address the issues and
needs of developing countries. Top of the list of those
needs is the alleviation of the developing countries’ debt
burdens, encouraging investments in their economies,
opening markets to their products and lifting any
restrictions on the transfer to them of sophisticated and
nuclear technologies for peaceful purposes.
Over and above all this, what the developing countries
need is that their political, humanitarian and cultural issues
should be dealt with by dialogue on a basis of mutual
respect and non-interference in their internal affairs. That
indeed would be the most appropriate and correct means of
laying the foundations of an international cooperation with
a human face, which would guarantee the interests of all
and, thereby, lead to a more secure, stable and prosperous
world.
The changes which the world has been witnessing in
the international area since the beginning of the 1990s, no
matter how tremendous their impact and their results could
be, will never alter the fundamental principles and values
that humanity has struggled to attain and adhere to since the
dawn of history. Right cannot be turned around overnight
to become wrong, just exactly as equality cannot be turned
around to become hegemony, racism cannot be made a
virtue and the occupation of the land of others by force
cannot be legitimized.
We live in a region which is the birthplace of the three
revealed religions and of human civilizations. Our roots in
the region go very deep. We read, hear and, indeed, feel
how Israel attempts to falsify the history and geography of
this region as well as the achievements of its peoples. We
see how it attempts to mislead public opinion into the
conviction that its democracy and its laws shall determine
the fate of the occupied Arab territories, and not the
principles of international law and the resolutions of the
United Nations. Those resolutions consider as null and void
Israel’s annexation of Al-Quds and the application of its
laws to the Golan, and require Israel to withdraw from all
the occupied Arab territories in order for a just and
comprehensive peace to be achieved in the region.
The fact that Israel does not heed the resolutions of
the United Nations, regardless of the negotiations that
have been going on for four years, is an act of defiance
not only vis-à-vis the Arabs, but also of the entire
international community and, especially, of the Security
Council and its relevant resolutions.
The latest developments in the peace process have
shown that Israel’s rulers are not interested in seeking a
genuine, just and comprehensive peace that would put an
end to strife, occupation and colonial settlement and
guarantee security and stability to all. Their main concern
has been to extract from those who negotiate with them
signatures on hundreds of pages and maps which shackle
the Palestinian people, after all the great sacrifices it has
made, and thrust that people on an endless road of loss
and agony, not on any road that would lead to liberation
and independence.
In our view, agreements of this type, which will lead
to yet another endless series of negotiations and
agreements, will never pass the test of the final solution,
simply because each and every one of them carries within
it the seeds of tension and conflict.
Since the Oslo agreement, Syria has made it clear,
from this rostrum, that it neither supports nor seeks to
obstruct such agreements. Today, while we reiterate this
position, we must point out that if such agreements are
used to cause harm to Syria’s national and pan-Arab
interests and rights, we shall be compelled to reconsider
that position.
The American initiative, on the basis of which the
Madrid Conference was convened, asserted that its aim
was to achieve a just and comprehensive peace in the
Middle East on the basis of Security Council resolutions
242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the principle of land for
peace. Furthermore, among the guarantees given to Syria
by the United States of America was that the United
States would not agree to the annexation by Israel of one
single inch of the Golan territory occupied in 1967. It was
on that basis that Syria opened the door of peace in the
Madrid Conference. Syria will continue to hold fast to
these foundations, which in substance signify a continuing
American commitment to Syria’s fundamental rights and
interests. The force of this American commitment is not
altered by the deviation by some Arab parties from the
Madrid formula, whose staunchest advocate ought to be
the United States, a sponsor of the Conference.
16

Contrary to Israel’s claims, the Madrid formula and
the American initiative did not call for secret negotiations
and did not provide for a specified level of negotiators. Had
it been otherwise, there would have been no need
whatsoever to hold the Madrid Conference. Syria and the
Arab States expect the United States, as a sponsor of the
peace process, to fulfil its commitments towards Syria and
Lebanon and to seek to eliminate the obstacles that Israel
continues to put on the road to a just and comprehensive
peace in the region that would lead to Israel’s complete
withdrawal from the Golan to the line of 4 June 1967 and
also from Southern Lebanon, in implementation of Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978).
Syria reaffirms its commitment to peace on the basis
of the foundations which launched the peace process and on
no other bases or other formulae, whose only aim would be
to satisfy Israel’s arrogance and entrench its hegemony and
not to bring to the peoples of the region the security,
stability and dignity after which they aspire.
Israel can fool some people some of the time, but it
cannot fool all people all the time. The negotiations
between Syria and Israel over the past four years have
shown that Israel wishes to negotiate only for the purpose
of equivocating and backpedalling from the requirements of
peace or for the purpose of using the negotiations as a
means of imposing its conditions, which contradict the
letter and spirit of the relevant Security Council resolutions.
This is the real reason why the negotiations on the Syrian
track have faltered.
In any case, a false peace will never find its way into
any Syrian home, regardless of the challenges and the
obstacles created by Israel. All our Syrian citizens know
that Arabs, Muslims and all peoples who put their faith in
justice and peace stand steadfastly by Syria and its leader
in the battle for a just and comprehensive peace, a genuine
peace that the people can embrace with dignity.
Armed conflicts and devastating wars continue to rage
in various parts of the world. Those conflicts which inflict
great human and material losses on the peoples of the
States they afflict have begun to cast lengthening dark
shadows on regional and world peace and stability.
The indescribable suffering of the people of Bosnia
and Herzegovina makes it necessary for the international
community to intensify efforts to achieve a just settlement
that would guarantee the unity and territorial integrity of the
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and safeguard the
security and stability of the Balkan region.
Syria reaffirms its attachment to safeguarding the
unity of the territory and people of Iraq and its rejection
of any attempt at dividing Iraq or at interfering in its
internal affairs. Syria believes that a speedy
implementation by the Iraqi Government of the remaining
Security Council resolutions, side by side with resolving
the issue of Kuwaiti prisoners, would facilitate working
for lifting the embargo and mitigating the suffering of the
brotherly Iraqi people.
Syria calls also for responding to the initiative of the
League of Arab States regarding the Lockerbie crisis.
This initiative would lead to a solution to the crisis and
thereby put an end to the embargo imposed on brotherly
Libya.
Syria hopes that a peaceful solution will be reached
to the three-island crisis between the United Arab
Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran, through direct
dialogue, in the interests of cooperation and good-
neighbourliness between the two countries. Settlement of
the issue will guarantee the rights of both parties and
uphold the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the
States of the region.
Syria calls on all the warring factions in Somalia to
end the infighting and to overcome their differences in the
interests of national reconciliation, which is indispensable
for restoring security and stability to that country and for
stimulating efforts to reconstruct the country and restore
its Arab and international role.
My country, Syria, had the honour of participating
in the founding of this international Organization, whose
fiftieth anniversary is now being celebrated. While the
pages of history mention other organizations which did
not rise to the expectations of the world’s peoples, the
survival of our organization for the past five decades is
testimony to the loftiness of the purposes and principles
of its Charter. Despite the conflicts and challenges faced
by today’s world, we look to the future with optimism.
History does not march backwards and every stage of
development and change cannot but be better than the one
before. Wars that have flared up in more than one part of
the world cannot but recede gradually, then peter out and
exist no more.
This is our hope. Peace which is not achieved today
will dawn tomorrow. This is what we shall try to achieve
17

looking forward to a better life of justice and humaneness
in that it will be built on cooperation between our nations
in the political, economic and cultural fields, in the interests
of all mankind.
Let us hope that the fiftieth anniversary of the
founding of the United Nations will be a bright beacon of
change in the history of mankind.


Allow me to convey to the President of the
General Assembly the congratulations of the Government
and people of Bolivia upon his election to the presidency of
the fiftieth session of the General Assembly. He can be
assured that my delegation will cooperate with him to
ensure the full success of this important session.
The commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the
entry into force of the United Nations Charter affords a
fresh opportunity for critical and renewed reflection on the
scope, difficulties and role of the multilateral system.
During the year 1995 important meetings of universal
scope have taken place, such as the World Summit on
Social Development, the Fourth World Conference on
Women, and the Review and Extension Conference on the
Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Those
meetings, together with others of a bilateral, subregional or
regional character — notably the Hemispheric Summit in
Miami — show that the principles which presided over the
creation of the United Nations are still very much alive, and
demonstrate the need to make significant further headway
in promoting peace, human rights, democracy, and
economic and social development.

Meetings at the highest level of the world’s political
leaders and their representatives, ready to assume
undertakings on issues of such significance, are indicative
of a strong political will and reveal an interest in finding
concrete collective responses to the problems of our time.
As a result of those Conferences, the world
community has at hand new approaches that enrich and
strengthen prior agreements as it seeks to cope successfully
with contemporary challenges. For example, social
development and recognition of the due role of women in
society have ceased to be mere promises; they are
becoming definite realities before the end of this century.
The International Decade of the World’s Indigenous
People will make it possible for priority attention to be
given to that important sector of the community.
The end of the cold war has not released the material
and human resources that were committed to that contest.
Nor has it freed our minds of concern over war and
destruction. There persist negative situations and
prejudices, which were born during that period when the
world was divided into antagonistic blocs, and which no
longer have any justification.
The long-awaited peace dividend has not been
forthcoming; on the contrary, we see a proliferation of
conflicts in many parts of the world. Many of these
situations are due to still unresolved social and national
problems, to a backlog of injustices and long-standing
resentments, to geopolitical and economic interests which,
from within and from outside, have exacerbated
confrontation for decades, and, above all, to
Governments’ difficulties in defining an effective form of
cooperation for the peaceful solution of problems.
In this context, we reiterate our support for the
principles and the renewed objectives of the Movement of
Non-Aligned Countries, whose chairmanship is shortly to
be assumed by the sister republic of Colombia.
We feel a sense of solidarity with the peoples of the
former Yugoslavia, who are enduring the torment of an
unjustifiable war. We also express our solidarity with the
millions of human beings affected by military conflict,
unilateral blockades, hindrances to free contact with the
outside world, and by having been uprooted from their
lands.
We reiterate what the Heads of State or Government
of the Rio Group stated at their recent summit meeting in
Quito:
“We express our concern over attempts to
enforce domestic laws beyond territorial boundaries
in violation of international law and the fundamental
principles governing coexistence in the region. Such
actions violate the sovereignty of other States and
are contrary to unanimously adopted transparent
trade practices”. (A/50/425, annex, para. 13)
Bolivia expresses its condemnation of grave
violations of international law, war crimes, violations of
the fundamental rules of coexistence, manifestations of
racism, and other offenses against humanity, all of which
should be vigorously condemned. The work of the United
Nations in this field has been important, but it needs to be
further refined. In that work, the role of regional and
subregional organizations for cooperation and
coordination is essential and should gain greater
importance in years to come. These organizations include
26

the Organization of American States, the Rio Group and the
various regional and subregional instruments of economic
integration, to which my Government lends its full support.
We rejoice that Haiti and other countries have made
firm strides towards peace and democratic governance.
Likewise, Bolivia notes with particular interest, and
commends, the peace process in the Middle East, whose
advances in the face of difficulties give us cause to be
optimistic and to hope for reconciliation through the
fashioning of innovative solutions with a distinctive explicit
political content. The agreement signed yesterday between
Israel and Palestine is an example of determination and
vision of historic proportions.
Bolivia has expressed its rejection of the resumption
of nuclear tests, which jeopardize negotiations towards the
speedy adoption of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty.
We condemn terrorism and organized crime, whose
scope and reach cut across national boundaries and which
thus threatens security and constitutional stability
everywhere. Bolivia has signed several bilateral treaties
intended to advance international cooperation on legal
matters within a framework of strict respect for sovereignty,
but at the same time closing off avenues to impunity for
international crime.
As our awareness of the rights and duties of
multilateral interdependence grows, cooperation in
achieving the inherent right to development of all the
world’s peoples should come to the fore.
In the new international situation, Bolivia supports
initiatives aimed at strengthening the United Nations and
shares the conviction that it is necessary to carry out major
reforms in its structure and functioning. Bolivia believes it
essential as a first step in that direction to strengthen the
General Assembly as the principal organ providing for
effective participation by all countries.
My Government supports initiatives aimed at
expanding the Security Council, in both its permanent and
its non-permanent membership. Such an expansion should
reflect the diversity of the world’s regions and enable all
States to participate effectively and responsibly in the
commitment to guarantee peace, security and the timely
settlement of conflicts, in a transparent manner and in
keeping with the interests of the international community,
not only in the narrow framework of the individual interests
of States.
I also highlight the importance we attach to the
United Nations in the area of international cooperation,
especially in the economic sphere and on matters of social
and technological development, and the urgency of
restoring to the Economic and Social Council the high
stature it originally possessed.
The principles of justice and international law must
be our main guiding light in seeking solutions to the
problems we face.
With regard to Bolivia’s maritime question, which
we have brought before international forums, I wish to
declare to this Assembly the political will of my
Government to embark upon negotiations that are
consonant with our historic responsibility, that serve the
rights and interests of all parties involved, and that ensure
a sovereign Bolivian presence on the Pacific Ocean.
Bolivia has to contend with the consequences of the land-
locked position imposed upon it, the economic, political
and moral effects of which demand a solution in the
framework of international solidarity, justice, equity and
law.
Just as countries call for international justice, we are
obliged also to apply that principle within our own
societies. That is the golden rule of the Administration of
President Gonzalo Sánchez de Losada. Our message is
one of change. Never before in the history of our republic
have such profound and rapid structural changes been
democratically and peacefully carried out as those that
began in Bolivia in August 1993.
First, we are implementing the law on the people’s
participation, which is integrating civil society into the
political system. Traditionally disadvantaged populations
now have in their hands the ability to diagnose their
problems and to prescribe public policy, especially
regarding self-help to meet their own needs. This is
essentially a policy of redistribution, which enables a
large part of the nation fully to assume their status as
citizens.
Secondly, the foregoing requires training the people
so that they will be able to meet internal and external
challenges. To that end, another reform undertaken by
President Gonzálo Sánchez de Lozada’s administration is
educational reform, viewed specifically in the light of
Bolivia’s ethnic and cultural diversity and with the aim of
institutionalizing bilingual and multicultural education.
27

Thirdly, I am pleased to inform this Assembly that
capital investment in Bolivia’s main public enterprises is
moving forward successfully and strongly. We are
transforming the largest productive and service units of the
country to enable them to double their capital in the space
of a few months, modernize their management in
accordance with the requirements of international life, and
secure a series of real benefits for the Bolivian population,
making possible individual investment by citizens of 50 per
cent of the share capital.
Such initiatives represent an effort to make Bolivia
equal to contemporary demands, especially those resulting
from the international economy, which is characterized by
great dynamism, innovation and competitiveness.
International economic cooperation is indispensable
and should enjoy the firm political backing of developed
countries and international financial institutions. For that
reason my country expresses concern about the declining
and negative trends of some sources of cooperation and
financing. This situation is especially disturbing when seen
in the light of the fact that Bolivia has to contend in its
territory with a universal problem — namely, illicit drug
trafficking.
It is paradoxical — to say the least — to urge an
increase in Bolivia’s contribution and in Bolivia’s tasks in
that common struggle precisely at a time when cooperation
resources are decreasing. The task at hand is simultaneously
to fulfil the commitments in the struggle against drug
trafficking and to prepare to embark on genuine sustainable
development, especially in the rural sector, where the most
acute poverty exists.
Given the magnitude of the tasks falling to Bolivia in
this matter, strong backing from the international
community is needed for Bolivia’s national strategy in
regard to interdiction, prevention, the eradication of surplus
crops, and alternative development. That contribution is
essential to Bolivia’s effort to cease being a link in the
drug-trafficking chain and, at the same time, ensure
political and economic stability and promote development
of the country’s productive apparatus.
With a view to consolidating the vision of shared
responsibility with regard to the problem of drug-
trafficking, the nations of the Americas support the holding
of a world conference to take stock of the situation and the
state of international cooperation in the struggle against
demand for and production, sale, trafficking and illicit
distribution of narcotics. In that context, Bolivia actively
advocates the holding in 1977 of a second international
conference against drug abuse and illicit drug trafficking,
under the aegis of the United Nations.
Before concluding, I must refer to the topic of
sustainable development.
We must stimulate vigorous and sustained economic
growth, with social equity, in conditions that protect and
make efficient use of natural resources and ensure rational
distribution of the fruits of that growth. Henceforth, we
must adopt a mode of development that is nurtured by
technological advances designed to curb the waste and
pollution that have characterized industrialized societies.
Accordingly, it is with special satisfaction that I
announce to this Assembly that in the latter half of next
year Bolivia will have the privilege of hosting, in the city
of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, the American Hemispheric
Summit on Sustainable Development. We hope that the
ideas and proposals that emerge from that important
meeting will contribute to the development of our
countries and to better preservation of the environment in
this part of the world.


It is a sad irony that while
we are celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations, the Organization finds itself in serious financial
crisis. If not redressed, this crisis will threaten the very
goals of our Organization.
Denmark gives top priority to a strengthening of the
United Nations. Hopefully, we can make headway during
this session of the General Assembly as regards the
financial situation of the United Nations and the “Agenda
for Development”. We hope that the High-level Working
Group under the chairmanship of the President of the
General Assembly will keep up the momentum of the
reform process.
I wish to concentrate on eight points.
The first is social development. The World Summit
in Copenhagen identified new approaches for action.
States have the primary responsibility to attain the goals
of the Summit. In this endeavour, we need the full
support of the international community, the United
Nations, the multilateral financial institutions, regional
organizations, local authorities and the civil society. All
partners must participate fully and must increase their
efforts.
We also need specific efforts to keep the Summit
issues on the agenda. To stimulate the implementation of
the Summit results, Denmark would like to see
established an independent forum on social development
issues. This forum should supplement the work of
international organizations and of intergovernmental
cooperation. In particular, it should compile and analyze
data on social development issues, thus providing the
basis for dialogue. I hope that agreement on the creation
of the forum can be reached at this session of the General
Assembly.
Sustainable economic and social development
requires a collective effort. It requires a substantial
transfer of resources, concessional as well as
unconcessional, private as well as public, from the
developed world to the developing world.
The total volume of assistance to developing
countries has declined over the past few years. We must
change this sad pattern. A first, necessary step would be
for all industrialized countries to live up to the United
Nations target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product
(GNP). Three years ago, Denmark reached 1 per cent of
GNP. We intend to continue that policy.
19

The need for emergency relief is greater than ever. It
is a short-sighted solution to finance emergency relief out
of funds set aside for development. We must find additional
financing.
Improving the condition of women throughout the
world is of vital importance. We, the Member States of the
United Nations, have the responsibility to implement the
Platform for Action adopted at Beijing. This platform must
be pursued at all levels. Let us start right now.
The second point is the “Agenda for Peace”. The ideas
expressed therein on preventive diplomacy and a rapid
reaction force must be implemented, followed — after a
conflict has ended — by confidence-building and
humanitarian measures.
Many of these tasks can be carried out by regional
organizations. Giving more responsibility to regional
organizations would in Europe mean strengthening the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE).
We have seen an increase in the number and
complexity of peace-keeping operations. Successful
operations such as those in Namibia, Cambodia and, most
recently, Mozambique and El Salvador should not be
forgotten. As noted by the Secretary-General, the problems
posed by several of today’s conflicts are unprecedented. We
must learn to tackle these new problems. United Nations
peace-keeping forces have proved to be an invaluable tool.
We all have an interest in improving peace-keeping as a
unique instrument in international crisis management.
We must react strongly against deliberate attacks
against United Nations personnel. Such attacks are
absolutely unacceptable. I appeal to all Member States to
adhere to the Convention on the Safety of United Nations
and Associated Personnel so that persons committing
attacks against United Nations personnel are brought to
justice.
Denmark attaches great importance to the United
Nations stand-by forces arrangement. We were among the
first to assign troops. We are currently, together with like-
minded countries, exploring practical ways to a further
shortening of United Nations reaction time.
There is also a clear need for minimum standards as
regards troops and equipment. Denmark supports action
taken by the United Nations in the field of training. The
United Nations must be given the right to set quality
standards for troops made available to the Organization.
The insufficiency of funds is putting the United
Nations into an almost untenable operational situation. We
must soon reach consensus on reforming and stabilizing
the financial foundation of the Organization.
As regards reimbursement for equipment put at the
disposal of the Organization, agreement on a new system
must be reached during this session of the General
Assembly.
The third point concerns the former Yugoslavia.
More than two thirds of the total number of troops under
the United Nations serve in the former Yugoslavia. The
international community has made a substantial
contribution towards settling the conflict. We have kept
negotiations going, sometimes against all odds. We have
sustained what may be the most difficult peace-keeping
operation the United Nations has ever mounted. We have
rendered extensive humanitarian aid.
We hope that we are now closer to peace. Still,
many obstacles will have to be overcome. The conflict
remains a huge challenge to the international community.
The basic principles for a settlement in Bosnia
agreed upon in Geneva early this month form a good
basis for further negotiations. Pressure on all parties for
a negotiated settlement must be upheld. Lasting peace can
be achieved only through negotiations.
Denmark continues to give full support to the
international negotiating efforts, including the efforts of
the Contact Group. Denmark has provided a substantial
number of peace-keepers and given sizeable contributions
to alleviate humanitarian suffering. This commitment
stands.
But it is absolutely unacceptable when United
Nations peace-keepers are used as pawns in military
confrontations. It is intolerable to see them exposed to
surprise actions and direct attacks with loss of life and
casualties as the tragic consequence.
The international community must be prepared for
action to be taken when peace is finally achieved.
Denmark stands ready to contribute. The present situation
presents a window of opportunity; we must seize the
moment.
20

I would like to express my congratulations on the
interim agreement between the Greek and the Macedonian
Governments and to pay tribute to the untiring efforts of
Mr. Cyrus Vance.
My fourth point relates to the Middle Fast peace
process. The strong determination to reach results
manifested itself in the peace treaty signed last autumn
between Israel and Jordan and in the latest agreement
between Israel and the Palestinian Authority on the second
stage of Palestinian autonomy. Unfortunately, we see less
progress in relations between Syria and Israel and between
Lebanon and Israel. But we welcome the clear political will
to engage in efforts that may bring progress. All parties
stand to gain if they realize that there is no real alternative
to negotiations and to a just and lasting peace for
everybody.
My fifth point is that there is now hope in the field of
disarmament, arms control and confidence-building
measures. We see positive trends, in particular the
agreement reached on indefinitely extending the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The
implementation of this Treaty has also become more
effective. The end of East-West confrontation has led to
dramatic reductions in nuclear stockpiles. But as long as
these weapons exist, the risk of their use remains. Denmark
supports the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty
no later than 1996. In particular we support the efforts
made to negotiate a true zero-yield test ban.
At the same time, we deeply deplore the nuclear tests
carried out by China and France. We urge all
nuclear-weapon States to refrain from further testing.
The Conference to review the 1980 Convention on
Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain
Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be
Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects is
now taking place at Vienna. We need progress at the
Conference towards the ultimate goal of the abolition of
anti-personnel land mines.
The sixth point is that the Security Council needs to
be enlarged to reflect the world of today. There must be
additional seats for non-permanent members on the
principle of equitable geographical representation. Denmark
also supports an enlargement of the Security Council with
Germany and representatives of the Asian, African and
Latin American regions as permanent members.
My seventh point relates to human rights. The
international protection of human rights must be
improved. International cooperation on monitoring respect
for human rights must be strengthened. Additional
resources to carry out this work must be found. In
particular, we must strengthen the Centre for Human
Rights and the office of the High Commissioner for
Human Rights. Denmark will serve as a member of the
Commission on Human Rights as from 1 January 1996.
Our key priorities as a member of that Commission will
include the fight against torture, the furthering of the right
to development and the rights of indigenous peoples. The
establishment of a permanent forum within the United
Nations is a major political aspiration of indigenous
peoples around the world. Denmark shares that aspiration.
The General Assembly should decide to call a
diplomatic conference on the establishment of a
permanent International criminal court to try cases of
serious international crime.
With my final point I wish to draw attention to the
statement issued today by the Nordic Foreign Ministers
on the financial situation of the United Nations. In that
statement the Nordic countries call on all Member States
to fulfil their financial obligations towards the United
Nations by immediately paying all outstanding
contributions. Imagine how much more could be done if
the United Nations had its present outstanding
contributions — $3.5 billion — at its disposal. It is a
paradox that those criticizing the United Nations for a
lack of efficiency are often those who do not honour their
financial obligations. They are in this way holding the
Organization hostage. They continue to criticize the
United Nations as if the Organization were not their
organization.
Denmark sees no alternative to international
cooperation to solve global problems. The will of
Member States determines the strength of our
cooperation. Much more can be done, provided
Governments are willing.
The United Nations has experienced much
turbulence. The United Nations needs renewal. The
United Nations needs resources. The United Nations
needs commitment. Denmark remains as dedicated to the
United Nations today as we were 50 years ago.