83.	Mr. President, the delegation of Burundi wishes to address its warmest congratulations to you on your brilliant election to preside over the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your outstanding qualifications as a statesman and as a diplomat as well as your commitment to defend and ensure the triumph of the ideals and objectives of our Organization are an earnest of the success of the work of the present session.
84.	My delegation justly assesses this unanimous choice of yourself as tribute paid your country, Yugoslavia, which, within the non-aligned movement, has always struggled for peace, justice and international co-operation on an equal footing. Burundi enjoys ties of friendship and solidarity with your country and therefore feels particularly proud to work under your leadership
85.	May I repeat to you, Mr. President, the commitment of my Government to co-operate closely with you to ensure the total success of the noble task that has been entrusted to you by the Assembly.
86.	I also wish to pay a well-earned tribute to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, the outstanding representative of Sri Lanka, for the skilful and noble way in which he directed the work of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. Guided by the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, Mr. Amerasinghe led with tact and competence all the varied complex negotiations touching on the very delicate questions dealt with -at the previous session. He has earned our thanks.
87.	On behalf of my Government, I should like also to express our great admiration for the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless dedication to our Organization. Since he assumed his high post, the Secretary-General has imposed upon himself great sacrifices to have the ideals of the Charter prevail in all circumstances, particularly in the fields of decolonization, international security and fruitful co-operation among States. The renewal of his mandate is the highest accolade that the international community could bestow upon him. The Government of the Republic of Burundi, on whose behalf I have the honour to speak, reiterates its confidence in him and supports him in his efforts to make of our Organization "the crucible in which a new community of all humanity will be moulded" devoted to co-operation and solidarity in the fulfilment of the great tasks and plans for the future.
88.	The entry of the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to our Organization constitutes new victories for all the justice-loving and freedom-loving peoples of the world. The independence of Djibouti is part of the history of the glorious struggle of national liberation movements against colonialism and foreign domination. It reminds the international community that the era of colonization and servitude has passed. The delegation of Burundi wishes these friendly countries continued successes in the consolidation of their independence.
89.	The admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to our Organization is a tribute paid to its gallant people, whose courage, unity and determination earned them the most outstanding victory against the most daunting of foes. The triumph of the Vietnamese people is an unchallengeable proof that a people that is united and .revolutionary can foil all plots against its unity and independence. It is an example of sacrifice that proves to us that the future of peoples belongs to those that are willing to rise arms in hand and that it is necessary from the first to wrest significant victories from the enemy so that the enemy will genuinely embark on the path of negotiation. However, the feelings of joy and admiration created by this admission must not blind us to the obligations of the international community towards the Vietnamese people. Viet Nam, the victim of the most bloody neo-colonialist war of aggression known to history, has to face immense problems of national reconstruction. The people of Burundi, which has always called for a halt to imperialist aggression against the friendly people of Viet Nam, is happy to enjoy ties of friendship and solidarity with that country. On behalf of my Government, I wish to express our hopes that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will be successful in its great task of reconstruction.
90.	The heroic and victorious struggle of the people of Viet Nam falls within the context of the universal revolutionary struggle which the peoples are unleashing in order to shake off foreign aggression and to build a new society based on justice and equality. From that standpoint the delegation of Burundi feels that the social revolution, in the course of the last 12 months, has scored great victories in the world.
91.	The date 1 November 1976 marked a decisive turning- point in the history of the people of Burundi, which decided to put an end to the after-effects of colonization and to the contradictions of the old regime. In fact, the Burundi people decided to make a radical change that did not entail the shedding of a single drop of blood. The political, economic and social retrogression of the country had created a climate that cried out for new structures that would meet the aspirations of the Burundi people, determined to consolidate its age-old unity, its cultural identity and its accessibility to the world.
92.	The conditions for these profound and popular changes were established: the peasants, the workers,, the intellectuals and the military, in a sacred alliance under the leadership of His Excellency Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bagaza, the President of the Second Republic, undertook a process of social, cultural, political and economic liberation.
93.	One of the measures that we had inherited from colonization was a minimum personal levy. This head tax, added to the income tax, had proved socially unjust because it fell upon every adult male, without distinction, simply by virtue of his existing. The source of much misery, it forced many heads of family to live in uncertainty of the morrow or in servitude. In its concern to ensure social justice, the new regime suppressed that servitude. The people warmly greeted that decision, which liberated the men of Burundi, and turned their efforts from then on, unhindered, to agricultural and industrial production.
94.	Aware of the need to struggle against food shortages, the Government of the Second Republic is adopting a policy of harnessing all the national possibilities. To this end a number of measures have already been taken; as far as land is concerned, an agrarian reform has been carried out. That important decision makes possible the rational exploitation of land with a view to the carrying out of farming and livestock projects and the equitable distribution of land to the peasants. That policy foiled the plans of those who wanted to take the fertile land from the peasants and distribute it to an emerging national bourgeoisie. The recovery of all of this land for the benefit of the whole community and the elimination of all forms of bondage inherent in the feudal system of other days were welcomed enthusiastically by the people of Burundi. In order to exploit fully the land available in a country with one of the most dense populations in Africa, the Government is engaged in a policy of resettlement of the population. It plans to establish conditions more favourable for housing and the supply of drinking water to rural areas. In this context, the objectives and recommendations laid down by the Habitat Conference at Vancouver and the Water Conference at Mar del Plata will find a more appropriate framework for their application, on condition, of course, that there is bilateral and international cc-operation. The Government hopes also to set up in-its village centres health and education services. This effort of national recovery cannot succeed unless there is popular participation in national decisions. That is why the new regime has created conditions favourable to a more intense political participation by the Parti de l'unite pour le progres national. Today that party, which has recovered national independence and the dignity of the Burundi people, is so formed that each Burundi may participate actively in national life and express his views freely. For a number of months, seminars have been organized throughout the country at which public debates are held on all the important problems with which we are confronted. All are invited to share in this exercise of national debate. The Government, basing itself on the conclusions of these seminars, will be able to plan and carry out the development of the country.
95.	The economic liberation in which we are engaged is based on the profound determination to rely on our own ability and the firm will to exercise sovereignty over national resources for the benefit in the first place of the Burundi people. It is from that standpoint that we shall carry out negotiations to develop our mineral resources.
96.	This policy of industrialization must go hand in hand with the intensification and diversification of agriculture, which is the major priority for a country where 90 per cent of the population is rural.
97.	The main objective of the new regime is to satisfy, as soon as possible, the basic needs of each Burundi in such fields as food, health, education and housing in a healthy society based on equity, justice and liberty. The new society of Burundi that emerged from the movement of 1 November 1976 allows all citizens, without distinction as to race, sex, or religious conviction or philosophy, to enjoy their civil and political, economic, social and cultural rights. Hence, in the new Burundi, freedom of opinion and of expression. is guaranteed. Freedom of worship is assured; education is free; and the right to own property and the right of land tenure have just been completely recovered. The right to housing and to health care also is a real objective, although the Government is aware of the immense task that remains to be accomplished in this field. Finally, let it be noted that in this country, whose hospitality is legendary, there has not been a single political prisoner since the profound and peaceful revolution of 1 November 1976.
98.	The new Burundi has become the favoured land in the effective application of all the fundamental human rights. I am therefore proud to be the representative of a regime which respects in its actions the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, and which applies to its nationals and to foreigners alike the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The people of Burundi, who have just won a great victory, on the one hand by throwing the vestiges of colonialism into the dustbin of history, and on the other hand by overcoming internal contradictions, wishes to contribute to a greater extent to the freedom of other peoples still dominated by imperialism, racism and colonialism,
99.	The Government of Burundi is deeply concerned by the violation of fundamental human rights in different parts of the world. In many countries torture has become a daily occurrence and fundamental freedoms are trodden under foot. It will be said, no doubt, that the history of mankind is unfortunately made up in part of these inhuman practices. The renewal of the defence of human rights, cannot but delight my delegation. Nevertheless, that feeling of satisfaction for my delegation is mixed with a degree of disappointment. Some Governments in fact wish to use the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a new political weapon against certain States whose socio-political regimes appear to them to be a challenge to their own systems of Government. In the end, in this confrontation, the role of the individual is but that of a screen for their plan to interfere in the internal affairs of other sovereign States with a view to overcoming them politically, economically or even militarily.
100.	My delegation believes that a State Member that has relations of co-operation with a regime that is condemned by the international community for having committed crimes against mankind and for having constantly violated fundamental human rights and freedoms has no credibility when it claims to defend human rights. Thus all States, all organizations, governmental or not, which have cooperative links of any nature whatsoever with the Vorster regime cannot pose as champions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for they are strengthening the system of apartheid, which is, on the model of nazism and fascism, a crime against mankind and a threat to international peace and security.
101.	At least once a year, virtually all the States Members of our Organization and many governmental organizations condemn the system of apartheid and those who uphold its regime. World opinion is deeply affronted by the inhuman situation that prevails in South Africa. The international community is convinced that apartheid must be eliminated, in the first place because it is a crime against humanity; in the second place, because apartheid is a real insult to human dignity and grave threat to international peace and security; in the third place, so that the African continent may regain its dignity, which has been denied to it for centuries and at last play its rightful role in international affairs. Finally, this cancer that gnaws at the southern part of the African continent must disappear to pave the way for true international co-operation. In spite of this almost universal condemnation by the international community, the blacks, who comprise the overwhelming majority of the •population, are denied the most elementary rights. Through repressive laws, the Vorster regime conducts arbitrary arrests, murders of innocent people, systematic torture and assassinations of political detainees. The latest to which the international community has been witness is that of Steven Biko, to whom our Organization has paid a moving tribute.
102.	By virtue of the racial segregation laws, millions of people are brutally sent to arid reserves or urban ghettos. Thousands of patriots are tortured, massacred or exiled.
103.	The arrogance of the South African regime has encouraged it not only to show contempt for the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council, but also to carry out armed aggression against the People's Republic of Angola and Namibia. To confirm the warlike intentions of the Pretoria regime, South Africa has recently promulgated an alleged Internal Security Amendment Act, under which the Vorster regime extends the South African sphere of defence to the south of the Sahara. The north of the Sahara is the sphere of aggression reserved for Israel.
104.	It must be pointed out also that this alliance of aggression has led Pretoria and Tel Aviv to co-operate in the military and nuclear sphere. The two racist and Zionist regimes have now acquired nuclear capacity.
105.	The response to this challenge of the international community by South Africa has been given by the South African people themselves whose heroic struggle has aroused sympathy and indignation everywhere in the world. The people of South Africa tried to recover their rights by peaceful means, but that approach cost them very dear. They were forced by the increased brutality and pressure of the criminal regime to choose other means with which to conduct their struggle. The Government of the Republic of Burundi supports unreservedly the struggle which the people of South Africa have been forced to undertake. I appeal to all States to give political and material support to this legitimate struggle being waged by the people of South Africa under the leadership of its liberation movement to wipe this scourge from our planet.
106.	My delegation believes that the time has come for all States Members of the Organization, and particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, to apply against South Africa the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. In fact, the regime of apartheid in South Africa constitutes not only a crime against humanity but also a grave threat to international peace and security.
107.	Furthermore, South Africa has already been condemned for its aggression against an independent State, Angola. It constantly violates the recommendations and resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, particularly those that have called for binding sanctions against Southern Rhodesia and those that call upon South Africa to withdraw from Namibia the administration and the forces of illegal occupation that it has there. In furtherance of the isolation of the regime of Pretoria, my delegation makes an urgent appeal to all countries to put an end to their diplomatic, consular or other relations with South Africa. In the light of the acts of aggression committed by South Africa against some countries, the delegation of Burundi, convinced that the regime of Vorster is immoral and hypocritical, feels that it is imperative to impose a total embargo on all weapons destined for South
Africa, and while it is still possible, to revoke all military licences granted to the Government of South Africa. At this crucial and decisive stage of the struggle of the people of South Africa, it would be cynical to offer weapons of mass destruction to some, while advising others calmly to bow their heads before Vorster's executioners. The Nazi and Fascist regimes were only eliminated by armed resistance. Immediate commercial interests that operate because of apartheid cannot make us forget history or prevent us from looking to the future. The people of South Africa will be victorious, regardless of the sacrifices they will have to make.
108.	In speaking, of Namibia, the delegation of Burundi wishes to reiterate its whole-hearted support for the people of Namibia in their struggle, under the leadership of their only movement of national liberation, SWAPO, to achieve self-determination, national independence and freedom in a united Namibia. The illegal and colonialist occupation of Namibia by South Africa constitutes an act of aggression against the people of Namibia and a challenge to the United Nations. This seizure of Namibia is a systematic violation by South Africa of the obligations imposed by the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. On behalf of my Government, I whole-heartedly condemn South Africa for those acts of aggression against the people of Namibia and against the United Nations. I furthermore reaffirm the fact that the sole legal authority entitled to administer the Territory until its independence is the United Nations Council for Namibia.
109.	We know that, lately, the five Western Powers of the Security Council have advocated a negotiated settlement of the question of Namibia. My Government supports the programme of action adopted by the Central Committee of SWAPO in the course of its meeting from 28 July to 1 August of 1976 at Lusaka, Zambia. Within the framework of that programme, the delegation of Burundi supports the continuation and intensification of the struggle of the people of Namibia until the total liberation of their Territory is achieved. South Africa must give up its plan to create bantustans, publicly admit the right of the people of Namibia to achieve independence and national sovereignty, and publicly recognize the territorial integrity of Namibia to be absolute and non-negotiable. The dismemberment of Namibia by the annexation of Walvis Bay must be rejected unequivocally by the international community. The United Nations must exercise pressure on South Africa to free all political prisoners without exception South Africa must allow all exiled patriots to return to their homes without fear of arrests or threats. The Vorster regime must withdraw its army and its police from Namibia; it must cease using Namibia as a base for aggression against the neighbouring independent African States. And, finally, constitutional negotiations on Namibia must take place under the aegis of the United Nations with a view to organizing free elections in Namibia, under the control and the supervision of the United Nations. The nomination by South Africa of an administrator for the period of transition is an illegal act, because the Vorster regime is illegally occupying Namibia.
110.	The Burundi delegation therefore calls upon all States to refrain from any act that might hinder the exercise of the authority" of the United Nations Council for Namibia over Namibia. The exploitation of the natural resources of Namibia by South Africa and transnational corporations is a flagrant violation of Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, adopted by the United Nations Council for Namibia with a view to halting the pillage of wealth of the people of Namibia. Need we stress that certain economic and military assistance given by Western Powers to the South African regime is an obstacle to the implementation of resolution 3295 (XXIX) of the General Assembly? This support of the South African regime jeopardizes international peace and security, which is already precarious in the region. Therefore, my delegation makes an urgent appeal to all countries to implement the mandatory embargo on the supply of weapons and spare parts to South Africa, in accordance with the decisions and recommendations of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo in May 1977. In the course of the Conference in Maputo, the international community prepared a programme of action for the liberation of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe; and some progress has already been made along the road to independence for Namibia, thanks to that work.
111.	In Zimbabwe the course of events seems to be tending towards decolonization. Thanks to a redoubling of the efforts and an intensification of the armed struggle carried out by the heroic people of Zimbabwe led by the Patriotic Front, the conditions for negotiation on a settlement of the problem seem to have been laid down. In this process of decolonization which has already been begun the Heads of State of the front-line countries, to whom my delegation wishes to pay a sincere tribute, have played a major role. The perseverance of the United Nations has had a profound effect on the United Kingdom, which has at last accepted its responsibility as administering Power: namely, to lead its colony to independence and autonomy.
112.	My delegation welcomed the appointment of a representative of the Secretary-General entrusted with the task of carrying on negotiations regarding the transition to majority government in Southern Rhodesia. However, the chances of settlement in Zimbabwe cannot blind us to the criminal acts which are daily being carried out by the illegal regime of Ian Smith. That regime, which is illegal, since it is a racist minority, has in fact adopted brutal measures of repression to the point of committing genocide against the people of Zimbabwe. Thousands of villagers have been forcibly herded into concentration camps; innocent people have been struck down, tortured and killed. To carry out their brutal repression against the people of Zimbabwe, the illegal regime is even recruiting mercenaries. Furthermore, the illegal regime has committed acts of aggression against Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia. In the economic field, the illegal minority regime has pillaged the resources of Zimbabwe.
113.	In the light of these acts of aggression and. oppression. Member States have no choice but to support the armed struggle of the people of Zimbabwe. In that context, the United Kingdom should act in order to break up .the rebel armed forces of Ian Smith, which have inflicted great loss of life and caused enormous destruction of property both in Zimbabwe and in the neighbouring countries. The special representative of the Secretary-General must also act to redress this situation. It is obvious that it is the armed forces and the police of Ian Smith that must lay down their weapons and not the forces of liberation that will ultimately constitute the regular army of independent Zimbabwe.
114.	The Anglo-American plan, which constitutes a sufficient basis for negotiation, can only succeed if it takes into account the positions that were stated by the Patriotic Front in the Security Council recently: namely, the need to disband the forces of repression of Ian Smith, and to exclude him and all his clique from any settlement, as well as the need for guarantees from the administering Power for the transfer of power to the black majority within the limits laid down; that is to say in the course of 1978.
115.	In fact, the people of Zimbabwe and the freedom- loving peoples of Africa and the world can no longer allow the Rhodesian racists to carry out their plans and to slow down the victories of the peoples of southern Africa in their efforts to prepare the way for liberation.
116.	As long as the regime of Ian Smith stands, the international community must go to the assistance of the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe to allow it to speed up the achievement of its independence. The international community is also in duty bound to strengthen economic ties against the Salisbury regime by resorting to the terms of Article 41 of the Charter of the United Nations, in accordance with the Maputo Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia.
117.	At the side of the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe, the people of Burundi is one with the people of the Sahara, which has for years courageously fought against colonialism and for self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. My delegation feels that General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) must be applied to Western Sahara also. That is the only acceptable way in which the Saharan people can continue to make enormous sacrifices to recover their dignity and their freedom under the direction of the Frente POLISARIO. We urge all the countries of the region to act accordingly and to create conditions of peace and co-operation in the region on that basis.
118.	Turning to the Comorian island of Mayotte, my delegation feels that the present status of Mayotte is contrary to respect for the territorial integrity of the Comorian Archipelago. This is clearly a colonial situation which must be ended as soon as possible. The problem, which did not exist when the island was a French colony, arose when France laid down principles for elections the results of which might have allowed the peoples of Mayotte to secede from the rest of the Archipelago. The organization of elections on such a basis appears to my delegation to challenge the very principle of the indivisibility and territorial integrity of the Comorian State.
119.	My delegation fervently hopes that France, which has emerged honourably from more complex situations in the past, will heed the appeals that have been made by the international community so that the island of Mayotte will return to the Comorian State and thus the basis for co-operation between the Comorians and France will be established and international peace and security will be safeguarded in that region.
120.	The manifestations of colonialism are, however, not limited to Africa alone. Colonial situations still persist in Asia and Latin America. Burundi believes that freedom knows no frontiers, and that is why we are at one with peoples struggling for their national independence and dignity, such as the peoples of East Timor and Belize. The treaties on the Panama Canal recently arrived at are an important step towards decolonization and the exercise of sovereignty. That is why my delegation addresses warm congratulations to the people of Panama and its leaders for having achieved a major victory.
121.	We wish to seize this opportunity also to encourage the people of the United States of America and its new administration to comply fully with the obligations they have assumed, which are a credit to them. We believe that the decision will be an important milestone in the elimination of the colonial problems that still plague the world.
122.	The situation in the Middle East is worsening because of Israel's illegal occupation of Palestinian and Arab territories.
123.	The creation of new settlements in the occupied territories is a further obstacle to efforts at achieving a just and lasting peace in the region.
124.	Despite these encroachments on sovereignty and on fundamental human rights, the delegation of Burundi feels that the Palestine question lies at the very heart of the problems of the Middle East. The people of Palestine should therefore have the right of decision. The delegation of Burundi supports the measures advocated at the extraordinary meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned countries on 30 September 1977 to ensure the settlement of the problem of the Middle East. The Government of the Republic of Burundi is convinced that for a just and lasting peace to be achieved in the area the following principles must be observed: the total withdrawal by Israel of all territories of Arab countries occupied by force since 5 June 1967, including the holy city of Jerusalem; the restoration of all the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine, including their right to return to self-determination and to the creation of an independent State in Palestine; the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization at the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East as the sole representative of the Palestinian people, the people most vitally affected by the problem of the Middle East.
125.	The delegation of Burundi urges the General Assembly and the Security Council to call upon Israel to renounce its policy of establishing new settlements and scrupulously to respect the provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949.
126.	The situation in Cyprus also warrants special attention by the international community. The people of Burundi wishes the two communities, both Greek and Turkish, to live in perfect harmony and hopes that the policy of the non-alignment of Cyprus will be safeguarded. Respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity must be ensured by all parties concerned. The delegation of Burundi encourages the efforts of the Secretary-General to achieve an acceptable settlement between the communities of the island.
127.	For a long time the Korean nation has aspired to peaceful and independent reunification, but the presence of foreign troops in South Korea constitutes a major obstacle to the achievement of profound and legitimate aspirations. That is why the delegation of Burundi calls again for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Korea.
128.	The United Nations must more firmly than in the past endeavour to create conditions more conducive to the reunification for which the Korean people is ready to fight to the bitter end..
129.	Guided by the principles of respect for the territorial integrity of countries and non-interference in the domestic affairs of States, the Government of the Republic of Burundi supports the just claims of the people of China to the People's Republic of China.
130.	The question of disarmament is of vital importance to the safeguarding and strengthening of international peace and security. A solution of this problem will allow the peoples of our planet to devote themselves to the needs of development and progress. At the present stage of negotiations, however, my delegation notes with regret that little tangible progress has been achieved. On the contrary, new forms of weapons of mass destruction are being perfected and are still appearing as the number of countries capable of achieving nuclear capability constantly grows. Year after year, military budgets increase alarmingly. Each year more than $300 billion is devoted to military expenditures, and a number of experts devote their time to research on more lethal instruments while they could be concerned with proposing new ways of controlling certain phenomena of nature which remain inexplicable, such as droughts, floods and earthquakes, which already cause so much suffering to mankind. The unrestrained arms race leads the delegation of Burundi to feel it is high time to draw up a programme of action to wipe out the spectre of a new world war of annihilation.
131.	In this context my Government feels that the United Nations is the right forum for negotiations. As far as principles are concerned, my delegation feels that the problem of disarmament must be examined in all its aspects and that there must be general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control. The conclusion of a treaty of that kind might well be negotiated within the framework of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, whose mandate could be extended by the General Assembly.
132.	As far as specific measures are concerned, the United Nations should encourage the United States and the Soviet Union to continue their strategic arms limitation talks. Pending the conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament, my delegation feels the following measures cc well be taken by all States: first, a solemn commitment not to use nuclear weapons; secondly, the prohibition of the emplacement of new nuclear weapons on the territory of other States; thirdly, the removal of nuclear hardware from the territory of other States; fourthly, the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones of peace and cooperation in different regions of the world; fifthly, the liquidation of military bases located in foreign territories.
133.	Obviously, those specific measures cannot be completed until the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. My delegation welcomes the initiative of the Soviet Union concerning the holding of a special session of the General Assembly in 1978.
134.	In fact, today more than ever before in history it is important for its salvation that mankind know that peace and welfare can be guaranteed not by the accumulation of nuclear weapons, but only by respecting human rights and the right of peoples to self-determination, independence and economic development.
135.	Our Organization's noble objectives-namely international peace and security among others-cannot truly be achieved while the immense majority of mankind wallows in misery and suffers hunger, ignorance, illiteracy and many grave privations. Since every man has a right to welfare and security, economic and social progress seems to be a priority and the way to ensure the exercise of these fundamental rights. Thus, the people of Burundi welcomed with a sense of relief the decisions and recommendations of the General Assembly during its sixth and seventh special sessions. We are gratified at the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.
136.	These important steps towards economic liberation, have not, unfortunately, reduced the growing gap between the developed and developing nations. On the contrary, lately the economic and monetary crises have only increased the unsettling effects on the already fragile economies of the developing countries, particularly the less developed and land-locked countries. No effective solution has been found to the problems of basic commodities, debts, balance of payments, protection of purchasing power in the developing countries, trade, the transfer of technology, the constant increase in the flow of tangible resources and access to capital markets.
137.	My delegation feels that the Paris Conference was useful in that it provided the elements that should serve as the basis for future negotiations. We thank France for having been host to the Conference. We also appreciate the true worth of the results obtained during the course of that Conference. However, the Government of Burundi shares the conviction of the non-aligned countries that the main cause of the deterioration in international economic relations lies in the absence of political will on the part of certain Powers, clinging as they do to protectionism. At this critical moment in the economic struggle, Burundi is glad it enjoys co-operation and solidarity with the Group of 77, which has prevailed over the divisive manoeuvres indulged in during the difficult negotiations of the North-South Conference and the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
138.	.Burundi upholds the declaration of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the States members of the Group of 77 which met on 29 September 1977 at the Headquarters of the United Nations in New York. We are convinced that the establishment of a new international economic order is in the interests of the international community and, therefore, Burundi feels it is imperative to resume negotiations within the framework of the United Nations system, the only appropriate forum fully representative for such purposes. My delegation wishes to draw the attention of the developed countries to the need to provide for the most pressing and particular requirements of the land-locked and most seriously affected countries,
139.	It is imperative that concrete and positive results should be arrived at immediately that will lead to justice and equity in our international relations.
140.	In this respect, Burundi supports the convening of a special session of the General Assembly during 1980 to assess the progress achieved on the tortuous road to the establishment of a new international economic order. We trust that between now and then we will have been able to make further progress in the strengthening of co-operation.
141.	My delegation lays great store by co-operation among Member States regardless of their degree of development.
142.	While it is true that development is a matter for each country, solidarity is necessary for harmonious development among States. The new regime in Burundi has laid a solid groundwork for that development. In fact, in the first months of its existence, fruitful contacts were established between Burundi and its neighbouring countries, namely, Rwanda, Tanzania and Zaire, in order to create regional groupings for co-operation. The Burundi Government is happy that the decisions adopted by the eminent Heads of State of the region have met the profound aspirations of their people and ours.
143.	We are happy to note that these efforts are being endorsed by the United Nations system and by the European Economic Community. The Burundi delegation encourages such initiatives, between developing countries. Thus, the Programme of Action adopted by the Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, the Action Programme for Economic Co-operation adopted by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, the report of the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries and also the decisions of the Trade and Development Board of UNCTAD, will clearly guide us all in our future deliberations. In a more specific field, that of the law of the sea, Burundi has followed with interest the negotiations that have taken place in the preparation of an international convention. My delegation believes that it would be regrettable to delay the conclusion of such a convention as thereby the United Nations would forfeit much of its credit and respect. At this stage of negotiations we believe particular attention should be given to the position of the land-locked countries which are equally interested in developing the resources of the high seas, the common heritage of mankind.
144.	Thus, the oceans and seas will no longer be an arena for armed confrontation but will become vast fields for co-operation and peace. Within that context, my delegation wishes to state that we support the just demands of the coastal States of the Indian Ocean, who adjure the international community to make of it a zone of peace and co-operation.
145.	In the course of this statement, at no time I trust have I ceased to stress the outstanding role that the United Nations must and should play in international relations. This is due to a large extent to the faith that the people of Burundi have placed in this great world Organization. This confidence is due also to the scope of the problems that should be solved by peaceful means. The United Nations doubtless is the most appropriate forum for the settlement of those questions that touch on the future of the peoples of the world. Peoples struggling for their independence and dignity turn their eyes to our Organization. The people of Palestine inquire of this Organization regarding their future. The search for a world of justice and equity hinges on our Organization. Over the years our Organization has achieved enormous scope.
146.	The question arises, however, of whether the sharp problems that face our Organization can be solved despite the contradictions inherent in its component parts. In the past, it has been surprising to see that two important bodies of our Organization, namely, the General Assembly and the Security Council, have been unable to take the same stand on situations that threaten international peace and security, including such questions as decolonization, apartheid, the Middle East and Viet Nam.
147.	The international community has witnessed the improper use of the right of veto by one or another of the members of the Security Council. Today, because of the exaggerated prerogatives enjoyed by the permanent members, the decisions of the General Assembly are blocked. Convinced that .this situation will not find any solution based upon the present provisions of the Charter, the Government of Burundi feels that the moment has come for a democratization of international relations by a revision of the Charter and bearing in mind the need to abolish the right of veto.
148.	In so doing, we shall have laid a solid basis for equity and justice in international relations. We will have safeguarded also the very foundations of our Organization. We will have rekindled for succeeding generations the torch of San Francisco, the torch of equality, friendship and solidarity among peoples.


85.	Comrade President, 1 have already had the honour of congratulating you upon your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly and to wish you every possible success from the bottom of our hearts. We have also had the honour of congratulating the two new Members, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti, upon their admission to membership in the United Nations.
86.	I shall begin my statement today, therefore, by simply setting forth the policy of our Government on the most important international problems.
87.	In assessing the world situation, the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic proceeds from the premise that the steady change in the correlation of forces in the international arena in favour of peace, national independence and the social progress of peoples, is the prevailing tendency in the world today. This irreversible historical process was started by the Great October Socialist Revolution, whose sixtieth anniversary is being celebrated this year by all of progressive mankind.
88.	The emergence of the first socialist State, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, engendered a new type of relations based upon the principles of equality, respect for the independence and sovereignty of all countries, big and small, and of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems.
89.	The victory over fascism and militarism with the decisive contribution of the Soviet Union and the formation and consolidation of the world socialist community have enhanced further the possibility of ensuring universal peace and developing equitable international co-operation. It is therefore no accident that the Soviet Union and other socialist countries are participating actively in the work of the United Nations, which has set itself the task of maintaining peace and international co-operation.
90.	Positive developments in the restructuring of the entire system of international relations on the basis of just and democratic principles have been the result, above all, of the joint efforts of the socialist countries supported by all peace-loving and progressive forces of the world. The successful realization of the principles of peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems has made detente the prevailing trend in contemporary international life.
91.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic believes that the principal task of both the world community and the United Nations is to consolidate that trend so as to make it a durable and irreversible process and to extend it to all parts of the world. This task has now become of particular urgency in the face of the attempts undertaken by imperialist and other reactionary forces to frustrate international detente and to return the world to the time of the  cold war , to whip up war hysteria. Such actions are expressed primarily in the escalation of the arms race in the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, in the United States of America in the first place, under the false pretext of the so-called  Soviet threat , as well as in the production of new types of weapons of mass destruction such as neutron bombs and Cruise missiles. Proponents of the military-industrial complex are trying to buttress those actions by various concepts such as the concept of  peace through strength , which is meant in fact to justify the unrestrained arms race. These dangerous concepts, which remind one of the military doctrines of the time of the cold war, must give way to ideas conducive to the strengthening of mutual confidence among States.
92.	The countries of the socialist community have put forward constructive initiatives aimed at deepening and extending the process of detente by enhancing it through concrete measures in the field of disarmament and the development of international economic, scientific, technical and cultural co-operation on the basis of equal rights and mutual benefit.
93.	This consistent course pursued by the socialist countries is explicitly confirmed by the new initiative of the Soviet Union, which focuses the attention of the world public and the United Nations on the vital problems of deepening further the process of international detente and saving humanity from the threat of a thermonuclear war. The proposal to consider the item  deepening and consolidation of international detente and prevention of the danger of nuclear war , submitted to this session by A. A. Gromyko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet
Union, is in full conformity with the demand of the peoples of the world that effective measures be taken to stop the arms race and to bring about genuine disarmament, in particular nuclear disarmament.
94.	With regard to the cessation of the nuclear arms race and nuclear disarmament, the twin task of strengthening the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests has assumed particular urgency. These measures would make it possible to put an end to the qualitative improvement of those weapons of mass destruction, to prevent the emergence of new types of such weapons. My delegation places its hopes on the negotiations for a complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests, which have begun this year between the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom, and holds the view that constructive steps in this direction would have a far- reaching positive impact. In this connexion, we should like to emphasize the great importance of the new and constructive step taken by the Soviet Union, namely, its willingness to suspend, in agreement with the United States and the United Kingdom, underground nuclear-weapon tests for a certain period of time, even before other nuclear Powers accede to the proposed treaty. This constitutes further proof of the Soviet Union's sincere desire to contribute in every way possible to the cause of nuclear disarmament.
95.	Such collateral measures as the strengthening of the IAEA safeguards with respect to transfer of nuclear materials and technology, the creation of zones genuinely free of nuclear weapons, and the complete demilitarization of the sea-bed and the ocean floor are also of great importance for the strengthening of the regime of non- proliferation of nuclear weapons and, consequently for the lessening of the risk of nuclear war.
96.	The conclusion of an agreement on the limitation of strategic offensive weapons would exert a favourable influence on all disarmament negotiations being held in different forums and would contribute substantially to the cessation of the nuclear arms race and to bringing about nuclear disarmament. The identical statements made by the Soviet Union and the United States regarding their willingness to continue to observe their commitments under the 1972 interim agreement,3 as well as the reports on certain progress recently achieved in bringing closer together the positions of the two Powers, have encouraged us to believe that in the near future agreements may be reached in this vital area.
97.	The Mongolian People's Republic holds the view that the concrete agreements achieved in the negotiations on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in central Europe would represent a tangible measure in easing the situation in the region of the confrontation of the largest military forces.
98.	In the light of measures taken by NATO countries in building up armaments, the need to achieve an agreement on these questions on the basis of the principle
3 Interim Agreement on certain measures with respect to the limitation of strategic offensive arms, and protocol thereto, signed at Moscow on 26 May 1972 of ensuring equal security for all parties has become of even greater urgency,
99.	My delegation wishes to express the hope that the spirit of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, which plays an important role in strengthening detente in Europe, will have a positive impact on the progress of negotiations on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in that region which saw the beginning of two devastating world wars.
100.	The Mongolian People's Republic was one of the sponsors of the working papers entitled  Basic provisions of the declaration on disarmament  and  Basic provisions of the programme of action on disarmament  submitted by the socialist countries to the Preparatory Committee for the Special Session of the General Assembly Devoted to Disarmament. In these documents, which epitomize the main ideas of the Soviet memorandum on questions of ending the arms race and disarmament, in addition to the measures of nuclear disarmament, paramount importance is attached to the problems of the prohibition of chemical weapons and of the development and production of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction. My delegation considers it necessary that certain results be achieved in the negotiations on these problems well before the special session of the General Assembly, which is to be held in May-June 1978.
101.	The Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques , signed last summer, is an important supplement to the measures already taken towards curbing the arms race. It is now essential to ensure its universality. In the opinion of my delegation this convention, being a first step in the efforts to prohibit the emergence of new means of mass destruction, could provide a stimulus to further negotiations in this field.
102.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic is of the opinion that the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations would be of great significance for the enhancement of the effectiveness of agreements already concluded on curbing the arms race and for creating a favourable atmosphere for making further progress in the disarmament talks.
103.	The proposal made by the Soviet Union regarding the conclusion of such an instrument is designed to institutionalise in international relations the principle of the non-use of force, which has already been confirmed in many bilateral and multilateral treaties and also in the Final Act adopted by the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.
104.	The delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic submits that this session of the General Assembly should indicate concrete measures leading to the elaboration of such a world treaty.
105.	The proposal of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty that all participants in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe should undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against each other will undoubtedly strengthen the atmosphere of confidence among States.
106.	The need for strengthening the results achieved in curbing the arms race and producing further measures aimed at achieving the objectives of general and complete disarmament requires the active participation of all States, big and small, nuclear and non-nuclear. The proposal for the convening of a world Disarmament Conference, inter alia, takes account of such a requirement. The progress of the work of the Preparatory Committee for the Special Session of the General Assembly Devoted to Disarmament gives us, in our opinion, grounds for saying that such world forums will be capable of generating momentum for the struggle of the world community for disarmament and of outlining practical ways of achieving progress towards this end.
107.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic attaches paramount importance to strengthening peace and security in Asia. For the last three decades this vast continent, where more than one half of the world's population lives, has continuously experienced wars and armed conflicts, provoked by neo-colonialist forces, and there still exist hotbeds of tension, fraught with danger to world peace.
108.	The ensuring of lasting peace and security in Asia has assumed particular urgency in the light of the fact that virtually all the States of the region, with few exceptions, are developing countries faced with a great number of urgent problems of socio-economic development.
109.	It is therefore natural that the peoples of Asia should be interested in ensuring durable peace throughout Asia.
110.	It goes without saying that the principles of peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems, as well as principles stipulated in the United Nations Charter and in the Declaration of the Asian-African Conference, held at Bandung in 1955, should serve as a basis for ensuring peace and security in Asia.
111.	The Mongolian People's Republic is of the view that, under circumstances of the steady consolidation of the forces of peace, national independence and social progress of peoples, and the further deepening of international detente, it is quite feasible to ensure peace in Asia through the collective efforts of all States of the continent.
112.	In setting forth the position of the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic on ways of creating an Asia-wide system of peace and security, Comrade Yumjagiyn Tsedenbal, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party and Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Great Khural of the Mongolian People's Republic, said:
The elimination of existing hotbeds of tension, the political settlement of outstanding international disputes, the permanent renunciation of the use or threat of force in international relations and the development of mutually beneficial co-operation among the States of the continent serve as a basis for ensuring peace and security in Asia
113.	It is essential, in the first place, to eliminate hotbeds of tension and military conflicts if the foundations of lasting peace in Asia and throughout the world are to be built.
114.	The further aggravation of the explosive situation in the Middle East by the aggressive and annexationist actions of the ruling circles of Israel is causing increasingly widespread concern. It is imperative speedily to achieve a lasting and just settlement of that crisis on the basis of the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, and to secure the inalienable right of the Arab people of Palestine to self-determination, including their right to establish their own State, and to guarantee the independent existence of all States of the region.
115.	In the light of prevailing circumstances, the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East represents the only means capable of paving the way for a comprehensive solution to the problem.
116.	We consider that the representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization, recognized by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity as the sole legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine, should be given an opportunity to participate in that Conference from the very beginning on an equal footing with others.
117.	The Mongolian People's Republic, which has consistently supported the struggle of the Arab peoples against the Israeli aggressors, is convinced that the Arab countries will further consolidate their unity of action and that their just cause will ultimately be crowned with success.
118.	The presence of foreign troops in the south of Korea and the provocative actions of the South Korean regime, which impede the peaceful reunification of the country, are continuing seriously to complicate the situation in the Far East.
119.	The initiatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with regard to a peaceful and democratic solution of the Korean problem without any outside interference command broad international support.
120.	This can be said with respect to the proposal made by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on the convening of a political consultative meeting of the North and the South to be attended by representatives of political parties, public organizations and broad strata of people from both sides of the country.
121.	The withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed in South Korea, dissolution of the so-called  United Nations Command , and replacement of the Armistice Agreement with a peace agreement, as provided for in the relevant resolution of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, are pre-conditions for a peaceful settlement of the Korean problem.
122.	We are convinced that the struggle of the Korean people for the creation of a unified, independent, democratic State will be crowned with victory and that this hotbed of tension in the Far East, fraught with potential danger to international peace, will be eliminated.
123.	It is a matter of profound regret that the situation in Cyprus has so far shown no notable progress. The Mongolian People's Republic favours the solution of the Cyprus problem on the basis of complete respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. It is essential to put an end to all foreign interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus so that its ethnic communities can themselves solve the problem of the future of their country. We deem it useful that the United Nations and its Secretary General should further promote in every way the success of the intercommunal talks, in conformity with Security Council and General Assembly resolutions.
124.	There can be no doubt that one of the most important tasks today is the elimination of the remaining strongholds of colonialism and the eradication of racism and apartheid.
125.	It is a well-known fact that the racist regimes of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, with extensive support from their Western patrons, are not only persisting in carrying out an inhuman racist policy towards the indigenous peoples, but are consistently committing acts of aggression against neighbouring States, thus creating a threat to peace and security on the African continent. This situation has been further aggravated by the attempts of the South African racists to acquire nuclear weapons. Such a situation in southern Africa calls for the international community to exert further efforts for the speedy and full implementation of all United Nations resolutions for the complete elimination of colonialism and racism—primarily, the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
126.	It is imperative for the United Nations and world public opinion to increase their all-round assistance to the fighting peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, and further urge certain Western Powers to desist from all collaboration with the racist regimes. The Mongolian People's Republic stands for the full and unconditional transfer of power to the people of Zimbabwe, the immediate granting of independence to Namibia and the cessation of the policy of racism and apartheid in the Republic of South Africa.
127.	It is high time to take effective measures against the racist regimes, as provided for in the United Nations Charter and in Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, as well as in the decisions of a number of representative international forums held under the aegis of the United Nations.
13 L As to the so-called peaceful settlement of the problem of southern Africa, the policy of supporting the Salisbury and Pretoria regimes pursued by the authors of those plans should not be overlooked. I should like to emphasize further that in southern Africa we are dealing primarily with a national liberation movement of peoples, and no harm should be done to that movement under any pretext whatsoever.
132.	It is evident that the joint action of the peoples of southern Africa and their close alliance with all progressive forces in the world constitute an important factor which will expedite the triumph of their just cause.
133.	The Mongolian People's Republic supports the struggle of the developing countries for the restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis.  What is at issue here is the restructuring of the international economic relations which emerged in conditions of capitalist domination and were based on the exploitation of colonial and dependent countries.
134.	The socialist countries are successfully developing relations based on the principles of equality and equal rights, reciprocal benefits and mutual assistance. We submit that essentially the creation of a new international economic order means the reorganization of world-wide economic relations on precisely the same principles.
135.	It is natural, therefore, that the developing countries, which are aiming at establishing a new international economic order, should enjoy the support of the socialist countries.
136.	The absence of any tangible progress in solving this problem indicates that the major obstacle to the radical restructuring of international economic relations lies in the persistent refusal of the industrially developed capitalist States to meet the just demands of the developing countries. This was demonstrated particularly in the results of the this Conference on so-called  international economic co-operation  as well as in the deliberations of the resumed thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
137.	In their attempts to poison the international atmosphere and sow the seeds of distrust and enmity among nations the champions of the  cold war  have recently launched a slanderous campaign against the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries on the pretext of the so-called  protection  of human rights.
138.	However, attempts to deny the achievements of the socialist countries in guaranteeing human rights and freedoms are doomed to total failure because they are refuted by the very facts of life.
139.	The new socialist world, born 60 years ago, has eliminated for the first time in the history of mankind the exploitation of man by man and has fully ensured all democratic rights and freedoms. By developing and improving socialist democracy the socialist countries are creating all the necessary conditions for the harmonious development of every individual and for the equal participation of their citizens in the political, economic and spiritual life of society.
140.	Many of the fundamental United Nations documents on human rights have been produced with the active participation of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries.
141.	By contrast, the country that is whipping up this noisy and hypocritical campaign has not so far ratified basic documents in this field.
142.	The policies and practices of colonialism, racism, violence and aggression result, as experience has shown, in the most flagrant mass violations of human rights. The real cause of violations of human rights is to be found in this.
143.	The delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic resolutely condemns the criminal acts of the Chilean junta and demands that an end be put to the bloody repression and persecution of Chilean patriots and democrats.
144.	In the conditions of the continuing process of detente the United Nations has an important role to play in co-ordinating the efforts of its Member States for the further consolidation of peace, security and international co-operation.
145.	In this connexion I should like to stress here that the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic highly appreciates the efforts of our distinguished Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, designed to enhance the efficiency of the United Nations in solving the urgent problems facing the international community.
146.	My delegation is convinced that strict observance by Member States of the Charter of the United Nations, which objectively reflects the reality of our time, is the most cogent and appropriate way of further improving the efficiency of the Organization.
147.	My delegation therefore opposes any attempt to revise the basic provisions of the Charter, which have stood the test of time and have vital importance for the existence of the United Nations as an instrument of peace and international co-operation.
148.	In conclusion, I should like to assure you, comrade President, and the distinguished representatives of Member States, that the Mongolian People's Republic is resolved and will continue to do its utmost to promote the realization of the purposes and principles of the United Nations, to deepen international detente and to strengthen peace and international security.


198.	 Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation and myself, I extend our sincerest congratulations on your election as President of this session, and I express my confidence that the work of the session will produce achievements of benefit to all in our international community. We have the advantage of your long experience, combined with your renowned skill and wisdom, and the earnest efforts of your Government in the service of peace. Therefore, Mr. President, I have no doubt that you will perform the functions entrusted to you in the best possible manner.
199.	I must also commend the excellent performance of your outstanding predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe, in conducting the previous session, which covered many important tasks, and I wish to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his ceaseless efforts in the service of this Organization and its Charter. I should also like to take this occasion to welcome the new Members which-have joined our Organization at this session.
200.	My country recognizes the great importance of the role of the United Nations in promoting and supporting world peace and security and in accelerating co-operation between all nations in all possible fields, in order to bring welfare and stability to the entire human community and to arrest the catastrophes of war and the evil effects of conflict and dissension, which destroy the hopes of everyone for security, stability and a free and decent life.
201.	While we are aware of the numerous and important achievements of the United Nations in the service of international peace and security, and in the development of economic and social co-operation among various countries, we feel that the United Nations has not realized its full potential in either of those two fields. Neither world peace nor international economic co-operation is as widespread as it ought to be. Now, more than ever before, there is an urgent need in both those fields for joint and continuous efforts to eliminate the threats to international peace and to remove the existing obstacles to greater international economic co-operation.
202.	The most dangerous threat to international peace and security is the deterioration of the situation in the Middle East resulting from Israel's defiance of the international mandate represented by the Charter of the United Nations and its resolutions.
203.	Israel's deliberate obstruction of the present peace efforts exposes the area to the danger of a new and explosive armed conflict, the destructive consequences of which will not be confined to the Middle East region but will extend to the whole world.
204.	At present the Middle East is at a cross-roads: either the peace efforts will succeed and a just and permanent peace will be achieved in the area, or they will fail, leading inevitably to a new and terrifying eruption.
205.	The international community, whose mandate has been entrusted to the Assembly, has no choice but to support and endorse the rule of law and justice, to seek peace, to put an end to Israel's intransigence and to demand that Israel respect international law and implement United Nations resolutions, in particular Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) condemning the acquisition of foreign territories by force and calling for the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories which it has occupied since 1967. In this regard the international community must also see to it that the Palestinian people is given its full, legitimate and inalienable rights.
206.	My country's absolute belief that peace and security for the whole of the international community are inextricably linked causes it to view with grave concern the dangerous intervention of external Powers in the internal affairs of the peoples of the African continent.
207.	Occurring after the long and bitter struggle for independence by the African peoples, this foreign intervention aggravates the problems of this continent and dims its countries' prospects for that genuine peace which Africa and-the international community are seeking, especially after the long sufferings endured by those countries in their struggle for independence. We see in this foreign intervention nothing but a blow to the hopes and aspirations of the African peoples in their pursuit of a free and peaceful life in accordance with a system of free choice and self-determination, free of any foreign interference.
208.	The aim of this foreign intervention is also the destruction of existing efforts to find solutions to the urgent problems of the African continent, solutions which will lead to security, stability and the development of the economic capabilities of the African peoples.
209.	The implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace will exempt that region from international conflicts, thereby freeing its peoples to develop their countries in a climate of security and stability and enable them to participate more effectively in solving the problems confronting mankind.
210.	A problem which is still a source of great concern to us all is the arms race between the super-Powers. In addition to the huge waste of financial resources which it entails, the arms race is dragging the world to the brink of a bottomless pit. For that reason, and recognizing the fact that the United Nations has not in recent years reached an adequate agreement on the numerous matters related to disarmament, we see a need to increase our efforts to take new steps to achieve progress in this area.
211.	We look forward to a discussion of the subject of disarmament at the coming special session of the United Nations devoted to that purpose and we hope that fruitful progress will be achieved through it.
212.	Also, the slowdown in international detente places a special responsibility on the two super-Powers, principally because of the continuation of conflicts between them. The effect of these conflicts is not limited to preventing effective co-operation between the two super-Powers in solving the multiple problems facing the world. In addition, this strife also has a negative effect on the policies of other countries associated with the two super-Powers. This leads, in turn, to the aggravation of regional conflicts which might easily be solved but for the involvement of the superpowers. Therefore, the responsibility for maintaining world peace and security, while the common responsibility of all countries, falls predominantly on the two super-Powers, which have a greater stake in peace and security and which, therefore, should seek an end to their long-standing conflicts and guard the interests of the international community, guaranteeing its security and stability.
213.	I shall turn now to contemporary international economic problems. Without a doubt, there is now a certain measure of economic co-operation among our countries, but we hope to achieve greater co-operation in order to enable the developing countries to increase their growth rates. In the interest of the goals of development and economic growth for the developing nations, we call for a redoubling of effort directed towards international trade and foreign aid. We hope that the dialogue will continue both on measures to fight inflation and to lighten the burden of debt and interest and on other matters often touched upon in this forum by the developing countries.
214.	To be realistic, it is not by our awareness of the integrated nature of the international economy nor by our conviction as to the necessity for economic co-operation among nations that we shall surmount the international economic problems facing our world today. In the international community there are countries which made big strides in economic development and which have already established an industrial base with trained cadres of workers supporting their economic affluence and pushing it forward. There are also other countries, unfortunately constituting the great majority, which lack sufficient resources to develop their economies independently. Those countries are therefore in need of foreign assistance for their development efforts.
215.	For the realization of the integrated world economy based on sound co-operation among States, which we all advocate, there rests on each of the two groups a special responsibility related to their respective economic situation. It is possible for the developing countries to redouble their growth efforts by concentrating on productive growth activities chosen according to enlightened policies. By the same token, the developed countries must allocate more economic aid to the developing countries to accelerate their growth and progress. The co-ordinated efforts of the developing countries, on the one hand, and the positive assistance of the developed countries in support of these efforts, on the other, is the ideal combination to bring favourable results and lessen economic disparity in the world.
216.	Naturally, the issue cannot be resolved by considering it a matter of assistance. As we know, there is an acute need to increase the measure of economic and commercial co-operation between the countries of the two groups so as to bring about greater responsiveness to the requirements of the developing countries than we observe today. There is also the problem of transfer of technology to the developing countries. This transfer must be facilitated and accelerated to enable the developing countries to build up their industries rationally and in the shortest possible time. Still another problem is posed by the ratio between the prices of the raw materials exported by the developing countries and the industrial products they import from the developed countries. There is a need to arrive at an equitable and logical link between the prices of the two classes of commodities.
217.	We have followed the North-South dialogue which took place in Paris between the developed and the developing countries for the purpose of establishing the foundations for a new international economic order that would assure greater justice to the developing countries.
218.	Although this dialogue did not realize everything which we had hoped for, it has produced some limited measures such as, for example, the joint fund to finance commodity stocks under the Integrated Programme for Commodities and also certain rules related to governmental assistance for development. We hope that the developed countries will implement those resolutions and pursue their dialogue with the developing countries to lay the basis for a new international economic order serving the interests of all. We therefore call for the resumption of the North-South dialogue. With the same enthusiasm and for the same reason, we hope that the Arab-European dialogue will continue more positively than ever for the enhancement of our mutual interests and benefits.
219.	My country has always participated in the numerous sessions of the Conference on the Law of the Sea, believing in the special importance of this Conference to all countries of the world, whether coastal or land-locked. My country, being a coastal State, has been contributing working papers and ideas since the second session in Caracas, in the conviction that it will help, albeit in a limited way, towards establishing an international legal framework for the various issues being discussed or considered at these sessions. It was the hope of my country, among many others, that the most recent session would conclude, as was indeed expected, with the formulation of an international treaty encompassing those various ideas, aspects, issues and principles of the law of the sea. Although our hope was not fulfilled, there is no doubt that we must support what has been achieved thus far. We hope that the next session will succeed in its assignment, and in realizing our hopes.
220.	All this having been said, there is one more subject to which my country attaches great importance and to which it is committed with the utmost seriousness and loyalty. I refer to the concept of regional co-operation in all its aspects, as the working basis for expansion of co-operation on an international scale. A regional structure with the majority of participants having cultural affinity and interdependent economies, in addition to geographical proximity, is the surest guarantee for the success of co-operation on its fullest scale among countries having such bonds. If regional co-operation is practised in a manner well adapted to the capabilities of the member countries of the regional group, with full scope given for possibilities of industrial- economic co-ordination and integration, each member country will benefit, relationships will be strengthened, the spirit of friendship and good neighbourliness will be promoted, and the possibilities of conflict will be removed.
221.	In this belief, and with the guidance of His Majesty Sultan Qabus bin Said, my country has taken the initiative in establishing co-operation of this kind in our region and is pursuing it with full dedication, cherishing the hope that greater co-operation among our countries in all possible fields will be achieved for the common benefit of all States and peoples in the region.
222.	Since the day on which my country joined the international family, it has been working at home and abroad, striving earnestly to keep abreast of modern developments, taking great strides in self-development, making full use of the experience of more advanced people—all in the belief that human experience is the common heritage of all mankind and that the international community no longer consists of isolated entities.
223.	There remains one final subject on which I really did not intend to speak. But regrettably and despite my awareness of your valuable time, I find myself compelled to exercise my right of reply to the unfounded and fallacious statements made by the Chairman of the Presidential
Council of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen before this Assembly at its 16th meeting, on Monday, 3 October.
224.	Allow me first to point out that the statements of the speaker from South Yemen are not only a travesty of the facts but also constitute a direct interference in the internal affairs of a Member State in violation of the provisions and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, a matter which the United Nations always tends to avoid.
225.	Since its independence, Southern Yemen, driven by sinister motives of aggression, is always breeding conflicts in order to endanger peace and security in the Arabian peninsula. To do so it has sponsored terrorist organizations in execution of the designs of one of the superpowers. The Sultanate of Oman, together with other Arab States, tried to help Southern Yemen to get rid of this alien and foreign influence. We assured and reiterated our readiness to help before the non-aligned Conference held in Colombo last year. Yet it is evident that the ruling clique in Aden is not only aiming at stirring up disorder and instability in the region, but is also bent on crushing the fundamentals of the national spirit of the people of Southern Yemen, which has led to the butchering of thousands and the assassination of leaders inside and outside Southern Yemen. This resulted in the influx of more than half a million refugees to neighbouring countries. These refugees were forced to leave their homes and live in neighbouring countries, thus causing those countries innumerable problems. These people were driven out of Southern Yemen, not because they had committed any offence, but solely because of their refusal to abandon their religious and spiritual heritage and convictions and be subjected to unjust alien laws and ideologies.
226.	The real danger which we face and which the international community faces is the fact that the policies of Southern Yemen are fundamentally based on the policies of terrorism. Its terrorist agents are feverishly bent on creating chaos and disorder in the region. Our main worry here is that navigation in the Strait of Hormuz should not be endangered by the acts of these terrorists. Such acts could affect the safety and passage of international oil tankers through this Strait, which is so vital and important to the whole world. My country has a special responsibility in safeguarding international navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and we shall never allow it to be threatened or endangered. We hold Southern Yemen fully responsible for having created certain circumstances by adopting policies of supporting and abetting terrorist- organizations, to the detriment of the whole world economy. There is no need to confirm this here, because it has already been confirmed from this rostrum by the Chairman of the Presidential Council of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. We only intended to bring these facts to the attention of Member States. We had hoped that Southern Yemen would pursue a realistic policy of peaceful coexistence among all the regimes in the region, but, regrettably, the ruling clique in Aden declared unequivocally before this Assembly that they do not intend to bring about favourable conditions for coexistence, peace and stability in this part of the world. A State such as Southern Yemen, which completely ignores its international responsibilities, is not worthy of support or membership in the international family. It is not a responsible regime able or willing to maintain the interests of its people or to work, with the rest of the world, for the objectives of peace and security. We affirm here that, inasmuch as we believe in the Charter of the United Nations, and inasmuch as we are committed to creating good and friendly relations with our neighbours, we will never relinquish our sovereignty or independence and will never allow any interference in our internal affairs.
227.	The Sultanate of Oman sincerely extends the hand of friendship and fruitful co-operation to all the countries of the world, without making any distinction as to social or political regime; it honours the principles of respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of others, concentrates its efforts on self-development, co-operates with all in what is beneficial to all, and upholds at all times the Charter of the United Nations and strives to apply its principles to best effect.