Mr. President, first of all I should like to express to you my warmest congratulations upon your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. The great talent of the Permanent Representative of SriLanka, of the President of the Conference on the Law of the Sea and of the representative in New York of the presidency of the non-aligned countries is known to all. I have no doubt that at this session it will increasingly manifest itself. The co-operation of the French delegation will be yours in helping you to bring to a successful conclusion your difficult task in the next few weeks.
90.	I should also like to pay a tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Gaston Thorn, who at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly displayed qualities of intelligence and character which made him the candidate of the group to which France belongs. An illustrious European and hence familiar with international problems, he found here a scene that' was equal to the exceptional talents and gifts which brought him to the head of the Government of a country united to France both by the ties of history and geography and by those of the heart, will and reason.
91.	Lastly, I am particularly pleased to find here again my friend Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who was so frequently for me a welcoming and understanding interlocutor and to tell him to what extent France appreciates the talent, the authority and the tact with which he accomplishes his lofty and difficult mission. Our confidence in him has never been wanting, and he still has our full support.
92.	It is not without some emotion that, after having been twice accredited to the United Nations and, just recently, the Permanent Representative of France for more than four years, I address the Assembly today in this familiar setting in my capacity as Minister of Foreign Affairs. I recognize the honor but also the weight of the duty which falls to me in this circumstance when once again, this time vested with broader responsibilities, I must make France's voice heard. My task is lightened by the pleasure I feel at seeing so many familiar faces and at drawing on such recent memories.
93.	It will not surprise members of the Assembly that as a former Permanent Representative I am tempted to review the world situation in the light of our Charter. This document, written 30 years ago, is still the basic instrument of international co-operation. Do not its preamble and the purposes and principles it lays down for oar Organization in memorable words contain a statement of the aspirations that should determine the action of peoples and States? A comparison between what should be and what actually is should serve to stimulate reflection and spur efforts so that, in this necessarily interdependent world where we live, war, poverty, intolerance and discrimination will no longer have to be put up with as inevitable ills.
94.	To save succeeding generations from the scourge of war: that is the first goal set by the Charter. Although there is now no military conflict between States in the conventional sense of the word, how can we fail to see that overt or potential hotbeds of crisis persist or have developed quite recently?
95.	The crisis in Lebanon, a country to which France is deeply attached, is a tragic illustration of this fact. That country, once a model of coexistence among different communities, has been subject to uncontrolled outbreaks of violence for more than a year now. An implacable mechanism has consistently kindled new flames from the smoking ashes of each previous outbreak. What is at stake is Lebanon's very existence and the survival of its people in all their richness and diversity. It rests with the Lebanese people themselves to find through dialog a political solution which, alone, can put an end to these fratricidal struggles.
96.	On behalf of the French Government, I should like to express again to Mr. Elias Sarkis, the new President of the Lebanese Republic, our heartfelt wishes for the success of the difficult task he is undertaking and our hope that once peace is restored the Lebanese people will be able to devote their efforts to the necessary work of reconstruction.
97.	I should like to state here that the crisis in Lebanon will be resolved only by a settlement based on the unity, integrity and sovereignty of the country. The French Government, for its part, remains available and, in particular, willing to facilitate any meeting or any search for reconciliation, which obviously presupposes a definitive cessation of the fighting. With a view to this, France is maintaining close contact with all the parties to the conflict.
98.	Deeply moved by the suffering of the entire Lebanese people, we have endeavored to provide humanitarian aid. Assistance has been granted to Lebanese nationals temporarily living in France and large shipments of medical supplies have been sent to Lebanon itself. Moreover, we are ready to lend our help, in conjunction with our partners in the European Community, to the reconstruction of Lebanon.
99.	But the solution of the Lebanese tragedy cannot be separated from the solution of the Palestinian problem and the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole. These three questions are in fact inextricably linked. It is for that reason that in the latter two cases we reaffirm both the necessity to implement Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338(1973) and the basic nature of the three principles upon which any lasting settlement must necessarily rely: withdrawal from the territories occupied by Israel in June 1967, recognition of the Palestinians' right to a homeland, and the right of all States in the area, including Israel, to live in peace within secure, recognized and guaranteed boundaries.
100.	The basis of any just and lasting settlement can be found in the application of those principles, especially as regards the Palestinians. That people, raised in hardship and made strong by suffering, has now taken its place as a necessary partner in any negotiation. It has become quite obvious that no solution to the conflict is possible unless the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to express its national identity becomes a reality. But how can that right be exercised without a territorial base which, at the proper time, could be given the structures of statehood?
101.	Close to the Middle East is another area of tension, Cyprus. The United Nations feels especially responsible because it decided on the framework and guidelines for a settlement there. We are obliged, unfortunately, to recognize that the resolution adopted by our Assembly two years ago [resolution 3212 (XXIX)] has so far remained a dead letter.
102.	Indeed, a settlement can result only from an agreement between the communities of the Republic of Cyprus. The United Nations has never ignored this. France and her European Community partners have, for their part, tried to persuade the parties involved to set aside passion and resentments, even when justified, in order to begin genuine negotiations and reach a settlement in keeping with law and justice. Such a settlement must preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and must be acceptable to all Cypriots.
103.	The Secretary-General, who was entrusted by the Security Council with a mission whose importance deserves special emphasis, has tried in every way he has felt possible to carry out this mission successfully. He is striving and will continue to strive with ail his well-known dedication to bring about a real resumption of and progress in inter- communal negotiations and to help them to move forward. We consider his contribution indispensable in attaining the goal we all seek: the restoration of peace in Cyprus and a return to its former prosperity.
104.	I have cited only the examples of Lebanon, the Middle East and Cyprus here, but this by no means implies that the solemn pact that commits us "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another" is being respected everywhere else.
105.	I note, however, that in South-East Asia, where the guns have at last fallen silent, the possibility does exist for the principles of our Charter now to find fruitful application. And what more fervent hope could we have for South-East Asia, so long divided and battered, than that peace should take hold, independence assert itself and co-operation increase in a spirit of tolerance? The recent improvement of bilateral relations among the various States of the region gives ground for hope that the time will come for a free and harmonious concertation; it gives hope that a regional grouping can be formed in mutual respect, a grouping that will make it possible to ensure the neutrality of South-East Asia as a whole and to pool efforts to meet the challenge of development. Who can fail to see how valuable an example the success of such an undertaking would be?
106.	Nobody, of course, should put himself in the place of the nine countries of South-East Asia to assess the timeliness of one move or another or suggest the most appropriate ways in which they might co-operate. But it is our task to increase the chances of success and eventually to uphold the results of any initiative which would spare over 300 million people the dangers of new conflicts and the effects of confrontations which are not their own.
107.	France, which has so many ties with that part of the world and whose sole ambition is to best serve the interests of the countries there, is for its part determined, along with all those who share its concern, to make every effort to further this end.
108.	Peace, the goal which is central to our action, is the product of an equilibrium which is built on the independence of States and nations, to be sure, but it also needs broader foundations. Back in 1945 did we not, after all, proclaim our "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small"?
109.	Much has been said and done, right here and elsewhere, towards the realization of this noble goal. But we are forced to note that there are distressing situations in the world today which may at times actually jeopardize peace. Those situations arise from the failure to recognize the fundamental rights of the human person.
110.	I am thinking most particularly of southern Africa, where tension and confrontation are becoming more acute. This development justifies the part we are taking and the support we are giving to the efforts to prevent a fatal escalation. It is all too evident that racial discrimination is the underlying cause of the crisis, though situations may differ here and there. France -and I want to say this with the greatest possible emphasis-rejects and condemns the policy of apartheid. The recent tragic incidents should have made South Africa's leaders realize at long last that such persistent contempt for the dignity of the human person in itself constitutes a source of perpetual conflict among men, and this could lock their country in a deadly cycle of unrest and repression.
111.	The fact that France, like other countries, but to a lesser extent than some, maintains commercial relations with South Africa obviously should not be interpreted as contradicting its position on apartheid. The peaceful nature of a recent contract in the electro-nuclear sector has been amply demonstrated, as is witnessed, moreover, by the international guarantees that have been granted by the International Atomic Energy Agency.
112.	The French Government's condemnation of racial discrimination and other aspects of the policy followed by Pretoria led it to adopt an increasingly restrictive policy with regard to the delivery of arms and ultimately to prohibit any new contracts or further sales. I informed the Security Council of this on 19 June in my capacity as Permanent Representative.  I am saying it again here as a member of the French Government.
113.	Elsewhere in southern Africa, the situation is of still more immediate concern. It is a matter of urgency that Namibia should in accordance with United Nations resolutions accede to sovereignty and independence under the supervision of our Organization after a constitutional process in which the political groups, the principal one being SWAPO, should participate. In several instances, we, together with our European partners, have approached Pretoria to that effect.
114.	It is no less urgent a matter for the majority to accede to power in Rhodesia. Accordingly we welcomed
the announcement in which the illegal regime in Salisbury has at long last accepted that principle following the recent mission to southern Africa by the Secretary of State of the United States, In this matter, as in the question of Namibia, he has had our encouragement. Without concealing from ourselves the difficulties that still have to be overcome, we want to note the decisive step that has been taken and the change in thinking that it shows. In so far as the two communities and the African leaders directly concerned are prepared with the assistance of the administering Power to draw conclusions from this, it seems to us that prospects for a peaceful settlement may be foreseen, in accordance with the wish that France has always expressed.
115.	The right of peoples to self-determination is written into our Charter. It has been the guiding principle through-out our policy on decolonization, and it is still our foremost criterion in defining the future of peoples and the framework for their existence.
116.	With regard to the Comoros, France has scrupulously applied this principle, and we intend to remain faithful to it. Although we have raised no obstacle to the admission of the State of the Comoros to the United Nations, our attitude has frequently not been understood. I do not wish to harp on misunderstandings that I should like to see overcome. What is past is past; we are looking only to the future. I can tell you that the proposal on the status of Mayotte, to be submitted to the French Parliament, will indeed leave open all possibilities for the future, with due respect for the wishes of the peoples.
117.	In the French Territory of the Afars and Issas, France is engaged in a process that will lead in a democratic manner to independence, if such is the wish of the population. Our intentions are, I believe, now understood, especially by those who are concerned most particularly with the peaceful settlement of this question, and under-stood by all those who have wanted to listen to us. We hope that all the States which call for this evolution will contribute to it as the process develops.
118.	At this point I should like to emphasize that the issue of development is one of major importance for the African continent. Absolute priority has to be given to enabling African States rapidly to improve the lot of their peoples. This is one of the governing principles of France's African- policy. Therefore, the President of the Republic recently proposed the creation of a fund for African advancement, an instrument of solidarity for the financing of development projects that are of special interest, particularly for the least favored countries.
119.	The need to give priority to development problems quite naturally leads us to hope that Africa will remain free from ideological conflicts and will not become a pawn of Powers outside the continent. As Mr.Giscard d'Estaing recently said:
"Africa must be left to the Africans, and the only competition that serves its interest is competition, the sole objective of which is the economic, social and cultural development of Africa."
120.	Latin America too aspires to define its identity still more clearly. Its vast reservoir of human and intellectual potential, its rich cultural past and its very considerable resources assure for this continent a promising future. The affinity we have with its peoples makes us particularly sensitive to the respect for human dignity and the tolerance enjoined on us by our Charter, of which, as we know, Latin American nations have so frequently set an example.
121.	Respect for the rights of the human person is not an obligation incumbent on States alone. Our laws and customs impose it on individuals as well. Here I should like to add France's voice to the universal cry of condemnation and anguish that is aroused by acts of terrorism. The point is not to determine whether certain forms of violence generate others, but to condemn such acts in their principle and to repress them because they involve innocent people, without distinction as to age or sex, making them instruments of intolerable blackmail.
122.	The measures that should be taken to end this outrage are part of the yet unfinished labor of defining, and especially of ensuring, proper respect for human rights.
123.	We fully approve of the initiative taken by the Federal Republic of Germany to combat the taking of hostages, and we will support it to the full.
124. But it is not enough to remove the most imminent threats of conflict and the most brutal manifestations of violence or better to guarantee the exercise of justice. The authors of the Charter knew full well that the freedom of mankind is but an empty phrase if the material prerequisites for existence are not satisfied. Hence the ultimate grand design which they assigned to our Organization: namely, to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.
125.	Of course, the results achieved cannot yet be considered satisfactory: the intolerable gap between the multitude of poor countries and the small minority of developed countries remains an object of scandal. It explains one of the predominant factors of tension in our world. But the United Nations effort to attain the objective of economic progress and justice deserves recognition. Over the years, right in this very place, I have witnessed the growing importance accorded development and co-operation. The seeds of these concepts were in the text of the Charter. Thirty years later, they have become an imperative.
126.	France, for its part, believed in this effort-an effort made within our Organization, by our Organization. At the early sessions of UNCTAD, France presented specific ideas on the percentage of public aid for development, generalized preferences and the organization of raw-materials markets, which have made considerable headway. France closely associated itself with the elaboration of the Inter-national Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] and confirmed its interest in this collective effort. When it became evident that new relations had to be established between the producers and consumers of energy, the French Government turned first to the United Nations to deal with this problem. Lastly, France has participated unconditionally and without ambiguity in the immense undertaking of joint reflection required to set up a new international economic order. For, indeed, this is precisely what has to be done: to replace the disorder in world economic relations, and the relations of force permeating them, by the quest for rationality and justice; and to ensure lastingly, at the world level, as was stated last year by the President of the Republic, a better balance of trade, economic activity, currencies and revenues.
127.	We are still wide of the mark, but progress has been made. Indispensable transfers of resources from the developed countries to the developing world are on the rise. That will be the case this year for the volume and percentage of French public aid. But what can and should evolve are the very structures of international trade. In this respect, I think that we must not underestimate the positive results of the fourth session of UNCTAD. After years of procrastination, the international community has finally committed itself to work for the organization of markets. France, whose delegation to that Conference took the initiative of making certain proposals concerning the centralized financing of buffer stocks of raw materials and which participated very closely in the drafting of the fundamental resolutions, is firmly resolved to participate actively and in good faith in the implementation of the principles approved in Nairobi.
128.	The negotiations to begin shortly in Geneva on this vital question and the discussions to be continued on other important problems will require the understanding and patience of us all. Reason and realism preclude recourse to slogans and rejection of the facts. This law of life is even more binding in debates on the full range of economic problems, from energy to development, as is the case in the only forum with such a complete agenda- the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, which is being held in Paris at present.
129.	It is only natural that the tensions of international life should be reflected in the work of that Conference since the justifiable impatience of the third world is so keen and since it is so difficult to define truly valid solutions in these diverse areas, even when agreement can be reached on the principles to be respected and the goals to be attained.
130.	But the instrument is there if we want to, and if we can, go further. It is a unique instrument, with advantages recognized by all the participants, an instrument that can easily be used to complement the large meetings of the United Nations.
131.	The world conferences held in recent years have broadened our field of action. I will mention, in particular, the United Nations Conference on the. Human Environment, held in Stockholm last year, the Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization in Lima last year, and, more recently, the International Labor Organization's Tripartite Conference on Employment, Income Distribution, Social Progress and the International Division of Labor. As the goals defined by Governments in their successive assemblies acquire world-wide importance, the variety of means and solutions must also grow. No prejudices should be allowed to limit the choice of methods needed to attain the desired goals.
132.	The specific role of the United Nations is not to tackle each and every problem. It is still less to serve as an arena for conflicts in which the stakes would be the ephemeral, and useless, victory of one ideology over another. As the Charter says so well, the Organization must be "a center for harmonizing the actions of nations" for purposes they hold in common. What we expect from it, through reflection, discussion and practical action, is that it arrive at and constantly perfect an overall strategy to build this more effective, more equitable economic order.
133.	There is no doubt that laying the foundations of this new order will be a lengthy task, because it involves nothing less than getting the world started in a new phase of organization and setting up a global system that reconciles the liberal principles of the old order with new measures governing structure and organization.
134.	The basics are already present, namely, each nation's acceptance of this common endeavor of justice. As for concrete measures, we must still avoid getting bogged down in facile ultimatums and ready-made solutions. We have yet to listen to our partner, and confirm our faith in negotiation and co-operation, as the Economic and Social Council asked us to do at its session this summer in Abidjan. In order for us to be faithful to the spirit of the Charter, we must still combine perseverance, courage and realism.
135.	To "live together in peace with one another as good neighbors" is the last great aspiration that the Charter proposes to our peoples.
136.	The organization of regional relations, particularly in Latin America and Africa, corresponds to this desire. I shall refrain from making an assessment which our friends from these regions might find out of place. I shall merely recall the progress made in Europe.
137.	The fratricidal wars of the past now belong to history. The distrust and antagonism of former days have been replaced by entente, co-operation and organization.
138.	The organization is, first of all, that of the Europe of the nine members of the European Economic Community; Year after year, whatever the difficulties, whatever the hazards, which sometimes come from abroad, that Europe is making progress. The United Nations knows this. When I was Permanent Representative and one or another question was being examined, so many people used to ask me, "What are the nine going to do? ". This vitality of the Community stems from its very nature as the framework for reconciliation and co-operation among nations	were once enemies but which have today deeded to work together. For this purpose, there have been set up structures and institutions which, instead of being fixed once and for all, are slowly but surely evolving. "Progress", wrote an author in ancient times, "is when something grows while remaining itself'. This could be the motto of the European Communities. Thanks to the traditions of the States that comprise it, this group of nations has also chosen to be a center of exchange and dialog. Sometimes denounced for being a closed bloc, it has proved its ability to be open towards the rest of Western Europe as well as towards countries to the east of our old continent and, since the Lomé Convention,  towards 46 countries lying across the seas.
139.	The existence and soundness of the Community cannot be demonstrated better than by the passage in the address delivered yesterday by its current President, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, on behalf of the member countries. The French delegation fully agrees with everything he said in that capacity about economic and political problems.
140.	Nothing illustrates this better, also, than the role played by the Community here at the United Nations and in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe-the culmination of several years of patient effort to end the divisions caused by the Second World War and a point of departure for a pattern of development which, with time and experience, would reveal a clearer picture of a Europe at last consistent with its geographical designation.
141.	What happens on the European continent does not, however, exempt us from observing that the world is still far from the state of neighborly relations prescribed by the Charter. There has not been a global conflict in 30 years; probably not so much because peace feigns in the full sense of the word as because destructive capabilities neutralize each other.
142.	That is why France believes that, foremost among our concerns, should be the quest for an agreed disarmament between States. That undertaking, which got its start shortly after the Second World War, is marking time. Fifteen years ago the study of general plans for disarmament was in fact abandoned in favor of the study of partial measures. But the agreements reached in that direction-some of which have some merit-should not conceal the unremitting arms race, which leaves an awesome threat weighing on the world.
143.	Nevertheless, some initiatives are taking shape to revise the very structures of the disarmament effort. My Government is following them with interest. It is prepared to support any proposal aimed at genuine disarmament, that is, at the effective destruction of weapons of all types, nuclear and conventional, in accordance with a reasonable time-table and under effective international control.
144.	Since the very birth of the United Nations, it has ' been fashionable to criticize and even lampoon our Organization for its shortcomings and relative ineffectiveness.
145.	I would like to say here that France does not share that skepticism. It considers the United Nations an in-dispensable and irreplaceable instrument for dialog and co-operation among the peoples of the earth. It realizes that, in the maintenance of peace and in many aspects of economic development, the Organization has rendered services which are so easily forgotten because they were so effective. Lastly, it is aware of the fact that the shortcomings of the United Nations are a product of the political divisions in the world. As a minor, it shows nations their own reflection; as a forum, it allows aspirations to be expressed in a political and diplomatic framework; and as an instrument, it is the natural tool of those who want to use it and who know how.
146.	The Organization today extends, with but a few exceptions, to the dimensions of the globe. Five years ago it took an important step in this direction-although it was merely a reasonable step-by restoring China to its rightful place here. In this way, the representatives of that immense nation were able to bring to us here the echo of the great voice that fell silent early this month.
147.	The Organization must truly become a world body, that is, it must welcome the States which apply for membership once they have met the recognized criteria of international law and once they have declared their willingness to respect the Charter.
148.	Accordingly, while France is pleased to welcome the admission of the Republic of Seychelles, with which it has historical affinities, it hopes that the doors of the Organization will be opened to VietNam -with which it particularly intends to develop its relations-to Angola and, generally speaking, to all those that request membership. By the same token, it speaks out against any attempt to prevent or suspend a State's membership. Whatever complaints are brought against the States thus threatened, such extreme measures would in no way facilitate the search for settlements-quite the contrary.
149.	To find what unites us and overcome what divides us, harness our mutual determination to build and repress the instinct that urges us to destroy, work together for the liberty, happiness and dignity of mankind-that, to my mind, is a program that is just as relevant and imperative in 1976 as it was in 1945. That is also the reason for my country's acceptance of the ideals of the Charter and the action of the United Nations.
150.	This acceptance is no mere formality. It is based on the conviction that, beneath frequently militant positions, there is a large community of needs which is expressed here. Over and above the verbal battles and attempts to gain the advantage, there is a growing recognition of the real ills that set mankind: economic crises, deterioration of the environment, mass poverty, over-population and war. Rooting out those scourges is a long-range task; but the future of coming generations and the survival of humanity are at stake. Such a task demands that concertation win over confrontation, that everyone agree to lend himself to dialog; it demands the patient and resolute efforts of countries which are capable of looking beyond groups and blocs. France intends to be among them.


We meet under your genial auspices, Sir, under a President of unique distinction and experience to whom it is my pleasant duty to offer my delegation's sincere congratulations on election to that high office. Your impressive record as President of the Conference on the Law of the Sea is a splendid testimony to your own remarkable abilities as a presiding officer, and the warmth of your personality will ensure that our deliberations will never lose that human touch so essential for peace and understanding between peoples.
143.	To my friend and colleague, Premier Gaston Thorn of Luxembourg, President of the thirtieth session, I should also like to express my sincere thanks and appreciation on the completion of his distinguished term of office.
144.	To Mr. James R. Mancham, President of the Republic of Seychelles, I offer our sincerest congratulations on his nation's becoming the one hundred and forty-fifth Member of the United Nations.
145.	In welcoming the one hundred and forty-fifth Member of our Organization, might I express the hope that the applications of all other peace-loving States willing to accept the obligations of the United Nations Charter will be accepted in the near future, so that our body may truly reflect the principle of universality to which my country attaches so much importance.
146.	The Charter of the United Nations commits us to seek a world order of peace and justice between nation States. Peace, justice and order have always been the broad aims of political action within individual States. It is now vital that they be established on the world level: peace, because war can destroy us; justice for its own sake and because peace without justice is unstable; and, order, because neither peace nor justice will prevail in a world of disorder and conflict.
147.	But, as political leaders have always found at the level of the nation, to achieve one of these aims is not necessarily to achieve all, and the question often posed is, Which should come first? Some would say peace at any price- to the extent of allowing a just society to be overturned by greed, ambition or fanaticism; some would give first priority to order-even the unstable order which comes from an unjust settlement or unjust political structures; and some are so intent on justice for all, that they will tolerate neither peace nor order-the conditions for real progress-until the day justice can be achieved.
148.	The reality for us is that no one of these three aims can be achieved in isolation at the world level any more than at national level. Specific problems on our agenda may relate in a particular way to one or other aim. But in our approach to all of the concrete issues we face, we need to have constantly in mind that our solutions will not work in the long run, unless they are part of a broader concerted effort to work patiently towards a world where all three- peace, justice and order together- increasingly prevail.
149.	This sets us a broad program for action in various areas of the work of this Organization. We must seek to advance this program as a whole as best we can and without applying double standards to different situations.
150.	First, as a minimum requirement to secure peace, we must do everything in our power to avoid global war and to contain regional wars and bring them to an end.
151.	Secondly, to secure greater justice throughout the world we must use this forum so that States of different outlooks and ideologies can gradually establish common agreed norms of behavior. Those norms should establish just relations between States and their peoples in both political and economic spheres; and beyond this they must also seek to ensure respect on a world-wide basis for individual human rights.
152.	Thirdly, we must use the capacities of this universal Organization, and of all the bodies within this United Nations family, to bring order not only to the traditional areas of human activity with which the United Nations has been concerned but also to areas which have newly come within the control of mankind, such as the seas and oceans of this planet, and the space around it.
153.	At this General Assembly session we face a long agenda of specific problems, each of which bears on one or more of these areas of action. At this, our thirty-first such annual session, we can have few illusions as to the capacity of the United Nations to solve all of these problems in three months of debate. But -with a realistic idea of its limitations-it is important that we use all of the possibilities which the United Nations offers to advance as steadily and consistently as we can towards a world which will have a stable peace based on justice and where the political order and political structures of the world community help increasingly to secure both.
154.	A very important series of issues bearing directly on our need to maintain peace is that complex of problems which faces us at each Assembly session in the field of disarmament and arms control. We are increasingly preoccupied with the problems of hunger, of illiteracy, of disease, of economic development and of an equitable sharing of mankind's limited resources. And yet, while we debate these problems, global military expenditure is reaching, as we have been told already today, $300 billion a year, and technology is steadily working to produce even more efficient, and more costly, means of mass destruction. Nuclear war is of course the greatest danger. To avert it the world has depended for over a generation, for better or worse, on a system of mutual deterrence. It is realistic to recognize that the United Nations cannot hope in the near future to end this kind of confrontation or substitute for it a fully accepted and world-wide peace-keeping procedure. But there is nevertheless a pressing need for our Organization in the interests of peace to seek to avert the dangers inherent in the uncontrolled spread of nuclear technology.
155.	That danger has, of course, been with us for years, but it has been accentuated recently by the increasingly irresponsible readiness of suppliers of nuclear technology to equip countries not only with the means of generating nuclear energy but with reprocessing plants which produce plutonium that can be used for nuclear weapons.
156.	The hard fact of the matter is that in the field of enrichment and reprocessing, where the basic danger lies, it has begun to seem that the present system of international safeguards, even if applied, may not be adequate to provide protection against the possibility that countries importing advanced nuclear technology will use it for the production of nuclear explosives. If improved safeguards cannot be devised, and devised quickly, then other steps will be required. The Governments of the principal suppliers may have to consider limiting their exports to other types of nuclear materials and refusing to sell either enrichment or reprocessing plants.
157.	We hope also that this session of the General Assembly in its debates on disarmament will be able to encourage early progress in the limitation in other ways of weapons of mass destruction. We need a comprehensive treaty banning nuclear weapon tests. We also need to see work continue in an area where progress has already been made the working out of a convention on chemical and biological weapons, and we hope that a treaty in this area can soon be concluded.
158.	We cannot, however, lose sight of another danger, to which the preceding speaker, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Singapore, just made eloquent reference, in a speech of compelling logic and frankness, namely, the extraordinary growth in recent years of conventional weapons in all areas of the world often encouraged by commercial competition among supplying countries. I need not say more on this aspect, which Mr. Rajaratnam covered so fully and bluntly. The last decade has seen a remarkable build-up of conventional arms throughout the world.
159.	It is against this background of dangerous developments in regard to armaments of all kinds, nuclear and non-nuclear, that proposals have been made for a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. A special session could perhaps perform a useful function in directing the attention of public opinion in Member States to the dangers of armaments and the urgent need for arms control. But disarmament has always been an area where it is tempting to substitute rhetoric for genuine and carefully worked out actions. If, therefore, such a special session is to be held, it will require careful preparation and the prior adoption of a detailed agreed agenda. It will also be essential if it is to be successful, that all of the nuclear Powers take part and that each of them make a constructive contribution towards its success.
160.	The growth and spread of armaments has unfortunately contributed to the duration and intensity of regional conflicts in many areas. The problems of peace, order and justice are directly linked in a number of those areas where the present order is unstable and peace is constantly endangered because a just settlement has not been found to what may admittedly be a complex international problem. The Middle East is clearly a case in point.
161.	The Netherlands Foreign Minister, Mr. van der Stoel, as President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, has recalled for this Assembly [7th meeting] the position of the nine member States on the Middle East problem and the principles which we consider should govern a just settlement that would bring peace and stability to the region. I should like to emphasize that these principles are not partisan or arbitrary ones. They are based on a deep conviction that the Middle East conflict of its very nature cannot be resolved by recourse to war, and on a belief in the urgent need for negotiations.
162.	These principles include the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force and, consequently, the need for Israel to end the territorial occupation it has maintained since the conflict of 1967; they include also respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of every State in the area-including Lebanon, I must at this point emphasize-and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. And it includes recognition that in the establishment of a just and lasting peace account must be taken of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians. It should be made clear that the Palestinians, too, have the right to be established within secure boundaries and the right to give effective expression in appropriate political form to their sense of their national identity. For my own part I believe that this means that they should have the right to decide for themselves whether to establish an independent entity on the territory vacated by Israel.
163.	It is on the basis of these general principles that the Middle East crisis will be resolved. We all know this -all of us, including those directly involved in that dispute. There should be no further delay in reaching a solution on this basis. Delay cannot and will not alter the eventual outcome. It can only risk a further major conflict between those neighboring States, which have already fought so many bloody wars and which must eventually learn to live with each other and with the Palestinian people. It should be our aim to arrive at the framework of such a settlement not in the next decade but within the next year, exerting all our efforts to bring the parties together with this end in view.
164.	I should like at this point to echo the hopes expressed by other speakers for a speedy end to the appalling bloodshed and destruction in Lebanon and to associate myself with the good wishes extended to President Sarkis in the urgent and difficult task that he has of restoring harmony and rebuilding his country.
165.	In Cyprus, too, a just settlement as a basis for a stable peace, is urgently required. The European Community is closely associated with the three countries directly involved with this problem and it has on several occasions manifested its support for the maintenance of the Republic's freedom and unity in conditions of peace. But to achieve these aims it is obviously necessary that substantive negotiations should begin between the representatives of the two communities involved, under the aegis of the United Nations. I believe that I am echoing the feelings of the vast majority of my fellow representatives in calling for an end to the frustrating delays which have dogged the negotiations on Cyprus so far and in expressing our full rapport for the efforts of our Secretary-General and of his representative in Nicosia, Ambassador Perez ds Cuellar, to bring the parties together in a forum of genuine negotiation.
166.	The problems of southern Africa -Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa itself- raise perhaps in the clearest way all three of the issues of peace, justice and order, to which I referred. In that area, peace is now very seriously threatened because a minority in each case has for a long time imposed its own version of order with an absolute lack of concern for justice.
167.	A situation such as that in southern Africa can create a dilemma for those-both within the area and outside it-who set a high value on peace and non-violence and hope and work for orderly change. The patience and the attachment to peaceful methods shown over the years by movements within the region which represent the legitimate demands of the black majority for elementary justice and basic rights have been notable. But these efforts have hitherto been met with an absolute intransigence which has provoked a war of liberation in Rhodesia and violence in South Africa that has escalated at the cost of the lives of hundreds of innocent Africans whose killing we deplore and condemn.
168.	At the present time, however, against all the odds there is hope. The mission undertaken in southern Africa by the American Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, has raised the possibility of an agreement which could bring peaceful change and the establishment of a more just order in the region. We appreciate this effort and we have particular sympathy and understanding for the patience of the neighboring African Governments and the respective African liberation movements which have been willing to accept that peaceful methods should have every possible opportunity of bringing change to the region.
169.	It is our hope that the change of attitude demonstrated by the head of the illegal Rhodesian regime last week will provide a basis for agreement on a rapid, peaceful transition to the establishment of an independent State of Zimbabwe. I read with interest the statements of the Presidents of the five neighboring African States noting the announcement by Mr. Smith and his acceptance of the need to establish immediately a transitional government. I hope that the problems that remain in implementing this can be peacefully resolved.
170.	With our partners in the European Community we hope, too, that the independence of Namibia can be rapidly and peaceably secured and that the obstacles that remain in the way of this can be removed with goodwill. There, as in Rhodesia, the outcome is no longer uncertain, nor can it be delayed; only the immediate path to freedom, and the amount of blood to be shed or spared, is at this stage in doubt. In that country-Namibia-more than almost any-where else the role of the United Nations is crucial and should be given primary importance.
171.	Finally, I must refer to South Africa itself. There are those who profess to see in current events some kind of a plan to consolidate rule by the minority there and its evil practices of apartheid. I do not believe that this can happen. The example of the rapid transition now taking place in Rhodesia and in Namibia, following similar developments in Mozambique and Angola, has started a process within South Africa itself which cannot now be halted. The only question is whether those in charge there have the wisdom, the courage and the political skill to face that reality, or whether they are going to make the very mistake against which they have been warning Mr. Ian Smith. The ultimate issue is not in doubt there any more than in the Territories to the immediate north. And the firmness of the international community in such matters as the non-recognition of Transkei can leave no doubt in the minds of the rulers of South Africa as to how they must move or that they must move quickly, if they are to prevent a holocaust and to preserve an appropriate role for the white minority in the South Africa of the future.
172.	The second major area of action for our Organization is that of establishing norms of behavior to secure not only peace between the world's peoples but also justice, which alone can be a sound basis for order. This involves two major lines of action for our Organization: first, the working out of a fair and just economic relationship between nations and particularly between industrialized and developing countries; and, secondly, the promotion and advancement by every means open to us within the limits of our Organization of respect within each Member State for basic individual human rights.
173.	As regards the reordering of the inequitable socio-economic relationships between rich and poor countries, some limited progress has been made over the past three year. In this period of time we have moved from the near confrontation of the sixth special session to the cooperation involved in launching the Conference on International Economic Cooperation in Paris and in securing a limited- and I stress limited-positive result from the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi.
174.	As a small nation which has experienced the economic and social problems arising from the absence of a well-developed industrial base, we in Ireland are in a position to appreciate to some degree the difficulties which the countries of the third world are seeking to overcome; and as a State member of the European Community we are associated with that Community's considerable efforts, of which the Lomé Convention  is an important example, to improve economic relationships between developed and developing countries.
175.	But this whole issue is one which demands action by the world community as a whole on a very large scale, and the task before us is immense. Pressing as our other problems may now appear to be, it is possible that from now into the next century this may be one of the greatest issues we have to face on this planet.
176.	It is easy enough to talk rhetorically of the need for justice in international economic relations but difficult in the extreme to accept the practical consequences of what we advocate. We have to learn to accept that the order which has so long prevailed in economic relations between the developing and the industrialized countries is grossly unjust and, therefore, in the long run also unstable and that direct action on a world scale must now be taken to redress it. This is a difficult message for any country to accept, however developed it may seem by comparison with other States elsewhere in the world. But action is necessary, and I sincerely hope that Hie General Assembly will at this session do everything open to it to encourage progress in these areas.
177.	But despite the fact that this is an Organization of nation-States concerned primarily with inter-State relations we simply cannot be content to limit the effort to establish a just and stable world order to that level. This Organization has long since rejected the idea that it is concerned only with disputes between States. No Member of this Organization today-other than the country immediately involved-accepts the proposition that apartheid in South Africa is the concern of none but the Government of that country, or that it is unwarranted interference in the internal affairs of South Africa for the whole world community to condemn apartheid as an* odious offense against the rights of individuals to equal treatment before the law, regardless c? race, religion, sex, or other distinction.
178.	Racial discrimination is indeed an odious form of discrimination-the most odious-but this must not blind us to the fact that it is but one of many forms of discrimination, all of which must be condemned by men and women of honesty and goodwill if we are to avoid double standards and be consistent in the effort to advance towards a world order based on justice.
179. In this effort to promote such a world order, where there will be respect for human rights, including above all the right of freedom from torture, there are a number of steps to be taken: first, the elaboration of principles which should guide the conduct of States and individuals; secondly, the development of a framework within which the application of these principles in a practical manner may be discussed, and procedures for the investigation of allegations of breaches of these principles worked out, particularly when it appears that these form a consistent pattern; and, thirdly, the question of remedies, when, on investigation, it appears that breaches have taken place.
130. I believe that we have made very considerable progress in relation to the first aspect, the elaboration of principles. In the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and in the United Nations Covenants in particular, there has been worked out as never before in human history a universal code accepted in principle by all States as a guide to their behavior. While we may be tempted from time to time to despair at the seemingly endless reports of serious breaches of fundamental rights, we must never lose sight of the fact that these documents give expression to a broad consensus within the world community as to what constitutes human rights, and that it is this that makes it possible for us to point out those breaches when they occur.
181.	As to the second aspect, the Economic and Social Council, through the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and its subsidiary sub-commissions, provides a framework for discussion, and this will now be complemented by a Human Rights Committee set up under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In my view there should be full and free discussion within this framework.
182.	United Nations procedures for the investigation of alleged breaches of human rights are, however, inadequate largely because they depend in each individual case on the consent of the party complained against. I believe that these procedures need to be improved and complemented by a greater willingness by States to cooperate with investigations even if they think the complaint made against them is unjustified. I would therefore strongly support the proposal made earlier this afternoon by my Belgian colleague, Mr. Van Elslande, that States be invited each to make a general voluntary declaration of willingness in the future to permit an on-the-spot investigation by a United Nations committee of inquiry in the case of an allegation of a breach of human tights on its territory. My Government has authorized me to state its willingness to subscribe to such a declaration.
183.	The third question, that of remedies, poses the greatest problem. As this Assembly will be aware, the States members of the Council of Europe have agreed on certain procedures not only for the investigation but also for the adjudication of alleged breaches of human rights. There is, for example, a procedure under which a State may initiate action against another State which it believes to have breached human rights-a procedure which my own State has recently successfully employed. Moreover, under an" optional procedure some of us have admitted the right of our own citizens to take proceedings in this international forum against our own State, when national remedies have been exhausted. The universal application of these procedures, now available within the European context, is the objective towards which we should strive.
184.	Pointing to the example of the European Com-mission and Court of Human Rights, I have proposed in this Assembly each year since 1973 that an effective world-wide human rights jurisdiction should be created, so that no country should be free from inquiry, from inspection or from condemnatory action by the international community in respect of such breaches of the rights of man. Accordingly, I commend for further study the suggestions made to this Assembly by my friend and colleague Foreign Minister Genscher of the Federal Republic of Germany, who in his speech here [7th meeting] proposed the creation of an international court for human rights.
185.	The rights of the individual to freedom and justice are threatened, however, from many quarters other than governments of sovereign States. The right to freedom and to life is now under challenge in the most barbarous manner by many individual groups which in the name of some political or ideological cause claim the right to kidnap and take hostage, and in certain circumstances to kill, people innocent of any connexion with their cause or their country. They claim to act in the name of justice, but the injustice to the innocent victims of their actions belies their claim. Many of our countries have suffered from this scourge in one way or another, and any of us may b.e exposed to it at any time.
186.	It is time the world community joined together to combat and end it. We must reject the spurious claim of such groups to promote justice by their barbarous actions; we must together work out effective means to bring these atrocities to an end, and we must complement the action we take by continuing our own sustained efforts both as individual States and through this world Organization to promote a more just and peaceful world order. As an immediate step all of us-every State Member of this Organization without exception -should join in a convention to combat the taking of hostages, as has been proposed by my colleague from the Federal Republic of Germany, so that the perpetrators are either extradited or brought, before a court in the country in which they were seized. This procedure is one which my own country has recently adopted on a reciprocal basis with the United Kingdom to deal with acts of terrorism committed in either of our two States.
187.	The third complex of issues which, I have suggested, constitutes a major area of action for the world community at present is that of bringing agreement and order, on a basis of justice, to the control of the oceans and the sea-bed. This vast area of the planet's surface, greater by far than the land surface to which humanity was so long limited, is now at last coming definitively within the control of mankind. It is our task in this generation to see to it that political order rather than anarchy will henceforth prevail in its allocation and use.
188.	The responsibility is a heavy one, to be approached with a sense of the limits of our planet's resources and of the limits to their capacity to renew themselves. This is primarily the task of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, working as part of the general structure of the United Nations system under your wise chairmanship, Mr. President. The problems that Conference faces are formidable, and although a good deal of progress has been made the relatively limited results of the last session of the Conference were not encouraging.
189.	As a result a number of States have taken unilateral action by declaring a 200-mile limit for fishing. This is having the effect of diverting the fishing effort of other States from the waters thus brought within national jurisdictions to waters in the vicinity of my country and its partners in the European Community. These waters close to our coast are already disastrously over-fished because of the total inadequacy of international conservation methods, and the short-sighted and indiscriminate depredations of the fishing fleets of certain countries. We cannot face the extinction of our fishing industry, on which our country is heavily dependent and which accounts for a significant part of the potential resources of our State. Accordingly, my Government, in consultation with its partners in the European Community, has reluctantly concluded that it will be necessary to extend its fishing limits in the near future owing to the delay in reaching world-wide agreement. In doing so we are convinced that a large majority of governments consider that States should be entitled to such limits, and we expect that the convention which we all hope the Conference will adopt will include a provision to that effect. In the meantime we are confident, Mr. President, that you and your collaborators at the Conference will find appropriate procedures for preparing the work of the next session. We look forward to the eventual success of the Conference in adopting a widely accepted comprehensive convention.
190.	In the island of Ireland, too, the issues of peace, order and justice, to which I have referred throughout my remarks, are inextricably interconnected. In Northern Ireland the political order which prevailed for almost half a century proved unstable because it did not secure justice in a divided community. In such a community, each section of which has been taught by history to fear the other, the restoration of order and the maintenance of order require not merely the consent but the dedicated support of both sections. This cannot humanly be secured if one section is excluded indefinitely not merely from any share in the government of the area but from any prospect of ever enjoying such a share. Only a just system of government, in which both sections, for so long as they may distrust each other, are sure of participation, can provide a firm basis for the re-establishment of order and the restoration of peace.
191.	In Northern Ireland at the present moment the prime need is peace so that a just order may be established. That the will to peace is there among the ordinary people of our island has been dramatically shown in recent weeks, when, led by a courageous band of women, tens of thousands from both sections of a divided community have together marched peacefully and prayerfully throughout Northern Ireland demanding the end of violence from any and every quarter. The barriers that have divided the ordinary people of Northern Ireland from each other have been weakened by this spontaneous popular movement.
192.	As I have made clear from this rostrum on previous occasions, my Government and the people of my State have only one wish in this matter: that the people of Northern Ireland be brought to live together in peace, joining with each other in the common interest of their part of the island of Ireland. We hope that one day they may choose freely to join with us in a political arrangement for the good of the whole island, but we are content to leave that to them to decide freely by majority vote when and if they choose to do so.
193.	In the meantime we shall spare no effort in any manner open to us to prevent their lives and their livelihoods from being destroyed by a violence that has become an end in itself for those who practice it. Limited only by our concern for the protection of human rights, which should inhibit every Government from acting arbitrarily or unjustly, we have recently strengthened our laws, lengthened die sentences imposed for violent crimes and initiated a move to extend, with all appropriate safeguards, from two to seven days the period during which a suspect under investigation may be detained without charge.
194.	In all these actions we are conscious of the duty to ensure that justice prevails while order is maintained and peace is secured. In this we are fortified by a constitution strongly protective of human rights, by vigilant public opinion, by a vocal opposition in Parliament, and by a free press.
195.	The balance between maintaining order and ensuring justice is difficult to ensure under conditions of violence or threats of violence. But only if this balance is maintained evenly and equitably can peace be secured in such conditions, and that we are determined to do in Ireland today.
196.	Throughout this statement to the General Assembly I have stressed the need to advance consistently and patiently towards the three aims of peace, justice and order. These are not abstractions. They bear in the most direct way possible on all our people. They are aims which preoccupy us in this Organization as we begin this thirty-first session, and they are aims which occupy us greatly in Ireland at the present time.
197.	As we face the work of the session I should like to commend to the General Assembly the declaration which the peace movement of the ordinary people of Northern Ireland, to which I have just referred, has adopted as its motto. If the General Assembly will bear with me I will read out these words since I feel that, while they were devised to meet the needs of that particular small part of the world, they are of such direct relevance to our work here too on behalf of the world community. They are:
"We have a simple message for the world from this movement for peace. We want to live and love and build a just and peaceful society.
"We want for our children, as we want for ourselves, our lives at home, at work and at play, to be lives of joy and peace.
"We recognize that to build such a life demands of all of us dedication, hard work and courage.
!'We recognize that there are many problems in our society which are a source of conflict and violence.
"We recognize that every bullet fired and every explosive bomb makes that work more difficult.
"We reject the use of the bomb and the bullet and all the techniques of violence.
"We dedicate ourselves to working with our neighbors, near and far, day in and day out, to building that peaceful society in which the tragedies we have known are a bad memory and a continuing warning."
That is the message which I leave with the General Assembly today on behalf of the people of Ireland.


Mr. President, may I first of all congratulate you on your unanimous election as President of this session of the General Assembly. Your long service at the United Nations will receive even greater support in its efforts to solve the many political and economic problems that seem to escape immediate attention. I wish to assure you of the fullest co-operatiOn of the delegation of Mauritius in the discharge of your responsibilities.
75.	I should also like to convey to your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, our deepest appreciation for his valuable contribution to the thirtieth session of the General Assembly.
76.	May I also pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, whose dedication to the service of this Organization, to its objectives and its goals, continues to evoke our respect and admiration.
77.	At this crucial hour in the history of the world in general and of Africa in particular, may I begin with an appeal to all men of goodwill who believe that peace can only be achieved by common understanding and mutual comprehension and by a sense of justice. Wherever injustice exists, wherever democracy is being trampled upon, wherever disease, ignorance, and poverty prevail, wherever there is usurpation of the people's legitimate rights, wherever there is unlawful occupation of one's lands by force, let us awake to our responsibilities and strain our energies towards finding solutions based on equality and natural justice in accordance with the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.
78.	After 31 years of continuous and serious difficulties, the United Nations justifies, by its achievements, its indispensability. The mere fact that all the independent nations of the world adhere to its principles clearly indicates the trust that we all have in this august body. Why, then, should any permanent member of the Security Council cast a negative note and use it to block the admission of independent and free nations like Angola and Viet Nam to our Organization? May I appeal in particular to the United States of America to show its wisdom and realism and renounce the use of this negative vote? Indeed, the abuse of the right to cast a negative note on the part of permanent members of the Security Council is one of the frustrating features of an otherwise ideal Charter. Neither Africa, with its 48 States, nor Latin America enjoys such a privilege; nor are they sure they want it. There is no reason why five States should in 1976 still enjoy the special privileges of another age and thus place the rest of the world at an unacceptable disadvantage. So we honestly believe that the appropriate Articles of the Charter should be reappraised realistically, bearing in mind that the United Nations today comprises almost 150 Member States, whereas at the time of the Charter's adoption it comprised only 50.
79.	Since our last session, there have been striking developments all over the world. Firstly, we had a summit conference of OAU in June this year in Mauritius, where it was decided to intensify the struggle against the remaining colonial regimes in Africa and against racialism. We also subsequently had the Conference of the non-aligned countries in Colombo, where a larger number of peace-loving countries fully supported the OAU's demand for the early termination of colonialism in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa in fulfillment of the heritage of every nation and of its right to independence and national sovereignty. Apart from reaffirming that there can be no compromise with colonialism and racialism, I do not wish to dwell greatly on these issues just now, when momentous consultations and negotiations are taking place with a view to finding peaceful and early solutions to the problems in these countries. While we fully support the national liberation movements in their valiant efforts to achieve freedom from oppression and foreign rule and will continue to do so till their objectives are achieved-at the same time, we would welcome any moves for peaceful solutions, provided that they carry with them the assurance of the earliest achievement of liberation for the struggling peoples of Africa and, therefore, the immediate cessation of their hardships. In my capacity as Chairman of OAU, I fully endorse the initiatives taken by the five African Presidents mandated by OAU and will be happy to give any further support and assistance that my country may be called upon to render in this connexion. As much as we welcome the mission of Mr. Kissinger to southern Africa, we must point out that there should be no confusion in anybody mind regarding our collective stand on Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa.
80.	As regards Namibia, much remains to be done, and done quickly. First, a date for its independence-I mean real independence, not a mockery of it-must be accepted. I suggest that date should not be further delayed.
81.	Second, the United Nations should convene within four weeks a constitutional conference comprising only three parties; namely, the United Nations itself, South Africa and SWAPO, the true and authentic representative of the Namibian people.
82.	Third, all political detainees and prisoners should be released at least three weeks before the date of the constitutional conference.
83.	Fourth, all South African forces should be withdrawn as soon as the conference starts and they should be replaced by a United Nations peace-keeping force until such time as the Namibian army and police take over.
84.	It is not too late for the Vorster regime to face the stark realities of life. As the outgoing President of this Assembly rightly pointed out, Mr. Vorster, and Mr. Vorster alone, would carry the sole responsibility_.before history if bloodshed and human carnage occurred in this part of the world, as all events tend to show. We of OAU are determined, and have resolved unanimously, that, should all efforts to find a peaceful solution to these problems fail, we would ensure that recourse to armed struggle is not only pursued but intensified with the help of our friends and the progressive nations of the world.
85.	Let me also here make it clear that OAU cannot and will not accept the devious concept of separate homelands and will not give recognition to the bogus independence of the Transkei an.d "bantustans", which will only perpetuate the inhuman policy of apartheid.
86.	I sincerely hope that countries like France will ensure that the decolonization process in Africa will not suffer any impediment and that the just and legitimate aspirations of the people of the Comoros, of the French territory of the Afars and the Issas and of others will soon be fulfilled.
87.	Since this Assembly met last, there has been a stalemate in regard to the problems of the Middle East and in regard to the finding of a solution fulfilling the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. It is heart-rending to find that the global pulls of politics have halted developments towards peace in that area, and I therefore greatly welcome the recent signs of a reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East to make further progress on the problems of that area. It is indeed a sad commentary on the state of affairs in this world that, while new nations are becoming independent, almost the entire population of a country should be compelled to stay in camps outside their homelands.
88.	There can be only one solution, involving the strict adherence of Israel to the Charter of the United Nations, withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories and the restoration to the Arab people of Palestine of their legitimate right to the creation of a separate Palestinian State, as provided for and endorsed by the United Nations in the partition agreement of 1947 [resolution 181 (II)].
89.	Lebanon, which was until recently a peaceful and beautiful country, is today in a state of ruin, politically and economically. In spite of all the efforts deployed so far, peace does not seem to be in sight. I believe the United Nations, through the Secretary-General, could make a positive contribution to the solution of a conflict which we can only hope is temporary, but success can only be achieved as long as the sad current situation in Lebanon is not exploited for narrow national purposes.
90.	I also trust that the problem of Cyprus will lead not to a partition of the country but to a reunification of its people for the creation of a prosperous and economically viable State, in which the rights of each and every citizen are safeguarded.
91.	There is one more problem, the problem of disarmament, regarding which there has been, unfortunately, little progress. As I said at the last session,  I would emphasize that to make detente an irreversible process it should extend to all geographical areas and at the same time that it should include disarmament measures. I then suggested that the Secretary-General of the United Nations should be called upon to submit concrete proposals and recommendations in regard to a more positive role for the United Nations in the field of disarmament, and I once again stress the necessity, as a matter of priority, for the revitalization of the United Nations in this field. Immediate steps in this field seem to be imperative if not for expanding detente and the creation of larger areas of peace, leading towards the elimination of all sources of war and conflict, at least because of the compulsions of the alarming world-wide sales and gifts of arms, combined with competition in the acquisition and refinement of categories of weapons. In my opinion, a United Nations subsidiary organization deeply committed to the early establishment of disarmament could also function as a monitor or watchdog to speed up the half-hearted efforts of the big Power blocs towards mutual reduction of arms.
92.	One of the most pressing problems of the moment is, no doubt, the need for early solutions to the economic
' problems faced by the world as a whole and by the
developing countries especially. Economic forces are not the monopoly of either the developed nations or the developing nations, but the forces generated in the economically advanced and industrial nations have a con- comitant and, in general, an adverse-effect on the developing nations. The repeated attempts of developing nations have been frustrated, although goodwill has been shown jointly or individually by several advanced countries. The recent Conference of the non-aligned countries in Colombo came up with a number of suggestions based on the Nairobi meeting of UNCTAD, and I do hope that realism will play its due role in finding early solutions so that the world as a whole can develop in harmony and fruitful co-operation.
93.	In the same context, I may note that, in December next, OAU is holding a conference at ministerial level in Kinshasa to study ways and means of consolidating our economies and how we, in Africa, through our interdependence, can create prosperity for the continent as a whole. Commerce and trade, industry and technology will be among our main preoccupations, and I hope that the ministers who are striving so hard will reach the right conclusions and lay the foundation for the creation of a united and prosperous Africa.
94.	It is also unfortunate and sad that, after 10 years of deliberation, no equitable and fair solution has yet been found as regards the share of every nation in the exploitation of the wealth of the sea. We can only hope that better counsel will prevail at the next session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, where a just, fair and equitable solution can at last be found.
95.	We have already before us the resolutions of the United Nations as well as of the recent non-aligned Conference concerning the early realization of the preservation of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. This is a vital issue for my country, which has to depend for its trade and sustenance on the fact that the Indian Ocean is an ocean of peace and not a gradually militarized ocean which would lead to conflict. The other countries of the Indian Ocean as well as the littoral countries are equally concerned, and I hope, Mr. President, that with your active role as President of this Assembly and the great interest you have already taken in regard to this problem from its very beginning, your efforts in this field will be crowned with early, success. It is because of these mutual military rivalries between power blocs, extending far beyond their own legitimate spheres of military necessities, that I proposed at the last session a fundamental approach, namely, the conclusion of an international treaty barring the use of force? in international relations. I do hope that, however impractical! it may appear to those with almost superhuman military power, this humble proposal will receive the attention of the vast majority of this Assembly, who are obviously similarly placed as ourselves and would not like to become involved in any conflict to their own interests.
96.	I. cannot refer at this forum, as I should like to do, to all the excellent work which is being done, despite great difficulties, by the specialized agencies of the United Nations. We of the third world wish to record our appreciation of the devotion and selflessness of all the men and women who serve in them.