I wish to begin my statement. Sir, by offering you the felicitations of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly for its forty-first session.
I should also like to pay a warm tribute to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar for his active and selfless service at the helm of the Secretariat.
The circumstances in which our world is evolving today are far more fraught with threats to its existence than at any time in the entire history of mankind. The awesome quantities of means of war and destruction piled up in the aggressive centers of power haunt millions of people all over the world with a fear of the unthinkable happening. That legitimate fear of the complete annihilation of the human species, in view of the vast accumulation of very advanced and sophisticated means of making war, particularly in its nuclear dimension, has made the question of war and peace the uppermost concern of all mankind.
There is no doubt that the mere existence of such a disproportionately large arsenal on Earth justifies the deep anxiety that prevails in our minds. It is, however, the bellicose mentality with which those in aggressive imperialist circles view the possession and prospective use of such weapons that lies at the core of peace-loving humanity's concern. The grave alarm caused by pronouncements using expressions such as "negotiating from strength", "security through force" and "limited or protracted nuclear war" has been on the increase, owing to the unprecedented material at the service of those militaristic and warmongering doctrines.
Having implemented a comprehensive plan to upgrade quantitatively and qualitatively its military might on Earth, the united States imperialists have drawn up and started to put into effect plans to spread some of the most threatening of its newly acquired military technologies and weaponry into outer space, under the guise of a defense initiative, rightly named Star Wars. To overcome the legal barriers prohibiting it from carrying out those designs, the present united States Administration has taken steps to nullify unilaterally and arbitrarily same very hard-won agreements on an ti-ball is tic missiles and strategic arms limitations. It has irresponsibly rendered all bilateral and multilateral negotiating forums virtually paralyzed by putting up an array of unacceptable and unreasonable conditions.
While all these things are being done in the imperialist camp, the forces of peace are gathering their strength and calling for the urgent, serious consideration of measures vitally needed to avert the greatest menace threatening the whole of civilization. The Non-Aligned Movement and the socialist community have repeatedly put forward several initiatives aimed at the strengthening and universalization of the process of detente, the halting of the unbridled arms race and the achievement of disarmament.
The unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests declared by the Soviet Union over a year ago, which has been extended several times since then in response to the urgings of the international community, is a vivid example of that country's true desire for peace and disarmament. We consider as highly important and very timely the proposal of the Soviet Union for the conclusion of a treaty banning all nuclear tests by all States in all environments for all time. That initiative, which is in full conformity with the position of the non-aligned countries, constitutes a giant leap towards the general and complete disarmament envisaged in the Soviet Union's comprehensive proposal for ridding the world of all nuclear weapons by the end of the century. This proposal, which is unprecedented in its dimensions and foresightedness, enjoys the full support of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, other non-aligned countries and all other peace-loving forces of the world.
We also attach great significance to the recent initiative of the socialist countries, including the Soviet Union, concerning the establishment of an international system of collective security embracing all nations, which has been officially submitted for the Assembly's consideration and was referred to, together with the concept of collective Asian security, by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Eduard Shevardnadze, in his statement to the Assembly the day before yesterday.
The mad arms spree that has filled the thoughts and actions of the United States Administration is accompanied by a dangerous version of State terrorism being carried out under the slogan of neo-globalism. Through this heinous policy the united States arrogates to itself the right to be militarily present in every corner of the world and to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries and regions. Hence, the hands of the United States espionage agencies and armed forces are clearly visible in practically all conflict situations, thus widening their scope and rendering their solution extremely difficult.
It is precisely such involvement that has led to the continued occupation of Palestinian and other Arab territories by Zionist Israel. It is precisely such involvement that has led to the escalating bloodshed in South Africa perpetrated by the apartheid regime against South Africans, the continued illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist Pretoria regime and its increased acts of aggression and intimidation against the front-line States.
It is precisely the United States involvement that has plunged Central America into a state of instability and tension, threatening the security, territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of revolutionary Nicaragua. It is precisely United States involvement that has heightened discord and hostility in South-East Asia, posing a constant threat to the popular order in Kampuchea and exerting pressure on the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
It is precisely the United States that has launched piratical armed aggression against Libya. It is precisely the United States that has illegally occupied the island of Diego Garcia and turned it into a springboard for aggression and destabilization, thus preventing the realization of the concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. It is precisely the United States that has brought to power and sustained such dictatorial and fascistic regimes such as those in Chile, South Korea, El Salvador and elsewhere. And last but not least it is precisely the United States that has organized, trained, financed and armed terrorist and mercenary groups to wage undeclared wars against the peoples of Afghanistan, Angola, Nicaragua and other countries.*
Accompanying all this are the greedy economic policies and practices of the United States, which is at the head of a world capitalist system which, through its financial monopolies, has robbed numerous nations of their human and natural resources. The intolerable burden of debt weighing down the backs of the economies of many developing countries, the artificially high interest rates, the low prices for the export commodities of developing countries, the unfavorable balance of trade and other disturbing features of the prevailing world economic situation are
the direct result of the present unjust international economic order imposed by the capitalist countries.
The predictable outcome of such policies and practices is manifested in the drastic widening of the gap between the respective living standards and rate of development of developed countries and developing countries. The imperialist policy of using economic assistance as a means of exerting political pressure on the developing countries is no longer confined within the limits of bilateral relations; it has also been extensively employed to undermine the capabilities of multilateral institutions, with a view to curtailing or completely stopping the flow of international development assistance to developing countries, particularly those that dare refuse to submit to imperialist diktat.
The non-aligned countries, in the course of their eighth summit Conference, held earlier this month at Harare, arrived at a sober analysis of the present world situation; they called for an immediate end to be put to the arms race and for the diversion of the resources thus released to the alleviation of the suffering of hundreds of millions of people around the world who have been condemned to hunger, poverty, disease and ignorance. They repeated their vigorous call for the early establishment of a new international economic order based on justice, equity and co-operation.
The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan considers that the situation in the Middle East has been brought about as a result of the use of force, the denial of the right of nations to self-determination and the acquisition of territory by force. No comprehensive and lasting peace can be achieved unless Israel withdraws its forces from occupied Palestinian and other Arab territories, including Jerusalem, the Golan Heights and South Lebanon, and unless the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), exercise their
right of self-determination, including the right to establish a State of their own in Palestine. We welcome the timely proposal of the Soviet Union on the establishment of a preparatory committee to set in motion the process leading to the convening of an international conference on peace in the Middle East.
In southern Africa, the apartheid regime is faced with enormous upheavals of the vast masses of the people inside the country and with mounting pressure from world public opinion abroad. The use of brute force by the Pretoria regime has brought a result which is the opposite of that expected by the racist regime.
The Non-Aligned Movement's Harare Declaration on South Africa proposes specific action to be taken by the international community to put an end to the horrendous apartheid system. It is our hope that the General Assembly will adopt resolutions calling for similar measures to be taken by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. We express our staunch solidarity with the people of South Africa and their vanguard, the African National Congress of South Africa.
We also stand firm with the people of Namibia under the leadership of their sole legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), in their struggle to achieve the full independence of their country. Immediate steps should be taken to give effect to the provisions of the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its fourteenth special session, held last week.
In Central America the prospects for peace are seriously reduced by the interventionist aggressive policies of the United States, which is fomenting discord and conflict. We hail the constructive attitude of the Government of Nicaragua towards the process of negotiations, and we express our support for the peace plan put forward by the Contadora Group and the Contadora Support Group,
which in our view constitutes a solid basis for eliminating a hotbed of tension
from this vital part of Latin America.
In connection with South-East Asia, we wish to lend our full support to the repealed peaceful demarches made by the three Indochinese countries, and we call upon the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to give a positive response to those peaceful proposals.
We associate ourselves with the repeated demands of the international community that an end be put to the senseless fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq and that their disputes be settled through peaceful means available within the
international legal system.
On the question of Cyprus, our position remains unchanged. We stand for the
independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-aligned status of
Cyprus and support the efforts of the Government of that country to find a peaceful
solution in the interest of all Cypriots.
We also support the proposals of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the peaceful reunification of Korea on the basis of the free will of the Korean people, without any foreign interference.
We reiterate our loyalty to the cause of all national liberation movements and our support for the restitution of territories under colonial or alien occupation
to the sovereignty of their respective nations.
The scope of the undeclared war of imperialism, hegemonism and reaction against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has been considerably widened- to encompass the military, economic, psychological, political, diplomatic and other spheres. On the basis of admissions by top-ranking intelligence figures in the United States Administration, we can see that more than two thirds of the budget of the united States Central Intelligence Agency for so-called covert operations is being channeled into the financing of that war. Added to that sum are the large amounts of weapons and money that are given to the criminal bandits by other imperialist, hegemonist and reactionary quarters.
The loss of life and the destruction inflicted on our people as a result of this dirty war, although enormous, have not shaken our firm determination to pursue vigorously the destiny we chose with the accomplishment of our national democratic revolution of 1978. Our great strides towards national reconciliation and harmony, as declared and elaborated by Comrade Najib, General-Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, are producing the expected positive results. The further widening of the National Fatherland Front, embodying all social and mass organizations of the country; the merger of several democratic groups and organizations with the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan; the enlargement of the Revolutionary Council and the Government through the incorporation into them of well-respected non-party personalities; the completion of the process of elections to the local organs of State power and administration; and the preparation of the draft of the new Constitution are noteworthy examples of
our efforts in this direction.
In the economic sphere, the investments of the early years of the revolution are bearing fruit. On the material basis - that is, what has been achieved so far, particularly in the fields of land and water reforms and the nation-wide literacy campaign - the first Five-Year socio-Economic Development Plan has been drawn up and half of its first year has already been implemented. While having been realistically prepared, this Plan will create a solid foundation for sustained and long-term growth in the economy of the country.
In the military field, thanks to the growing unity of our people and the vigilance of our armed forces, the last remnants of mercenary pockets of resistance are being wiped out and scores of former bandits are surrendering to the State authorities and the people's militia.
All those factors point towards a peaceful, prosperous and secure future for our people. The settlement of the situation around Afghanistan and the creation of a stable, harmonious climate will naturally have a very favorable impact on the pace of our national efforts. Since the last session of the General Assembly, the proximity talks between the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and Pakistan, through the intermediary of the Representative of the Secretary-General, have continued to center on the drafting of required instruments that would comprise a comprehensive settlement of the situation that has evolved in South-west Asia. While expressing our gratitude to the Secretary-General and his Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, for their good offices during these talks, we wish to reiterate the desire of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan for the early and successful conclusion of the process leading to normal and harmonious relations among the countries of the region on the basis of the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, respect for the right of all States to determine their own social and economic and political systems, and friendly relations and good-neighborliness among States.
The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in line with its peaceful foreign policy, has adopted a principled, constructive and serious approach in the course of these negotiations and has spared no effort to create an atmosphere of confidence, which is indispensable in such negotiations.
With a view to contributing to the furthering of mutual trust, and as a sign of our sincerity in the search for a political settlement, the Governments of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union decided in August 1986 to return to their permanent bases six regiments of the limited military contingent of the Soviet Union which is now based in Afghanistan. It is our earnest hope that this unilateral measure, together with other principled concessions and the flexibility repeatedly demonstrated by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, will be promptly reciprocated by our negotiating partner. A sense of realism and statesmanship calls for bold action and the political will to take the last few steps towards the conclusion of the instruments and to embark on their faithful implementation.
The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan stands to gain from such a course, and we are wholly confident that no one will lose by adopting the same course.


My delegation is especially pleased at the election of Mr. Choudhury to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. His wisdom, objectivity and diplomatic skill are a sure guarantee of the effectiveness of our work. He may be assured that he will have our broadest co-operation.
I should also like to pay a tribute here to our dear friend. Ambassador Jaime de Pinies, for the work he accomplished during his presidency of the previous session, with which he brought to a climax a long and distinguished career in the United Nations.
X am also particularly pleased to extend my greetings to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and express our satisfaction on seeing him restored to health, and I wish to express my Government's* acknowledgment of the invaluable services he is rendering to the international community and to this Organization, giving evidence always of his selflessness and creative intelligence, inspired at all times by a genuine international feeling. It is our hope, and the desire of my Government, that for a long time to come the United Nations will continue to benefit from the competence, prudence and patience that characterize his performance in office, which are especially necessary in the difficult times that lie ahead.
One year ago, the General Assembly proclaimed 1986 to be the International Year of Peace and called upon all the peoples of the world to join with the United Nations in resolute efforts to safeguard peace and the future of mankind through continuous and positive action on the part of States and peoples, with the aim of preventing war through removal of various threats to peace, the resolution of conflicts by peaceful means and the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms, as stated in the preamble to the Charter.
It was, therefore, a tragic irony that during the first weeks of the Year of Peace, Olaf Palme, without any doubt one of the most fervent and generous fighters for peace in this century, should fall victim to the darkest and most cowardly form of violence, in Sweden, his native land, a country which can be justly proud of a tradition of peace which few countries can match. The death of this admirable and exemplary worker for peace was an omen marking the beginning of a year which mankind was to have devoted to the preservation and realization of the right of peoples to peace.
In this Year of Peace, the chronic evils which beset the world seem to have reached a degree unknown in previous years. The more Utopian the final objectives, the greater the threat to the objectives of peace. Violence is manifest in all its dismal forms: from open wars to the most vicious acts of terrorism. The quantitative and qualitative development of the war industry continues at the fast pace imposed by an increasing and ever more diversified demand. In the meantime, vast sectors of mankind fall victim to the scourge of hunger, disease or ignorance, or continue to be subject to the rules of racist minorities.
Thus peace, understood not only as the absence of war, but as the "serenity in order" of which St. Augustine spoke and which is reflected in a state of affairs in which security, justice and prosperity prevail, has been conspicuously absent in this International Year of Peace.
We must therefore ask ourselves what is keeping us from victory in this struggle in which we all seem to be on the same side. Why is there such a gulf between what we all advocate and what happens outside the United Nations? It is commonplace to ascribe the responsibility to the lack of political will on the part of the major protagonists of power. But perhaps part of the answer must be south in the revolutionary impact which the development of modern technology is having on
society. The tide of technology in which we are submerged is causing profound changes in both our individual and collective way of living, in our way of thinking and feeling, and in the perception of our goals and hopes. It is this technology that confers on any armed conflict, no matter how localized it may be, the potential apocalyptic effects. The possibility of annihilating entire populations underlies any warlike confrontation: it is a possibility that can rapidly become a reality if a propitious time is provided by the escalation of a conflict, which is generally inevitable. Let us not forget that the death and suffering of innocent victims, who day after day are unwillingly trapped in the present conflicts, are a harsh fact of contemporary life, which we cannot be used to despite its almost daily occurrence in the cities and towns of Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, Afghanistan or Kampuchea.
It is the technological factor that gives a new dimension to an old phenomenon, terrorism, which has not ceased to manifest itself since the beginning of the nineteenth century, and which has become worse during the last few years, thanks to the increasing sophistication of the methods used, as well as the characteristics of modern life in open and democratic societies that increase the chances of attack, increase the exposure of the victims, and favor the cowardly anonymity of the attackers.
We have met here at this time to ask ourselves what is the proper way to respond with our international institutions to the challenges to our international relations posed by the formidable technological explosion which characterizes these last years of this twentieth century.
How can we face these challenges of today's reality? How can we overcome the obstacles that have prevented us, not just from achieving the ideal of peace, but from even costing most to it? what should we do to see that at future sessions of this Assembly, we do not just talk about the past but rather talk about positive achievements?
We sincerely believe that the present has come to undertake a serious consideration not only of the rules that govern our international conduct but also of the political, legal and institutional instruments that we can use to obtain our common aims.
Uruguay believes that, in view of the dangerous course of international relations in recent years, we must immediately undertake a process of thorough examination and unbiased assessment of the existing legal and institutional apparatus, in order to determine how it can be adapted to fit present conditions. To that aid, we think that good starting points for that examination have been recommended by the ' group of 18. My Government will participate in the examination with the utmost enthusiasm and dedication. It must start from two premises. The first is that the principles of the San Francisco Charter must be upheld, since they express absolute values which must continue to guide our international conduct. The second is that the United Nations must continue to be the main forum through which international co-operation is channeled.
My country reiterates its support for the Organization, and its conviction that the united Nations is a fundamental component in the present set of historical circumstances and must be a fundamental component of any other plan in the future.
Creativity and determination are required in the search for methods and procedures to deal with present problems, with new criteria and new organizational bases. Last year, the President of ray country, Mr. Sanguinetti, said that the United Nations had resulted from a cataclysm, the Second World War, that had killed the League of Nations* We think it would be suicidal if we had to create another organization at the price of a world war. Bather, we must improve the one we already have.
Uruguay has demonstrated by deeds its intention to use all available diplomatic and political machinery to deal with the international problems that are of concern to us. Hence, we have joined in all forms of direct diplomatic action available to the President of the Republic and his Foreign Ministry in order to give effect to our aims, through diplomatic actions designed to achieve peace. My country has neither the size nor the responsibility to be a leading player on the
international stage; all that we can do is aspire to harmonious and constructive relations with the sister republics of our continent and co-operate, to the limit of our possibilities, to ensure the achievement of peace in the world, and especially in our region.
That is why we whole-heartedly support the Contadora initiative; we believe that it is a response to our profound belief that peace in Central America is an objective which goes far beyond the problems of the subregion and involves all Latin Americans. We are convinced that the worsening crisis in that part of our Latin America could unleash very dangerous tensions and conflicts throughout the region. That is why we have joined in this initiative. We feel that the strengthening of peace, progress towards pluralistic democracy, and the economic and social development of the Central American region are goals of all Latin Americans.
We believe in the path of dialog rather than that of armed confrontation. We wish to show with concrete deeds that our Latin American peoples can achieve peace, development and justice without foreign interference, in accordance with their own decisions and their own historical experience. It is in order to join in those tasks - on which Latin America, the main protagonist, must take its own decisions - that we have participated and shall continue to participate in the work of Contadora, through the Support Group, of which we have the honor to be a member.
The problem of the Malvinas is of equal concern to us. Last year our President stated in this Assembly.
"The problem of the Malvinas is not simply a bilateral problem between Argentina and Great Britain. It is a Latin American problem, and, as such, we assume it in its full dimension. ...
"We trust that Great Britain, which knew when the historical moment was ripe to abandon vast possessions all over the world, will succeed in reconciling the dictates of law with the rules of international coexistence.
Hence we support Argentina's claims and we are prepared to do everything in our power to contribute to a rapprochement between those two parties at the negotiating table". (A/40/PV.6 p. 3)
All that we need add new to what was said by our President is that Uruguay is awaiting with increasing impatience the agreement of the parties to begin rapidly negotiations that can lead to a just and final solution to the problem.
There are other parts of the world that cause us concern. Certain conflicts, such as the one in the Middle Bast, seem to have gone beyond the control of their protagonists. President Sanguinetti also stated here last year that in the case of the Middle East conflict the worst had happened*, it had become a routine problem which we seemed to have learned to live with.
The developments in the Middle East conflict have made it difficult to conceive of any solution that would not require sacrifices on the part of everyone involved, as well as a supreme effort toward conciliation. Such a solution, as Uruguay has been saying for years now, must be based on recognition of Israel's right to continue to exist as a State within secure and recognized borders; on recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination; and on respect for the independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon, whose territory must be freed of the presence of foreign armed forces, of whatever origin. We are especially disturbed by the tragedy of the Lebanese people. They have deep ties with our people, who have for many years benefited from the contribution of their hard-working, intelligent immigrants.
Peace also requires the reunification of the two Koreas through dialog and negotiations.
It has been said that peace must be built one day at a time, and that it must come from the heart of every person and every people.
Violations of human rights continue to take place each day throughout the world. In many parts of the planet, persons and groups of persons are systematically persecuted and deprived of their basic rights? because of their race, religion or ideas. Many people continue to be subjected to various forms of political oppression or iniquitous situations in which they are deprived of their most elementary economic and social rights.
But within this range of daily violations of human rights, nothing is more repugnant to the conscience of mankind than the shameful practice of apartheid, institutionalized and applied by the racist South Africa regime. My Government vigorously condemns this affront to civilization and joins in the international community's clamor for its elimination. In particular, we associate ourselves with the demand for the immediate and unconditional liberation of Nelson Mandela and other imprisoned leaders, and for the lifting of the ban on the black political organizations.
In regard to the Pretoria Government's behavior, we have followed with interest the recent international trend towards the adoption of sanctions in conformity with the Charter. That would be a healthy reaction by the international community and a defense of the most sacred values of civilization and peace. My Government will associate itself with any sanctions that are adopted.
There can be no peace when territories are under foreign occupation or colonial situations exist. But there are still vestiges of colonialism which, by disregarding the right of peoples to self-determination, are sources of tension and threats to the peace. We have in mind particularly the case of Namibia, whose people are subjugated and whose territory has been .illegally occupied, in open defiance of decisions and resolutions of bodies of the United Nations, including the decision of the International Court of Justice. Uruguay repeats' that the relevant resolutions of the United Nations must be immediately and unconditionally implemented. Moreover, we condemn continuing armed incursions and acts of aggression against States that are South Africa's neighbors, which often are launched from Banibian territory* that is the case particularly of the aggression against Angola.
We reaffirm our solidarity with the front-line countries and we earnestly hope that in this International Year of Peace effective steps will be taken to ensure that the people of Namibia can exercise their right of self-determination and that peace and tranquility are restored to that' afflicted part of the world.
As serious as the persistence of conflict in the world is the fact, generally accepted here, chat it is commonly used as an excuse to justify the most iniquitous manifestation of violence in our times; terrorism. Terrorism is the common enemy of all the peoples and Governments represented here. Uruguay does not believe that any Member of the United Nations can invoke attenuating circumstances or in any way justify terrorism, irrespective of the motive, because that would be to deny the principles which all States have undertaken to respect and promote. And let us be candid - it would also mean an unjustified act of arrogance, because no Government represented here can be certain that in the future it will not be a victim of the blackmail of terrorism. Uruguay is convinced that the international community should intensify co-operation in eliminating, or at least reducing, the tragic consequences of this scourge. whose expansion, frequency and magnitude are turning it into a real war declared against civilization.
Yesterday mankind awoke to an item of news which introduces some ray of hope; I am referring to the news of the coming meeting in October between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev to resume conversations with a view to an effective process of nuclear disarmament.
The question of nuclear disarmament is of the greatest importance for all the peoples of the world, and not only for the super-Powers. Mankind lives daily with the continuing concern and anxiety regarding what is called the danger of a nuclear holocaust, in which mankind as a whole would be the victim. As the two super-Powers have stated, "A nuclear war cannot be won and it cannot be waged".
No design for peace can overlook an important reality of today. She policies of the great Powers in the matter of armaments are decided, pursued, negotiated on, and brought into conflict every day largely in disregard of this Organization, which should be the institutional form representing the international community.
It is thus with the great Powers that both the political and moral responsibility for decisions on disarmament mainly lies. In view of this situation, which is outside our control, there is not a single State whose security and existence does not in the last resort depend cm the will of the nuclear Powers and, in particular, the two super-Powers; as the Secretary-General has already stated, we are living in a state of interdependence but on a footing of inequality.
In other areas there have been some promising developments, signs of progress in reducing international tensions. One of them, without any doubt is the security agreement arrived at a few days ago at the Stockholm Conference in which countries of Western and Eastern Europe, the United States and Canada participated.
We have followed with keen interest and firmly support the proposals made by the six Heads of State of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Sweden and Tanzania, formulated in the city of Ixtapa, Mexico, a few weeks ago, urging the super-Powers to establish a reciprocal moratorium on nuclear testing, and the six leading statesmen of those countries proposed specific procedures for verification; they stated their willingness to participate and offered to provide means of ensuring effective compliance. They must know that they have the full support of all the countries of our continent.
Uruguay also supports Brazil's proposal to associate the countries of both sides of the South Atlantic in a zone of peace and co-operation. Peace and security in this area requires that it must be used not for any threat or use of force, but instead in a way that will preserve it from any extension of the strategic-nuclear confrontation. The establishment of a zone of peace also
requires that the violence and coercion which prevent the peoples of South Africa and Namibia from freely exercising their sovereign rights must cease.
Peace, true peace, is based cm mutual trust, and the arms race is the ultimate expression of the lack of trust. We have developed considerably in terms of science and very little in terms of conscience. Will civilization be able to attain a sufficiently high ethical level to ensure that those who bear the responsibilities of government in the various countries will now take the decision to devote to the development of the peoples the resources that are now allocated to the production and purchase of weapons and instruments of destruction and death? Once we have overcome this tragic paradox of the modern world we shall have laid firm foundations for peace - of real peace, and not peace of the pax romana type imposed upon others. We must have the type of peace which can only prosper and flourish in a true community, an international society characterized by relations of equality among States, and not by the hegemony of some over others. We must have a peace which is one and indivisible, a peace of justice, one which is guaranteed by law. In this International Year of Peace we reaffirm our faith in such a peace, the only true peace, and our faith in the freedom of individuals and of peoples, without which, in the words of the eminent Uruguayan lawyer, Eduardo J Coutour, there can be no law, no justice, no peace.
Never before has it been so generally felt that mankind has learn from its harsh lessons that peace is one and indivisible. Now we must learn to understand that this truth also applies to economic affairs. At this stage, it is almost impossible to deny the fact that without a prosperous economy, without integrated economic development, there can be little peace anywhere in the world. As long as in most of the world living standards are below the levels compatible with human dignity, there can be no guarantee that the rest of the world, with their prosperous economies, can continue to enjoy their prosperity in peace. Want and
conspicuous consumption do not make good neighbors who can live together without friction and conflict in a world that is steadily shrinking and becoming more interdependent.
This philosophy was the inspiration of a life which has now ended. A distinguished Latin American, the noted Argentinian Dr. Raul Prebisch, for decades worked in the United Nations and in the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) - to which he was so devoted - for an international co-operation founded on great moral principles, in a world based on standards of solidarity which unhappily seem to have been forgotten. In this year of his passing, the message of his life and of his moral ideals should be a further inspiration to us in building a more just international economic order, an essential requisite of any lasting peace. I wish to take this occasion to pay a heartfelt and grateful tribute to his memory.
There is still little sign of a system of international relations based on principles of equity and equal opportunity. Some problems that were touched on here by the President of Uruguay last year, such as the problem of indebtedness, have been remedied to some extent, but we are far from having fully achieved the hopes of the countries that joined in the Cartagena consensus. But some hopeful signs for change emerged from the recent conference of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) at Punta del Este in Uruguay. That was the beginning of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations, which was undoubtedly one of the most significant developments of the year in economic affairs. The importance of that conference lies in the fact that agreement was reached on beginning a new round of trade negotiations in such unfavorable political and economic circumstances, a success hardly to be expected in view of the gloomy outlook before the meeting. However, even more important, in fact vital, is that the agreement, which will be tested over four years of difficult negotiations, must above all be regarded as a declaration of peace in the trade war.
Uruguay trusts that the spirit of conciliation that prevailed at that meeting will ensure that it will also become a basic instrument of the trade peace so essential for the fate of the world and particularly of the developing countries. Punta del Este produced a peace with neither victors nor vanquished. That is the basis of any serious and durable commitment.
As the International Year of Peace draws to a close, it seems fitting to devote a moment to introspection and to ask ourselves whether, as Members of the United Nations family, as representatives of our Governments, as individuals, we have done and are doing everything we can to move closer to achieving that goal. Peace can only be the outcome of the concerted will of all States, renewed and strengthened day after day.
Uruguay hopes that each one of us to whom a role has been entrusted in the international life of peoples will make peace his daily goal and each coming day an international day of peace.


Mr. President, in choosing you to preside over the forty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly, this Organization took a very wise decision, on which we should all congratulate ourselves; for we shall be able to draw on the extensive resources of your political skill and diplomatic experience and on the guiding presence of someone deeply interested in and committed to the fate of the international community.
Panama extends a warm welcome to the peoples and Governments represented here and hopes that in the not too distant future we shall be joined by the remaining nations of the world as full-fledged Members, so that one of the main purposes of this Organization can be fulfilled.
I am pleased to express the heartfelt gratitude of Panama for the dedication and perseverance of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and for the wisdom, vision, skill and tact which have characterized his constant efforts to restore peace wherever it has been shattered or threatened and to preserve it where, fortunately, it prevails. The recent advances in the cause of peace are
largely the result of his extraordinary dedication, and the praise and thanks which will be extended to him at this session will be well deserved.
In particular, in so far as Panama is concerned, we are grateful for the exceptional promptness, the receptive attitude and the painstaking attention with which he has listened to us in regard both to problems of Panama specifically and to those relating to our peace efforts through the Contadora Group.
My Government's foreign policy is based on a tradition of struggle against colonialism and discrimination in all its forms and manifestations; against the use of force as an instrument of submission or subjugation; against intervention in the internal affairs of States and for the defense of the principle of equality among peoples; for inherent respect for human rights; for the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes; for the equitable distribution of the benefits of mankind's scientific, technical and cultural progress; but, above all, for the right of States to have their territorial integrity respected and the right of all peoples to enjoy political independence and to forge their own destinies, without interference of any kind - especially foreign pressures.
For those fundamental reasons, I wish to place it on record in this Assembly that Panama rejects and condemns the violent armed invasion of Afghanistan and supports the demands of the Afghan people that Soviet armed forces be withdrawn from their territory. It also repudiates the state of permanent, aggression suffered by the front-line countries and the situation of the Namibian people, for they constitute flagrant violations of international law which deserve the unanimous condemnation of other nations and threaten the ideals which inspired the creation of this Organization. Furthermore, they force us to see with threatening clarity that our efforts will be useless, in the face of the arrogance of the racist minority, if we impose only moral sanctions. I should also like to express Panama's regret at the obstinacy with which the Pretoria Government still clings to mankind's most shameful practices. The majority wishes of the South African people have long since shown that apartheid as a formula for human coexistence has had its day. Unfortunately, obscurantism and intolerance continue to prevail over the tireless efforts of the civilized world, which is filled with horror and consternation at the crimes committed daily in that territory.
At the very heart of our most hard-won struggles is our respect for the principle of equality among all men, and we therefore wish to see established in South Africa as soon as possible an egalitarian system reflecting the wishes of the majority of that people and a democratically elected government that will fully rectify the odious practices we insistently deplore and condemn.
Furthermore, and on the basis of the same considerations, Panama supports Madagascar in its claim to the Malagasy Islands; the Comoros in their authentic right to incorporate the Island of Mayotte under their jurisdiction; Bolivia in its long-standing aspiration to gain access to the sea and thereby contribute to its development; Spain in achieving a negotiated settlement to the problem of Gibraltar and Cyprus in its well-justified desire to win universal recognition for its independence and freedom. Panama also advocates the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea and the holding of free elections in that country under strict international supervision.
In a great spirit of conciliation, Panama will support any effort to put an end to the tensions and acts of violence between Arabs and Israelis. The State of Israel was created by a resolution of this Organization, and Panama strongly supports that decision, that country's existence and its participation in the community of nations. It also supports any effort to secure an end to the prolonged state of war between Iran and Iraq and demands from their Governments absolute respect for vessels flying the Panamanian flag, some of which have been the victims of unjustified attack in open violation of international agreements. Panama supports any attempt to secure the conclusion of agreements to put an end to the fratricidal struggle of the Lebanese people and any action to ensure the peaceful unification of the Korean people, which must be achieved through direct dialog between the two parties. We hope that that will take place soon and that the Republic of Korea and the People's Democratic Republic of Korea will become full
members of the United Nations, so that the two parts of the Korean peninsula are represented in the Organization.
Similarly, Panama welcomes any efforts to secure the holding of negotiations between the Government of the Republic of Argentina and the Government of Her Brittanic Majesty with a view to eliminating all vestiges of colonialism from the Malvinas Islands.
Furthermore, the destructive capacity of the nuclear weapons deployed or stockpiled by the super-Powers is such that a mere mention of their equivalent in dynamite per human being is a telling indication of the absurd course mankind has thus far pursued.
The Heads of State or Government of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Sweden and Tanzania, in offering their assistance in securing agreements among the nuclear weapon countries, have taken an initiative which all peoples of the world have welcomed. Their declarations and the conclusions they reached last month in Mexico are a faithful reflection of our position and our hopes.
In recent months we have followed with the closest attention and the keenest interest the public statements and proposals made by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America, because those statements rekindle the hope that those countries will make definite progress towards reaching fundamental agreements that will dispel the threat of a nuclear holocaust which has hung over us for the past four decades.
There can be no doubt that any concrete step towards the prohibition of nuclear weapons and their stockpiling, and any measure to prevent the arms race from extending and becoming widespread on earth, would be cause for universal rejoicing. We can never allow the day to come when a human being will raise his eyes to heaven, searching for a reply to the eternal questions, only to see the terrible silhouette of his imminent destruction.
I wish to place on record our position concerning two terrible evils of our day that warrant the most stringent action and the most constant vigilance on the part of all Governments: terrorism and drugs.
The Organization must strongly condemn terrorism in all its forms and wherever its appalling ramifications have spread, for no human conscience can condone the sacrifice of innocent lives for the sake of alleged tactics of militancy or persuasion, no matter who the authors of such unpardonable crimes may be or who instigated or encouraged their perpetration.
The same attitude must also be taken to the problem of the trafficking in and use of narcotic drugs, the proliferation of which has reached appalling levels in many countries. We have an immediate obligation to root out this infamous tumor from our contemporary human society, for it corrupts and erodes the most elementary principles of conduct assumed to be indispensable to the life of peoples.
Faced with this permanent attack on the very essence of mankind's best aspirations and the fruits of his social and cultural progress, we must act in unison, indefatigably and conscientiously, to put an end to the production and distribution of narcotic drugs and to combat their traffic. To that end, we must apply the same degree of vigilance, the same interest and the same zeal, both internationally and locally, without ever falling into the futile trap of singling out and condemning the corruption in our neighbor's camp while closing our eyes to what is going on in our own back yard.
The drug problem must strengthen the unity of men and hence the unity of nations, for when we all understand that the value of human life transcends any other consideration, we will be able to set up a common front that will save mankind from this scourge.
We acknowledge and applaud the efforts of other States to this end. Panama has not been spared this plague and, as a contribution to the common cause, our
country will in the next few days be issuing a new legal instrument which, approaching the drug problem as an international problem, will permit total co-operation among States in suppressing drug offenses, allow for the confiscation of goods on a reciprocal basis among nations, speed up the extradition procedures for persons detained in such cases and penalize such offenses with stiffer penalties in order to deal with this latest calamity looming over our younger generation.
For those Governments currently grappling with the dilemma of meeting their countries' international financial commitments, it is appalling to make a comparison between the amount of the external debt of the least-advantaged countries and the volume of the military budgets of the major Powers.
On the one hand, we feel the aspirations of our peoples to live in greater dignity and, on the other, we see quite simply the ever-growing capacity for death and destruction. On one side, we see vast sectors of mankind living in the most dire poverty and, on the other, we see the appalling and ever-more sophisticated machinery of death and destruction being constantly refined.
Although the developing countries welcome the possibility of agreements by the powerful nations in the areas of the economy and peace, they resent the way in which the limited possibilities for the progress and well-being of the weak are overlooked. This equation prompts Panama to support all efforts which contribute to the strengthening of peace and security, especially at the regional level, while
at the same time urging that part of the resources available be used preferably for
programs of economic development and social progress, which are urgently needed.
The first concern I wish to mention in turning to the current problems of the world economy is the stifling situation which foreign debt obligations have created in the developing countries, a situation which prevents them from meeting social needs and ensuring adequate economic growth. This situation must make creditor countries, which have a great interest in the preservation of peace, freedom and, above all, democracy, realize that poverty and backwardness hold the seeds of social unrest, which pushes peoples to agitation and violence in the search for other political solutions which seem likely to improve their precarious living conditions.
The innumerable complex problems which characterize the interdependence of economies in our time have made anxiety and unrest or the breakdown of the social order and recourse to armed violence in some regions obvious dangers for the rest of the world.
Inequalities in the flow of capital and technical know-how continue to make a satisfactory level of progress and development a privilege reserved for a handful of peoples. The misfortune of the underprivileged, swept by a tide of justified but unsatisfied aspirations, threatens the future of peace and freedom in all nations. The sooner the Governments of the countries where wealth and power have
been concentrated understand and accept this reality, the sooner mankind will find itself on the road to universal respect for the ideals of peace and freedom.
In order to create the necessary conditions for the sustained growth of the world economy, we must analyze in depth and conscientiously reorder the economic relations among States so that there is genuine equity in trade and in the study of the factors which determine the distribution of capital investment.
The solutions adopted to deal with the debt crisis continue to favor creditor countries, to the detriment of the development and political stability of debtor countries. Panama is determined to meet its credit responsibilities but wishes to give the international financial community warning that it must not seek to place any country in the position of having to choose between satisfying the basic needs of its people and canceling its obligations on the pretext of avoiding a world financial catastrophe.
In the face of these dilemmas, the Governments of all countries, creditors and debtors alike, and all the international credit institutions and agencies concerned have an unavoidable responsibility to offer creative solutions which will enable us to overcome the crisis without destroying the future.
Aware of its responsibility as a nation and of its history as a host country, Panama once again offers its territory for a summit meeting of all the countries and bodies concerned, so that in a realistic, creative and constructive dialog a successful and effective solution may be found to avert the impending fatal outcome.
In recognizing the efforts made by the United Nations in its consistent aim of safeguarding peace and in its numerous activities aimed at promoting the material and spiritual progress of mankind, I must express the gratitude of the Panamanian people for the specific actions and positive influence of the Organization on behalf of the ideals we Panamanians pursue and the struggles we wage.
We cannot forget the support given to the proposal by the Panamanian Ambassador, Aquilino Boyd, that the Security Council in Panama at a crucial stage in our efforts to secure the abrogation of the shameful 1903 Panama Canal Treaty. Subsequently, with the election of former President Illueca as President of the General Assembly at the thirty-eighth session, the Organization honored Panama in a way that we shall never forget.
Concerning the crisis in Central America, the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation, which was handed to the five Central American Foreign Ministers on 7 June last, reproduced the results of three and a half years of talks and negotiations with the countries directly concerned, which established formulas for agreement which had been carefully studied, discussed and revised and which left unresolved only a few differences concerning international military maneuvers and
the control and reduction of weapons.
Analysis of that instrument, which contains a whole set of understandings reached with the participation of all the Central American countries in the face of many problems and difficulties, must logically be followed by the political decision of those countries to resolve whatever has remained pending so that, with vision and realism, they can proceed with the signing of the peace document.
The mediation of the Contadora Group and the Support Group succeeded in overcoming major differences and deep-rooted distrust and resentment and in reconciling markedly different positions and aspirations, a task of conciliation which brought us very near to achieving peace.
Throughout all this time, the spirit and action of Contadora contained the scope of the hostilities and prevented the outbreak of widespread war. From the outset of its efforts the Contadora Group has insisted and emphasized that agreement on the necessary conditions for peace and their acceptance and
observance depend principally on the political will of the Central American countries, but also on the political consent of countries with important links and interests in the region.
Panama, together with the other countries of Contadora, is determined to continue to fight for the Latin American approach - that of the peaceful settlement of disputes in Latin America. Our unswerving aim of continuing to seek the conclusion of an international instrument which may once and for all restore peace to the Central American region will not be altered by any kind of pressure.
The Republic of Panama wishes to state to this Assembly that retrograde sectors wielding great economic power and considerable influence have conspired to weave a whole tissue of lies and slander against the image of the Governments of the countries that form the Contadora Group and have stopped at nothing in their perfidious attempt to undermine the process towards a peaceful settlement and frustrate our people's aspirations to peace.
In this important forum, I denounce those same forces for launching a cruel campaign against my country because they are seeking to deny us the right to manage, operate and defend the Panama Canal from the date agreed in the Torrijos-Carter Treaties and to maintain the Panama Canal within the strictest neutrality, offering efficient service to all the nations of the world.
Allow me now to refer to a serious question which concerns all the Governments that are represented here and that are concerned with safeguarding the principles of the Charter of the Organization and preserving the full force of tUe
international legal order.
In September 1977, the international community welcomed the culmination of years of effort on the part of Panama in the signing of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties. With a high sense of justice, the great North American Power and Panama, a young and small country, offered the world, through those Treaties, an admirable example of what can be achieved when countries have the will to resolve old disputes and found differences peacefully.
Imbued with the determination to make common interests prevail over divisive self-interest, the two countries agreed on a system for the management, operation and defense of the Canal until 31 December 1999, with the transfer to the Republic of Panama, on that date, of the inter-oceanic waterway, without encumbrances of any kind and in good operating order.
On 27 September 1979, however, four days before those Treaties entered into force, the United States Congress adopted Public Law 96-70, in which it determined the conduct to be followed by the Panama Canal Commission in connection with the treaty signed with the Republic of Panama, thereby limiting rights inherent in a
genuine joint administration.
As a result of that action, which amounts to subjecting the norms of international law to the judgment of one of the parties in order to impose its wishes, my Government made an immediate protest, which was followed by numerous representations made by Panama at the bilateral level in order to put an end to this situation.
By ignoring the scope and formality of the documents marking an agreement between the two countries, the United States Congress unilaterally set up a regime,
which still exists, by which the United States decides everything while its Panamian counterpart is limited to expressing its disagreement and protest at the refusal to recognize the rights of our Republic.
The Canal Commission thus took over the direction of all matters relating to the Canal, and since then, some policies and practices have been applied unilaterally which contradict the spirit of the agreements reached between the United States of America and the Republic of Panama.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Panamanian members of the Canal Commission have repeatedly denounced all those actions that we consider to be in violation of the Treaties. As the result of our insistence, we have managed to have a very small number of those violations removed. Certain major violations, however, have not even been considered.
The inappropriate accounting practices adopted by the Canal Commission have resulted in a loss to the Republic of Panama of sums to which it was legitimately entitled in accordance with Article 13, paragraph 4 C of the 1977 Panama Canal Treaty and which, however insignificant they might appear in the context of a United States budget, represent a considerable input to my country's financial requirements for meeting its population's most urgent needs.
Furthermore, funds disbursed by the Canal Commission to cover obligations of the United States Treasury are also unilaterally charged, as costs for operating the Canal, thus removing profits that could have been used to finance urgent improvements without which the Canal will not be able later to meet the growing demands of international maritime traffic.
The labor policies that have been adopted, also without our consent, bar Panamanians from access to senior technical and administrative posts, provided for by the principle of increasing participation, which is essential in order for the
transition to take place on 31 December 1999 without problems or complications of any kind.
For these reasons, my Government has undertaken with renewed resolve and full determination to ensure that Public Law 96-70 of the United States Congress be abrogated or substantially revised, so that it does not violate the agreements reached in 1977 with the best of intentions.
We feel that the signing of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties should have put an end to our country's great struggle. The adoption of Law 96-70, however, has confronted us with a new struggle, which we Panamanians must today wage for the benefit of future generations.
Panama will continue to comply faithfully with the obligations imposed on it as a partner in the Canal and will continue to do so in a spirit of full co-operation and good faith, secure in the knowledge that the sense of justice of those who forged the great democracy of the United States will also apply to the people living on the banks of the Canal.
In response to the profound desire for peace which distinguishes the Panamanian people, I should like to take this opportunity to urge the Governments represented here which have not yet signed the protocol to the treaty on the neutrality of the Canal to consider the advisability of doing so without further delay - a step that would be a source of great satisfaction to us.
The developing nations - and above all those in which the majority of the population is still living in terrible conditions of hunger and misery - are the real Achilles' heel of the human condition, and man will not be able to live without the threat of war as long as vast and shameful differences exist among countries.
Those with the highest qualifications and the greatest wealth are the ones who can contribute the most to lessening the heavy burden of unsatisfied aspirations
and correcting the tremendous inequalities which hang like the sword of Damocles over the whole of mankind.
It is essential that all the nations of the world - large and small, rich and poor - and the peoples in them should commit themselves fully to the noble cause of pooling their efforts and potential with a view to finding positive solutions to the serious problems created by inadequate development. Extreme need pushes people beyond the limits of civilized conduct and turns man into his own enemy.
It must be recognized that the United Nations, whose founding over 40 years ago filled the world with such hope and whose lofty aim it was to serve as the highest forum in which countries could settle their disputes through international dialog in its noblest expression, has seen the effectiveness of its aims weakened.
This last and greatest bastion for the preservation of world peace cannot afford to lose the importance, respect and vitality necessary for it to fulfill its noble mission. To that end, however, it must renew the energy and strength with which it started and receive the firm support of all Member States which, as such, have committed themselves to the principles of peace established in the Charter.
That support must not, however, be limited to theoretical adherence to just principles which are then violated with impunity. It must, rather, be transformed into an irreducible standard of conduct in the face of any conflict which threatens world peace and the sacred right to life of all peoples. Panama has been and always will be an eminently peace-loving country. Because of the very special nature of the geographical formation of the territory and what man's creative genius has made of it, we Panamanians have long understood the noble goals of serving the world.
The Latin American nations have achieved through their struggles for independence the right to live in freedom and steer their own destinies, with appropriate respect for the rights of others. Peace, which the illustrious Mexican Benito Juarez defined as being based on respect for the rights of others, is the banner of this Organization-, it is the peace which Panama, as a free, sovereign and
independent country, preserves and defends.
In Panama's democracy, which has been strengthened by its historic tradition and which today we all wish to renew and strengthen, we have the necessary conditions for strengthening relations of peace, freedom and respect with all the
nations of the world.
May peace triumph over war-, may freedom conquer slavery, may democracy prevail
over totalitarianism; may justice overcome iniquity; may development defeat backwardness; may civilization prevail over obscurantism; and may man, as a citizen of the world, emerge from the vortex of time and circumstances in the image and likeness of the Divine Creator.


 Allow me to extend to you. Sir, on behalf of the Government and the people of the Republic of Suriname, our warm congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-first session. Your diplomatic skill and experience will undoubtedly contribute to a successful session.
I am pleased also to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a much deserved tribute to His Excellency Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, who so ably presided over the General Assembly at its fortieth session.
I take this opportunity also to express the appreciation of my Government to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cue liar, for his untiring efforts in the interest of world peace, security aid international co-operation.
Approximately a year ago, we, the Member States of the United Nations, commemorated the fortieth anniversary of this world Organization. The anniversary provided us with an opportunity to review the Organization's performance over the past four decades and to rededicate ourselves to the purposes and principles of the Charter. We for our part re-committed ourselves on that occasion to endorsing any constructive proposal aimed at restructuring and streamlining the United Nations to bring the Organization more into line with current world realities in order to improve its effectiveness in the interest of peace and security.
My main reason for addressing the Assembly again this year is that since the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations last year, important developments have taken place in my country. From the start of our revolution, in February 1980, the representatives of my country, myself included, have tried painstakingly to keep the Assembly abreast of developments in Sur inane.
We consider it appropriate before discussing those national developments to focus our attention on some international issues, both global and regional, since many of those issues have a direct bearing on our national political, economic, social and military situation. The representatives of Suriname have spoken on those issues on several occasions in this Assembly. Allow me to summarize our viewpoint on those problems as briefly as possible.
The unabated arms race continues to poison and pervade the whole international community. It prolongs and even widens the gap between the rich and the poorer nations, as it leads the former to spend much more on arms than on development aid. Furthermore, the arms race wreaks havoc on the life of developing countries, since it induces them from time to time to engage in hostilities against their brother States. This ever growing madness must therefore be brought to an end.
We firmly believe that the promotion of international peace and security requires continuing action by States aimed at the prevention of war, the removal of various threats to peace including the nuclear threat, respect for the principle of non-use of force, disarmament, development, the elimination of racial discrimination and the peaceful settlement of international disputes.
Consequently, the Government of Suriname has on many occasions expressed its grave concern at the continuing escalation of the arms race, in particular the race in nuclear weapon and other weapons of mass destruction. We sincerely hope that the forthcoming summit conference between President Reagan and
General Secretary Gorbachev will generate progress in the disarmament negotiations.
In our opinion, the early convening of an international conference on disarmament and development is of great importance. In this connection, I might point out that we in Suriname commemorated the United Nations International Year of Peace in a fitting manner. Amongst the activities undertaken by our Government I should like to mention only the holding of a competition for our students on the meaning of the International Year of Peace.
Another disquieting issue of the 1980s is the systematic weakening of multilateral oo-operation. Some of the countries which in the past initiated and provided substantial support for multilateral efforts for creating an open, democratic and equitable world order now seem to be having second thoughts and even question the validity of the United Nations system. A retreat from our multilateral system at a time when actual developments, both in relation to world peace and to the world economy, seem to demand its strengthening is regrettable.
My Government expresses its deep concern at the stresses and strains which face multilateral co-operation and the danger of drifting away from order, stability, predictability and rules, and towards arbitrariness, uncertainty and the exercise of raw power. This poses a great threat to the weaker members of the international community. It is our conviction that nothing could be more valuable for wot Id peace than a firm re-commitment of Member States to the obligations under the Charter, and to its principles and purposes.
For these reasons my Government welcomes the report of the united Nations High-Level Ex per ts Group of 18 which will be dealt with during this session.
We still believe that coexistence between States should be based on the principles of non-intervention and no-interference in the affairs of other States. A violation of those principles, be it active or passive, inexorably leads to the disturbance of friendly relations between nations. The use of economic coercive measures against a State, if not ratified by the world Organization or a regional legal system, is considered illegal interference in the internal affairs of that State.
For those reasons, we have voiced our protest on many occasions against the unilateral suspension by the Kingdom of the Netherlands of the international Treaty on Development Co-operation concluded between our countries. We hope that the Government of the Netherlands will change its position on this matter in the near future, as this constitutes a serious obstacle for guiding our bilateral relations bade to normalcy.
Before turning to some specific country issues, I feel the necessity to mention briefly a worldwide scourge. The problem of illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and drug addiction is assuming world proportions and we share the growing concern of nations over this question. The serious and damaging impact on our societies deserves the special attention of the international community. Suriname is a party to various conventions dealing with the problems of drug trafficking. A special Narcotic Drugs Council was recently instituted in order to deal with this natter. Our authorities co-operate with their colleagues from other countries who are charged with combating illicit drug activities.
During the Eighth Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Harare we restated our position on the issues of Namibia and apartheid. The Government of Suriname has consistently stated its position on the question of Namibia by codetermine the dilatory tactics of the Government of South Africa on that issue.
Once again my Government wishes to pledge its solidarity with those countries and organizations, in particular the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) and the African National Congress (ANC), which are continuing their valiant struggle to achieve freedom for the Namibian and South African peoples.
The reign of terror waged by the Pretoria regime has led to turmoil and more bloodshed in southern Africa. We, the Members of the United Nations, cannot sit idly by while this tragedy is deepening day by day. As a Member of this Organization, we are obliged to do whatever is possible to put an end to that terror and to force the Pretoria regime to change its cruel attitude towards the peoples of South Africa and Namibia.
We also express the hope that in the Korean question reason will prevail over distrust and conflicting ideologies and that the Korean Peninsula may be reunified through negotiations between the parties concerned.
Our positions on the Middle East problem and the war between Iraq and Iran are well known. We call upon all the parties concerned to spare no efforts aimed at finding a rapid and peaceful solution to those questions, because they gravely endanger world peace and security.
It would be a shortcoming not to mention in this context the debt issue specifically, it being one of the most acute problems of our time. We disagree with those who would like to limit the discussion of that problem to the international financial institutions in Washington. We believe that the United Nations is still the most viable forum to deal with this matter and that our world Organization can play a role of vital importance in this field. For that reason my delegation fully endorses the decision of the developing countries, through the Group of 77, to include an item on this issue in the Assembly's agenda.
On several occasions we have expressed the hope that the Contadora process would bring an end to the suffering of the peoples of Central America. While  some of us now seem to question the possibility of reaching a regional agreement through the Contadora process, we in Suriname still believe that Contadora presents the best opportunity to achieve a comprehensive peaceful solution. We therefore urge the international community not to despair and lose hope, but to continue to endorse and support that praiseworthy initiative.
I would be remiss if I did not briefly focus the attention of the members of the General Assembly on the question of the demilitarization of the Caribbean region.The Caribbean region, as representatives know, is mainly composed of small States which are highly vulnerable to economic and military threats. Bearing in mind that those States are an integral part of our. international political system, there can be no doubt that they are entitled to protection by the world community against those economic and military threats.
Recent studies have made us aware of the growing danger that those States may be victimized by well-financed terrorist groups belonging to a growing sinister international underworld. Though this may sound like a bad novel, there are strong indications - and, indeed, sufficient proof - of the existence of such terrorist groups bait on overpowering such small and vulnerable States in order to find a safe haven for large amounts of money acquired by illegal means in other countries.
I should now like to explain the principal reason for my returning to address the Assembly. As I said at the outset, developments of major political importance have taken place in my country. We thought it appropriate to inform the members of our world Organization about those developments, since we are well aware of tht efforts made by others to distort world opinion with regard to our country. Those efforts are aimed mainly at establishing the image that Suriname is governed by a military dictatorship wielding its power indiscriminately, without regard for the rule of law and without respect for the fundamental rights o£ man. Some of our adversaries, moreover, have tried to link us to certain Power centers, notwithstanding our sincere adherence to the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement.
The continuous flow of false and mendacious information has undoubtedly had some negative effect, particularly since we are a small country which lades adequate means and manpower to counter that malicious publicity. But we ate fortunate in being able to note that Suriname and its Government have many friends and that the overwhelming majority of observers of our national scene have maintained excellent relations with us. We are grateful to those that continue to
appreciate us as we really are. We are also most grateful to our many friends who recognize that we are a country in which the military and civilians are working together to establish a real democracy based on the freedom of our citizens and the respect for the rule of law, in particular regarding the fundamental freedoms of man.
We are well aware that our adversaries continue to question our good intentions and seem to be blind to the fact that we are not a military dictatorship, but are governed by law and respect for the fundamental rights of man. However, the military in the Republic of Suriname has succeeded in establishing a sincere partnership. These are the simple facts, and we in Suriname submit them to the judgment of the international community.
As I said earlier, our representatives have in the past regularly informed the Assembly on developments in Suriname. One of the main things that has taken place since I last addressed this body is undoubtedly the conclusion of an agreement with the major political parties. The agreement is based on the four renovations pledged to the people of the Republic of Suriname what we started our revolution in February 1980. At that time, we committed ourselves to renewing the socio-economic, social, political and administrative, and educational order of our society. That agreement, signed by me in my capacity as Leader of the Revolutionary Movement and Chief of the Armed Forces on the one hand and the leaders of those political parties on the other, provides also foe the preparation of a draft constitution.
That draft constitution will outline the authority of the main organs of State as well as the fundamental human rights of our citizens. The draft constitution must be completed by our National Assembly before 1. April next year and subsequently submitted to our citizens through a referendum
I should like to point out that the political parties are now participating in both the supreme Policy Council and the Council of Ministers. There can therefore be no doubt that the representatives of those political parties, who, together with the representatives of the labor movement, the business community and the revolutionary movement, constitute the two Councils, are fully involved in the process aimed at establishing a real democracy in Suriname.
I should also like to emphasize that a main task of the new Council of Ministers is to see to it that the pledges we made to our people to establish a real democracy will be duly and faithfully implemented. We in Suriname believe that this process will proceed according to plan. However, as a pragmatic person, I should like to inform the Assembly that our adversaries will spare no effort to disturb and undermine that process.
In recent years those adversaries have, for example, consistently tried to send mercenaries to our country with the intention of causing chaos, disruption and death. As recently as July of this year a heavily armed group of mercenaries, which had most probably been organized by persons residing in the Netherlands, was arrested by the police authorities in the United States of America. These mercenaries, for the most part, common criminals, are now on trial by that country's judicial authorities. Terrorist groups, generally established in the Netherlands, are now supporting a group of bandits engaged in terrorist activities in the eastern part of our country.
When I speak of terrorism I mean those acts condemned by clear and specific resolutions adopted by the Assembly. The Government of the Republic of Suriname has requested the Government of the Netherlands to take a more active stand against those terrorist groups, particularly since those terrorists are largely recruited and financed in the territory of that country. I can assure the Assembly that our Government will overcome these troublesome events, and in this context I should like to express our sincere gratitude to the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which, at its recent summit conference in Harare, vigorously condemned those terrorist activities.
I should like to quote from the final document of that conference:
"The Heads of State or Government reiterated their support for and solidarity with the people and the Government of the Republic of Suriname in their efforts aimed at preserving their independence and sovereignty. They welcomed the latest developments in Suriname with regard to the process of democratization through national dialog which resulted in the formation of an interim Government based on the widest representation ever brought together in the country's history.
"The Heads of State or Government observed that foreign interventionist circles aided by contracted foreign mercenaries and local criminal elements were putting dangerous obstacles in Suriname's way through counterrevolutionary activities and that mercenary activities had taken place in the eastern border area, resulting in the loss of life of Surinamese civilians and soldiers. They condemned these acts and appealed to the Governments concerned to take all steps to avoid their territory being used for the activities of mercenary groups which hindered development, stability and peace in the country and which promoted unrest in the region.
"The Heads of State or Government also expressed their deep concern at measures taken and continuing attempts by certain Governments to exert pressures which had an adverse effect on the political, economic and social development of Suriname.
"They urged them to stop these measures and expressed the hope that the Governments concerned would engage in a frank, fair and meaningful dialog
without coercion or any other form of interference in order to arrive at a solution on the basis of mutual respect end in the interest and well-being of the people of Suriname."
The policy of the integration of Suriname into our own Latin American and Caribbean region is one of the leading principles of our Government. We are therefore intensifying our relationship with the fraternal nations in the region, particularly with neighboring countries, as we are determined to fortify our links with the Latin American economic system as well as with the regional Caribbean system, CARICOM.
The guiding principle of our revolution in 1980 was, and continues to be, the establishment of one nation from the various ethnic groups in Suriname - a truly independent nation that would be able to chart its course and determine its own destiny. In trying to realize that objective of a new and unified nation, we have suffered many set-backs, but we have weathered the stores that have faced us.
During those difficult times, we had to deal with adversaries, but we also met many friends on the path. I should like to thank those friends who supported our Government and people and who continue to show them friendship.
In conclusion, I should like to assure the Assembly that on our way to a real and true democracy and on the path leading to a new and viable nationc we will continue to abide by the principles on which our Organization is based.
The PRESIDENT-. On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Head of Government of the Republic of Suriname for the important statement that he has just made.