Eighteen years ago today the colonial flag was lowered in my country as we witnessed the momentous drama of the birth of a new nation. It is therefore with a great sense of history that I address this Assembly today on the occasion of the eighteenth anniversary of our national independence.
118.	I wish to extend to Mr. von Wechmar my delegation's warmest congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. That is an honour bestowed on him personally as well as on his country, the Federal Republic of Germany, with which my own country is privileged to have very cordial and fruitful relations. We have full confidence that under this able leadership at this session the General Assembly will discharge its tasks with speed and wisdom. He can count on the full cooperation of my delegation.
119.	I should like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. We are proud and appreciative of the exceptional statesmanship he demonstrated during an unusually busy year for the General Assembly, a year in which Ambassador Salim presided not only over the thirty-fourth regular session but also over two emergency special sessions and one special session. We wish him well as he continues to serve his country and the people of the world.
120.	I wish also to pay a tribute to the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his dedication to the work of the United Nations. Mr. Waldheim's report on the work of the organization over the past year bears impressive testimony to his tireless efforts, in spite of the difficulties that abound, to unite our world in a regime of international peace and security.
121.	It is with very special joy that we join other delegations in welcoming to the ranks of this world body the newly independent nation of Zimbabwe. The independence of Zimbabwe is the fruit of a tenacious struggle waged by a very heroic people. We salute the people of Zimbabwe for this triumph. Their triumph will remain a source of inspiration for all who thirst for justice and peace the world over.
122.	We welcome also to membership in the United Nations the Caribbean nation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. We look forward to working together in our common search for a free and safer world.
123.	The eleventh special session, devoted to international economic cooperation and development, ended in this; hall nearly four weeks ago. The failure of that session to resolve some of the most pressing issues concerning the present state of international economic relations still hovers over us and haunts us.
124.	In 1974, during the sixth special session, we made a solemn commitment in this Assembly to work towards the creation of a new international economic order, an order in which we would ensure a more rational and equitable economic link between the countries of the North and the nations of the South.
125.	The imperative need for this change had emerged from the reality of our postcolonial experience. We had fought so hard for political independence so that we could improve the material conditions of our people. Instead, we found our hands tied, and were unable to embark meaningfully on the tasks for which we had attained political independence. We found our hands tied in the web of an elaborate historical relationship: the colonial link gave birth to exploitation; exploitation produced underdevelopment; and that underdevelopment is the basic cause of our present poverty.
126.	To this day we remain the producers of cheap raw materials for the industries of the North and the consumers of overpriced finished products from the industries of the North.
127.	In order to break out of the present pattern of poverty, we must first break out of the chains of the present international economic system. Our demand for the New International Economic Order is therefore a demand for justice.
128.	But, justice apart, this is also a matter of collective survival. Because of the historical relationship to which I have referred, our world has become very interdependent. The export industries of the North depend on the health of our economies for their survival. It is no longer possible for the economies of the developing countries to collapse without that collapse significantly injuring the economies of the industrialized nations. It is therefore in the interest of the industrialized nations to work with us in order to produce a more stable and secure economic order.
129.	Negotiations on such issues as international monetary and financial institutions, raw materials, the transfer of resources, commodities and energy cannot be delayed much longer. We are most disappointed that the eleventh special session was unable to produce the procedures for a new round of global negotiations because of the obstinacy and insensitivity of some Western Powers. We appeal to the United States, the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany to rethink their position on this matter and to join us in a consensus later in this session.
130.	Although the agreement reached during the special session on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [see A/35/464] falls short of the original expectations of the developing countries, it is nevertheless a positive development. Now we must work to ensure that the failure which bedevilled the International Development Strategy for both the First and Second Development Decades will not be the fate of the International Development Strategy for the Third Development Decade.
131.	For us, in the African continent, the Lagos Plan of Action marks an important beginning. The Plan encompasses a continental development strategy which marks out the priorities for economic development between now and the year 2000.
132.	We in Africa have no choice but to work for collective self-reliance. Only when we achieve that can we reduce our individual vulnerability to the whims of the present economic system.
133.	As a least developed country, Uganda commends the special session for recognizing the problems peculiar to the least developed countries and for agreeing on a special programme for that group of countries. We look forward to speedy and successful implementation of that programme.
134.	On the question of official development aid, it is clear that we need that aid in order to meet basic short-term needs. We therefore appeal to the developed countries to exercise greater political will for the purpose of achieving the target of contributing 0.7 per cent of their gross national product by 1985, and 1 per cent of their gross national product by 1990.
135.	But I must sound a warning here. Although we need aid to deal with basic needs, aid cannot be a substitute for radical change in the structure of existing economic relations. Aid can play only a marginal role in our struggle for economic emancipation and prosperity.
136.	This year we celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Over the years that historical document has served as an important reference point for millions of colonial peoples struggling for self-determination. Inspired by it, many nations of Asia, the Caribbean and Africa, including my own country, have been able to attain their dream of national independence. This year should therefore be a time for celebration and rejoicing.
137.	But our joy on this occasion is tempered by the sombre realization, as we look around, that there are still many vestiges of entrenched oppression in our present world. There are still areas where the goal of self-determination remains but a dream. We in Uganda will continue to support those peoples in their struggle until their dreams are converted into the reality of freedom.
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138.	The recent victory of the people of Zimbabwe has once again demonstrated the fact that a people united in struggle for a just cause must and always will triumph, no matter how long it takes for that triumph to materialize.
139.	The victory of the people of Zimbabwe should serve notice to others in the region that their own fortress of oppression is not invincible. They must accept the impending change, which is inevitable, or face the grim consequences of their folly.
140.	For our part, the triumph of Zimbabwe inspires us to redouble our efforts in favour of the forces of liberation. The tide of freedom has now crossed the Limpopo. We shall not rest until that tide embraces the Cape of Good Hope.
141.	We are very disturbed by the continued saga of South Africa's occupation of Namibia. That illegal occupation continues in clear defiance of the categorical decisions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the International Court of Justice.
142.	Instead of terminating its illegal occupation of that country the racist regime is working ever more frantically to entrench its presence in Namibia. Now it is organizing the puppet Turnhalle Alliance as a substitute for the true representative of the Namibian people. We in Africa are very familiar with the mockery of these so-called internal settlements. We were not deceived by similar gimmicks in the past; we shall not be hoodwinked by the Turnhalle farce either.
143.	Any serious negotiations on the future of Namibia must be conducted with the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people.
144.	We salute the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO for the heroic resistance they are mounting against the occupying racist Power. We want to assure them of our steadfast support in their just struggle. SWAPO had displayed a remarkable spirit of compromise by accepting various initiatives for a negotiated settlement, including the present United Nations plan for elections. But South Africa has responded to those gestures by consolidating its intransigence.
145.	Meanwhile, in South Africa itself apartheid continues to take its toll. The edifice of oppression is growing and becoming more vicious every day. In a futile attempt to stem the growing tide of resistance, the masters of apartheid have organized a new wave of repression. Increasingly we are witnessing the indiscriminate shooting of peaceful demonstrators and the torture and assassination of political detainees.
146.	The uprising of the students, the strikes by the workers, the acts of sabotage and the increased activities of the guerrillas in urban centres, all testify to the fact that the struggle in South Africa had gained both in momentum and in quality.
147.	There is no doubt that the racist regime in Pretoria is strengthened in its arrogance and intransigence by the collaboration it continues to receive from some Western countries.
148.	It is no longer a secret that South Africa has now developed nuclear capability. It is inconceivable that South Africa, standing on its own, could have become a nuclear Power. Clearly, South Africa has acquired nuclear capability as a direct result of the well-known collaboration between some Western countries and the racist regime in the field of nuclear technology.
149.	We all know that a desperate man is also a very dangerous person. There is no telling the purpose for which the racists will choose to deploy their newfound capability. The Western collaborators are responsible for this ominous development. They must, therefore, bear full responsibility for the adverse consequences it may bear for the African continent.
150.	Year after year, in one resolution after another, we at the United Nations have continued to speak the language of reason and moderation. Yet one thing is clear. We have been talking the language of reason to fanatical racists who are impervious to the appeals of reason. It is now time therefore to turn the resolutions of the Security Council and this Assembly into action, because the impact of action is something the Pretoria regime cannot ignore.
151.	It is now time for the Security Council to take specific enforcement measures, including the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. We have, however, noticed with great disappointment that some Western Powers in the Security Council are reluctant to impose economic sanctions against South Africa. Yet those same Powers have in the past been only too keen to invoke Chapter VII in other situations, the gravity of which could not possibly compare with the situation in South Africa. What we are witnessing here is yet another demonstration of international double standards. The people of Africa have suffered long enough as a result of the hypocrisy with which matters affecting our wellbeing are treated by the same Western Powers.
152.	Uganda calls upon all members of the Security Council to put the need for international peace and security as well as the interests of the suffering peoples of southern Africa before any other parochial considerations. Now is the time to act and to act positively before it is too late.
153.	The developments in the Middle East give cause for great concern to my delegation. The prospects for peace in that region have become more dim as the Israeli authorities have become more bold in their defiance of international opinion as well as in their persecution of Palestinian Arabs, a people whose only crime has been that it has stood resolutely for its right to be a free and independent nation.
154.	We condemn most strongly the recent law passed by the Israeli parliament proclaiming the fiction of Jerusalem as the so-called eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. The cynicism of the Zionists knows no bounds. It is an act of supreme political and religious insensitivity. It is a deliberate ploy to change the religious and political character of Jerusalem, thereby presenting the world with a fait accompli.
155.	We call upon the international community to reject that Zionist manoeuvre unanimously and unequivocally. In that connection, my delegation commends the Governments that have registered their disapproval of the Israeli action by closing their embassies in Jerusalem.
156.	Like the racists in Pretoria, the Zionists have become very desperate because all the years of systematic terror, destruction and persecution have failed to break the will of the Palestinian people. Instead, the Zionists are now faced with massive and popular resistance the proportions of which neither their tanks nor their bulldozers can contain.
157.	Faced with this political situation, the Israeli authorities have responded by deploying more repressive measures. During this year the world has been treated to the tragic drama of harassment by terrorists and the deportation of political leaders, detention and the torture of detainees, indiscriminate destruction of homes as a means of collective punishment and the continued expropriation of Palestinian land.
158.	Like South Africa, Israel can afford to trample on the rights of the Palestinian people and disregard international opinion only because of the support provided by the imperialist Powers. It is clear to my delegation that in both the Middle East and southern Africa we are fighting objectively the same enemy, namely imperialism, which has chosen to prop up the oppressive systems in those two regions.
159.	We pledge solidarity with the people of Palestine in its struggle, which is also an anti-imperialist struggle, under the leadership of its sole and legitimate representative, the PLO. Uganda will continue to support the right of the Palestinian people to have an independent sovereign State in its homeland. That element must constitute the centrepiece of any comprehensive peace formula for the Middle East.
160.	Our concern for the self-determination and independence of peoples is a commitment of principle about which there can be neither equivocation nor compromise. It is therefore a matter of considerable embarrassment to my delegation that a fellow member of OAU continues to frustrate the people of Western Sahara in their rightful quest for self-determination. I refer here to Morocco's continued occupation of the territory of Western Sahara.
161.	In spite of the unequivocal resolutions of OAU, the nonaligned countries and the General Assembly, as well as the clear opinion of the International Court of Justice, Morocco has persisted in its illegal occupation of Western Sahara. It is not yet too late for Morocco to correct its indiscretion and relieve Africa of this scandal. Once again, we appeal to Morocco to follow the brave and principled example of Mauritania, and withdraw from the territory of Western Sahara immediately.
162.	Uganda will continue to support the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, under the leadership of POLISARIO for the complete liberation of its homeland. In that connection, Uganda, like the majority of States members of OAU, has already accorded full recognition to the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic.
163.	Uganda also recognizes the right to self-determination of the people of East Timor and the people of Belize. It is our hope that, in this twentieth year of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the United Nations will not turn a blind eye to the plight of those peoples.
164.	Uganda is committed to the principle and practice of nonalignment. We wish to determine our course of development freely and independently, without any interference from the big Powers. Over the last year, however, we have witnessed with alarm the acceleration of big Power rivalry. As this rivalry intensifies, the big Powers stalk the globe, seeking new areas to dominate. Uganda is therefore very concerned about the increasing big Power military presence in our region, including the Indian Ocean. Any conflict resulting from the tension c. sated " »v this presence would affect us very seriously.
165.	We want our region to be free from big Power military presence and we want the Indian Ocean to be a zone of peace. Uganda hopes that adequate preparations will be made for the Conference on the Indian Ocean, due to be held in 1981, at Colombo, on the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. Similarly, we call upon all countries to give serious consideration to the proposal by the President of Madagascar for a summit meeting of the countries in the Indian Ocean region to discuss this matter.
166.	Today is the eighteenth anniversary of Uganda's national independence. I must seek the indulgence of the Assembly to make a few remarks concerning developments in my country over the last year.
167.	Since the liberation of Uganda from the grip of the Fascist dictatorship we have experienced many difficulties, but we have also made some significant progress. During this past year the north-eastern region of the country has suffered from a serious famine caused by drought. This famine has claimed the lives of many people. However, through sustained local and international efforts, the situation has been brought under control. I wish to express the gratitude of the people and Government of Uganda to the Governments, United Nations agencies and other international agencies that have contributed generously to the relief efforts.
168.	Unhappily, Uganda also continues to experience some difficulties along its borders. There have been periodic incursions into the country from across the borders, spearheaded by remnants of Amin's army. Although it has taken us some time to organize our security system, Uganda is determined to put an end to this nuisance and maintain security and stability.
169.	As representatives are aware, since our liberation the affairs of my country have been managed by the Uganda National Liberation Front, a broad coalition representing all the major tendencies within our political spectrum.
170.	As in every society, the existence of different political tendencies often gives rise to contradictions. Some of the contradictions have a positive impact on society, while others leave a negative mark. In Uganda we have learnt to accept our contradictions openly and honestly and we are determined to resolve them politically, through the democratic process.
171.	We are proud of the democratic freedom which exists in our country today, only a year and a half after the overthrow of one of the most oppressive regimes in modern history. We have free and thriving mass media. The Ugandan people are able to organize politically in an atmosphere of complete freedom. We value these democratic gains and we intend to consolidate them further.
172.	Uganda is preparing for general elections, to be held on 10 December 1980, which, as the Assembly knows, is also Human Rights Day.
173.	The process of political rehabilitation will continue alongside the programme for economic reconstruction. Economic reconstruction is not possible without a democratic and stable polity. As we enter the nineteenth year of our independence we are determined to achieve both goals, and in place of the ruins of the Fascist dictatorship we shall rebuild a free and prosperous Uganda


Mr. President, allow me first of all to extend to you our warmest congratulations on the occasion of your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your election is a tribute to your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, with which Cape Verde maintains fruitful ties of co-operation, and recognition of your qualities of eminent political and experienced diplomat.
191.	It was also a great honour for us, and a cause of deep satisfaction, to co-operate with the former President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim. The competence and dynamism with which he conducted the work of the thirty-fourth session demonstrated yet again his undeniable qualities as a politician and a dedicated and skilful diplomat, devoted to the great causes of mankind.
192.	We also wish to express our admiration and gratitude to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for the dedication and competence with which he has always endeavoured to serve the United Nations and to transform it into an effective instrument in the search for solutions to the great problems of our time.
193.	We express our warmest greetings to the Republic of Zimbabwe, built with the courage of its people and the blood of many martyrs, which has demonstrated the transitory character of all regimes of oppression, however brutal, when confronted with the determination of an entire people to liberate itself. Zimbabwe's leaders, who, during the struggle for national liberation, understood and properly reflected the most profound aspirations of its people and led it to true and authentic independence, have given proof of political maturity, generosity and tolerance, demonstrating also that while Africa makes demands it also knows how to make concessions when its ideals of justice and equity are safeguarded.
194.	We also welcome with great satisfaction the admission to the United Nations of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, which has just acceded to sovereignty. The strengthening of our Organization by countries which have recently become independent is without doubt an important factor in the attainment of a better understanding and knowledge of the problems of our time, and represents an inestimable contribution to the enrichment of international relations.
195.	In expressing before this Assembly the position of the Republic of Cape Verde with respect to the important items on the agenda of the current session, we cannot fail to note that a number of questions have been discussed year after year, thus proving the intransigence of divergent interests, which, in flagrant violation of the objectives and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, obstinately resist the course of history, perpetuate armed conflicts and situations of oppression and injustice and frustrate the process of economic and social development, which should be the fundamental objective of the efforts of mankind.
196.	That situation is a reminder to all nations, and in particular to small countries like Cape Verde, of the global threat that weights over mankind and the long road that lies ahead before peace and security for all men may be regarded as being based on general observance of the principles of equality, mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and cooperation among nations, which arc the true corner-stones of our Organization. As the United Nations embarks on this new decade, it is confronted with a very complex world situation which adds to the burden of its responsibilities.
197.	As stated from this rostrum in 1978 by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Cape Verde, Commander Pedro Verona Rodrigues Pires, our country remains loyal to the guiding principles of the policy of non-alignment, in particular the principle of the right to self-determination and independence of peoples, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression and non-interference in the internal affairs of States and the peaceful coexistence of all peoples of the world.
198.	Cape Verde, ever faithful to those principles, wishes to make its contribution to the noble work of the United Nations which, although rendered difficult by a number of limitations, has undeniably contributed to the progress of the idea of justice—as reflected in the strengthening of the general principles of equality and self-determination—and to the greater awareness of the sense of solidarity which is a requirement for all States Members of the international community.
199.	Step by step, the United Nations is achieving full universality, which is a prerequisite for the full realization of its objectives, namely, to become a forum open to all the peoples of the world represented by independent and equal States, capable of co-operating in discussions of problems that are of concern to us all and in the search for solutions which contribute to the well-being of mankind. Thus, 20 years have elapsed since the adoption of the historic resolution 1514 (XV), which, by reflecting the ideals governing the creation of the United Nations and expressing the aspirations of a large part of mankind, has greatly contributed to the establishment of a new system of international relations directed towards universality of the Organization's field of action and a broader concept of justice and democracy.
200.	Soon the task of decolonization to which the United Nations has contributed so much will be completed. However, the few colonial situations still remaining deserve the full attention of the United Nations, not only by reason of the intransigence of those Powers which support them, but also because they risk becoming conflicts which would threaten an entire region.
201.	in Africa, where the recent national liberation movements clearly demonstrated the firm will of its peoples to live as masters of their destinies, we are still confronted with the challenge of apartheid, which continues to subjugate and oppress the heroic South African people.
202.	Important events last year marked the life of the South African people, who unambiguously demonstrated its total rejection of the regime under which it is kept and its unity in face of that violent system.
203.	Faced with the developments in the internal situation, the apartheid regime, while taking so-called liberalization measures, is at the same time intensifying repression against the militants and sympathizers of the national liberation movement, steadily increasing its military potential, in particular through the mastery of nuclear technology, and is making aggression against neighbouring States the keystone of its African foreign policy.
204.	It is high time, we believe, for the States Members of this Organization to implement effective measures to assist the South African liberation movement to achieve its objectives with a view to bringing about the advent of majority rule in that country while compelling the minority regime to renounce, once and for all, a policy that, if perpetuated with immunity, could seriously endanger peace and stability in the region.
205.	In Namibia, the situation remains tense and uncertain as a result of South Africa's practice of delaying implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of that country.
206.	The aims sought by the international community, which coincide with those of SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, must quickly become a reality so that the Namibian people may as soon as possible return to its proper course in history and join other sovereign nations in the international community.
207.	In that decisive combat, the Angolan people—who since Angola's independence has paid a heavy toll for its unfailing support to the liberation struggle of the Namibian people—deserves the admiration and firm support of the international community for the sacrifices it is making on its behalf.
208.	It is incumbent on the United Nations to take urgent measures to force South Africa to respect international legality and, in particular, the principle of non-aggression and non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States. To that end, the establishment of a demilitarized zone along Namibia's frontier with Angola and Zambia would be of the greatest importance.
209.	On the question of Western Sahara, we cannot but deplore the continued worsening of the deadly conflict caused by the obduracy of the occupying Power, despite the efforts of Member States and the initiatives taken by the OAU with a view to finding a just and durable solution.
210.	The Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government on Western Sahara, appointed by the OAU in yet another attempt to solve the conflict peacefully, met in September at Freetown, confirmed the recommendations made at Monrovia and declared itself unanimously in favour of a cease-fire and of the organization of a referendum under the supervision of the OAU and the United Nations.
211.	However, we are of the opinion that conditions for a cease-fire will be met only by the total withdrawal of the occupying forces from the territory of Western Sahara, which would certainly open up prospects for negotiations between the parties involved in the conflict—Morocco on one side and the Polisario Front and the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic on the other. The United Nations should protect and guarantee implementation of the resolutions on Western Sahara that it adopted, in particular those relating to the self-determination and independence of the Sahraoui people.
212.	This session of the General Assembly should pay particular attention to the fratricidal struggle in Chad. If a positive solution is not found soon, as we hope it will be, very serious consequences might ensue, possibly undermining the future of that country for a long time to come. Despite the efforts of the O AU and certain African heads of State, there seems to be no end to the conflict.
213.	Solutions involving the help of the United Nations have been proposed and deserve in-depth study in agreement with the Government of Chad.
214.	The Middle East continues to be a permanent source of concern for the international community. Israel's intransigence has doomed all peace endeavours to failure and has plunged that region into a situation of instability fraught with serious consequences for world peace and security. The recent Israeli law declaring Jerusalem the capital of Israel and the continued policy of occupation and resettlement of Palestinian lands constitute a new act of defiance and a provocation that the international community as a whole should most categorically reject.
215.	The Middle East conflict calls for an over-all solution involving all the parties directly concerned. That solution requires the definitive resolution of the Palestinian question and the restoration to that people of its legitimate national rights, including the right to create its own national State, as well as the total restitution of all Arab territories occupied since 1967.
216.	The present instability in Lebanon—another aspect of the Middle East conflict—should induce all Member States to make every effort to neutralize those forces which seek to plunge the country into total chaos.
217.	In East Timor, the right of the Maubere people to self-determination and independence, as recognized by the majority of Member States, continues to be denied by Indonesia, and every effort made thus far by the international community to overcome the countless difficulties suffered by that people in its struggle for national liberation has proved inadequate.
218.	The international community can no longer ignore the tragic situation in that Territory or the determination of the Maubere people, guided by FRETILIN, its sole and legitimate representative, to exercise its legitimate national aspirations. It was with satisfaction that we took cognizance of a recent communique in which the Portuguese Council of Ministers reaffirms its responsibility for the process of decolonization of Timor. We must encourage the Council to carry through its programme of approaching all the parties concerned in order to guarantee, as soon as possible, the exercise by the people of East Timor of their right to self- determination and independence.
219.	Concerning the question of Cyprus, we thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his good offices which led to negotiations between the parties to the dispute. We believe that renewed efforts should be made to bring the two communities on the island to a clear understanding in the interest of that non-aligned country's unity, independence, peace and sovereignty.
220.	The tension created in Asia by the state of war between Iran and Iraq is equally disquieting. Aware of the danger this represents for the whole of the international community, 'we call upon the two parties to cease hostilities forthwith and to adopt peaceful methods of settling their dispute in accordance with the principles of international law laid down in the Charter of the United Nations with a view to safeguarding international peace and security.
221.	With respect to the situation in Afghanistan, an important factor in the crisis now prevailing in Asia and the gravity of which cannot be ignored, we believe that the people of that country should have the right to determine its own destiny and to choose freely its political and social system, thus safeguarding its position in the world as an independent and non-aligned country.
222.	With regard to South-East Asia, we continue to be convinced that the conditions for a return to peace and for a climate essential to the pursuit of the development and progress of the peoples in the region require the opening of a dialogue and political negotiation between the various parties involved, on the basis of their legitimate interests.
223.	Similarly, our Organization should spare no effort to lead the parties concerned to respect the fundamental aspirations of the coastal States of the Indian Ocean to make it a zone of peace and fraternal co-operation and not a source of tension and destabilization.
224.	Despite the encouraging decisions and realistic recommendations of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, and despite the creation of bodies and commissions charged with facilitating the implementation of and ensuring respect for the principles adopted at that time, we are witnessing yet again a dangerous recrudescence of the arms race. It is urgent in this context that the bodies established by our Organization formulate recommendations which are essential for the resumption of negotiations, and do everything in their power to reverse the arms race while contributing to the adoption of practical measures with a view to limiting and eliminating weapons of mass destruction. In this connection, we believe that everything possible should be done to bring about the active and determined resumption of negotiations on the SALT II agreement, which represents an important step towards the objective of peace, which we all pursue.
225.	The existing objective links between disarmament and development should thus lead our Organization to develop specific proposals in order to enable the international community to devote an important part of the resources released from the arms race to meet the fundamental social and economic needs of the developing countries, and in particular the poorest among them.
226.	The continual and irreversible deterioration of the economies of the poorer countries which prevails in international economic relations calls for the assumption of active and immediate positions in order to avoid reaching a point at which dialogue is no longer possible. All of us—rich and poor, developed and developing, industrialized and non- industrialized, belonging to the most diverse political systems—are aware of the need to redefine existing economic relations. The question of palliatives or fragmentary solutions does not even arise. What we must do is to solve the problem of the creation of new international economic structures which would create new relations. All monetary, financial or economic instruments should be reformulated, some because of their ineffectiveness and the negative role they play in normal relations between States, others because they constitute instruments of domination.
227.	The establishment of the new international economic order demands more than resolutions, international conferences or declarations of goodwill. A new international economic order is built through well-programmed and concrete actions but, above all, through committed political will. The choice is between a complex and difficult struggle where undoubtedly there will be no victors but only losers, or the elaboration of a sound project to build a new international economic order which may contribute to the economic and social development of all countries, allowing all peoples decent living conditions, free from hunger, the spectre of disease, premature death, illiteracy and cultural backwardness.
228.	The Group of 77 has often made constructive proposals for the definition of a new strategy for development based on global negotiations. Unfortunately, those proposals have thus far found no echo in some of the industrialized countries, which have not yet demonstrated the necessary political will to permit the negotiations to break out of their existing deadlock.
229.	This is unfortunate, as we have said, because without that political will the results will be negligible at best, although all the objective conditions have been created by the demands of the international economy itself. Proof of this is the failure of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. That situation is to be deplored, because a dialogue would be useless without collective concessions and without concrete steps by the developed countries, steps which would revive in us the confidence which has been shaken by so many failures. Without a profitable dialogue the future will be very bleak for the poorer countries but it will also be uncertain for the rich.
230.	Manifestations of interdependence, which have become increasingly marked during the past quarter century, give food for thought regarding the possibility of moving forward together. At present it is unrealistic for any country to believe that it can avoid maintaining economic relations with other States, if for no reason other than the fact that it needs to guarantee its supplies of energy, raw materials and a share of the market for its own products. The well-being of all peoples has already begun to depend on the well-being of each one of them. But it is premature to speak of absolute interdependence. Relations of dependency still clearly prevail for the developing countries; this is a factor which must be taken into account.
231.	There is no doubt that something must be done at the level of the developing countries. It is true that there are many bridges to be built between North and South. The oil-producing countries possess financial resources which could be placed on a priority basis in the service of the development of the poor countries. Many of the developing countries have enormous reserves of natural resources which, in conjunction with the technology already developed by some of them, would enable us greatly to improve our share of world production. In this connection, the Buenos Aires Plan of Action for Promoting and Implementing Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries and the Arusha Programme for Collective Self-Reliance and Framework for Negotiations' contain very important elements for co-operation among the developing countries.
232.	At the regional level, an inventory has been made of these problems, and the measures to be taken have been defined. This is a contribution to the definition of a new international economic order. The Conferences of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Maputo, Lusaka and Lagos—to mention only initiatives at the African level—have already defined the short-term, medium-term and long-term measures necessary for the economic and social development of Africa. However, experience shows us that the co-operation of the developed countries is needed for our just aspirations to materialize.
233.	Financial, monetary, scientific and technical re-sources built up in the industrialized and rich countries are indispensable factors for the economic progress of all, and should be placed at the service of all mankind. Contemporary civilization demands this; the creation of a new international economic order demands it. The survival of mankind demands it.
234.	When it has created a new order in the regulation of the oceans and their resources, the third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will have produced a legal document of the greatest importance in the defining of the new international economic order. We are convinced that it is extremely important that the convention, whose text has been under negotiation these last six years, should reflect the interests of all countries, especially the under-developed countries.
235.	We know that for the new international economic order to take root, changes in international structures will also call for changes in the internal structures of countries. Ours is a small country which became independent barely six years ago; it is one of the most severely affected countries in the world, with its insularity combining with the problems inherent in its location in the Sahel region. The problems deriving from this situation are sufficiently well known to the international community.
236.	Our lack of natural resources and the limitations on our agriculture—both in the area of arable land and in the availability of water for irrigation—restrict our ability to achieve by our own means the wealth necessary for the requirements of development. Our gross national product is inadequate to balance our economy and does not suffice by itself to reorient our growth rate. However, the development effort of the people and Government of Cape Verde, under the direction of their vanguard party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde, to lay the foundations for a viable economy serving the well-being of our people, is well known.
237.	In this connection, Mr. Aristides Pereira, President of the Republic of Cape Verde, has affirmed that:
"The fact that we have rid ourselves of colonial administration and have regained the fundamental right of independence after long years of glorious struggle, does not prevent us from recognizing that sovereignty has other dimensions, and that the battle for national reconstruction is also a battle for true sovereignty."
238.	In this context, our Government is pursuing an intensive development programme. Our rate of investment in the various sectors of our economy has nearly trebled since 1974, that is to say one year before independence, and has reached the figure of 60 per cent of our gross domestic product.
239.	Thus, the Government of Cape Verde has concentrated its investments on the creation of a hydro agricultural infrastructure, the search for and exploitation of underground water sources, the extension of irrigated lands, re-afforestation, the construction of infrastructures for land, sea and air transportation, the building of schools and hospitals: in short, it has concentrated them on the creation of the bases for development and on the fight against prolonged drought and desertification, which constitute an alarming threat for our country.
240.	We are happy here to express our gratitude for the important co-operation which the international community and the United Nations bodies have always extended to Cape Verde.
241.	We continue to be open to co-operation with all countries which, like us, respect international legality, the sovereignty and the right of peoples to develop in accordance with the social order which best serves their true interests. We uphold co-operation when it is the result of collective responsibility in the struggle against economic, cultural and social under-development.
242.	It is with these principles in mind that we call upon the international community and the United Nations organs to continue to grant to our country the technical and material support needed for our economic and social development, and we guarantee that the Government and people of Cape Verde will respond with the effort and dedication which are well known to the international community, so as to make Cape Verde a country of justice, peace and progress.
243.	We cannot conclude without reiterating our confidence in the inestimable efforts made by our Organization to bring into being a world in keeping with the cardinal aims and principles of our Charter. The United Nations is showing itself more and more to be the primary framework for international relations. To date it has accomplished a notable task by bringing together the vast majority of the world's peoples to discuss collective problems, in the joint quest for comprehensive solutions to the ills that threaten them.
244.	Faced with a future which seems disquieting, the role of the United Nations remains irreplaceable because of the universal dialogue it encourages, the democratic coexistence among nations which it provides, and the progress it fosters towards a new international order oriented towards collective well-being, subject to the profound changes in international morality and law, the result of the effort of all nations, and accepted by them all.


Mr. President, on behalf of the Australian delegation, I should like to add my very warm congratulations to those already expressed on your election as President of the General Assembly. I have no doubt that you will serve the Assembly with distinction and I offer you the fullest cooperation of my delegation.
146.	I wish also to express my Government's recognition of the continuing contribution made to the United Nations by Ambassador Salim, who brought to the office of President great diplomatic skill and wise counsel.
147.	Since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines have joined the United Nations. I should like to extend a very warm welcome to these fellow members of the Commonwealth, with whom we look forward to working closely in the common tasks that lie ahead.
148.	I do not believe that there is anyone here—indeed I do not believe that there is an informed person anywhere— who would contest the fact that the international situation has deteriorated seriously since we met here a year ago. While there are differences as to causes, motivations and responsibilities, the sense that we have entered a new and dangerous period is almost universal. So far, this period lacks a label, lacks a name. That, I believe, is no accident. We can be sure that it is not due to any lack of effort on the part of journalists, academics and speech writers. What stands out as we contemplate the current scene is its great complexity, and complexity resists labels.
149.	The absence of a label, the fact that we are confronting a crisis without a name, is indicative of a deeper problem: the absence of any agreed conceptual map of the historical territory into which we are advancing. The problem is not that there is no map, but rather that there are many different ones. Some have pulled down from the shelf, either reluctantly or enthusiastically, the old cold war map of the 1950s. Some cling with diminishing hope to the detente map of the 1970s. Third world spokesmen are understandably reluctant to surrender the North South map they have drawn in recent decades.'
150.	The reality is that none of these maps is adequate, but that all are relevant. For we are confronting a multidimensional crisis in which what have hitherto been semi-autonomous issues or areas of international politics are being drawn closely together and superimposed on each other. We have spoken much of interdependence in this forum over the last decade. It has now become increasingly evident that interdependence applies not only to countries but to issues and to realms of activity.
151.	I believe that perhaps the most serious danger we face at present is that, confronted with what is simultaneously unfamiliar, turbulent and dangerous, a sense of unmanageability may come to prevail. This in turn could lead to the embracing of simplistic solutions, in a despairing search for order and certainty, or to a fatalistic resignation. Either course would be disastrous. We are going to need to maintain as never before a sense of historical perspective and of political proportion.
152.	Thirty-five years ago, the peoples of the United Nations expressed their determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. To a remarkable extent we succeeded—to the extent, that is, that in a period of intense and bitter great Power rivalry, a rivalry which in terms of all historical precedents should have resulted in armed conflict, a third world war was averted. In a period of pessimism, that is worth remembering and weighing in the balance.
153.	That having been said, however, it must be recognized that the fact that we have avoided conflagration on a global scale is no consolation to the ravaged peoples of Indochina, Afghanistan, the Horn of Africa, the Middle East or other lands. The ideals and objectives of the Organization have been brutally assaulted by the actions of certain of its Members. Now, no less than in 1945, the international community is faced with the tragic plight of millions of people—killed, maimed or rendered homeless and hungry by the scourge of war. Where we should be devoting a major part of our collective energy to meeting the developmental needs of the poorer countries and communities of this world, we find that energy divided and diminished by interstate and intergroup ambitions and rivalries which do nothing for mankind other than to add to its burden of misery and deprivation, a burden borne mostly by the poorest and most disadvantaged.
154.	The first Articles of the Charter affirm that all Members shall refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State.
155.	What, however, is, for example, the situation in IndoChina, a region of particular concern to Australia? There is growing great Power rivalry; 200,000 occupation troops remain in Kampuchea; and there is the consequent lack of any opportunity for the Kampuchean people to choose their own Government. In addition, there are threats to the security of Thailand, made manifest by the incursion of Vietnamese troops into Thailand earlier this year. Those are the causes of regional political instability and tension. They are also the causes of human suffering on a scale which is affecting the life of the whole region.
156.	Australian policy in this situation is based on the resolution adopted last year, in which the Assembly called for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea and for an act of self-determination by the Khmer people. Our support for those principles remains as strong as ever. A peaceful and secure Southeast Asia cannot be achieved until a political settlement has been reached in Kampuchea which is acceptable to all parties concerned and which gives full opportunity to the Kampuchean people to determine their own style of government and way of life. We accept that Viet Nam has legitimate interests to safeguard in regard to Kampuchea. What we cannot accept is that Viet Nam and its allies should be able to go on ref using to discuss seriously the fundamental questions of the occupation of Kampuchea by foreign forces and the legitimacy of the regime in Phnom Penh. Acceptable resolution of those issues is essential to the eventual achievement of a sovereign and independent Kampuchean nation as part of a secure environment for all Southeast Asian countries.
157.	Australia has participated actively in the international efforts to alleviate the suffering of the Kampuchean people, both within Kampuchea itself and in refugee camps in Thailand. Australian contributions, both governmental and private, to international humanitarian relief programmes to date exceed $A 24 million. Those international efforts have been necessary not only to meet the desperate and immediate needs of the Kampuchean people but to provide the basis for their eventual self-sufficiency. The achievements of the programme sponsored by the United Nations have been significant. Both common humanity and the peace and stability of the region demand that the effort be sustained until a lasting solution is found.
158.	IndoChina is not the only point of danger. The activities of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and elsewhere have inevitably impaired the international climate of trust necessary for the negotiation of effective arms control measures. That is particularly true with respect to the preparations for the Conference, to be held in Sri Lanka, on the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. We must consider the proximity of Afghanistan to the Indian Ocean, as well as the general climate of apprehension and uneasiness among the littoral and hinterland States of the region which Soviet activity has brought about. The massive military build-up and deployment in the region of the Indian Ocean has cast an ominous shadow over efforts to bring about peace in that region and consequently over preparations for a conference aimed at the creation of a zone of peace.
159.	It is difficult to envisage how we could expect a conference to produce a declaration on a zone of peace when one of the hinterland States of the region is forcibly occupied by one of the Powers which would attend the conference. It is, however, precisely during periods of international tension that we must redouble our collective efforts to work out effective arms control measures.
160.	With that in mind, Australia is working actively with the other members of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean to work out arrangements for the eventual holding of a conference which would make a positive contribution to the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
161.	Across the Indian Ocean from Australia, the problems of southern Africa continue to preoccupy the United Nations and the international community. The peaceful accession of Zimbabwe to independence and membership in the United Nations contrasts starkly with the continuing bleak situation in Namibia and South Africa. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Australia has been closely involved in United Nations attempts to resolve the problems posed by South Africa's illegal administration of the Territory. The Australian Government supports fully the process of negotiation currently under way aimed at bringing Namibia to independence in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). It is a matter for regret, however, that two years have elapsed since passage of that resolution. A number of basic issues still remain to be resolved. Further delay can only fuel the frustration of the inhabitants of Namibia and of the members of the international community who are committed to a peaceful resolution of that problem.
162.	Just as my Government deplores the failure of the South African authorities so far to make possible the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia, so do we deplore the apartheid policies of the South African Government. We have heard the qualified promises from South African leaders that they will consider reforms. With that in mind, Australia calls on South Africa to adopt substantial and early measures to dismantle the repressive apartheid system and to redress the injustices which so many of its citizens suffer. The longer those processes are postponed, the more difficult it will become to bridge the deep divisions which characterize South African society, and the more likely it is that the political violence which has become an increasingly common feature of life in South Africa will escalate to the detriment of all the peoples there.
163.	One area of tension in which there has been some positive movement is that of Cyprus. Australia welcomes the resumption on 9 August of the intercommunal talks on Cyprus sponsored by the United Nations and sincerely hopes that the new round of negotiations will lead steadily towards a comprehensive solution.
164.	In this context, I recall that at the Meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government, held at Lusaka in August 1979, it was decided to ask the Commonwealth Secretary General to convene the Commonwealth Committee on Cyprus at the ministerial level whenever appropriate. While we believe that the intercommunal talks offer the best avenue for an enduring settlement in Cyprus, depending on the progress made at those talks, there may well be a need for the Commonwealth aspect to be further explored.
165.	Moving across the Mediterranean we find, regretfully, that the situation in the Middle East continues to deteriorate. Indeed, since I last spoke to the Assembly conditions there have clearly come to pose a grave threat to international peace.
166.	The Australian Government will support any well founded steps which bring hope of a comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East. Any solution must clearly incorporate the principles embodied in Security Council resolution 242 (1967), together with recognition of the legitimate political rights of the Palestinian people.
167.	The Australian Government welcomes the contribution that the process begun at Camp David has made towards such a peace. Implementation of the bilateral aspects of that process has been one of the few positive developments in that troubled region, but, unfortunately, in other areas progress has been minimal. Neither the fundamental principles of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) nor recognition of the need to ensure a just future for the Palestinian people have been advanced.
168.	The Australian Government has been concerned about the inflammatory statements and actions of parties on both sides of the dispute which unhappily have exacerbated the already tense situation in the region. The unilateral declaration by the Israeli parliament that Jerusalem was the undivided capital of Israel has hindered the prospects for a lasting settlement. On the other hand, publicly stated rejections of Israel's right to exist undermine efforts to promote the development of an atmosphere in which genuine negotiations could take place.
169.	Given the growing and understandable sense of frustration over this lack of progress, it is most necessary that ways of moving forward again to meaningful negotiations be actively explored. The Australian Government has noted the declaration on the Middle East by the European Community heads of Government following their meeting at Venice in June of this year, and it hopes that the consultations flowing from this declaration will contribute, along with the Camp David process, to the search for a comprehensive settlement in the Middle East.
170.	I could not conclude my comments on the Middle East without expressing my Government's apprehension about the threat to global peace posed by some aspects of the present situation in Iran. Iran has an important role to play in promoting stability in the Middle East region. But it is clear that this role cannot be realized while the Iranian authorities continue to flout international convention and international law by holding diplomatic hostages. The Australian Government renews the call it has made many times in the long months since the United States diplomats were seized for the quick and safe release of all the hostages being held by the Iranian Government.
171.	I began my statement by referring to the deteriorating international situation. The events of the last few days remind us most forcibly of the dangers we face. The fighting which has erupted between Iraq and Iran is a further cause for very grave concern. That fighting continues to escalate. It has created a situation fraught with danger. It could have serious and unpredictable consequences for a highly sensitive region of the world. The problems between Iran and Iraq are, of course, complex and of long standing. Settlement will not be helped if outside parties seek to meddle in the dispute for their own advantage. Already there is serious concern that the conflict could tempt others into dangerous diplomatic and even military ventures.
172.	Australia joins others in urging Iran and Iraq to terminate their conflict. We welcome the initiative of the secretary General and the President of the Security Council in appealing for restraint and urging that Iraq and Iran negotiate a solution to their differences. Unless there is a prompt response to these appeals, we believe the Security Council should meet as a matter of urgency to consider the crisis.
173.	Among the distressing consequences of these and other conflicts is the appalling increase in the number of refugees around the world. In the past year, we have witnessed the continuing tragedy of hundreds of thousands of men, women and children being forced to flee their homes in fear of their lives and liberty and to seek sanctuary elsewhere. While substantial efforts have been made to find solutions to the problems of refugees, their numbers in almost every area of the world have continued to grow. Africa is faced with mass movements of people fleeing persecution, war and famine. Nearly 1 million people have fled from Afghanistan into Pakistan. There has been a massive influx of Kampucheans into Thailand and a continuing, steady stream of so-called boat people.
174.	The problem is rendered the more tragic by the fact that today the largest numbers of refugees are concentrated in the developing regions of the world, those with least resources, available to cope with such a burden. Africa has suffered particularly badly in this respect, with over 2 million refugees and displaced persons in the Horn of Africa alone. In Southeast Asia, the burden of the IndoChinese refugee crisis has fallen particularly heavily on the countries of ASEAN, imposing great financial, social and political costs.
175.	Solutions to the refugee problem can be found only with the cooperation and involvement of the world community, and it is encouraging to see the increasing attention which refugee questions are receiving in international forums. In the coming months the world will have to focus greater attention on Africa, which now has more refugees than any other part of the world. It is in recognition of this crisis that Australia has fully supported recent initiatives for the calling of a pledging conference on African refugees.
176.	Australia supports the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in his efforts to alleviate the distress and to promote the resettlement of dispossessed peoples around the world. We are proud of our own role as a country of resettlement for refugees. Since the Second World War, some 400,000 refugees and displaced persons have found new homes in Australia. In addition to resettling refugees, we have been active in providing financial aid. We have contributed more than $30 million in relief assistance for refugees and displaced persons in the past two years alone.
177.	However, we all know that the provision of humanitarian assistance is not of itself sufficient to deal with refugee problems. Long-term solutions will be found only if the underlying political causes of refugee situations are addressed. It is the duty of the world community to persuade those Governments concerned to accept their responsibilities towards their citizens and to change the policies which have led to massive refugee outflows.
178.	I turn to economic issues, for the eleventh special session on development is still fresh in all our minds. At that time, I addressed in detail the major economic questions confronting the international community, and I do not intend to retrace the ground that was covered there. A word is in order, however, with regard to the final outcome of the special session. Its failure to achieve agreement on the conditions for launching the global round was certainly disappointing. The urgency and the severity of the problems of the current international economic situation require a fresh approach to the task of international economic negotiation..
179.	The failure of the special session to reach agreement on procedures for global negotiations can be of satisfaction to no one. At this session of the General Assembly we must all reassess how best we might seek to go about the global round. Substantive differences remain and must be addressed. The way in which we approach these differences should, however, reflect flexibility on all sides. If this spirit is shared by all, success will be assured.
180.	Failure to launch the global round should not obscure the fact that the special session was productive of some valuable results. We now have an International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. It is a matter for satisfaction that the world community was able to agree upon a framework within which we might all approach the development needs of our time. We believe that the text agreed on in the special session should now be adopted and its implementation not be delayed.
181.	A special tribute should be paid to the important contribution of the Brandt Commission to international thinking about development issues. The Commission was the result of a unique initiative and its members are to be commended for their efforts to identify areas in which the North South dialogue might be constructively pursued and for the stress laid on interdependence and the commonality of interest of North and South. Australia sees the report of the Commission as both significant and timely and is interested in doing what it can to give effect to the general approach taken in the report.
182.	I turn now to nuclear and arms control and disarmament issues. The difficulties which confront the world in assuring itself of adequate energy sources highlight the importance of nuclear energy. We have seen an encouraging level of international debate on peaceful nuclear questions over the past year, such as the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation, which should encourage the development over time of closer international comity on the arrangements and conditions governing nuclear trade and cooperation and sensitive stages of the nuclear fuel cycle. This trend was also observed at the recent Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons where, despite the lack of agreement on a consensus final document, there was substantial agreement on most issues relating to the application of international safeguards and the arrangements covering the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
183.	The further development of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes on a stable and secure basis depends, of course, on continuing efforts and constraints against the spread of nuclear weapons to additional countries. The relationship between the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and arms control and disarmament is integral to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, a Treaty which represents a political barrier to nuclear weapon proliferation, both horizontally to new States and vertically to existing nuclear arsenals. It was significant that at the Second Review Conference, while the Treaty was subjected to rigorous examination, there was no questioning of its principal objectives. The absence of a final consensus statement reflected concern over the pace and direction of nuclear disarmament efforts rather than any fundamental conflict of interest. But a note of warning has been sounded that there must be balanced implementation of all the Treaty's major provisions if its effectiveness is to be maintained in the longer term.
184.	It is incumbent on the international community to make continuing efforts to encourage adherence to the Treaty and to offer incentives for doing so as well as disabilities for non- membership.
185.	That is not to deny the necessity of further measures of nuclear arms control by the nuclear weapons States. Australia has given strong support to the SALT process; which resulted in the agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union, and trusts that it will be continued. We have also been an active proponent of the conclusion of a comprehensive test ban agreement as a further restraint on the existing nuclear arsenals and a further major obstacle to the spread of nuclear weapons. The finalization of such a treaty is urgent, for the involvement of the international community through the Committee on Disarmament—to complement the efforts of the negotiating Powers—is essential if the treaty is to attract widespread support. Without that support its impact would be seriously limited.
186.	Events earlier this year have had an undesirably adverse effect on the degree of mutual trust and confidence necessary in bilateral and multilateral arms control negotiations. It is my country's hope that an atmosphere more conducive to negotiations can be restored.
187.	It is encouraging that the Committee on Disarmament has this year got down to serious business and has succeeded in separating polemical debate from the practical consideration of substantive issues. The Committee has been able in working groups to concentrate on the negotiating tasks for which it has a mandate.
188.	I now turn to decolonization and the South Pacific. As others before me have noted, 1980 is the twentieth anniversary of two landmark resolutions on decolonization adopted by this Assembly, resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV). With one lamentable exception, all African States which were once colonies have achieved their independence, and we have seen considerable progress in the Caribbean and in the Pacific.
189.	The most recent country to achieve its independence is the former condominium of the New Hebrides, the new State of Vanuatu. Australia has made known in committees of this Assembly its views on the achievement of independence by the State of Vanuatu. It is sufficient for me to say here that Australia welcomes the advent of the new State and looks forward to its becoming the newest Member of this Organization, should it decide to join the ranks. The events which followed Vanuatu's achievement of independence, specifically on Tanna and Santo islands, have drawn attention to the fact that the exercise of the right of self-determination in the South Pacific had previously been remarkably smooth and peaceful. It is Australia's hope that this predominant feature will continue to characterize the region as further transitions occur.
190.	There is one subject on the international agenda which has progressed most positively. I refer to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The resumed ninth session, which recently concluded at Geneva, has achieved significant results, reflected in the fact that the Conference now has the text of a draft convention before it. Australia was particularly pleased with the progress made. It is our hope that the package which has been negotiated will hold together and that a convention can be opened for signature in 1981. We shall be making every effort to help to achieve that goal.
191.	The Charter reaffirms our faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in equal rights of all men and women. Unhappily, it is all too easy to enumerate situations arising since the original signature of the Charter in 1945 and the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 in which the sanctity of human life and the protection of human rights have been disregarded. The features of the current international scene that I have referred to earlier make it clear that there are formidable obstacles to progress. Human beings in many parts of the world continue to suffer the denial of their fundamental rights through political oppression, racism and foreign domination, as well as through poverty or lack of effective access to the organs of State which determine their lives.
192.	From an historical perspective, however, much has been done to bring hope to the dispossessed and deprived peoples of the world. Expectations have changed. Our definitions of deprivation have become more pragmatic, and today when we take account of the rights of individuals we include the rights of women, the disabled and the elderly. And we are beginning to talk of the right to development as a human right.
193.	So long as we live in a world of sovereign States, there will always be some tension between the legitimate interests of the States and the rights of individuals. But while accepting that, we should always scrutinize very carefully any attempted justification of the dilution of rights in terms of reasons of State. It should be made absolutely clear that the onus of proof lies with the Government in question. The flagrant violations of human rights, for whatever reason, are a proper concern of the international community, and cessation of the conditions of such violations can rightfully be demanded of responsible Governments. Australia is firmly committed to international action to ensure the protection of human rights, and we shall continue to attach the highest priority to the full realization of that fundamental goal as pursued both specifically in United Nations human rights programmes and more broadly in the activities of the Organization as a whole.
194.	I began my statement with some observations about the seriousness of the multiple crises which the world is now facing and by recalling some of the ideas which are basic to the Charter. There are some who will assume that, if we are moving into an era of great turbulence and danger, the Organization must automatically become more important than ever. There are others who will assume the exact opposite that as tensions increase and conflicts sharpen the United Nations will inevitably be shouldered aside and become of diminished relevance.
195. Both, in my view, are mistaken. Nothing is automatic, nothing is inevitable. The role which the United Nations will play in this critical period is not predetermined. It will depend on the will and capacity which we, its Members, bring to bear to make it effective and to make it relevant.
196. We should recognize the limitations of what the United Nations can do. But, having recognized them, we should ensure that the United Nations is used to these very limits. The United Nations cannot abolish power politics; it cannot end the conflicts and rivalries among some sovereign States. But it can bring pressure to bear to maintain dialogue and communications between conflicting parties, and it can contribute thereby to the process of peaceful settlement of international disputes. The United Nations is also best placed to articulate and organize the humanitarian impulses within the international community and to express the aspirations of mankind to peace and international cooperation. It can likewise bring moral censure to bear on those who ignore and isolate these impulses and aspirations. We have a duty to see that it does all these things, does them with conviction and does them with telling effect.