I stand
here today in order to convey to the General Assembly
the sincere regards and best wishes of the people of
Iraq, who wish to share in forging closer bonds of
amity and cooperation between peoples and countries,
at a time when my country is undergoing a structural
transformation at every level, a process that will enable
it to reform itself, achieve its goals and consolidate its
gains.
We are building a future through the conscious
understanding of our history as the cradle of civilization
and where the earliest writing system and codifi cation of
laws were born. Iraq has been successful in establishing
a democratic, pluralistic and federalist State on the basis
of an enlightened Constitution, drafted by our people’s
representatives and voted on by our people.
Our Constitution lays out the aspirations of our
people to a free and decent life based on freedom,
democracy and the peaceful transfer of authority,
citizenship and human rights. Iraq has regained its
security, political and economic health in record time
and under extremely difficult conditions, where the
forces of darkness had been betting that terrorism would
derail the experiment. However, thanks to God and the
patriotic vigour and self-awareness of our nation, our
people were able to turn the page. Our efforts are based
on a cultural history of about 10,000 years and on a
great human legacy created by the heavenly messages and laudable human experiences that flourished in our
glorious land.
Our renewed ambition to build a modern State
where the Iraqi people enjoy freedom, development
and prosperity requires us to move towards the
establishment of good, friendly and equal relations
with all nations in the world, within the framework of
a cooperative international system governed by clear
rules that prevent the problems and crises that could
undermine its prosperity and stability. The new Iraq
has chosen to embark on the path of cooperation and
coordination with the international community in the
political, economic and development spheres. Those
efforts have been coupled with significant qualitative
leaps in our economic growth that will qualify Iraq to
return to the realm of the world economy and to emerge
within the international economic system, based on a
realistic vision that has achieved a number of positive
developments over recent years.
According to various indicators, our gross
domestic product (GDP) has doubled, which has in turn
doubled the per capita share of the GDP. According to
projections by the International Monetary Fund, Iraq’s
GDP is expected to reach approximately $150 billion
in 2014. The Iraqi Government has also succeeded in
implementing policies to curb inflation and to control
governmental spending, in addition to our success in
collaborating with the international community to
reduce the debt accumulated by the country over past
decades.
We have embraced a theory of balanced growth in
our national development plans for the upcoming years,
in which the oil sector is to serve as the engine for
other sectors. Iraq has oil reserves amounting to about
143 billion barrels and potential reserves surpassing
the current estimated proven reserves, in addition to
large reserves of natural gas amounting to 126.7 trillion
cubic feet. We expect investments to contribute to
substantial development in the oil industry in Iraq
through licensing rounds, establishing refineries
and other oil- and gas-related sectors and industries.
Estimates suggest that from 2017 to 2020 production
will reach more than 10 million barrels of oil per day.
The development plan will include all sectors and
infrastructure in order to provide secure and promising
investment opportunities. The Iraqi Government has
prepared legislation to promote confidence in the Iraqi
economy by providing legal protection for foreign
investments in Iraq through the guarantees listed in the investment law itself and through Iraq’s accession to
the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency in 2007
and through bilateral treaties to guarantee and protect
investments.
We were able to establish solid foundations for
political conduct, which has matured rapidly as our
people have grown to accept those unlike themselves
and to live according to the principle of citizenship,
the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and
the freedom of expression. We proudly announce that,
owing to our freedom of opinion and expression, we
do not have a single prisoner jailed for his beliefs or
opinions. In our fight against terrorism, human rights
remain a cherished principle that we respect and
promote as a just cause. We do not have any justification
to tamper with such rights.
It is true that confronting terrorism has cost Iraq a lot
of blood, tears, sweat and financial resources, but that
confrontation has rewarded our people with a permanent
immunity against violence. It has also created extreme
sensitivity vis-à-vis violence as a means to resolve our
strife with others. Therefore, as much as we care about
sparing our people the ravages of fighting, we hope that
other countries, especially neighbouring countries, will
learn from the Iraqi experience and spare their peoples
unnecessary turmoil. We call upon them to adopt the
principle of negotiation to resolve conflicts and the
use of dialogue, logic, reason, laws and the peaceful
transfer of power.
That is the essence of Iraq’s position regarding
the revolutions of the Arab Spring, which we cannot
do anything about except to be entirely on the side of
the people and their legitimate aspirations, their right
to self-determination and the right to choose their own
rulers. We share the concerns regarding the issues facing
the peoples and States Members of the Organization;
those concerns represent a humanitarian, legal and
moral burden, because all of us share one world, which
is affected by conflicts and their aftermath.
Based on that, the Syrian issue and the humanitarian
diffi culties facing civilians in that country occupy a
great deal of our attention. We think that the escalating
violence in Syria is a reason for distress and concern,
and it is incumbent upon the leaders gathered here to
work in earnest to stop the bloodshed, which claims the
lives of tens and perhaps hundreds of people every day
in Syria. We would like also to draw attention to the
danger of providing the fighting parties with weapons, which only leads to more violence, bloodshed and loss
of life. The situation is endangering the social fabric
of the Syrian people and may lead to fragmentation
and disintegration of that people, whom we cherish and
whose unity and sovereignty we care about.
We also realize that the facts on the ground suggest
that regional and international intervention could
adversely impact the Syrian issue and might cause
unlimited chaos and devastation that would spare no
one, including the interveners. We therefore sincerely
call for dialogue and a peaceful solution as the only
means to end a crisis that could engulf the whole region
and exacerbate the current situation.
The events in Syria have demonstrated that
resolving the crisis through violence and force could
double the costs incurred by the Syrians and the region,
for such means only increase the suffering of civilians,
destroy infrastructure and multiply the number of
displaced persons and refugees. That is why we hope
that all the parties to the conflict understand that the
military solution alone is a dangerous move and gamble.
From this rostrum, we call upon kings, presidents and
other heads of State here today at this humanitarian
gathering to support reconciliation and dialogue among
all Syrians and endorse the United Nations and Arab
League initiative promoted by Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi
after the noble efforts of Mr. Kofi Annan reached at an
impasse.
In that regard, we do not hide our concern about
the consequences of the ongoing crisis, which could
only worsen if sectarian and ethnic strife is triggered.
That, in turn, could lead the region and its peoples into
a spiral of fighting with no end on the horizon. Such
a prospect makes it incumbent upon us on us to try in
earnest to contain and peacefully resolve the crisis,
while preserving the interests of the Syrian people and
preventing further deterioration of the situation.
Iraq’s initiative aimed at resolving the Syrian crisis
continues to stand as a beacon of peace, as we search
for an exit acceptable to all the forces of good. Our
initiative is based on the following two points. First,
Iraq has a keen desire to see Syria remain intact as a
State, and we support the hopes and aspirations of the
Syrian people for a free and dignified life. Secondly,
Iraq is concerned at the possible repercussions of the
violence and destruction caused by Syria’s internal
war and sectarian strife, which we fear could have a
spillover effect.

Iraq’s unwavering and well-known position does
not deviate from the Arab ranks on issues of crucial
importance to our Arab nation. We accordingly
support the establishment of the State of Palestine in
the occupied Palestinian territories, with Jerusalem as
its capital, and declare our support for the membership
of the State of Palestine in the United Nations. We
also declare our unequivocal rejection of the policies
of oppression, Judaization and usurpation of land
that Israel pursues without regard for international
condemnation of its unjust practices, including the use
of brutal force. We also reject Israel’s disregard for the
repeated international calls to sign the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to place its
military arsenal and facilities under the supervision of
the International Atomic Energy Agency.
We have tirelessly called for the establishment
in our region of a zone without nuclear weapons.
Therefore, within the international framework, we are
contributing to efforts to implement a Middle East zone
free of all weapons of mass destruction, chief among
which are nuclear weapons. That is why we endorse the
preparations for the Helsinki conference to be held this
year with a view to setting up a process that would set
up such a zone. Any failure in that endeavour would
lead to an arms race in a region that is in dire need of
peace and stability.
We condemn and reject the discriminatory policies
pursued against religious and ethnic minorities in
many countries the world over. We especially condemn
the inhumane violations of the rights of Muslims in
Myanmar, who face genocide. The world’s conscience
should not remain untroubled by the gravity of their
plight. Such situations run counter to all the principles of
human rights law, religious teachings and international
conventions.
Our good and friendly relations with our
neighbours, the region and the entire world are
governed by a balanced foreign policy based on mutual
respect, common interests and non-interference in the
affairs of others. We also uphold the principles of goodneighbourliness
and dialogue in our relations with the
Arab and Muslim worlds, as well as with the entire
world. Iraq hosted the League of Arab States Summit
in March, which marked a return to our active, natural
and pioneering role in joint Arab decision-making and
action. That was followed by Iraq’s hosting of one of
the rounds of international negotiations on the Iranian
nuclear issue, which we undertook in the objective, balanced and responsible spirit that characterizes Iraq’s
clear position with respect to that issue. It is a position
that declares our firm support for international efforts
to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, while
affirming the right of peoples and countries to benefit
from the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
We call upon the international community,
represented by the United Nations and its Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, whom we highly respect
and revere, to extend support to Iraq’s efforts to exit
from the Chapter VII provisions imposed on us as a
result of the mistaken policies of the former regime
following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, especially as there
is no longer any justification for such international
action. Iraq is no longer a threat to anyone and has
fulfilled most of its obligations, as is confirmed by
the renewal of our brotherly relations with the State
of Kuwait, seen specifically in the mutual visits of
high-level officials of our respective countries and the
serious and constructive dialogue based on a sincere
desire and sustained efforts to resolve all outstanding
issues between us.
I would be remiss if I failed to speak of the
repulsive abuse directed at the great Prophet
Muhammad — peace be upon him — and the wave of
violent protests that shook the Islamic world because
of a ridiculous movie that attacked the image of our
Prophet — peace be upon him — a movie that nearly
caused relations between East and West to unravel. We
need to conduct a sincere and serious examination on
how to prevent the recurrence of such insults through
an international ban that criminalizes those who insult
religions, disrespect religious symbols or insult the
great prophets and messengers. Such actions constitute
a blatant aggression against everything great, holy and
sacred. The recurrence of those obscene actions will
supply terrorists with prime material for recruiting
angry youth for use in violent actions that threaten
peace and security, which could cause many casualties,
as recent events have shown.
We therefore clearly need to contain such attacks
and prohibit the production and dissemination of similar
provocative materials. As nobody in the Islamic world
is able to contain the consequences of such disregard
for Islamic values and their sanctity, we believe that the
United Nations should play a central and constructive
role in this matter, with a view to preventing potentially
far-reaching and dangerous ramifications.

In conclusion, we, the people and Government of
Iraq, extend our hand to the other Member States with a
view to increased collaboration aimed at achieving our
common goals. Those are noble goals, based on lofty
principles and cherished human values, and honour all
human beings as supremely deserving of leading a free
and safe life and enjoying fundamental freedoms. We
hope that when we meet again our world will be a safer
place, our peoples will enjoy better conditions and the
international climate will have improved.


I extend my warmest
congratulations to Mr. Jeremić on his election to preside
over the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session.
The demanding agenda of this Assembly makes that
no easy task, but I assure him of Malta’s support and
friendship.
Over a year ago, the protagonists of the Arab Spring
proclaimed that their time had come. They shed their
blood for freedom, calling for an end to the status quo
of oppression and injustice. Unfortunately, extremists
persist in their efforts to derail that call. United States Ambassador Christopher Stevens was, sadly, one of
their victims. One cannot stress strongly enough the
importance of protecting the inviolability of diplomatic
premises and personnel, and reiterate our collective
condemnation of the deplorable acts perpetrated
recently in various capitals of our neighbourhood.
Many doubted the success of the Arab Spring;
many feared its call for change. Yet change did come.
We are now witnessing the first seeds of democracy
blossoming in places where that would previously have
been unthinkable. And more change is yet to come.
People around the world are calling for it. Theirs is a
call that pits us against conventional thinking, pushing
us out of our comfort zone and into the unfamiliar — a
call for humankind to go beyond the borders of human
difference and indifference. We have the choice to heed
that call or to ignore it, but make no mistake — we do
have a choice.
Malta knows all too well what the call for change
is about. It experiences it first hand as it receives those
f leeing war, hunger and persecution, arriving on its
shores after a perilous journey in search of a better
life. Malta recognizes that we need to give those people
safe refuge, and we do so with a sense of solidarity and
a strong belief that every human life is worth saving.
We are committed to giving assistance, and we remain
steadfast in our belief that Malta will continue its
historical role of welcoming those who are bereft of
human rights and dignity.
It is in that spirit that Malta calls upon the
international community to give those people genuine
alternatives, and to no longer accept that it is a problem
in someone else’s backyard. We want to ensure that
the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals
does not become a simple check-marking exercise, but
instead underscores a truly global effort that will lift
millions out of situations of deprivation, disease and
discrimination. Those goals must be sustained long
after the media has gone and the speeches are over, and
we urge the Assembly to spare no effort in seeing that
it is done.
The choice of freedom has seen Malta’s neighbour
to the south hold its first free and fully democratic
elections in 60 years. We salute Libya on its recent
successes. For many, the act of voting was a success in
itself. The Libyan people voted for their policy-makers.
They did not vote for ideology, but for visionaries who
will breathe life into their aspirations. It is a time of celebration for our neighbours, and Malta joins others
in recognizing their achievements, as well as the
achievements of the other countries of the Arab Spring.
Yet as we bear witness to the wave of democratic
reform drifting across the southern Mediterranean
shores, we must also recall that others are still struggling
for freedom. The situation in Syria cannot but trouble
us. Oppression and violence are never the solution.
They only stif le the inevitable for a short while, for
the human spirit can never be defeated. And it is our
duty, as the international community, to respond. It is
not a question of resolutions and syntax. It is our moral
obligation to ensure that the people of Syria are not
abandoned to a tragic fate.
The time to sit on the fence and live with prejudices
and division is over. Malta firmly believes that now
can be the right time for a new era — not just for the
southern littoral shores of the Mediterranean Sea, but
for the whole basin. The Mediterranean region has
known too many wars, too many divisions and far too
many prejudices. As the heart of the Mediterranean,
Malta understands well the nuances of the basin, and
it is this understanding that pushes us to reaffirm our
commitment to the promotion of prosperity and peace
across the whole Mediterranean region and beyond.
Malta’s initiative to convene a European Union-League
of Arab States ministerial meeting in Malta in 2008
was specifically aimed at attaining that. We salute the
decision for the “Malta II” meeting to take place in
Cairo next November.
Our efforts did not stop there. In a few days’ time,
Malta will host the 5+5 Heads of State and Government
Meeting of the Western Mediterranean Forum. That
grouping should offer an excellent opportunity to
discuss such issues. The summit meeting coincides
with the dramatic changes taking place in the political
landscape in North Africa. The expectation for
the implementation of concrete action in the Euro-
Mediterranean region, transcending ineffective
declarations, statements and conclusions, is important.
I hope that the Malta Summit will meet the aspirations
of the peoples of the northern and southern basin of the
Mediterranean. We cannot fail in that regard. We owe
it to our peoples.
However, if we want to truly embrace the changes
that are taking place around us, we must take them
further. The call to rise above stalemate and stagnation
is nowhere more evident than in the Middle East peace process, where the fear of change is holding all
those involved back. The parties concerned must face
some uncomfortable truths in order to overcome the
stumbling blocks. Bickering over who does what when
is not the way forward. Forging common ground does
not equate with giving in.
Malta believes that the international community
must redouble its efforts in that process and that there
can be no rest until the world welcomes a truly stable
and secure Middle East. We owe it to the Palestinians
and the Israelis. We owe it to the wider Mediterranean
region, which has now been deadlocked for far too
long in the grips of that struggle. There really is no
other option than that, for the alternative is further
entrenchment of the positions held and more extremism
and instability. Malta reaffirms its commitment to the
efforts of the United Nations and the European Union,
in particular towards the attainment of the goal of two
viable States living side by side in harmony. However,
that solution is possible only if it is feasible on the
ground. That means no unilateral action, which would
make it an unattainable reality.
A year from now, we should no longer be talking
of a Middle East peace process but of a Middle East
in peace, and that is that. The sceptics among us will
note that that is what was said last year and, of course,
even the year before. For over 60 years, we have been
making that call but we must not let the opportunity
slip away once again. The Arab Spring shows us that
we need to answer the call of history now. It can be
different this time.
The events happening around us highlight not only
our sense of duty to promote and protect human rights
worldwide but also our sense of responsibility, for the
actions that we take or fail to take today will have a
bearing on future generations. Malta drew the attention
to that belief with its call for a universal declaration on
human responsibilities, made in this very Hall during
the sixty-fourth session of the Assembly in 2009.
We know that we are not alone in the endeavour.
We share with other Member States a commitment to
solidarity, cohesive ideas and a harmonious discourse
in favour of the sustainability of the planet and the
stewardship of its peoples. That conviction encourages
us to push forward with our efforts for we are certain
that history will be on our side.
In conclusion, our destiny is what we perceive
our future to be. We are convinced that the United Nations stands for the betterment of humanity. We
remain committed to living up to the expectations and
aspirations to which we adhere under its Charter. Most
of all, we need to embrace change. The future begins
with the choices that we make today.


Mr. President, allow me, first, to offer to you my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. I can assure you of the full co-operation of the Danish delegation in the performance of the duties of your high office.
Denmark's strong and persistent support, in deed as well as in words, of the United Nations is well known. Over the years Denmark has been a major contributor to United Nations efforts in the economic, social and technical fields as well as to United Nations peace-keeping forces. Our contributions have steadily increased
also in relative terms. This increase reflects our strong belief that in a rapidly changing world of growing interdependence, multilateral co-operation remains indispensable.
The focus of attention of the General Assembly is on what is widely seen as an acute financial crisis of the United Nations. We commend the Secretary-General for having taken the measures approved by the General Assembly in April. They have served to alleviate the situation in the short run. It will be a main task of this session of the General Assembly to address the question of appropriate medium and long-term measures. The viability of the Organization itself is at stake.
It is essential that all Member States fulfill their part of the responsibility for financing the United Nations. Unilateral action by Member States in contravention of the Charter undermines the authority and work of the Organization.
We welcome the report of the Group of High-Level Intergovernmental Experts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations. It contains a number of valuable recommendations which, it is to be hoped, will initiate a process of reform.
As I see it, we must pursue two objectives simultaneously first, we must make a determined effort towards administrative and financial reform; second, and probably more important, we must seek a more realistic common understanding of what can be expected from the United Nations.
As in previous years a number of important international issues are before the General Assembly. Turning first to developments in the East-West relationship, I am encouraged to note that there has been some improvement. The United States and the Soviet Union are preparing for a new summit meeting.
Denmark hopes that the negotiations will provide a better climate and renewed confidence and dialog between East and West.
We should not assume that dialog can remove all differences between East and West. It cannot. But the dialog must address itself to the real problems and aim at concrete solutions. The extent to which we achieve such solutions will be the proper measure of the attainment of genuine detente.
Thus, detente must not be limited to efforts towards relaxation of political and military tens ions. It must be comprehensive and comprise also a dialog on humanitarian issues of direct relevance to individuals in East and West alike as well as on economic co-operation, trade and environmental problems.
It is of overriding importance that all countries in East and West should participate in this dialog. In difficult times for the East-West relationship, contacts between the smaller and medium-sized European countries of East and West have helped the dialog along. After the summit meeting in Geneva in
November 1985, contacts contacts between the two great Powers have taken a new
dimension. But all countries in Europe, allied or neutral or non-aligned, have something to contribute to the dialog between East and West.
The process initiated by the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe forms a focal point for dialog and confidence-building among the participating Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSC2) States in Europe and North America.
The recent successful conclusion of the Stockholm Conference with the adoption of new confidence and security-building measures has laid the foundation for improving confidence in the military field. Confidence-building is, however, a subject that cannot be limited to the military area. Compliance with the commitments which the participating States have undertaken in the Helsinki Final Act and the Madrid Concluding Document, not least within the human dimension, is equally important for creating confidence between East and West.
The CSCE follow-up meeting due to open in Vienna this autumn will be a most important forum for efforts to intensify dialog and improve confidence between East and West.
At the Vienna Meeting, there will be a particular need for progress towards the solution of humanitarian questions. Countries which are still lagging behind should be persuaded to improve their standards in, above all, family reunification.
No State should deny a citizen the right to go abroad to be reunited with his relatives there. As a Polish philosopher has said:
"I can respect a no-entry sign, but I am disgusted when I see a no-exit sign."
In the field of arms control and disarmament no effort must be spared to halt the current arms race. Only through concrete verifiable arms control agreements can a new and improved security be created at a lower level of armaments
The current arms control negotiations in Geneva between the United states and the Soviet Union must lead to effective agreements aimed at preventing an arms race in space and terminating it cm earth, at limiting and reducing nuclear arms, and at strengthening strategic stability.
The Danish Government attaches the utmost importance to the ongoing deliberations at the Conference on Disarmament, in particular, I wish to urge the Conference on Disarmament to speed up its endeavors to reach agreement on initiating negotiations for an early conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
Similarly, we believe that there is every reason for the Conference to step up its efforts to achieve early agreement cm a global and comprehensive ban on chemical weapons.
The upsurge of terrorism represents an alarming aspect of the international situation posing a mortal threat to the very fabric of our societies as well as to orderly and friendly relations between nations. The world-wide nature of the problem requires concerted international action to stamp out this evil. The proper forum for dealing with international terrorism is the United Nations, and we were therefore gratified by the adoption last year of resolutions both by the General Assembly and the Security Council on these problems. The entire international community agreed to condemn as criminal all acts, methods and practices of terrorism, wherever and by whomever committed. We urge all Member States to intensify international co-operation to apprehend, prosecute and punish the perpetrators of such acts. There must be no safe haven for terrorists.
Among the positive elements in the work of the United Nations, and a source of great inspiration and satisfaction, is the fact that over the years the Organization has been able to agree on an impressive body of internationally recognized human rights standards. These standards command the universal acceptance of the world community „ Unfortunately, we are witnessing daily violations of these standards.
Various mechanisms have been set in motion to supervise the implementation of these standards and in our opinion it is vital for the credibility of the relevant human rights instruments that these median isms be used. It is the responsibility of Governments to respect and ensure the enjoyment of human rights for their citizens, and Governments which shrink from fulfilling this obligation should constantly be reminded of their duty through the appropriate organs of our Organization, including from this General Assembly rostrum.
May I now turn to another serious subject which must be of concern to all of us - the world refugee situation. It is a gloomy picture we are faced with, and our public rightly expects this universal Organization, the United Nations, to live up to its responsibility as laid down in the Charter. In the United Nations Charter we have pledged ourselves to promote and encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and to let the world Organization be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common goals. It follows from this solemn undertaking that when human rights violations force people to leave their country of origin and become refugees all other countries must take steps to alleviate the sufferings of those people and thereby secure respect for their human rights.
My Government wishes, during this session of the General Assembly, to share with all representatives some concrete ideas that we have developed with a view to establishing a mechanism whereby the international community, basing itself on the principles of burden-sharing and solidarity, could take a major step forward in solving the world refugee problem. The key elements in that mechanism are: voluntary repatriation, regional integration, increased United Nations presence in different regions of the world, and allocation of quotas based on a United Nations scheme. We shall present our more detailed views when the relevant agenda item is discussed in the Third Committee.
Racism and racial discrimination are flagrant violations of human rights. One Government in the world not only condones racial discrimination on its territory but has made racism the very essence of its social order. To maintain its abhorrent apartheid system the Government of South Africa pursues atrocious repression at home, brutal aggression and destabilization against neighboring States, and an illegal occupation of Namibia which openly defies decisions of the United Nations Security Council and General Assembly.
It is in cunt) en t upon this Organization to reflect and act upon the deep concern and indignation of the entire international community at the persistence of such serious violations of fundamental human rights as are being committed by the apartheid regime. But apartheid and what goes with it are more than a violation of human rights. The provocation which that system presents to the neighboring countries, to other African nations and to the whole world is a threat to international peace and security - a threat that will persist until apartheid has been totally eliminated and replaced by a system based on democracy and equality for all South Africans.
It is a basic feature of Danish policy that we believe in and strive for peaceful solutions to international conflicts. We believe that mandatory sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter should be imposed on South Africa. They are the most effective instrument available to the international community to promote peaceful change. As a member of the Security Council, Denmark has worked actively for the adoption of such measures and will continue to do so.
In the absence of agreement in the Security Council on sanctions under Chapter VII, Denmark has decided to take measures, together with our Nordic and European Community partners and on our own, on a voluntary unilateral basis. In fact Denmark has gone further in this regard than any other Western country. Nearly all Danish contacts with South Africa, including trade, will come to a halt before the end of this year. Our diplomacy is engaged in a systematic effort to encourage other countries to increase their contribution to reinforced and more effective international pressure against apartheid.
Outside pressure is not only intended to be a signal to the South African Government", it serves as a sign of solidarity with the South African population and as encouragement and an indication that an alternative can be found to violence and destruction.
Let President Botha's new rigid position on what he calls "outside interference" and his increasingly oppressive policies be a warning to the international community. Delay in making the message clear to those in South Africa who hold the key may soon place the situation beyond reach. We must act now.
As for Namibia, the Danish Government remains convinced that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the only internationally acceptable solution to the Namibian question. Delaying tactics on South Africa's part cannot be tolerated. Namibia's independence is long overdue and should be pursued by all peaceful means, including sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.

The countries in southern Africa have for many years been important partners in Denmark's development co-operation program. The priority given to that region is a natural correlate to the restrictive measures which we have adopted against South Africa. Together with the other Nordic countries, we will work actively at . the United Nations to obtain agreement on a contingency plan for economic assistance to South Africa's neighbors in the event of South African reprisals against those countries.
In fact, approximately one third of our bilateral development assistance is provided to the countries of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC). At the SADCC meeting in Harare in January, Denmark pledged a 100 per cent increase to 400 million Danish kroner in its assistance to regional SADCC co-operation. Together with the other Nordic countries and the SADCC member States, a Joint Declaration on Expanded Economic Co-operation was signed on the same occasion.
The Joint Declaration between the SADCC and Nordic countries reflects the mutual determination of the two regions to intensify co-operation and constitutes the framework for new avenues of collaboration extending beyond the traditional donor-recipient relationship.
The economic difficulties facing the African continent remain staggering, and profound changes in domestic policies are required to turn the situation around. Against this background, the special session of the General Assembly on Africa took place at a crucial point in time. The courageous approach of the African countries reflected their readiness to seek new avenues and make a firm commitment to policy reform. Denmark regards the adoption of the program of action by consensus as a very positive outcome of the Conference, both for the United Nations as an organization and for the Member States. But now let us not lose momentum. The real achievement is not the adoption of the program but its implementation. Donors and recipients must both shoulder their responsibility.
In the Middle East three major conflicts remain of serious concern to the world community, and not least to the countries of Europe, which have close and vital links with the area. Guided by the general principles set out by the countries of the European Community in their Venice Declaration, we have in the past year continued to support initiatives aimed at bringing the parties to the Arab-Israeli dispute together in talks for peace.
We were encouraged by the efforts made by King Hussein of Jordan to open the path to a constructive engagement of authentic Palestinian representatives in the peace process, and we were correspondingly discouraged when the King concluded that he had not been able to secure the necessary commitment from the Palestine Liberation Organization.
If the peace process is to move forward, it will be necessary for those who are most directly involved and who have the welfare of the Palestinian people at heart to put their political differences aside and unite in support of a realistic and constructive engagement aimed at a negotiated peace. In this context I should like to pay a tribute to those courageous leaders in the Middle East who are showing the way by realistic and constructive initiatives to widen the dialog.
In Lebanon sectarian strife continues to exact a terrible price in human life and suffering. We can only appeal once again for moderation and reason and a will to compromise, without which it appears the very existence of Lebanon is threatened. When the Lebanese themselves choose to build on their common humanity and engage in true national reconciliation they shall find our ready support for the full restoration of Lebanese unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The continuation of the conflict between Iran and Iraq, which is now in its seventh year, presents us with a picture of untold human carnage and suffering. Both parties, as well as the world community and the standards of civilization, stand only to lose by further continuation of this appalling war. From this rostrum I appeal to both parties to respect Security Council resolution 582 (1986) and use the United Nations and the good offices of the Secretary-General to work out a compromise on this conflict, which need never have escalated into war and which by its nature is negotiable.
In Afghanistan another war is taking place. There Soviet forces continue with undiminished determination their brutal attempts to suppress popular resistance within the country, with horrifying consequences for the civilian population.
The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan must be brought to an end. Might does not make right, no matter how strong the Power. The Danish Government hopes that the talks held under the auspices of the United Nations, which have made important progress, will lead to an early agreement acceptable to all parties concerned and provide for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops.
The situation in Kampuchea also remains an issue of grave concern to the international community. It is Denmark's long-standing position that a solution to the Kampuchean problem must be found on the basis of the resolutions adopted by the United Nations. In this spirit Denmark supports the endeavors of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with regard to Kampuchea. We see merit in the
eight-point proposal of the coalition Government, which in our view represents a positive contribution to the search for a just and durable negotiated settlement of the conflict.
As to the complex problems of Central America, the Danish Government fully understands and supports the aspirations of the peoples of Central America to a life in peace and dignity, a life in countries committed to democratic systems of government, free elections, freedom of the press and respect for human rights and a life in communities that strive for a more just and equitable distribution of much too scarce resources.
In our view the discrepancy that exists in most Central American countries between those aspirations and the hard realities is at the root of the present conflicts. Only the countries of Central America themselves can, within their respective borders, eliminate the fundamental causes of the current strife.
What the outside world can and must do is to offer its co-operation, economic and political, to the countries of the region and encourage and support initiatives designed to fulfill those aspirations.
The Danish Government continues to believe that there is no realistic and acceptable alternative to the Contadora peace process. At the core of that process lies the belief that the Central American countries themselves are responsible for solving their differences and that a lasting solution must be achieved^ by peaceful means without any kind of military pressure or other forms of coercion.
The global economic situation has improved in important respects over the last few years. In general, growth has resumed, inflation been brought down and interest rates reduced. Exchange-rate patterns have been brought more in line with fundamental economic conditions. However, difficult problems and uncertainties remain and pose a threat to global economic development and stability. Let me mention some of the problems that can be addressed only through international co-operation for the benefit of industrialized and developing countries alike.
Since ancient times international trade has been the most powerful transmitter of growth, development and civilization that we can conceive of. But international trade is crucially dependent on the maintenance and further strengthening of the free-trade system. I should therefore like to congratulate our colleagues in Punta del Este on their success in launching a new round of trade negotiations within the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The result is immensely important for international economic co-operation, but also for the political climate as a whole.
Most developing countries continue to face serious debt problems, which in many cases are aggravated by persistently low prices for their exports of commodities. True, though varying in size and composition between different countries, the debt burden remains a serious obstacle to growth and development. Measures to relieve this burden are therefore indispensable. But at the same time it must be ensured that debt relief measures are adapted to the circumstances of individual debtor countries and utilized in a context of economic policy reform and structural adjustment. In this spirit Denmark has responded positively to a large number of requests for the cancellation of official development assistance (ODA) debt from least-developed countries.Denmark's commitment to the developing world is reflected in our official development assistance. This year sees an extraordinary rise in Danish development assistance, which has long surpassed the international 0.7 per cent target. Denmark will increase its aid volume further in each of the coming years, reaching the 1 per cent target in 1992.
The multilateral development system is an important element of United Nations activities. The call for improved efficiency in the work of the United Nations applies also to activities financed by voluntary contributions. Important progress has already been achieved, not least within the United Nations Development program. Denmark expects all development organs and organizations to intensify their efforts to ensure the necessary flexibility, efficiency, co-operation and co-ordination in their work.
If such efforts are to succeed, the international donor community must respond by maintaining and increasing voluntary contributions. Denmark is prepared to fulfill its responsibility in this regard. We expect all donor countries to live up to their responsibility and to make voluntary contributions to the multilateral development system commensurate with their ability to contribute. We have watched with growing concern the tendency in industrialized countries to solve problems in domestic economies at the expense of development aid.
The world of today is a world with bitter conflicts rooted in opposing ideologies, competing interests and rivaling claims to influence and power. Naturally, all Member countries seek to use the United Nations for the advancement of their aims, to strengthen their ideology, their interests and their claims. So the activity of the Organization is characterized by struggle and confrontation, because it faithfully reflects the world we live in, and because the substance of its work is considered by its Members to be of fundamental importance.
But even bitter debates come to an end, and mostly the end reflects recognition of the overriding need for co-operation to solve our common problems to which there can only be common solutions.
The present crisis of the United Nations can be overcome if %-is strengthen the tendencies of co-operation and restrain the tendencies of confrontation. The crisis is also an opportunity.
We must do our utmost to preserve and fully utilize the potential for action inherent in this much needed Organization. We must see to it that it not only survives, but constantly develops as a universal forum for heir iconizing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends and purposes. Such, in brief, is the challenge to the wisdom and imagination of this session of the General Assembly.


 Please allow me, like preceding speakers, to extend to you, His Excellency Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, on behalf of the people of Guinea and of General Lansana Conte, Head of the Military Committee for National Recovery, President of the Republic and Head of State, our warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at the forty-first session. I am convinced that his mastery of international issues, his wisdom and his outstanding personal qualities constitute a guarantee that our deliberations will be successful.
I should like also to extend my whole-hearted congratulations and appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, who so competently and diligently guided the proceedings of the fortieth session.
My delegation would like also to pay a well-deserved tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar for the perseverance and foresight he has demonstrated in defense of the cardinal principles of the United Nations Charter, always with the object of giving the Organization the impact commensurate with the noble aspirations of the international community. His annual report this year objectively describes the current situation of our Organization.
The political and economic evolution of the present-day world certainly does not inspire optimism. On the contrary, in spite of legal instruments developed by Member States to make their relations sounder in an atmosphere of harmony and sincere co-operation, we are witnessing a multiplication of hotbeds of tension, acts of aggression, an unbridled arms race and mistrust in international relations. In the economic field, a rising tide of protectionism, injustice in trade and a worsening of the foreign debt of the developing countries all threaten international solidarity and hinder the development of the third-world countries.
The system of collective security established by the Charter is constantly obstructed, since the normal functioning of the Security Council, the organ that has the main responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, requires in the first place a minimum of trust among the great Powers. Rare are the issues on which the Council succeeds in reaching a decision; and when it does succeed it is not able to implement its own decisions. This is the tragic case with Namibia and also with the Middle East.
Furthermore, while it was created in order to prevent conflicts and to stop tensions from mounting, the United Nations is no longer able to alleviate the consequences of those conflicts, being unable to tackle their causes because of the
paralysis of the Security Council. Thus Africa, Asia and Latin America have today become the distressing arena of tension and rivalry in the contemporary world, prompting many States to arm themselves even beyond their means and thus heightening insecurity throughout the world. In fact, behind a facade of international gatherings and in spite of a degree of consultations never before seen in history, the community of which we form part seems engaged in a retrenchment towards isolated national entities.
The United Nations is confronted with an unprecedented political and financial crisis which makes it more difficult for it to carry out correctly the tasks ■ entrusted to it and which narrows its field of action. It is time, here as in other areas, for the international community to assume its responsibilities with a view to ensuring respect for the Charter. Therefore genuine political will is required on the part of all, in order to bring about positive changes which may inspire greater trust in international relations.
I should like now to turn my attention to a few specific problems to which my country, the Republic of Guinea, attaches great importance.
Indeed, Guinea is convinced that the policy of detente will remain devoid of real significance if it is limited in its geographical bounds and its scope. Peaceful relations between the East and the West are certainly a necessary condition for international peace and security but they are not enough unless complemented by peaceful relations in the rest of the world.
For that reason, on the African continent, the obduracy of the Pretoria Government in carrying out its policy of racial repression, in spite of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, constitutes an affront to our Organization. In the case of South Africa we are faced with a unique paradox. The only regime in the present-day world which is Fascist in inspiration, it benefits nevertheless, almost unconditionally, from the support of certain countries which at the same time proclaim themselves indefatigable guarantors of respect for and promotion of human rights and democratic principles.
It is because of the multinational firms and the support of certain countries that the Pretoria racists have been able since 1948 to maintain that anachronistic system of apartheid. We are convinced that a combination of internal and external pressure through the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions, under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, remains the only way to make it possible for a democratic and multiracial society to be established peacefully in South Africa.
The Republic of Guinea, while strongly condemning the repeated acts of aggression by the hateful Pretoria regime against the neighboring and front-line States, once again expresses its unconditional support for and solidarity with the struggle of the people of South Africa under the guidance of its different national liberation movements. We request the unconditional liberation of Nelson Mandela and all other political detainees.
As far as Namibia is concerned, resolution 435 (1978) of the Security Council remains the sole framework for the settlement of the Namibian question. It is up to the United Nations to ensure that it is fully and unconditionally implemented and thus to prevent all attempts to distort the process of decolonizing the territory. In this respect it is important to recall that Namibia is no sense a question of East-West relations, as some try to have us believe. It is purely and simply a question of decolonization, in which the international community has a great responsibility. Bearing this situation in mind, the Republic of Guinea will continue to give and strengthen its support for the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, in its national liberation struggle.
We also believe that that independence must in no way be linked to a prior withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, which is, as far as we are concerned, a question of national sovereignty.
In addition to southern Africa, there are many other focal points of tension on the African continent. In connection with Western Sahara, only the organization of a referendum on self-determination for the Sahraoui peoples, in accordance with the resolution of the eighteenth session of the summit conference of the Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and resolution 1514 (XV) of the General Assembly, could make it possible for a definitive solution to be found to the crisis. In this connection, my delegation appreciates the efforts made by the OAU and the Secretariat of our Organization, which have mediated between the different parties to the conflict.
With respect to Chad, the Government of the Republic of Guinea believes that the withdrawal of all foreign troops and non-interference in the internal affairs of that country constitute a prerequisite for the establishment of a climate of peace, harmony and reconciliation among our Chad brothers. We commend all the efforts made by the Government of Chad in this noble effort at reconciliation under OAU auspices.
As for the Horn of Africa, the talks that have been undertaken between Somalia and Ethiopia allow a measure of optimism that peace may be established in the sub-region. While Guinea encourages such initiatives, it feels that peace will be lasting only if the States of the sub-region overcome their differences in the higher interests of their respective peoples.
Given the injustices suffered by the Palestinian people, the Republic of Guinea reaffirms its staunch support for that martyred people in its struggle for recognition and the exercise of its right to existence and national identity under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), its sole and legitimate representative. We support the appeal made for the urgent convening of an international conference on the Middle East, with the effective participation of all parties concerned and, especially, that of the PLO.
The conflict between Iran and Iraq remains of concern to the international community and especially the Member States of the Islamic Conference. As a member of that organization and of the Islamic Peace Committee, the Republic of Guinea sincerely hopes that the parties to the conflict will demonstrate goodwill so as to put an end to that fratricidal war.
In connection with the question of Cyprus, my country, while it hopes for the restoration of a climate of understanding and harmony in Cyprus, continues to gives its complete support to the positive action of our Organization for a just and lasting solution.
The situation prevailing in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea constitutes a source of concern to the international community. The Republic of Guinea, faithful to the guiding principles of non-alignment, the Organization of African Unity, and the United Nations Charter, opposes all foreign interference in the internal affairs of those two States, which should be allowed in full freedom to determine the political system of their choice.
In this respect, we believe that the eight-point document prepared by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea may constitute a basis of negotiations for a peaceful, just and lasting solution to the problem of Kampuchea.
In connection with Korea, my delegation hopes that an atmosphere of brotherhood and understanding will be established in that country in which the people, who have suffered division and mistrust for a long time, have accomplished notable progress towards reunification. The people of Guinea and its Government welcome the many initiatives taken to ensure the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea, as well as the transformation of the Korean Peninsula into a nuclear-free, peaceful zone.
Likewise, in Central America the peaceful settlement of conflicts should go side by side with regional guarantees for security with respect to the sovereignty of States. May the Contadora and support groups be assured of the support and esteem of the people of Guinea for their efforts towards the restoration of peace and socio-economic development in the region.
I wish at this time to touch on economic issues which are of more concern than ever before. We deplore the fact that efforts of the international community to structure more equitable relations between the developed and the developing countries have not been more successful. In fact, forced to curb their development efforts because of the combined effects of the decline in the prices of exported goods and the increases in the cost of imported industrialized goods, most of the developing countries have recorded a considerable reduction in per capita income, and some of them are on the brink of economic bankruptcy, with disastrous consequences on the economic and social progress of their population.
The factors that have made their situation worse and led to a standstill and even a considerable decrease in production are now familiar to all. They are primarily a drop in the real value of public aid to development, monetary instability, fluctuation of exchange rates, a high interest rate, a steady deterioration in the terms of trade, and a virtual disintegration of the multilateral trade system, strict lending policies on the part of financial institutions, the heavy debt and debt servicing burden, as well as protectionism on the part of the developed countries.
The North-South dialog has become bogged down and has reached a dead end in all forums of the United Nations system. Some countries have even pitted some organs of the system against others, as though deliberations on international trade, industrialization, finances - for example, in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) - were encroaching on the competence of the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) or the International Monetary Fund (IMF), while in feet the activities of all these organizations are complementary and closely interrelated.
Such an attitude reflects a challenge by many countries to multilateralism and their relegation of the fundamental problems of underdevelopment; to second place in their concerns.
It is because of the distressing situation which our continent faces that, in May, the special session to consider the critical economic situation of our continent was held. It gave rise to great hope for our peoples and Governments, and provided an appropriate framework to further sensitize world public opinion on the problems confronting Africa.
We urgently appeal to the entire international conn unity to make the contribution requested of it to ensure effective implementation of the priority economic recovery program for 1986 to 1990 that the peoples and the Governments of Africa are committed to carrying out.
The demands of development in our various nations make it more than ever necessary to commit ourselves to resumption of the North-South dialog and global negotiations and the promotion of South-South co-operation, especially in the fields of science, technology and technological expertise, so as to encourage the kind of dialog that will ensure for our States collective self-reliance and harmonious, balanced, interdependent development.
I should like to express my Government's appreciation to the international community and international institutions, from which the Republic of Guinea has had active support in the implementation of its economic and institutional recovery program.
Another equally disturbing subject is that of disarmament and international security. Astronomical sums which could be used for economic purposes are used each year for the production of new, more sophisticated and more destructive weapons at a time when millions of human beings throughout the world are dying of hunger, disease and malnutrition. It is essential that the nuclear Powers begin genuine negotiations in an atmosphere of complete trust with a view to achieving general and complete disarmament, and that outer space is exploited for peaceful purposes only.
With this position in mind, my country encourages and desires more contacts and negotiations among the nuclear Powers to promote detente in international relations, especially between East and West.
Furthermore, my country believes that, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, Africa must be kept outside the arms race.
It is the fervent hope of the Republic of Guinea that the future of human beings in a more calm international atmosphere, free of any nuclear threat, will be guaranteed. In the course of its 40 years of existence the United Nations has done effective work to reaffirm the purposes and principles of the Charter. The role and importance of the Organization in an international atmosphere of conflict have been sufficiently demonstrated. That is why we believe that it is more necessary than ever before to strengthen the role of our Organization to enable it to be both more effective and operational.
The democratic order which we cannot renounce and which is based on the equality of all sovereign States finds its ideal expression in the multilateral system. It is in this conviction that Guinea reaffirms its support for the United Nations as an instrument in the service of the higher interests of mankind as represented by a world of peace and progress in which man develops in freedom and justice.


On behalf of the Government and people of a fellow Commonwealth nation, I have the honor to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-first session. The fact that our Governments are closely linked through several agreements makes it all the more pleasurable for me to express ray delegation's willingness to assist you in your onerous task.
I wish to pay a tribute, Mr. President, to your predecessor, Don Jaime de Pinies, who performed admirably under very difficult circumstances. It is no exaggeration to say that from one of the most experienced, skillful and affable diplomats the General Assembly expected, and received nothing less than, expert leadership. Last year, during the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, an earnest reassessment of the Organization was made. Its notable achievements were highlighted and many of its shortcomings were emphasized. It cannot be disputed that the Organization has played a significant role in promoting interdependence and has been a stabilizing influence in a turbulent world.*
* Yet a higher level of international co-operation is vital if we are to settle our problems. Hence, all countries have a stake in strengthening the Organization's capability to meet the needs of mankind.
The achievement of peace is in the best interest of all States. It is timely, therefore, that the United Nations has proclaimed 1986, the year after its fortieth anniversary, the International Year of Peace. The dedication of this year to peace underlines the foremost purpose enshrined in the United Nations Charter: to maintain international peace and security. It is only in a peaceful environment, whether local, regional or global, that we can hope to implement the significant and lasting improvements in the quality of life that are so desperately needed around the world.
Regrettably, the growing trend towards unilateral action tends to undermine the Organization's central role in dealing with pressing global problems. Further, progress is urgently needed in coping with the financial crisis of the United Nations, arresting the erosion of multilateral: -as, particularly in the area of international trade and debt, halting escalation of the arms race, combating terrorism, reducing international tensions, interdicting the trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, and ending the racist policies of the Government of South Africa.
We are all acutely aware of the financial problems which threaten to cause the United Nations to disintegrate. Earlier this year the crisis not only intensified but threatened the ability of the Organization to protect the principles for which it was founded. A disastrous end was averted owing to creative and determined responses promoted by the dedication and determination of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. His forthright decisions and tireless efforts have been instrumental in persuading Member States to keep the Organization intact and its high principles alive. It is evident that there is much more to be done, but I sense that the uncertainty which surrounded the survival of the United Nations has abated to some degree. We, as Member States, oust co-operate more than ever before in carrying out the necessary recommendations to ensure the continued existence and effectiveness of the United Nations.
One of the Organization's most pressing responsibilities concerns the issue of disarmament. In 1978, at the first special session devoted to disarmament, the General Assembly unanimously reaffirmed the goal of the United Nations totally to eliminate atomic weapons and to ensure that atomic energy would be used solely for peaceful purposes. In the ensuing years various measures have been proposed to achieve this goal, including the destruction of and cessation of the prediction of nuclear weapons, a cut-off in the production of weapon-grade fissionable material and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones.
In essence, even the super-Powers and other militarily significant States agree with the view that any further escalation of the arms race would pose untold dangers for the survival of mankind. However, there seems to be an attitude of indifference and inflexibility until an actual disaster occurs. Certainly history supports the maxim that prevention is better than cure.
The Bahamas is heartened by the very strong universal public opposition to the escalation of the arms race. We note the growing number of non-governmental organizations and church and civic groups, which are extremely active in this regard and should be given as much encouragement as possible.
International peace and security have been endangered by acts of terrorism and hostage-taking. An alarming number of human lives have already been lost. The Bahamas emphasizes that our times call for multilateral co-operation to find solutions to the underlying problems that give rise to terrorism. Efforts must also be made to apply and strengthen the various mechanisms and instruments available to the international community as safeguards against this ongoing menace.
The Bahamas is also a party to the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages and has recently introduced legislation implementing the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons, including Diplomatic Agents. We also firmly support the recommendations of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), and other relevant instruments.
When we look around we observe conflicts in several regions of the world which have increased the level of international tension. The Iran-Iraq war is still ominous despite the many efforts of the Secretary-General, the Security Council and other mediators to persuade the opponents to end a costly and destructive war. Multilateral efforts to end the war must be intensified if the danger it poses to the security of the region is to be averted.
The Middle East continues to be a hotbed of tension and, besides the mounting death toll and devastation of property and of the environment, thousands of people are homeless and nomadic. The obstacles to peace and stability must be realistically confronted.
The conflict in Western Sahara continues to escalate despite the appeals and efforts of the international community. Also, turning to South West Africa, there is no clear sign that Namibia will become a sovereign nation in the near future.
The question of Cyprus remains unsettled, despite the occasions when a solution seemed imminent.
In Afghanistan, the international community must strive relentlessly to end a
conflict which has taken a grim toll of lives and which continues to exacerbate the
world refugee situation and to destroy families. We should not be deterred by the
absence of visible signs of movement by opposing sides to resolve this smoldering conflict. In our region of Latin America and the Caribbean we have pockets of conflict Mid confrontation which require a greater measure of peace and stability. The Bahamas commands the efforts of the Contadora Group as a realistic approach to quelling the conflict in Central America. We would appeal to all parties involved
to give the process a reasonable chance.
The Bahamas is pleased to note that the issue of the security of snail States is being addressed increasingly and more meaningfully in such international forums as the General Assembly, the Commonwealth, the oOrganization of American States the Non-Aligned Movement and the United Rations Conference on Trade and Development.
At the regional level, the ministers for foreign affairs of the Caribbean Community , at their annual meeting in Belize last June, repeated their call to the international community to respect the right of every State, regardless of size, to a peaceful, secure and sovereign existence and urged the multilateral financial institutions to respond to the special needs of small, developing countries.
It is widely accepted that small States are particularly vulnerable. They are dependent on multilateralism to promote a stable environment in which development can take place and to erect barriers against the arbitrary use and abuse of military, economic or political power. Too often, instability results from external influences of an economic or military nature and from the deployment of mercenaries against national Governments.
The participants in a Commonwealth colloquium on the special needs of small States held in Nassau last year recognized the need for the international community to continue to consider the constraints placed on small States and to consider special measures to assist island developing countries to maintain and improve their economic, political and social security. Small States do not deserve less simply because of their size and they, too, have a significant part to play in the process of strengthening international peace and collective security.
Drug trafficking and drug abuse are aggravating an already unsettled world climate. The destructive effects of that international phenomenon are undermining the security, stability and socio-economic viability of a growing number of States. The intense multilateral response to drug trafficking and drug abuse offers good prospects for stemming the expansion of this menace. The Bahamas is endeavoring to participate actively in bringing to fruition notable international initiatives, including the new convention against the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, the meeting of the heads of narcotic law enforcement agencies held in Vienna earlier this year and the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking that is to be held in Vienna in 1987. The success of these and other initiatives is vital to the strengthening of
a comprehensive regime for drug control.
Accommodation, balance and general agreement, particularly among the producer
countries, the consumer countries and these countries in the chain of illicit traffic, are being encouraged in all endeavors. In that way, new and creative responses, including the forfeiture of the proceeds of drug crimes, measures to alleviate the special problems of transit States and the comprehensive multidisciplinary framework for drug control to be adopted at the Conference on drug abuse next year, can provide an impetus to international efforts.
At the regional level, the Bahamas is pleased to be associated with the decisive step taken by the Americas in the establishment of the Inter-American Commission on Narcotic Drugs. In our own subregion, the Caribbean Community is resolute in its support for the promotion and development of a coherent strategy for drug control. This is concomitant with our critical concern to counteract the organized and sophisticated international drug trafficking organizations which continue to exploit the vulnerability and strategic location of the area for the trans-shipment of narcotic drugs to North America and Europe. Those initiatives are in keeping with the goals and objectives of the community.
Bilaterally, the Bahamas - a transit State which produces no narcotic drugs -is co-operating very closely and successfully with the United States of America in joint air, land and sea operations in the war against drug traffickers who would use Bahamian territory to transfer their cargoes to the United States of America. In the Bahamas, our national policy is to eradicate drug trafficking and drug abuse.
In response to the nefarious practice of drug trafficking, ray Government will soon present to Parliament a bill on drug-trafficking offenses. The bill provides new powers for tracing and freezing the proceeds of drug trafficking and for the imposition of a confiscation order on persons convicted of a drug offense. It also provides for increased maximum periods of imprisonment in default, in situations where the amount of the confiscation order is not paid in full, and it defines new offenses consisting of assisting another person to retain the proceeds of drug trafficking and of disclosing information likely to prejudice a drug-trafficking investigation.
Bahamian organizations and the general public have become sensitized to the seriousness of the problem of drug abuse and are giving positive assistance to the national effort. The Bahamas believes in the ability of the international community to find lasting solutions to the problems of drug trafficking and drug abuse, and we are committed to international drug control efforts, particularly the work of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs and the forthcoming world Conference. It is therefore our earnest hope that the international community will support our candidature for those bodies.
The recovery and expansion in the industrial and developed countries and economies have not for the most part been mirrored in the developing countries. Many developing countries are obliged to adopt a policy of structural adjustment necessitating reductions in imports and in domestic investment. The prospects for recovery are further dimmed by the heavy debt burden.
Economic interdependence is a reality. Where possible, it is in the interests of all States to facilitate the flew of resources from private and public sources to the developing countries and to grant free access to the trade of those countries. Protectionist measures adopted by the developed countries that are detrimental to the economic recovery of the developing countries should be reviewed and repealed.
In this regard, the Bahamas was heartened by the United Nations response to a critical situation. By its convening of a special session of the General Assembly on the serious economic situation in Africa earlier this year, the Organization underlined the efficacy of the multilateral approach to issues of developmental assistance and support. That historic session demonstrated that the United Nations is ready to consider the economic problems of any region of the world comprehensively and effectively. The five-year program of action for Africa's economic recovery and development has the full support of the Government and people of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas.
The Bahamas concurs with the view of the Secretary-General that tapping the resources of Africa, a continent rich in physical and human resources, would go a long way towards meeting the aspirations of its people and at the same time contributing to the economic and social well-being of the region and of the whole worId.
The Bahamas is impressed by the determination and commitment of the African countries themselves to launch programs for their economic development and to take upon themselves the bulk of the burden of the estimated 3128 billion required to implement the five-year program of action.
The racist policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa has as its foundation discrimination and denationalization and brutal repression of the blade majority. The rising tide of black resistance to apartheid is evidence that the black majority will no longer be patient. It is undaunted by the brutal and savage repression and by the frequent and lengthy states of emergency, and it has courageously defied the state of emergency imposed in June of this year, the tenth anniversary of the Soweto uprising. Racial desegregation, social justice and the abolition of apartheid are now considered by many as life-and-death issues.
The racist South African regime is obstinately determined to maintain white supremacy at all costs. It has failed to heed the appeals of the international community, including the United Nations and the Commonwealth, to undertake fundamental changes in the system of apartheid. It has discredited the call for peaceful change by itself resorting to repression and brutality,, It has refused to negotiate with credible black leaders within South Africa.
At a meeting in London last August, seven Heads of Government of the Commonwealth determined that no concrete progress had been made in dismantling apartheid since the Nassau meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government. The seven leaders re-examined the situation as mandated in the Nassau Accord on southern Africa and were disappointed that Pretoria had taken none of the substantive suggestions put forward in the Nassau Accord. In fact, the report of the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group concluded that the absence of effective economic pressure on South Africa and the belief that pressure need not be feared were delaying change.
The Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group contended that the worst blood-bath since the Second World War might occur in South Africa if the Government there felt that it did not have to fear effective economic measures. The only way to deal with Pretoria is severely to increase economic sanctions.
Regrettably, the South African Government is not interested in negotiations at this time, and has consciously moved away free any realistic negotiating process. Hence, the international community has no meaningful alternative to adopting economic sanctions against South Africa. Otherwise, the only logical projection is that South Africa is headed into an increasingly violent and bloody struggle, after which power-scaring will for all practical purposes be out of the question.
The Bahamas concurs with the Secretary-General's admonition to the World Conference on Sanctions against Racist South Africa, held last June, that
"it is high time for the South African Government to realize that time is running out for a negotiated settlement aid to understand that its defiance of the international community as a whole cannot be tolerated indefinitely." Since South Africa does not intend to abandon its apartheid policy voluntarily, what is required is a range of economic sanctions sufficiently costly to compel South Africa to initiate the process of dialog with representatives of the African National Congress of South Africa and other legitimate organizations of the black population with a view to establishing a non-racial representative government. There is no need to add that the immediate release of Nelson Mandela would be essential to the process.
Further, the sovereign States, neighbors of South Africa, ought to be protected from the incursions and boatings by the South African military, which murders innocent civilians and wreaks costly damage on their national health and strength. In this International Year of Peace, a United Nations presence in strategically related areas of Africa would go a long way towards saving the front-line States from the force and injustices imposed on them by South Africa's economic and military might.
A just and non-racial society in South Africa would enhance the peace and stability of the whole southern African region, for the front-line States would no longer be the victims of a strategy of destabilization, direct military incursion and economic coercion. Accordingly, the Bahamas encourages the United Nations and all its Menber States, especially those with significant economic relations with South Africa, to implement effective economic sanctions with a view to abolishing apartheid.
We believe too that resolute measures ought to be taken by all States that support self-determination, democracy and human rights to persuade South Africa to implement the plan for Namibian independence adopted in the framework of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Economic considerations and appeasement of South Africa will further delay the independence of Namibia. In this International Year of Peace it is difficult for this august body to rationalize the continued subjugation of the people of Namibia. We are confident, however, that international commitment to the decolonization process will ensure that Namibia takes its seat in this Organization at an early date.
To be effective, the the broad objectives of the Charter of this Organization require the fullest measure of support from as many sovereign nations as possible. The purposes set forth in the Charter are universal in scope, and to our minds can best be achieved by an organization with a universal membership. It would therefore seem to be advantageous, especially in this International Year of Peace, for all sovereign States that express their willingness to subscribe to the Charter to be allowed membership of this Organization, universality of membership would, I submit, not only increase the opportunities for dialog, but also make a positive contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. It augurs well for the Organization that throughout the 1380s many resolutions relating to the social issues on its agenda have been adopted by consensus. In particular, the Bahamas has followed with interest matters related to youth, as per ens under the age of 30 constitute nearly three quarters of our population. The Bahamas was pleased to participate in the United Nations World Conference for the International Youth Year, held during the fortieth session of the General Assembly. The guide-lines for follow-up action to the International Youth Year are given due attention in the formulation of policies and programs of the Ministry of Youth, the National Youth Advisory Council and other relevant organizations.
In closing, allow me to emphasize that the international community should not be thwarted by any conflict or tragedy which might mar the International Year of Peace. This body was organized at the close of the "war to end all wars". Its objective is to maintain international peace and security and to make military conflicts obsolete by entrenching the process of dialog and negotiation as the valid means of solving differences between nations, regardless of size, political influence and military or economic strength. The challenge, then, is to demonstrate through renewed determination and commitment that the goals of universal peace and security can be achieved.
The international community nay be assured that the Bahamas remains committed to the fundamental principles enshrined in the Charter. The Bahamas stands firm in its conviction that the multilateral process must be maintained and strengthened if stability, order and justice are to prevail.