130.	 This universe, full of clash and clamour, can it become more harmonious in its very diversity? Harmony, diversity/ peace, justice, equality: these are the ideals which our Organization embraced after the worst test that mankind has ever been put to. Man was revealed in all his nakedness, his moral bankruptcy, his monstrousness.
131.	But some 30 years later, the world is facing a crisis, and beyond the challenges of illiteracy, famine, malnutrition, economic disorder, armaments and ideological wars, we discern a rather bleak future. We must avert it.
132.	Before continuing my reflections, would this august body allow me to perform the pleasant duty of transmitting to it the best -wishes for its encouragement and full success of His Imperial Majesty Bokassa I, whose coronation will coincide with the end of this session. His Majesty expresses the ardent hope that our work can go forward in tolerance and calm, so that we can find the proper ways and means to promote a lasting peace, real detente and a new and more just international economic order.
133.	The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has been able firmly to translate into practice these principles which are dear to my country: those of non-alignment and genuine national development. Therefore, on behalf of the Central African delegation, I warmly welcome the election of the President for the thirty-second session. His experience and expertise in international affairs, I am sure, gives him the capacity to lead our work to a successful conclusion.
134.	My congratulations go also to. Mr. Amsrasinghe, the Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka, for the perfect tact he showed as President of the previous session.
135.	We express to Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim all our support, our deep sympathy, for the delicate and valuable task he has in seeing to it that the purposes and principles of the Charter are observed. He does this task with the modesty and discretion we have come to expect of him and which are guarantees of his effectiveness. Quite rightly, my country voted for his second term.
136.	The Central African Empire welcomes with particular pleasure and pride the admission to our Organization of the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. Those countries have shown us yet again, through their heroic struggle and their determination, that the just cause always wins. We are sure that the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will bring new life to our Organization.
137.	I mentioned a rather bleak future.
138.	In southern Africa, the stronger the wind of freedom blows, and the greater black awareness becomes, the more violent become the death throes of the minority regimes and the greater grows the risk of conflagration throughout the continent. Here and in other bodies, my country has said, and I repeat, that the Central African Empire joins the international community in reaffirming its condemnation of any discrimination for reasons of race, colour or creed. My country, the melting-pot of African civilizations at the heart of Africa, holds the position traced by the philosophy of our great national party, the Movement for Social Development of Black Africa, the philosophy of "Zo Kwe Zo" and "Zo Ay eke Zo": in other words, every man is a man.
139.	In Namibia, the Central African Empire reaffirms its support for all the authentic forces, and particularly the South West Africa People's Organization, and will continue to support initiatives such as those already under way, to see to it that in 1978, finally, that Territory will become effectively independent.
140.	Zimbabwe is still a source of concern. So many efforts have been made to re-establish legality and justice.
141. Despite the efforts undertaken by the international community at Geneva and Maputo and by the front-line States, Ian Smith entrenches himself in his position by a number of clever delaying tactics. Such an attitude is without a future and can only lead to chaos. Events cannot be deflected from their course. The black majority will inevitably come to power under the flag of the Patriotic Front, recognized at the last session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Libreville in July.
142. These hotbeds of tension, which will soon be eliminated, have, unfortunately, been joined by others. Africa has become the field of choice for hegemonic conflict and an attempt is being made to implant foreign ideologies. From this rostrum I affirm and proclaim that the Central African people has chosen its path and nothing can deflect it from it. We dare to believe that the expression "Africa for the Africans" will be heard and understood throughout the world.
143.	International peace is dangerously threatened in the Middle East. The refusal to recognize the identity and the individuality of the Palestinian people, the occupation of Arab lands, the plundering of the land of the Arab populations, the difficulties of coexistence between communities with different origins and religious beliefs constitute, in our opinion, among other causes, the signal characteristics of this explosive situation.
144.	Despite the establishment of committees of all kinds, the peace plans proposed here and there and the goodwill missions which have followed one on the other, tension continues to increase.
145.	Thus we note, with apprehension, that the delays in a settlement of the question constantly give the highest degree of concern to the international community, because of the latest events which have escalated the confrontations, bringing wounds and bloodshed to the region.
146.	Over and above all the differences, we consider that there is a people which has a right' to a fatherland and to recognition of its legitimate rights: that is the Palestinian people.
147.	However, within the framework of a peaceful settlement laid down by our Organization, the parties in conflict must find the political will to seek solutions which transcend all other motivations. In any case, my country will continue to bring all its support to the effective application of the relevant resolutions adopted by our Organization, among others, resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the Security Council, for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region.
148.	In the Eastern Mediterranean, that is in Cyprus, efforts have been undertaken, within the framework of a peaceful settlement of the matter, on the basis of resolutions 3212 (XXDC) and 3395 (XXX), but little progress has been made.
149.	The Central African Empire will contribute to any initiatives, within .the framework of our Organization, to preserve the independence of Cyprus and initiate a reconciliation between the two communities within an indivisible and free State.
150.	I cannot pass over in silence the terrible problem of the arms race which involves ever more murderous and sophisticated weaponry. Everything leads us to believe that international detente, which has been so ardently sought by our Organization is far from having been attained. The nuclear and thermonuclear tests, the control of the seas and oceans for military and hegemonic purposes and the insidious proliferation of atomic and conventional arms make disarmament, we must say, a distant prospect. What would we not do to devote this infinite potential of intelligence, knowledge and colossal wealth that has been thus diverted to the solution of the problems of poverty, ignorance and disease, which are the lot of most of the inhabitants of the world.
151.	-My country will never stop protesting most vigorously against the folly of this headlong charge to death and will support always and in every forum the promotion of the kind of peace which is not necessarily just the absence of war but a true peace between peoples. Therefore, we optimistically await the special session of the General Assembly and the World Disarmament Conference.
152.	This analysis of the international situation should serve to strengthen within our Organization our will to bring about necessary and urgent changes in a spirit of sincere friendship, tolerance and non-interference in the internal affairs of States.
153.	Almost a year ago my country underwent a radical change at the institutional level. On 4 December 1976, the Central African people, united in the national party, the Movement for the Social Development of Black Africa, freely and in complete sovereignty adopted a new Constitution which raises the Republic to an Empire and proclaims His Majesty Bokassa the first Emperor.
154.	This act of national sovereignty, the establishment of the Central African constitutional monarchy, demonstrates the originality and the will of the Central African people to confirm, in national independence, a new democracy designed to bring about the full flowering of the Central African personality and the harmonious economic development of the Empire.
155.	Hence, concerned to associate the Central African people closely with their own destiny, the Constitution provides for a National Assembly elected by universal suffrage and an Economic and Social Council, and makes the Supreme Court the supreme guardian of constitutional freedoms.
156.	Furthermore, the Constitution accords the Central African people the fundamental rights laid down in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and, in particular, confers upon Central African youth and women a special place enabling them to affirm their identity and play their full part in the nation.
157.	Finally, the Constitution makes the Emperor the arbitrator and regulator of the proper functioning of the institutions. He symbolizes the national unity of the Empire and assures its. enduring future.
158.	Every country freely chooses its path, and does so in strict observance of the fundamental principles of our Charter. The Central African people has chosen its path, in accordance with its aspirations.
159.	We wish for peace. My country — another Switzerland - has always wanted and always sought peace, basing itself on sincere friendship as the way to better co-operation with respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. It is our expectation that the same should be true reciprocally.
160.	That is why we shall respond to any attempt at interference in our internal affairs and any attempt to lay down the law to us. Let those who seek to give lessons, and whose acts tend to do the most harm to relations between States, reflect on these words of Alain Peyrefitte: "We cannot have an insight into the present situation without an insight into history." Let these givers of lessons look into their own history.
161.	What can be said that has not already been said about the pressing need to establish a new international economic order based on equity, growth and above all, justice?
162.	My country, which is land-locked, feels acutely the effects of economic and financial- disorder, particularly the deterioration in the terms of trade aggravated by inflation.
163.	Of course, many conferences and approaches to the matter have been either held or proposed. The last to date, the North-South dialogue, despite a few agreements obtained, has not produced the results so long awaited by the developing countries. None the less, we must note that a move has been made, as we must fully appreciate the Lome Convention between the European Economic Community and countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific.
164.	Furthermore, the problem of the release from indebtedness of . the developing countries, particularly those countries most affected, must find a rapid solution, if we are to be able to talk of solidarity. Similarly, the specific conditions, and needs of the developing countries must be taken into consideration on the basis of preferential treatment, in accordance with the economic declaration of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo in August 1976.
165.	It is in this spirit that the Central African delegation appeals to the developed countries and the international organizations to facilitate the transfer of resources by increasing the real value and volume of assistance to developing countries, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 3362 (S-VII) of the seventh special session. My country also supports the idea of convening a conference of donor, creditor and debtor countries to study the means of easing the burden of indebtedness of the third world.
166.	My country also supports unreservedly all measures aimed at putting an end to the devious practices of transnational corporations and at drawing up an international code of conduct for this purpose.
167.	The establishment of a new international economic order is a long-term collective task, of course, but the fundamental problem remains the awareness and the political will of the "have" countries to bring this about.
168.	It is up to the disadvantaged countries to strengthen their solidarity, because the primary responsibility for their development is their own.
169.	In this respect, the results of the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Mexico last year, and of the ministerial conference on economic co-operation among African countries, held at Kinshasa also in 1976, are highly encouraging.
170.	Furthermore; the success of the First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo this year, also gives cause for satisfaction. The important measures laid down in the declaration, the programme of action and the agreement on the organization and methods to be adopted form a sure basis for a relationship of co-operation between Africans and Arabs in the political, economic, financial, commercial, technical and scientific fields.
171.	We are sure that such horizontal co-operation is part of the irreversible tide of history.
172.	We certainly expect a great deal from international co-operation, but it must be in addition to national efforts. The Central African Empire, within the framework of "operation Bokassa"—a strategy for economic and social development—is making vast efforts in the struggle against under-development. There are many examples to prove this to men of goodwill. We shall mention here only the case of the port works at Bangui, Mongoumba, mainly financed from the national budget and intended to solve the delicate and difficult problem of the interruption of navigation on the Ubangui.
173.	To complete the national effort under the programme to provide an outlet from its land-locked situation, my country sets great hope in the building of a railway between Bangui and the ocean, and in the Trans-Africa Highway between Lagos and Mombasa. The Central African Empire, through me, declares itself ready to accept any assistance making it possible to carry out these ventures, which are vital for its economy and for the exploitation not only of resources already known but also of those revealed by satellite and known as the "Bangui anomalies". Of course, this must be in the spirit of dialogue and confidence which the Central African Government has always shown.
174.	But the Central African Empire, land-locked country, cannot dissociate the thorny problem of being land-locked from that of the law of the sea. Therefore, it greatly regrets the inconclusiveness of the sixth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, recently held in New York, as the Central African delegation, from this rostrum on the same occasion last year, had expressed its hope of seeing the work of that Conference achieve positive results.
175.	We launch a heart-felt appeal to the countries which have the technology, to their spirit of solidarity, so that a consensus may be found in the negotiations to be held at Geneva in 1978 during the seventh session of that Conference.
176.	The position of the Central African Empire is dictated by the following principles of equity: that every country should enjoy freedom of transit and access to the sea; that, since the high seas are open to all States, the resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the exclusive economic zones are the common heritage of mankind; and that the exploitation of those immense resources must not be carried out only for the benefit of those countries which have the advanced technology but also for the benefit of mankind as a whole.
177.	Finally, in the same spirit, we also appeal to the international community and its various organizations to ensure that special terms for transport are offered to the land-locked countries of the third world.
178.	After having mentioned and considered with representatives the events that are of concern to our world in this third decade of the United Nations, I cannot but reflect on the progress made in the twentieth century.
179.	Intelligence, science and technical expertise have dangerously increased man's power, giving a more than disquieting dimension to his instinct of domination. A system of ethics is needed to make him aware of his actions and his responsibility towards others.
180.	That restraining influence, that rampart of solidarity, is of course to be found in the United Nations. That is a human endeavour subject to success but also to vicissitudes. None the less my country, the Central African Empire, remains optimistic and is confident about it, because the United Nations remains the privileged place where together, large and small, rich and poor, we can deliberate and seek ways and means likely to create effective conditions for co-operation for peace and international security.
181.	On 20 October 1970, from this rostrum, His Imperial Majesty Bokassa I, on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, said:
"The Second United Nations Development Decade ought to be both the Second Development Decade and the disarmament decade. I think it would be pointless to refer to a disarmament decade if an ever-growing multiplicity of situations of wretchedness, hunger and frustration did not give hundreds of millions of men, who would have little to fear from an apocalyptic death from modern weapons, the ultimate recourse of a different sort of death, but one which in the end analysis is just as final."
182.	Those words still hold good today and, in closing, I should like to join representatives in hoping that tomorrow will be a more cheerful outlook. Let us hope that at least it will be less bleak.


44.	Permit me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to your high office. To do so gives me particular pleasure since you are from a country with which the German Democratic Republic has close and friendly ties. Your election reflects the significant role played by the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the struggle for peace, security and equitable co-operation among States and peoples.

44. To the Secretary-General of this Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, we wish to express anew our appreciation of his constant endeavours to achieve the aims of the United Nations and to assure him of our co-operation.

45. The German Democratic Republic expects this thirty second session of the General Assembly to yield results that will strengthen world peace and promote fruitful co-operation among States. Favourable conditions for that have been created. Political detente remains the prevailing tendency in international relations; it coincides with the vital interests of all peoples and is supported by their effort. There is no other way to make peace enduring and guarantee international security.

46. Practical experience in the last few years has confirmed that the improvement of the international situation is of benefit to all. It is something new and significant in this century that the peoples can live in greater tranquillity, that confrontation is being reduced and that a substantive political dialogue becomes possible between States having different social systems. Surely it is useful to all sides when a closer network of equitable international agreements can be established and confidence thus strengthened. Is it not in the interest of all mankind when conditions for far-reaching measures of arms limitation and disarmament are emerging and the risk of a world war is prevented? Do not all the parties profit from the improvement in political relations if this is conducive to intense economic exchanges and facilitates communication? And do not all the peoples and States stand to gain when vital questions like environmental protection , transport and energy can now be attacked jointly?

47. Everywhere in the world detente militates against the forces of aggression and war and encourages the peoples struggling for national and social liberation. Not accidentally but precisely under these conditions it was possible to adopt the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States and to start eliminating the imperialist and neo-colonialist division of labour.

48. To secure and expand these accomplishments is the common purpose of the socialist countries and consequently of the German Democratic Republic, too.
49. By contrast, what can the opponents of détente offer? Overtly or covertly they are working for a return to the cold war. The most extreme ones, in the interest of profit, even calculate the risk of an atomic war. If they had their way there would be no end to the arms race, interference in the internal affairs of other States would continue, international relations would be ruled by an atmosphere of distrust and enmity, and constructive international co-operation would be obstructed or even prevented. Their designs also are directed towards preserving the last few strongholds of colonialism and racism as well as neo-colonialist exploitation.
50 Hence there is reason enough to be vigilant and to redouble all efforts so that political detente will be reinforced and extended further. In this effort the socialist States feel united with the movement of non-aligned countries, which is playing an important role in the struggle for the vital interests of the peoples, and indeed with all social forces committing themselves to peace regardless of differences in world outlook. How powerful their ranks are is evident in the swelling protest against plans to develop and produce new weapons of mass destruction such as the neutron bomb and the cruise missile. The movement for peace, disarmament and social progress is going from strength to strength. The United Nations can and should rely on that. It ought to assist resolutely in translating initiatives and present proposals for the strengthening of international security and for disarmament into practical moves.
51. Deepening and consolidating the relaxation of international tensions and preventing the risk of nuclear war is as important as it is urgent. The proposal made here by the Soviet Union and the relevant documents submitted /see A/32/242], when adopted, are such as to strengthen international security and save humanity from a nuclear holocaust. Moreover, they are calculated to promote the work of the United Nations in fulfilling the very task assigned to it. For this reason we plead fervently and insistently in their favour.
52	There is no doubt that we live in an epoch of profound revolutionary change. By their sacrifice in their struggle for peace and self-determination the peoples are gaining more and more successes. What better proof of that is there than the victory of the heroic peoples of Viet Nam and Laos, which is indeed of historic importance?
53	The admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations has come as a tribute visible to all the world paid to a struggle waged over decades against imperialist aggression and oppression and for national and social liberation. It is fully in accordance with the wishes and demands of all peace-loving peoples and States. Together with its socialist sister countries, the German Democratic Republic has always espoused the cause of Viet Nam.. We congratulate the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on its membership in the world Organization, as we are firmly convinced that it will make an important contribution to the fulfilment of the tasks of the United Nations.
54.	On the African continent, the people of Djibouti acceded to independence this year. We greet the Republic of Djibouti as a new Member of the United Nations and whole-heartedly wish it success.
55.	The admission of those two States to the world Organization provides further evidence of the tremendous changes that mould the features of our globe. The starting point was the Great October Socialist Revolution the sixtieth anniversary of which coincides with our current session. The ideas and aims the Revolution proclaimed have become material force.
The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics s the living example of the consistent realization
of national and social self-determination, which are prerequisites for fundamental human rights. Time and again the Soviet Union has proven to be a dependable ally for the
peoples in the struggle against imperialist aggression and oppression. We shall never forget its decisive role in the victory over fascism. The German Democratic Republic is closely linked with the country of Lenin, and on the occasion of their great anniversary we wish the Soviet people further successes in the construction of communism.
56.	The principles of peaceful coexistence, conceived by Lenin, are today becoming generally recognized norms of international law. This is also evident in endeavours to strengthen security in Europe as demonstrated by the set of European treaties and in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. As a long-term programme for European security and co-operation the Final Act provides a fresh impetus to detente. To turn it to account without restriction and to the benefit of all peoples, all parties should be willing to implement the document as a whole. Attempts to be selective and to ignore its basic principles are inconsistent with its binding aims. We repeat here what the German Democratic Republic emphasized at Helsinki, namely that security is and remains a prerequisite to co-operation. The German Democratic Republic considers that the main purpose of the forthcoming Belgrade meeting of the States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is to promote the implementation of the Helsinki accords.
57.	To breathe life into the Final Act requires further bilateral and regional agreements. But equally important is the strict observance of the international treaties already concluded. Never before has the principle of pacta sunt servanda been so firmly established in international realities and been of so great practical importance for the maintenance of peace.
58.	Regrettably, increasing attempts are being made to disregard obligations entered into, but treaties have to be honoured. This applies to the Treaty on the Principles of Relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany as well as to the Quadripartite Agreement on West Berlin. Contrary to the clearly formulated provisions of those treaties, inappropriate attempts have been made time and again, and in this forum too, to construe unrealistic concepts that are detrimental to peace. Therefore, it appears necessary to repeat the following.
59.	One of the irrefutable realities in Europe for three decades now has been the existence of two sovereign German States which are independent of each other-the socialist German Democratic Republic and the capitalist Federal Republic of Germany. One of the realities confirmed by a treaty is that West Berlin is not a constituent part of the Federal Republic of Germany and must not be governed by it. Pursuant to the set of European treaties and to the Final Act of Helsinki, international legal and political consequences will have to be drawn everywhere.
60.	Freely exercising their right to self-determination, the people of the German Democratic Republic have irrevocably opted for socialism. Our State is a firm constituent part of the socialist community. Attempts to disregard this fact endanger peace and security in Europe. The peoples will not tolerate that. The relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany can serve—indeed must serve—the peace and security of the peoples. For this reason, they are only feasible on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence. As everybody will be aware, this requires, in particular, strict respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity as well as non-interference in internal affairs. The broadening of the relations therefore requires implementation of the existing international treaties in letter and in spirit.
61.	The German Democratic Republic reaffirms its view that, for detente to become lasting and stable, it must be extended to all regions of the world. We feel that this basic purpose is served, above all, by the initiative the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics took at the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly for the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations.10
62.	It is noteworthy that this project covers two fundamental requirements of political detente in their interrelationship. It links non-use of force with a general prohibition of the use of all types of weapons, and it obligates all States to bring about disarmament. That would add substance to the principle of non-use of force as laid down earlier in the Charter of the United Nations. The argument that such a treaty would hollow out or question this principle turns things upside down. The continuing affirmative response to that proposal reinforces our view that the text of the treaty should now be negotiated.
63.	The States parties to the Warsaw Treaty reaffirmed in their Declaration of 26 November 1976  that the most important and pressing task of our time is to stop the arms race and carry out disarmament, first and foremost in the nuclear Held, and to eliminate the danger of a world war. Political reason and legal commitments as well as humanity call for vigorous action to check the accumulation of means designed to destroy man.
64.	How justified these demands are is borne out by alarming news on the gathering momentum in the development and production of new weapons of mass destruction. The socialist States are striving unswervingly for general and complete disarmament. They have presented a comprehensive programme outlining realistic steps to that end. Of course other constructive proposals will also be examined. The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and the Chairman of the Council of State of the German Democratic Republic, Erich Honecker, stated the following when he signed the new Stockholm Peace Appeal:
 We stand for effective measures which bring about arms limitation and disarmament based on the principle of undiminished security. We strongly advocate that political detente be complemented with military detente.
Many of the problems facing mankind today and tomorrow could be solved more easily and quickly if the gigantic resources which are today invested in armaments were used for peaceful purposes.
65.	The year 1979 has been declared the International Year of the Child, and the following comparison suggests itself. Every two minutes almost $1.4 million is being spent in today's world on military purposes. That sum, WHO has calculated, would suffice to immunize about 700,000 children against various infectious diseases; and that would be instrumental in reducing the alarming level of infant mortality in many parts of the globe. But the arms race continues to absorb immense material and intellectual resources which are needed to solve that and other social and economic problems. The development and stockpiling of means of warfare by far outrun the talks on their restriction and prohibition. A quicker pace in those negotiations is therefore imperative.
66.	The special session on disarmament, to be held by the General Assembly in a few months' time, ought to lead to agreement on a joint disarmament programme. That would be an encouraging contribution for all with regard to preparations for the World Disarmament Conference.
67.	Of paramount importance for nuclear disarmament are the Soviet-United States negotiations on the limitation of strategic armaments. The German Democratic Republic commends the persistent efforts made by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to reach agreement to that effect.
68.	The destruction of nuclear weapons is a difficult but nevertheless urgent task. It would become even more complicated if the number of nuclear-weapon States were to increase. Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to strengthen the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
69.	The German Democratic Republic feels that preventive steps against the development and manufacture of new kinds and systems of weapons of mass destruction are urgent and pressing. Likewise, greater efforts are necessary to attain at long last a complete ban on nuclear-weapon tests and on chemical weapons.
70.	We welcome and appreciate the endeavours of the Soviet . Union, the United States of America and the United Kingdom to suspend underground nuclear weapon tests for a certain period of time. It is highly significant that the Soviet Union, together with the partners mentioned, is willing to do so-even before the other nuclear Powers accede to the future treaty.
71.	We also expect progress in the Vienna talks on the mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. The socialist States submitted realizable proposals right at the beginning. There can be no doubt that the proposal that the Warsaw Treaty States addressed to the other States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to conclude a treaty prohibiting the first use of nuclear weapons against each other merits maximum attention. The acceptance of this proposal would strengthen confidence among the States.
72.	The situation in the Middle East is as explosive as ever, yet Security Council resolutions on the matter are disregarded. The implementation of these resolutions is, however, a prerequisite for a comprehensive political settlement of the problems of that region. We hold that the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East is the competent body for that purpose. Participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization on an equal footing is, indeed, a matter of course. The rights of the Arab peoples must not be disregarded. To put it frankly: a settlement of the Middle East conflict requires Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied in 1967. The inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including their right to self-determination and to establish a State of their own, must be guaranteed. And, finally, the rights of all States of the region to an independent existence, security and development must be recognized.
73.	Efforts to settle the Cyprus conflict on the basis of sovereignty, independence, non-alignment and territorial integrity should be stepped up. The convening of a conference on Cyprus within the framework of the United Nations is more topical than ever.
74.	The German Democratic Republic expresses its solidarity with the just demands of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for a peaceful solution of the Korean question, for which the resolution adopted at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly provides the basis. All foreign troops, along with their arms, must be withdrawn from South Korea.
75.	The United Nations Charter expresses the aspiration of the peoples for peace, security and independence. That instrument has proved its worth, and every day it is proving its viability anew. It must not be questioned. The effectiveness of the world Organization can be heightened only if all States comply with their obligations under the United Nations Charter.
76.	We are worried about the situation in southern Africa. The racists are resorting to ever more brutal methods to break the will of the oppressed peoples to win their freedom. With external assistance they are increasing their arms drive, and they even threaten to produce atomic bombs. They hire mercenaries and attack free African States. That is extremely dangerous and provocative.
77.	The apartheid regime in South Africa persists in its illegal occupation of Namibia and is conspiring with Southern Rhodesia. There are some who want to save that regime in order to maintain their influence there. By calling for a peaceful solution they try to delude the peoples. But is it possible to come to a peaceful solution when the racists are being supplied with weapons that enable them to carry on terrorism and aggression? And what should one think of those who enable them to get armed with nuclear weapons, while they dispute the right of the national liberation movements to defend the interests of their peoples?
78.	The peoples in southern Africa, just like others, have a right to take their destiny into their own hands and freely to choose their social system. Any peaceful solution can only begin by forcing the aggressors and terrorists to lay down arms and by isolating the racists.
79.	Effective steps by the United Nations for a mandatory arms embargo and for halting all co-operation with South Africa and for an expansion of sanctions against Southern Rhodesia are therefore necessary.
80.	The upsurge of the national liberation struggle, assisted by the strength of steadily mounting international solidarity, makes us confident that the cause of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa will be victorious. The German Democratic Republic pledges to continue to support that struggle to the best of its ability.
81.	The German Democratic Republic advocates international economic relations based on equal rights and mutual benefit. For this reason we wish again to call attention to the programme the socialist States presented at the fourth session of UNCTAD.
82.	By government agreements and by commercial, scientific and technological relations with developing countries and other measures which it scrupulously implements in letter and spirit, the German Democratic Republic supports the economic and social progress of these States. Strains on the world economy in the wake of the capitalist crisis could not affect these relations. Thus, the new type of cooperation between States has proved its viability. It is free from neo-colonialist exploitation and discrimination. Those who used to squeeze immense profits out of the colonially subjugated countries and are today shifting the burden of their crisis onto the nationally liberated States are alone responsible for the difficult economic situation of many of the developing countries. No honest person can countenance attempts to undermine the decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the United Nations General Assembly and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.
83.	The German Democratic Republic sides with the developing countries and is against any kind of neo- colonialist exploitation.
84.	The outcome of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation demonstrates that international economic problems involving the interests of all peoples should be negotiated in the United Nations. The cooperation of all States in the democratic restructuring of economic relations is a requirement which is in conformity with the Charter of the world Organization. The same applies to technological co-operation.
85.	The striving of peoples for peace, security and liberation from all kinds of oppression means struggle for the exercise of human rights. These rights are severely and brutally violated by wars of aggression and by Fascist, racist and colonialist terrorism.
86.	The United Nations has addressed itself to eliminating flagrant and massive violations of human rights. That is consistent both with its main task and its competence. Accordingly, this session of the General Assembly must not allow a mantle of silence to be spread over Fascist terrorism
in Chile. It should rather assist in halting those practices in that country. With the same determination we speak out against the violation of human rights in southern Africa and in the territories occupied by Israel.
87.	The two International Covenants on Human Rights which became effective last year provide an important foundation for co-operation by States on what are called individual human rights. In this context it may well be noted that all attempts to misuse this question in order to interfere in the internal affairs of States are not only contradictory to the Charter of the United Nations but also place a strain on relations between States. Those who are engaging in a campaign of slander against other States under the flag of human rights would be well advised to concern themselves with the realization of human rights in their own countries.
88.	A few days ago Erich Honecker, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party and the Chairman of the Council of State of the German Democratic Republic, said:
 If in today's world a political force is entitled to speak out on human rights, then it is first and foremost the revolutionary working-class movement. And if in today's world a political system can claim to have given effect to human rights, then it is the world socialist system.
89.	Socialism, having abolished the exploitation of man by man, assures the right to live in human dignity; it ensures the exercise of the right to work, and hence to education and recreation, as well as to most generous medical services and care for the aged; it enables women to enjoy equal rights with men and treats all human beings alike, irrespective of race or colour. It is the system which assures a future in peace and social security, where everybody can develop his abilities for the benefit of society and contribute on an equal footing to his community's international affairs. This is highly evident in everyday life.
90.	The socialist States grant their citizens all rights and opportunities for individual development which, for instance, for millions of unemployed, women without equal rights or youths without training in countries that like to pose as models, can only remain a dream.
91.	Statistics provide ample information as to exactly where millions of people are being deprived of such fundamental rights.
92.	This General Assembly is faced with great tasks indeed. It can only cope with them if co-operation and understanding prevail. The German Democratic Republic will contribute its efforts to ensure that the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations will chart a successful course in the interests of strengthening world peace and mutually beneficial co-operation among the peoples.


232.	Sir, on behalf of the Government of Bangladesh and my delegation, it is both a pleasure and privilege for me to congratulate you most warmly on your election as President of this thirty-second General Assembly session. We can say with the utmost confidence that your eminent qualifications, your intimate knowledge of the work of this Organization and the many important services you have rendered on behalf of your country will contribute greatly to the success of our work. It gives us added pleasure that for the second year in succession a Member State of the non-aligned movement is at the helm of our affairs.
233.	I should also like to express our deep appreciation to the President of the last session, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, whose determined and energetic leadership was a major contribution to the successful conclusion of the thirty-first session.
234.	I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, who in his second term continues his tireless efforts on behalf of the world community with vision, courage and infinite patience. He has successfully upheld the Charter principles of fairness, impartiality and dedication to the cause of peace and human dignity in the world. Bangladesh owes a particular debt of gratitude to him for his continuing sympathy, concern and positive interest in our affairs.
235.	Bangladesh hails the admission of the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations as sovereign equals. We extend our fullest co-operation to the delegations of these friendly countries. We expect to work with them in the closest harmony.
236.	With the accession of its one hundred forty-eighth and one hundred forty-ninth Members the United Nations has taken another vital step towards the fulfilment of its goal to embrace all the nations of the world. The approach to universality underscores the dramatic changes that have taken place in the last 30 years since the inception of this Organization. The most striking aspect of change is reflected in the composition and character of contemporary international society: the number of sovereign States in the world has multiplied threefold. However, a vast segment of the world population still remains shackled by the bonds of colonial rule or suffers as victims of political repression.
237.	The thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly is meeting under the shadow of a deepening political and economic crisis. The Middle East continues to remain an explosive area of tension. Unless the initiatives now under way to bring about a peaceful settlement are brought to an immediate and successful conclusion, that region may very well become the theatre of another all-consuming holocaust.
238.	Bangladesh firmly believes that a just and durable peace can only be ensured by the withdrawal of all Israel's forces from the Arab territories it has occupied since June 1967, including the holy city of Jerusalem, and the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including an independent State in Palestine. : Towards this end Bangladesh urges all parties concerned vigorously to renew efforts for the early convening of the Geneva Conference with the full participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization.
239.	Bangladesh strongly condemns the continued attempts of Israel to entrench its occupation by colonizing that region to rough a chain of illegal settlements designed to changed the geographical and demographic composition of the occupied territories. Bangladesh reiterates its total support for the measures recommended by the recent extraordinary meetings held in New York of the Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries and of the Foreign Ministers of the States members of the Islamic Conference towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
240.	The great continent of Africa is a stir with the promise of total emancipation, but the southern part of it still continues to bleed under the repressive rule of racist minority regimes. Bangladesh fully supports the legitimate struggle of the African people in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa for freedom, liberty and human dignity and is convinced that their efforts are bound ultimately to triumph.
241.	While we note the initiatives being taken on the one hand by the United Kingdom and the United States in Zimbabwe, and on the other hand by five members of the Security Council-the United Kingdom, Canada, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States-in Namibia, Bangladesh believes that independence in these last remaining bastions of colonialism can and must be achieved without concessions to the principles already embodied in the resolutions of the United Nations.
242.	Bangladesh welcomes the success of the two important world conferences in Africa this year: the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and
Namibia, held in Maputo, and the Lagos World Conference for Action Against Apartheid We firmly believe that the declarations and programmes of action adopted in these forums provide the international community with a concrete framework of action that must be vigorously pursued.
243.	Annually the international community records for posterity the dangers inherent in the failure to disarm. Yearly the disarmament debate echoes the refrain that failure to act is a hazardous folly-a madness. And yet, ironically enough, the only palliative is the recognition of the peril and the record of its danger and cost to mankind, with no significant advance being made to halt, control or reverse this process.
244.	The record of progress in the disarmament negotiations is indeed pitiful in its content. Only seven treaties adopted by the United Nations General Assembly are in force. Regional and bilateral efforts, particularly by the super-Powers, have failed dismally to live up to even the minimum expectations. What is worse is that moves towards the limitation and reduction of conventional weapons have also been completely ignored, notwithstanding the fact that all armed conflicts since 1945 have been fought with conventional weapons.
245.	As we have stated, the dimensions of the problem are well known, in all their staggering impact. What is needed is the will and determination for action to halt and reverse this inexorable drive to destruction and to enable a new international security system to achieve a world free from war. Bangladesh, therefore, attaches great importance to the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament and the formulation of a declaration and programme of action.
246.	While the problems of nuclear disarmament and of the proliferation of nuclear weapons continue to be the predominant concerns, Bangladesh's particular interest will lie in the measures directed towards the protection of the interests of the non-nuclear countries, including security guarantees and measures towards the creation of nuclear- weapon-free zones and zones of peace, freedom and neutrality in South' and South-East Asia and elsewhere. Of overriding priority is the relation between disarmament and development and the widespread concern to find practical and concrete ways to reduce military budgets and to transfer human and material resources to more productive ends, particularly in the cause of economic and social development.
247.	Bangladesh has been making every possible effort for peace and stability in the subcontinent on the basis of mutual respect for sovereign equality, independence and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. We have striven to promote the process of accommodation along all avenues open to us. It is our firm belief that Bangladesh would be able materially to contribute towards building a
structure of enduring and durable peace in South and South-East Asia.
248.	Events in the subcontinent over the past year have once more focused international attention on our part of the world. A spirit of greater understanding and cooperation appears to be emerging throughout the region. We believe that this spirit must be fostered.
249.	A series of bilateral meetings between Bangladesh and India on the sharing of the Ganges waters were held in pursuance of the consensus statement adopted on 26 November 1976 at the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am indeed happy to report that the last meeting held at the official level in New Delhi was concluded on 30 September 1977 with the initialling of an agreement. That successful outcome of highly complicated and protracted negotiations is pre-eminently due to the statesmanship shown by the leaders of the two countries. This agreement covers the sharing of the Ganges waters at Farakka between Bangladesh and India for the period from 1 January to 31 May every year. The agreement also provides for study of long-term measures to augment the dry-season flow of the Ganges. It also includes provisions for machinery of implementation by a joint committee to be constituted by the representatives of the two countries. The agreement is for an initial period of five years. It may be extended by mutual agreement at the appropriate time. The agreement will be formally signed at a level and date to be mutually determined by the two Governments. With the initialling of the agreement, the first part of the task was accomplished and it is hoped that a permanent solution may be found through the optimum development of water resources of international rivers flowing through the territories of these countries for the welfare of the millions of people of the two nations. We believe that this agreement will serve as an important milestone in the efforts of the two countries to improve all their relations and to maintain peace and stability in the region. I should like to take this opportunity, on behalf of the Government of Bangladesh, to convey our most sincere thanks to all of our friends who have contributed towards reaching this agreement.
250.	Fruitful steps were recently taken by Bangladesh further to strengthen its relations with Pakistan. We look forward to increasing co-operation with Pakistan in all fields.
251.	Bangladesh continues to strive to consolidate its ties with its neighbours and near neighbours, including Afghanistan, Bhutan, Burma, Nepal and Sri Lanka.
252.	We believe that Bangladesh, by virtue of its geographical location as well as its historical and cultural affinities with the people of South-East Asia, stands as a bridge between this region and the subcontinent. It is our intention to pursue every effort to strengthen our relations with our South-East Asian neighbours.
253.	Bangladesh has consistently adhered to the principles of non-alignment as the corner-stone of its foreign policy. Bound by deeply rooted historical and cultural ties,
- Bangladesh has always expressed its sense of solidarity with the Islamic countries and has been persistent in its efforts
to strengthen the fraternal relations existing between Bangladesh and those countries.
254.	No review of the Asian region in international relations can be complete without reference to the Indian Ocean. Bangladesh strongly supports the initiative regarding the establishment of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, the major objective being to safeguard the peace and security of the countries of the region. We believe that, for the Declaration to be effective and meaningful, it must be complemented by a commitment on the part of the regional States to the principles of universal collective security, without military alliances, under the umbrella of the United Nations Charter, including their renunciation of the threat or use of force, whether nuclear or conventional, against one another.
255.	The international community has in recent years been grappling with two vital initiatives with regard to the progressive development and codification of international law. The deliberations in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea have now reached a crucial decision-making stage. As a coastal developing countries, Bangladesh has a large stake in the successful outcome of the Conference. Of particular importance to Bangladesh is its case pertaining to baselines and the delineation of maritime boundaries. The unique geographical and geomorphological circumstances that govern our coastline led us to submit a formulation covering what we believe constituted a legitimate exception within the universally acceptable norms. At the last session, in spite of overwhelming overt support and no opposition from any State to the inclusion of our proposal in the basic negotiating text before the Conference, our proposal was excluded. We continue to believe that the exclusion of our text, given the nature of the document-that of a negotiating instrument rather than one that had been negotiated-would be tantamount to leaving us isolated. The merit of our case lay in seeking the objective sanction of the Conference as a whole. We are firmly of the view that, for an adequate and proper consideration of the composite informal negotiating text, our formulation should also be taken into consideration at the forthcoming session of the Conference. We believe that a crucial motivation of the Conference must be to accord preferential treatment to the poorer and geographically disadvantaged nations as the logical consequence of the concept of the common heritage of mankind.
256.	The United Nations Water Conference was to highlight the need for another major initiative in the sphere of international legal order for the progressive development and codification of the rules of international law regulating non-navigational uses of international watercourses, and particularly the development and use of shared water resources. Given the finite nature of water resources and the ever rising pressures on those resources, Bangladesh believes that the matter is one of paramount importance and urgency, for it raises questions that have an immense bearing on the economic well-being of vast numbers of people on this globe. We would urge the International Law Commission, already charged with the responsibility of pursuing the matter, to expedite the submission of an international convention.
257.	As we review these crucial global developments, the position of Bangladesh and its contribution to the development process is a matter of intense introspection for us and one that would be of some interest in the international community. Despite the difficulties inherent in the circumstances of its traumatic birth, Bangladesh continues not only to survive but also to grow in stability and strength, thus manifesting the political will of its people and the inner vitality of its society. It has succeeded in overcoming formidable problems of rehabilitation and reconstruction. Following a political and economic programme endorsed by the people through a nation-wide referendum, Bangladesh has launched far-reaching political, administrative and economic reforms. As a step towards the establishment of democratic institutions on the basis of universal adult suffrage at local and national levels, elections to 4,352 village union councils and 79 municipal councils have already been held, and elections to district councils and to the national parliament are scheduled to be held in December 1977 and 1978 respectively. The administrative and services structures have been reorganized with a view to making those services more efficient and more attuned to the national objectives of economic and social development. A three-year hard-core programme of development, to be completed by the end of the current year, is now being implemented; and a five-year plan, to be preceded by a two-year approach plan within the framework of a 20-year perspective plan, is being prepared.
258.	The main thrust of our planned efforts in the economic sector is towards rural development around co-operatives, a rapid increase in food production, the stabilization of prices, population control and population development. About half the country has already been covered under the integrated rural development programme. As a result of increased agricultural production, the importation of food grains was reduced from 2.2 million tons in 1974/1975 to 800,000 tons in 1976/1977. Given favourable weather conditions and an adequate supply of inputs, Bangladesh, will, it is hoped, be able to raise its food production within the next few years to the point where it can become fully self-sufficient in food. The prices of essential commodities have also been lowered and the cost-of-living index, which had risen to 500 per cent in 1974, is currently down to 300 per cent, in 1969/1970 prices. A key development strategy is the decentralization of the planning machinery and the generation of self-reliant efforts on the part of the people through their direct participation in the formulation and implementation of the development plans at the local levels. Along with a vigorous family-planning programme, a nation-wide campaign has been mounted for the mobilization and harnessing of the country's vast human resources for productive efforts. The National Foundation for Research on Human Resources Development, headed by the President of Bangladesh, has been set up in the light of the decision of the Co-ordinating Bureau of non-Aligned Countries. We shall be happy to share our experience in this regard with countries of the third world.
259.	The experience of Bangladesh in the field of development indicates however, certain constraints inherent in global factors which call for closer co-operation among the nations of the world.
260.	The international community is largely composed of States in a similar position to that of Bangladesh. The hopes and aspirations of those States represent the wishes of the great majority of the world's peoples. It is in those countries that the largest mass of humanity is concentrated and is confronted with the entire range of social and economic ills that characterize under-development.
261.	It is here that the world's major political crises rage. Notwithstanding their combined weight, which has transformed the structure and voting" pattern of the United Nations, those countries yet remain outside the plane of true decision-making. Their role and integration in this process constitute the most important potential for peace and prosperity in the world.
262.	Faced with the series of global problems that now confront the international community, no nation, however rich or powerful, can remain immune, nor can any nation hope to resolve them without the co-operation of all. While modern communications and the advances of science and technology have led us to a common perception of our unity and shared dependence, they have also highlighted the dangers of divisiveness. Differences in military and economic strength are hard realities. While the classic relationship of domination of the many by the few—the so-called vertical polarization—has been somewhat eroded, in its place has emerged the equally disturbing phenomenon of unequal relations among States and the threat to their economic and political sovereignty emanating not only from the big Powers but also from medium-sized and small Powers.
263.	If there is any theme that emerges from the foregoing brief analysis, it is the recognition of the basic amalgam between national and international interests, sometimes conflicting, but essentially coinciding. Bangladesh firmly believes that the cardinal function and indeed justification of the United Nations lies in its search for the preservation of the delicate balance between nationalism and international responsibility. The motive force of the Organization—the very essence of its community—lies in the need to protect the weak from the strong through the manifestation of collective responsibility and the strengthening of collective capacity to deal with the problems that face all of our nations. It is towards this end that we must strive.
264.	In assessing the work of this Organization we are conscious of its limitations. The Secretary-General himself acknowledged in his report on the work of the Organization that "a miraculous and sudden transformation to a new and better world order is inconceivable". But it is our task to seize the initiatives taken and to build, brick by brick, an edifice that will substantially contribute to the long-term interests of all States.
265.	We believe that the foundation already exists; that Governments, including the major Powers, do consciously recognize the value of the United Nations as a vital mechanism for strengthening their relationships and fostering their short-term goals. For countries such as ours, powerless in isolation, the United Nations certainly provides, through cohesion and a shared awareness of problems; a greater strength. It does provide a safety-valve to release gathering tensions when bilateral efforts fail to achieve their objectives.
267- What, then, are the priorities for the future? First, Bangladesh believes that a cardinal imperative is to ensure that sovereignty and genuine freedom of action are not compromised by external interference from any source whatsoever. Secondly, it is our combined task to pursue the unfinished revolution facing the great majority of people, so that the peoples of the developing countries may emerge from bondage into freedom, from exploitation into economic emancipation, and from dependence into self- reliance. Thirdly, it is a vital task to seek the integration of all nations into the decision-making process. No society whether national or international, can fail to ignore even its weakest link without affecting its cohesion. Fourthly, it is our task to seek consolidation of our unity and mutual co-operation, not by a mere affirmation of principles alone, by meaningful and practical programmes of action and the will to translate them into reality. Finally, it is our task so to use our combined national power as to create and not to destroy, to enter into dialogue rather than confrontation, to build peace and abjure war, to advance human welfare instead of aggravating human suffering.
268.	These are the basic elements that, in our opinion, constitute the keystone of the new international political and economic order.
269.	As we stand today poised on the threshold of a new decade, we are conscious of the crucial economic stake in the quest for political stability and ordered prosperity in our world. This has placed before us the choice of achieving either unified and balanced progress of all mankind with human dignity, or a world torn by ever-widening social and economic inequalities.
270.	The experience of the International Development Strategy of each of the last two decades, while strengthening the ability of the world to identify and recognize problems, also revealed that those Strategies had no real answers to the problems of mass poverty and mass unemployment which face most of our countries in the third world. Ad hoc solutions and basically short-term and patch-work remedies were essentially directed to preserve a system which itself was at fault r ,d which tended to perpetuate the inequities of the existing order. The call, therefore, was made for a total restructuring of world economic relationships through a new and just international economic order.
271.	Thus, in the last few years, through successive sessions of the General Assembly, through the fourth session of UNCTAD, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris and other forums, the international community has sought to spell out the pattern of this vital new design. An approach to a global perspective plan should provide greater equity through improved terms of trade, a better quality and greater flow of aid on softer terms, easier access to markets, the sharing of technological know-how and benefits, improved monetary facilities, the easing of indebtedness and a whole range of related issues. Despite the efforts at the various forums and the vital stakes involved, progress towards these ends been extremely disappointing.
272.	One of the chief causes of the resistance to these efforts appears to be the unexpressed fear lurking in the minds of the industrially developed nations that any change in the existing world economy structure, however equitable and rational it may appear to be, would hurt their life-style. The fact, however, remains that if the vast human and other resources of the developing countries can be harnessed into productive use, with a resulting increase in the production of goods and services at a lower cost, that would be to the benefit of the entire world community, and that is the only way to stem the rising tide of inflation, which continues to plague their economies.
273.	Some of the glaring absurdities inherent in the existing economic system are underscored by the following facts.
274.	First, the developing world, representing 70 per cent of the world's population, commands only 30 per cent of total world resources.
275.	Secondly, the share of the third world, with a population of more than 2 billion, in the production of manufactured goods is only 7 per cent.
276.	Thirdly, the combined share of all the countries of the third world in total international trade is under 18 per cent.
277.	Fourthly, while final consumers in the industrial countries pay over S200 billion for the major primary products of the developing countries, excluding oil. The developing countries receive back only S30 billion of that S200 billion.
278.	Fifthly, the total external indebtedness of the developing countries has already exceeded S250 billion and their balance-of-payments deficit is about S30 billion.
279.	As a result, the developing countries have been inexorably led to export more, and this has had a deleterious effect on the quality of life of the people of these countries. Such a position is totally untenable when the annual expenditure on armaments has already exceeded S300 billion.
280.	In renewing our commitment to pursue the establishment of the new international economic order, Bangladesh believes that there is also a need for continuing introspection and an in-depth evaluation of past performance and a better perception of the conceptual framework in which the new order would evolve.
281.	What was essentially lacking was specific action concerning the attack on poverty, the system of production, the distribution of income and wealth, and the socio-economic structures. Among the more significant lessons learned from experience, to which virtually no attention had been paid in the past, was the demonstrated futility of plan models in which the crucial role of a motivated, creative and innovative people as the main driving force in development was completely overlooked. The conversion of these human resources into viable human capital for national development has assumed such urgency that it requires priority attention.
282.	Bangladesh believes that, among the essential elements that need to be mapped out in any future perspective plan for the evolution of the new international order, specific attention must be devoted to the following: first, eradicating poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy and assigning the highest priority to this task for concerted action by the international community; secondly, harnessing the vast human resources for productive use, thus generating more employment and more production of  food and services to be shared by the world community and therefore enriching the quality of life of the people globally; thirdly, strengthening the capacity of developing countries for individual and collective self-reliance through increased co-operation in economic and other fields, the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, to be held in Buenos Aires next August, being of special relevance to this objective; fourthly, radically transforming socio-economic structures, with particular stress on agrarian and rural development, the distribution of wealth and the means of production, greater decentralization at the grass-roots level to ensure the democratization of the political and economic decision-making process, and the promotion of self- management and local leadership; fifthly, focusing on the role and status of women and ensuring their full participation in national development and the. decision-making process; sixthly, redefining international policy governing the transfer of financial resources, with particular attention to the needs of the least developed and most seriously affected developing countries and, in this regard, matters that require an exploration of the flow of the resources to be generated are the exploitation of the resources of the sea bed and those to be released through possible disarmament and the lung-standing demand of the developing countries for an organic link between special drawing rights and development finance; seventhly, liberalizing trade by removing tariff and non-tariff barriers and meeting the mounting problem of the third world's accumulated debt, including rescheduling of existing debt liabilities and tying debt repayment to real resource transfers, and the conversion of the outstanding debts of the least developed countries into outright grants; eighthly, increasing the availability of and access to food-stuffs through appropriate structural transformation and technological innovation, with the realization that, while the establishment of the International Fund for Agricultural Development has been a remarkable achievement, other mechanisms, particularly the early establishment of a decentralized system of essential food reserves, should be expeditiously fostered; ninthly, ensuring that people affected by natural disasters are always afforded adequate supplies to meet their basic needs, and in this regard, the institutional strengthening of the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Coordinator and the possibility of an international disaster relief agency should be seriously explored; tenthly, adapting science and technology in order to promote the cause of development in the third world according to the indigenous requirements of the developing countries and; in this regard, the preparations for and the. results of the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development will have particular relevance in mapping out a future strategy in this regard; eleventh, enhancing international co-operation in the field of energy resources and here Bangladesh strongly supports the idea mooted by the Secretary-General regarding the establishment of an energy institute and believes that this should be pursued urgently; finally, paying adequate attention to the economic content of human rights, which has not received equal treatment with the political content, because for the vast majority of people living below the poverty line human rights can be meaningful only when they are assured of their basic economic rights, namely, the right to food, shelter, clothing and education.
283.	These are the 12 elements which we believe constitute an essential foundation for the planning of the next development strategy in what we believe must be the decade of equity.


61.	 May I, first of all, congratulate Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, on his election as President of this session of the United Nations General Assembly. Malaysia has the highest regard for Yugoslavia, especially for being a founder-member of the non-aligned movement, of which Malaysia is a member, and also for its efforts over the years in promoting world peace and goodwill. Your election, Mr. President, .is therefore a reflection of our respect and honour for your great country. Your experience and skill will no doubt be of great value to the deliberations of this General Assembly, and my country will give its fullest co-operation to you.
62.	To Ambassador Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka I express my thanks for the admirable manner in which he carried out his duties and responsibilities as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
63.	Mr. Kurt Waldheim has served the United Nations extremely well. He has been untiring in his efforts to achieve the purposes and objectives of this great world Organization. We are very glad that he has agreed to serve again, and we wish him success in all his endeavours.
64.	The United Nations is richer by the addition of two new Members, Malaysia welcomes the admission of the Republic of Djibouti into the Organization and looks forward to working with it inside and outside the United Nations.
65.	Malaysia also welcomes the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam into this great family of nations. Our two countries are close neighbours, and Malaysia is confident that the friendly relations that have already been established between the two countries will be further strengthened. We hope that there will be further and closer contacts and co-operation between our two countries.
66.	Over the years the United Nations has had a number of successes with regard to its decolonization policy. There are, however, still a number of areas in the world where this policy has yet to be implemented. Malaysia will continue to support this policy.
67.	However, in some other fields the United Nations is far from being effective; its resolutions and appeals have contemptuously been disregarded. Israel is an example. There will never be any peace and stability in the Middle East until Israel withdraws from all the lands it has taken from Arab countries and until it agrees to the establishment of a homeland for the Palestinians. Malaysia fully supports the convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East immediately to resolve the problems in the Middle East. As the Palestinians are also affected, the Palestine Liberation Organization, which we recognize as their representative, should also attend the Conference.
68.	Southern Africa is another example. The majority of the countries Members of the United Nations will never tolerate or keep quiet about colonial oppression, racism and apartheid. What is now happening in that part of the world is so contemptible that it is only a matter of time before it will erupt into a violent explosion that may envelop a large part of the continent of Africa. Immediate actions and solutions are needed before it is too late.
69.	In my part of the world, that is South-East Asia, some countries in the region, including Malaysia, are learning to work together for our mutual benefit. We believe in regional co-operation, especially in the economic, industrial, social and cultural fields. In the process we have achieved a measure of peace and stability.
70.	We are thus able to concentrate all our efforts and energy on the growth of our economy and the development of our countries. The Association of South-East Asian Nations has been a great worthy experiment in regional co-operation in my part of the world. It has been found to be workable and viable. It is far from .being perfect, of course. But we are determined and patient enough to ensure its survival, continuity and progress.
71.	Malaysia strongly believes that there can be no growth in the economy and very little development in a country without peace and stability. Super-Power rivalry has also infested my part of the world. This rivalry will only bring destruction and misery to the small countries. To avoid that, Malaysia has proposed the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia, which would be free from interference in any form or manner by outside Powers. Malaysia needs the support of all countries in the United Nations, especially the big Powers, in turning this concept into a reality.
72.	Almost all the developing countries are producers of primary commodities. These commodities are essential to the industrialized countries. The developing countries, on the other hand, are dependent on the industrialized countries for the supply of machinery, equipment and manufactured goods. Thus, these two groups of countries are dependent on each other for their livelihood and well-being. Unfortunately, the trend has always been that the developing countries are paid less for their produce, while the industrialized countries always charge more for their goods.
73.	This state of affairs cannot go on forever. Obviously a new international economic order must replace the current one, which is so patently inequitable and unjust. Much time and thought have been given to these issues. The Integrated Programme for Commodities of UNCTAD deserves to be supported and should be supported. This session of the General Assembly should ensure that the programme be implemented with the utmost urgency. While it is right and proper that the United Nations should be very concerned with the question of war and peace, it should equally be very concerned with the question of the world economy, which can also bring about conflict and chaos in the world.
74.	I am greatly encouraged by the agreement in the recently concluded Conference on International Economic Co-operation to establish a common fund which should be a major source of finance for the integrated programme for commodities. Malaysia agrees with the view that the common fund should principally be for financing international buffer stocks of commodities to achieve greater stability in commodity prices at levels which are remunerative to producers and fair to consumers. In this way developing countries, such as Malaysia, can plan and develop their export commodities with the confidence that the livelihood of their peoples will be safeguarded.
75.	I hope that, following the agreement at the Conference on International Economic Co-Operation to broaden the scope of co-operation between the developed and the developing countries, there will be a more positive outlook and a greater sense of urgency on the part of the developed countries to ensure a successful outcome of the second round of negotiations under UNCTAD on the common fund.
76.	The urgency of establishing the new international economic order needs no stressing. All indications are that the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, now in its seventh year, has failed to achieve even its basic objectives. It is also clear that the present international economic system is no longer relevant, and has not been able to cope with or to offer effective solutions to the problems concerning trade, commodities, industrialization, transfer of technology, transfer of resources, food and agriculture, and the reform of the international monetary system.
77.	Furthermore, discussions and negotiations that have been going on with the developed countries in the last two and a half decades have only resulted in greater disparity between the developed and developing countries, and the worsening of the position of the latter.
78.	For the developed countries this is a real test of their leadership, vision and sincerity. We have spoken a great deal about interdependence and political will. Now is the time for these countries to come forward with clear, unambiguous, firm and meaningful commitments to the realization and early establishment of the new international economic order. 1 would, therefore, urge this Assembly to identify its short-term and long-term objectives with respect to the new international economic order.
79.	In the short term, it is necessary for the United Nations to take the initiatives that would provide the machinery for better international co-operation and coordination of national economic policies, so as to introduce a stronger basis for sustained economic growth and financial stability on a global scale. But the world has gone through a major recession, from which it has not yet fully recovered. There are still some of the after-effects of this recession within the international economic system. This is inhibiting a more rapid economic recovery and the achievement of sustained economic growth that is so vitally necessary for the economic well-being and security of the whole world.
80.	The United Nations should therefore strengthen its existing machinery and devise new systems that could create a better economic environment which would also discourage the recent trend towards protectionism that is growing, especially among the major industrial countries. Any acceleration of this protectionist trend could bring about a severe setback to world economic recovery and, indeed, cause major and even lasting disruptions to the economic well-being and prospects of developing countries in particular.
81.	In the longer term the United Nations must be able to gear itself and adopt more innovative measures to restructure the international economic system. There is a growing realization that we need to make better use of the United Nations system as a forum for negotiations towards the gradual achievement of the new international economic order. The many international conferences that have been held, and more recently the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, have all been disappointing, and at best have shown only limited results. The time has come, therefore, to return more resolutely to the United Nations to seek world solutions to our global problems.
82.	I would suggest, therefore, that this Assembly urge all its organizations, institutions and conferences to identify the most pressing economic issues of the day, and to set definite time targets to achieve as much agreement as possible.
83.	Unless we undertake the initiatives to take substantive and concrete action within definite time targets we will run into the danger of having consultations and dialogues in a vacuum, with much to be said but with little done. I do not think that posterity will judge us kindly if we fail to alleviate the problems we are facing owing to the lack of political will and responsibility. This is indeed the time to be bold and decisive, and I hope that we will be able to live up to what is expected of us for the benefit of us all.