200.	 The thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly has opened in an atmosphere of expectation and hope. We are reminded that at the thirty-fifth session the study of certain important questions, whose satisfactory solution could have beneficial effects on international peace and security, yielded blueprints and approaches that gave rise to great hope. They include the question of Namibia, the problem of the Middle East, the situation in Asia, the NorthSouth dialog and the negotiations on the law of the sea. While all of them were not resolved during the last session, we still hope that at the current session and under the wise and enlightened presidency of Mr. Kittani, progress will be made along the lines desired by the international community.
201.	To attain those objectives, the Assembly will once more have need of a President who is both a statesman and a diplomat. Those two qualities are combined in Mr. Kittani. We would therefore like to express the pleasure and satisfaction with which we see him accede to his high position. Added to this is the fact that his country, Iraq, and my country, Senegal, enjoy exemplary and special relations. In extending to him my country's sincere and heartfelt congratulations along with its best wishes for success, I can assure him of the full cooperation of the delegation of Senegal throughout the work of this session.
202.	I should like to take this opportunity to express my country's gratitude to his predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, for his highly personal contribution, as an experienced diplomat, to the success of our last session.
203.	I should like finally to pay a tribute to the work of the SecretaryGeneral and to his tireless efforts in the discharge of his sensitive functions.
204.	In hailing the admission of Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu, I should like to wish them welcome and to assure them that my country's Government is prepared to establish with these two new Members of the Organization relations of friendship and fruitful cooperation.
205.	We are meeting once again to review the year which is coming to an end and together to try to define in relation to the past and to the future a future already burdened with unknown factors and uncertainty the most appropriate ways and means to establish a world which is just because it is based on tolerance, mutual understanding and solidarity.
206.	Since last autumn, the endless conflicts which have colored relations among some Member States have undergone developments which are disquieting for humanity, even if in a few rare cases glimpses of a positive solution have been momentarily perceived. Thus, southern Africa, the Middle East and Asia continue to harbor hotbeds of serious tension which, at any moment, could flare up into conflagrations with unforeseeable consequences.
207.	Upheavals and dangers of all kinds continue seriously to jeopardize the futures of several peoples of those regions, peoples which aspire to exercise their legitimate right to self-determination. The same dangers today, threaten the consolidation of the independence of young States, as well as their stability and development. I shall try to pinpoint some of these upheavals and dangers, to recall whenever necessary my Government's position on those questions, and to voice some suggestions which, in the eyes of my country, might facilitate their solution.
208 The eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the important question of Namibia, provided an opportunity for my country, Senegal, to reaffirm its position on that problem which, once again, poses a grave threat to international peace and security. If I return to that point, it is to recall certain principles, the implementation of which would help restore cooperation and stability in that region. I am talking about scrupulous implementation of the settlement plan of the Western countries, endorsed by Security Council resolution 435 (1978). It cannot be overemphasized that that resolution is an honorable compromise; its adoption gave rise to great hopes and allowed the appearance on the horizon of the prospect of a just settlement of this problem, which is of such concern to the international community. My country welcomes the statements made this session by other delegations, in particular those of the Western countries which sponsored that resolution and are eager for its complete implementation as soon as possible. In this regard, we should emphasize the fact that the meeting of the five-country contact group showed a determination to pursue efforts aimed at the implementation of the Security Council resolution. Those countries deserve encouragement and support in the course they are pursuing.
209.	If South Africa were to persist in its dilatory tactics and thus to overtax the patience of the international community, there would be no alternative to the adoption of enforcement measures against it which would compel it to abide by the decisions of the Organization. As we said a few weeks ago, those measures are, essentially, first, to put an end to all military and nuclear cooperation with South Africa in accordance with Security Council resolution 418 (1977); secondly, to impose an effective embargo against it, especially an oil embargo; thirdly, no longer to make investments in it or to grant it loans; fourthly, to put an end to the purchase and marketing of gold and other minerals from South Africa and to cooperation with South African bodies which market those minerals; fifthly, to deny to South Africa certain essential supplies, inter alia, electronic and telecommunications material, machinery and chemical products, as well as transfer of technology.
210.	It should be recalled that those measures were advocated by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris from 20 to 27 May 1981, over which my country, Senegal, had the honor to preside, because South Africa has created a dangerous and explosive situation throughout southern Africa. Those measures could be effective because the South African economy which is, as is known, heavily dependent on foreign countries in the areas of technology, financing, capital goods and oil would feel sorely the effects of binding, specific international sanctions.
211.	My delegation would like here solemnly to renew the support of the people and the Government of Senegal for the fraternal people of Namibia, organized under the aegis of SWAPO, its sole authentic representative under the leadership of its President, our brother Mr. Sam Nu-joma.
212.	The odious system of apartheid practiced by the South African Government, besides the challenge it constitutes to our devotion to the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is more than a mere attack on African human dignity, it is a crime against humanity.
213.	South Africa's repeated attacks against the front-line States, and especially against the sovereign people of Angola, must once again be condemned here. In this regard, Senegal would like once more to express its support for Angola.
214.	The Organization must therefore meet this challenge, and to do this, the conclusions adopted at the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa should be endorsed by the General Assembly during this session. We think that those conclusions constitute the most effective and also the most appropriate way to compel South Africa to end the system of apartheid. I should also like to take this opportunity to reaffirm solemnly here the steadfast determination of the Government and the people of Senegal to continue to offer their aid and assistance to the two South African national liberation movements, the African National Congress of South Africa and the Rmi Africanist Congress of Azania.
215.	Of course, other important political questions also concern my Government.
216.	In the case of Western Sahara, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, at its eighteenth ordinary session held at Nairobi on 27 and 28 June 1981, added a new dimension to the conflict. Senegal, which already at Freetown in 1980 was advocating a "dynamic African style compromise", would like to commend the agreement reached at Nairobi which, we very much hope, will put a prompt end to this conflict in the interest of all States of the region, as well as of Africa as a whole.
217.	As regards the Comoran island of Mayotte, we would like to believe that the dialog that has been opened between the French authorities and the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros will continue and be strengthened. Senegal is available to the parties to help them in this connection.
218.	The question of Chad has been distinguished this year by two events, the installation of the Transitional National Union Government and the acceptance of the principle of the dispatch of a pan-African force to Chad, the membership of which will be subject to approval by the Transitional National Union Government. We hope that the measures decided upon by the OAU at Nairobi will lead to the establishment of a lasting peace in a united and truly independent Chad, to the benefit of its people as a whole.
219.	The conflict in the Middle East, because of its growing complexity and its many implications, remains today one of our most serious problems, requiring the close attention not only of that region but of the international community as a whole. Since December 1967, the resolutions and decisions of the Organization aimed at defining and organizing the framework for a just and lasting solution to that conflict have multiplied. Indeed, for more than a quarter of a century this question has been constantly under discussion within the United Nations, which has recognized that the resolution of this problem depends upon the implementation of a comprehensive and balanced approach that takes into account some of the fundamental principles of the Organization.
220.	I need not remind you that the conditions involve the withdrawal by Israel from Arab and Palestinian territories occupied by force since 1967, the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent and sovereign State in their own homeland, and the recognition of and respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the States in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.
221.	My country is convinced that these principles define just and valid bases for negotiations between all the parties concerned, in particular our brother people of Palestine through its sole legitimate representative, the PLO, led by our brother, Mr. Yasser Arafat. Of course, the great majority of States in the Organization adhere to this position. Nevertheless, Israel's intransigence remains the principal obstacle to the achievement of a just and lasting peace in the area.
222.	Indeed, by refusing to evacuate the territories it has occupied by force, by pursuing its policy of systematic annexation, by the establishment of settlements and the judaization of those territories and by continuing to deny the Palestinian reality, Israel is undeniably invalidating its claim that it wishes to live in peace with its neighbors.
223.	We feel it is the duty of the Security Council to take all necessary steps to check this constant deterioration of the situation, particularly in the occupied territories, by calling upon Israel to put an immediate end to its acts of aggression, which are a violation of the permanent principles of international law and of the Charter of the United Nations.
224.	In this connection, my country, under its mandate from the Twelfth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Baghdad from 1 to 5 June 1981, must take this opportunity to appeal to the members of the Security Council to adopt a new resolution that would explicitly mention the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, whose aspirations are not completely reflected in Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
225.	My delegation must once again condemn the Israeli act of aggression against the Tamuz nuclear power station in Iraq. This act of aggression was aimed, among other things, at robbing a State of its sovereign and legitimate right to acquire nuclear technology.
226.	The Government and people of Senegal are increasingly concerned by the situation prevailing in Lebanti. Senegal would like to reaffirm here its unswerving solidarity with Lebanon and to condemn Israel's acts of aggression, acts which frustrate the work of UNIFIL, to which my country has contributed.
227.	Senegal would like to reiterate, as it did at the thirty-fifth session [20th meeting], its proposal for the elaboration of a system of safeguards and immunities for the troops made available to the United Nations for peacekeeping operations, so that such forces can carry out their mission effectively. The Lebanese people are a martyred people on whom war and genocide in no way justified by its geographical situation have been inflicted. And if today the Lebanese people have not yet been crushed by force of arms, it is because throughout their history they have always been able to face the injustices of fate with courage. For all these reasons, we appeal to all Lebanese parties and call upon them to turn resolutely towards national reconciliation in order to safeguard both the unity and the sovereignty of their country.
228.	I should like to say a few words about the painful conflict between Iran and Iraq. In this respect, the international community should show greater persistence, taking new initiatives and intensifying the efforts already undertaken under various auspices, in order to induce the two belligerent parties to settle the differences between them by peaceful means within the framework of a comprehensive, just and honorable settlement.
229.	The Islamic peace committee, of which Senegal is a member, which was established at Taif in January 1981, as well as the mediation committee of the nonaligned movement, have taken commendable initiatives in this connection, which the international community should encourage, aimed at ending a conflict with manifold consequences for international security.
230.	The seriousness of the situation in the Middle East should not cause us to forget that, in other parts of the world, foreign interference and interventions and violations of the independence and sovereignty of States are contributing to the creation of unacceptable situations, unacceptable in terms both of morality and of law. Thus, in Cambodia and in Afghanistan, Governments have been set up by external Powers in defiance of the Charter and of the principles of the Organization. The United Nations has constantly underscored the injustice of the fate of the peoples of Cambodia and Afghanistan, who desire to live in peace, justice and unity.
231.	These situations, which my country has frequently had occasion to deplore, should, because of their illegitimate nature and the disastrous consequences they entail for relations among States, lead the international community to take the necessary steps to combat the introduction and strengthening of the tendency to violate the fundamental principle of respect for the sovereignty of States laid down in the Charter.
232.	In the case of Kampuchea, by adopting resolution 35/6, the General Assembly recommended, among other things, the withdrawal from Kampuchea of all foreign forces and the exercise of the right to self-determination by the Kampuchean people. We are obliged to state that, despite the efforts of the United Nations, there seems to be little hope of a solution to the Kampuchean problem. For its part, Senegal would like to express its determination to continue to support the Kampuchean people and its authentic representatives until the triumph of justice, the sole object of their sacred struggle. At the same time, my Government thinks that the United Nations should take a new initiative to create an atmosphere favorable to. a peaceful solution to this problem. In this spirit, it is pleasing to note that the international Conference on Kampuchea, which was convened by the Assembly on this question and which met from 13" to 17 July 1981 at Headquarters, defined a realistic framework for the settlement: withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchea and the organization off. free elections under international control. There can be no doubt that the implementation of those measures presupposes the consent of all the parties concerned in the conflict. It is time that they all understood that the path of negotiation is the only one which can ensure the success of their arguments and spare their dignity.
233.	In this respect, my country believes that the Ad Hoc Committee set up by the Conference could, with the aid and support of all the parties concerned, help to restore peace and understanding in the country.
234.	The question of Korea also deserves our attention. The principle of reunification, accepted by both countries, should be encouraged by the United Nations.
235.	The situation in Afghanistan, which is still an emotional subject and a cause of deep concern to my country, has prompted new interest with the recent initiatives by the European Community concerning the organization of an international conference on the question. Senegal has followed these initiatives with interest, since it seems that they could lead to an acceptable settlement of the situation in Afghanistan, in the name of solidarity among nations and the principles contained in the Charter.
236.	The problem of Cyprus is still on the agenda of the United Nations. We must welcome the real though limited progress that has been made this year in the framework of inter-communal meetings towards finding a just and peaceful solution that will preserve the unity and sovereignty of Cyprus. A tribute is due in this respect to the Turkish and Greek Governments, as well as to the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations, for the efforts they have constantly made to resolve this question.
237.	The final extinction of hotbeds of tension in order to bring about international peace and security for all States, particularly those of the third world, which are almost all directly involved would do much to establish a favorable climate for disarmament through the marked reduction of the use of military arsenals which such extinction would engender.
238.	The importance which my country attaches to the problem of disarmament is well known, and it is also known that Senegal has also followed and participated actively in the efforts of the community of nations to strengthen international security. As member of a certain number of groups of experts set up by this Assembly among others, that to study institutional aspects of the disarmament process and the group of experts on the relationship between disarmament and development my country has worked to develop the proposals to which I have referred here at previous sessions. In this spirit, I would recall with emphasis my country's belief in the essential need for the denuclearization of third world regions, feeling that this question deserves the highest priority from our Assembly.
239.	While supporting efforts in connection with generalized disarmament, unfortunately we can only deplore the slowness of negotiations on the implementation of the program of Action on nuclear disarmament [resolution S10/2, sect. III], adopted during the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, in 1978. On this question, which is vital for the future of the world, we small countries can only try to convince the great Powers which hold in their hands the keys to real solutions in this connection. However, it is recognized that the shared destiny of all States of our planet should lead us to show wisdom and political determination. However, we, the representatives of third world countries, which have always been the arena in which armed conflicts have taken place conflicts often provoked, encouraged and maintained by Powers foreign to the regions concerned, thus involving all mankind in the arms race must therefore show all the more zeal in achieving the objectives of disarmament.
240.	This year, once again, the Assembly will consider the implementation of the decisions and recommendations adopted by the General Assembly at its first special session on disarmament, and will hear the report of the Preparatory Committee on the second special session on disarmament, scheduled for next year.
241.	Disarmament and the halting of the race towards collective genocide should, we believe, be fundamental concerns, and, in fact, they are. In line with this principle, we must stress the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. Thus, the Government of the Republic of Senegal feels that it is urgently necessary to increase the effectiveness of the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes and to... strengthen the peacekeeping capacity of the Organization, even if this means changes in the present structures and amendments to existing texts. In this respect Senegal, which voted during the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly for the resolution on the peaceful settlement of disputes among States [resolution 35/160], continues to follow with great attention the work of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization. We hope that this Committee will be able to work out as speedily as possible a draft declaration on the peaceful settlement of international disputes.
242.	All these questions which are called "fratricidal wars", "the perpetuation of colonial type domination", "the arms race" are dangerously mortgaging the future of international economic relations, already darkened by the parade of poverty and suffering which is the daily lot of the developing countries, the first victims of the crisis of the 1970s.
243.	We in the third world deplore this situation, which is particularly disturbing for the stability of developing countries and for world peace, since it is coupled with the persistence of economic structures which oppress developing countries and have been inherited from the period of the great colonial empires.
244.	The future of mankind might not be so dark, however, if the international community were deliberately to choose new economic options based on justice and solidarity. In this respect, the appeal of the General Assembly for a new international economic order, made during the sixth and seventh special sessions in 1974 and 1975, proved an "unexpected blessing", as has already been stated, since it aroused the awareness of the leaders of the developing countries to the vital need fundamentally to review the notion of development and growth.
245.	Developing countries must strive to gain acceptance for a more complete definition of development, no longer based primarily on an almost one dimensional vision of progress tied to purely quantitative growth. Development criteria must also, and at the same time, take into account the mastery of scientific and technical data, which requires adequate human as well as financial resources, and respect for the traditional values of developing countries.
246.	My country must ask the Assembly to give consideration to the adoption of a suitable solution to the problem of the United Nations financing system for science and technology for development.
247.	In this respect, Senegal would like once again to appeal to all Powers, whether of the East or the West, to manifest real political will to accept an adequate method of financing through voluntary contributions and the speedy establishment of institutional provisions. All our efforts must be united within the Assembly in order to achieve and bring about the necessary structures, namely, an executive committee and a secretarial These two bodies would be coupled with the intergovernmental committee which already exists. These structures would make possible better financing of scientific and technical activities and the participation of all African States in decisions in this field.
248.	We also believe that the consensus achieved on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade offers a way of recognizing the interdependence of States and of opening the door to international cooperation.
249.	The political will which made possible the consensus on that Strategy should inspire those Member States which prevented the reaching of consensus on procedural aspects of the global negotiations. Certainly the interdependence of the nations represented here calls, at the least, for international cooperation in the interests of all peoples.
250.	The achievement of this new international economic order presupposes a new humanism in other words, a new kind of healthy relationship among the members of the international community. To be sure, the violation of fundamental freedoms is a serious breach of the policy of development and cannot be justified by the requirements of such a policy.
251.	Human rights are an essential dimension of development. Thus, on the proposal of my country, the sixteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, which met at Monrovia in 1979, adopted resolution 115 (XVI) calling for the elaboration of a draft African charter of human and peoples' rights.
252.	Dakar, capital of Senegal, had the honor of hosting the high-level meeting of African experts which prepared the preliminary draft. Mr Kgba Mbaye, the first President of the Supreme Court of Senegal and Rapporteur of the ministerial conference which prepared the text, declared in submitting it to the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at Nairobi:
"Our draft, by the balance it strikes between human rights and the rights of peoples, between civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights, and between freedoms and duties, bears the imprint of our specific nature."
253.	In conclusion, I should like to state that on several occasions the Republic of Senegal has already given proof of its devotion to the universal principles proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations.
254.	Our country, together with other nations devoted to safeguarding the values that inspire the destiny of mankind, takes the opportunity offered by the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly solemnly to reaffirm that it will spare no effort to contribute positively to the search for, and implementation of, relevant solutions, to put an end to the various conflicts dividing the world, to lead and assist peoples to tolerate one another, to get along amicably with one another and to cooperate, in a spirit of mutual confidence and respect for each other's interests, culture and civilization, so that they may fulfill their destiny in freedom and peace.
255.	It was this vocation of peoples determined to reach out to others while remaining themselves a vocation which Senegal shares with the countries represented here that our head of State, Mr. Abdou Diouf, on behalf of his African colleagues, at the opening of the OAU Assembly at Nairobi last June, was recalling when he said:
"Our combat is a shared one, for justice, dignity and the salvation of our peoples.
"If our ambitions, prospects, programs and situations are to be achieved, there must be unity and solidarity among us. If unity and solidarity are to be achieved, there must be a spirit of tolerance based on the right to differ. And to this end we must settle our disputes by peaceful means, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and the charters of the nonaligned movement and the Organization of African Unity."
256.	May our Assembly, throughout its work, contribute to the achievement of those ideals. The salvation of mankind is at stake.


66. Mr. President, the Commonwealth of Dominica wishes to congratulate you upon the occasion of your election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. That you should have been elected to such high office is sufficient evidence of the Assembly's confidence and knowledge that you are competent to provide the standards and discipline expected for the condieu of the business of the General Assembly. We wish you well during your term of office.
67.	The Government and people of the Commonwealth of Dominica welcome the admission of Belize, our sister nation of the Commonwealth Caribbean, into the United Nations. Now that the legitimate aspirations of the people of Belize to self-determination and independence have been achieved on the basis of full territorial integrity, ,1 wish to register the full and unequivocal support of the Government and people of Dominica for the international call for the preservation of Belize's territorial integrity and for the intensification of efforts to abate tension in that area.
68.	We look forward also to the admission of the State of Antigua and Barbuda during this session. We fully support the application which we expect will be made very soon after 1 November.
69.	thirty-six years ago this month, the sovereign countries of the world established the United Nations. At that time the tragic and catastrophic events that took place between 1939 and 1945 were fresh in the minds of the major actors in the international system. The dominant consideration of Member States was, quite legitimately, peacekeeping, so that succeeding generations might be saved from the scourge of war. However, since that time some 100 new nations have joined the United Nations as sovereign independent States.
70.	In the 1970s it became patently manifest that the world economic structure with its inequalities had failed to come to terms in a positive fashion with the changed political structure arising from the emergence of the colonial peoples into politically independent nations. The First United Nations Development Decade had not realized the hope that the more acute problems of the developing countries might disappear through the sharing of the economic growth that the world economy experienced during the 1950s and 1960s. During the course of the early 1970's the developing countries, dissatisfied with the meager results of years of efforts to raise the living conditions of the vast majority of mankind through assistance programs, were forced to adopt new tactics. We read the Charter again and asked the United Nations to look again at its raison d'etre and to seek out the fundamental objectives of the founding fathers that the machinery must be employed for the promotion of the economic development of all peoples. It was now no longer only the scourge of war from which mankind was to be protected, but the scourge of want and poverty.
71.	In 1974, at the initiative of the developing countries, therefore, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration and program of Action on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (SVI) and 3202 (SVI)]. In the Declaration, the States Members of the United Nations solemnly proclaimed their determination to work urgently for "the establishment of a new international economic order based on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and cooperation among all States, irrespective of their economic and social systems which shall correct inequalities and redress existing injustices, make it possible to eliminate the widening gap between the developed and the developing countries and ensure steadily accelerating economic and social development and peace and justice for present and future generations".
72.	Essentially the proposals for the new international economic order emphasized the following: the economic development of the developing nations cannot be accomplished without fundamental basic changes in the structure of the international economic system; the prices of the commodities exported to developing countries must be stabilized at just and remunerative levels; better access to markets for manufactured goods should be assured; industry should be developed and diversified, and to that end, access to technology should be provided on favorable terms; and development assistance should be provided in increased volume and on better terms.
73.	Although the resolution expressing support for the concepts of the new international economic order was adopted by an overwhelming majority at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, I would be less than candid if I did not state that the countries of the North have never fully accepted the details of the proposed reform program and have stalled the discussions a critical junctures, giving ground only when the original proposal had been gradually negotiated into something quite different from that which the South had begun, or when they still retained firm control over the institutions and policies at issue.
74.	That attitude, therefore, forces us to place on the agenda the vital question: are the developed countries really committed to the emergence of a new international economic order, and does the political will exist to make that new international economic order operate effectively within a time-frame that will satisfy the reasonable expectations of the mass of mankind? It is particularly crucial that the situation of non-oil-producing developing countries, which have within their ranks the less-developed countries of the world, be immediately recognized, with a view to ameliorating their relative positions.
75.	The non-oil-producing developing countries are finding themselves in the unenviable position of having to deal with three different types of external shock at the same time. All these forms of external shock have a negative impact on their economies. Those countries face an increased oil import bill and the increasing cost of industrial goods. Developing non-oil-producing countries must also face the resultant effects of the implementation of stabilization policies in industrial countries which cause rises in nominal and real interest rates in world financial markets. Those countries must also face the effects of a slowdown of industrial activity in industrial countries resulting in a reduction in the demand for imports from the developing countries.
76.	Given their small size, isolation and very narrow and limited resource base —human and material— the island developing countries are confronted with further severe disadvantages and require a special package of external assistance from the international community. In addition to project financing, on as highly concessional terms as possible, they need program assistance, also on highly concessional terms, to enable them to reorganize and strengthen their fiscal, administrative, management and development planning systems and to meet for a reasonable, though limited, period of time the additional recurrent costs resulting from the execution of those development projects which may not be financially self liquidating.
77.	Let me pause here to mention among development projects a particular project which is essential for the existence of my country that of rehabilitation of the road network, without which further development is near impossible.
78.	There is also a need for higher levels of project financing on highly concessional terms, including the transfer of resources for meeting local costs and cost overruns, and the need for even softer terms than hitherto for loan financing. In fact, the Caribbean less developed States need for financing their development projects either capital grants or soft loans on terms as close as possible to those of the International Development Association or of the European Development Fund "special loans", or of the InterAmerican Development Bank terms of soft lending to its most needy group of borrowing countries, which are classified as falling within group D.
79.	I am advised that according to certain criteria the Commonwealth of Dominica does not qualify for classification as a least developed country. Among the reasons is that Dominica's gross national product on the records appears too high. There is little comfort in that situation. It only proves that some of our definitions and criteria require to be overhauled from time to time to enable us to get exact meanings. On the one hand, the United Nations is seeking to console us by telling us that we are not among the worst off of the worst off; on the other hand, I myself and all Dominicans know that in terms of our infrastructure and economy we are "least" developed. And if one adds to that the fact that over the past two years nature has not been particularly kind to us, then the social and economic picture of Dominica highlights the fact that we are in need of substantial aid.
80.	We are grateful to the United Nations and the bodies in the United Nations system, including the specialized agencies, for the assistance we have had. The General Assembly in 1980 {adopted resolution 35/102) asking for special attention to be given to the needs of my island. United Nations officials have been looking into this to see in what way and to what extent we can be assisted. May I ask that members remember the scope of the resolution when they are approached to fulfill the wishes expressed therein. May I also ask that this effort be followed by a further resolution of the General Assembly requesting that Dominica be treated as if it were also on the records as a less-developed country.
81.	I have indicated how disappointed we are that in spite of the ongoing North-South dialog we are very distant from reaching the goal of a new international economic order. There is a small glimmer of hope, however, in the interest shown by Canada, Mexico, the United States of America and Venezuela in what we have come to know as the Caribbean Basin initiative. In a communique released at the end of a meeting of the foreign ministers of those four countries, which was held at Nassau, we were informed that a consultation should take place between all countries before a program for bilateral or multilateral aid was set up. The machinery is being put in place to allow for that full consultation.
82.	The Commonwealth of Dominica is hopeful that the Caribbean Basin initiative will soon begin to bear fruit for Dominica itself, as indeed for other members of the "Basin", as a first realistic indication that some form of a new international economic order, some new approach to the fact and methodology of economic assistance and development, can in fact work. And if —no, I shall say "when", because I must be optimistic— the Caribbean Basin initiative approach does work, Dominica's hope is that that approach, in whatever version, will spread throughout the international community and afford mankind a chance of survival and salvation.
83.	It is clear, however, that the Caribbean Basin initiative is firmly based on the principles of expansion of trade, industry and investment opportunities. Important as this initiative will be, we must not forget that, as I pointed out earlier, the less developed Caribbean countries require assistance in the development and reconstruction of their infrastructure so that they will be in a position to partake of the benefits of expanded trade, industry and investment opportunities.
84.	The Prime Minister of Australia put it well when, in discussing the NorthSouth dialog, he referred to the countries of the South as being deeply concerned about their place in the world, their dignity, status and influence.
85.	It is this concern which makes the Government and people of Dominica condemn South Africa's apartheid policy and South Africa's denial of the right of Namibia to self-determination.
86.	It is also this concern which makes us pleased that the International Women's Year was followed by the proclamation of the United Nations Decade for Women.
87.	May I be forgiven if, because of my impatience for achievement, I complain that too much time is being expended on diagnosing the deficiencies in the less developed countries and not enough on the real implementation of an action plan to overcome those deficiencies. Funds are limited and they are for a limited period. Time is against us. I would therefore hesitate to approve of a change of location for the implementation of the Fund which could only result in a disruption of the Fund's activities.
88.	It is also that concern which makes us condemn terrorism and which moves us to urge the General Assembly to enlarge on the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons, including Diplomatic Agents [resolution 3166 (XXVIII), annex] to cover the other acts of terrorism which have become so prevalent since the Convention was first drafted and to seek appropriate mechanisms for enforcement.
89.	When I wrote those words regarding terrorism a day or so ago, I could not have visualized that today, within a few hours of my addressing this General Assembly, we would have so vividly illustrated to us the heinousness of terrorism. This is a sad day for as. President Sadat was a man of peace, as his every move unconventional, innovative and proudly conciliating has illustrated. He was a man whom every member of the Assembly must wish to emulate, a man whose life and resolution to find peace Tor his people illustrate the very ideas which created the United Nations.
90.	In these sad hours our thoughts go out to the victims of the attack, to the wife, the family and the friends of President Sadat, to the Egyptian people and to the Government of Egypt. But our thoughts and sympathies must also remain with ourselves, for one of us who had been trying to live up to the ideals in which we all believe has been made to suffer. May his suffering and that of his people entrench us in the firm belief that we must continue to seek the lasting peace which is essential for the future of this world.
91.	And now that, sadly, it has been officially confirmed that President Sadat is no longer with us, I wish to join with all those who have spoken before me this afternoon in extending, on behalf of the Government and the people of Dominica, sincerest sympathy to his wife, his family, his friends, the Egyptian people and the Government of Egypt. They have lost a great leader.
92.	In conclusion, I should like to return to my earlier theme and quote the words of the President of the United States spoken only a few days ago at the World Bank meeting. He said "Let us put an end to the divisive rhetoric of 'us versus them', North versus South. Instead, let us decide what all of us both developed and developing countries can accomplish together."
93.	We agree with that interpretation of the idea of the NorthSouth dialog, but we should like to add that where partners are unequal the relationship is not always a happy one. It is for this reason that I urge that we the less developed countries be given the necessary aid so that we can begin to build our countries to the point when we may no longer be aid-seekers, but be placed in a position where we can, together with the developed countries, achieve a better world for all.


First of all, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I wish to extend to Mr.
Kittani our warmest congratulations on his election and assumption of the office of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. His election is undoubtedly a testimony to his outstanding personal qualities, as well as a justly deserved reward for his long, selfless and outstanding contribution to the United Nations, which he has served in various capacities with such distinction for more than two decades. I am fully confident that, under his able and wise guidance, our proceedings at this session will be quite successful. I can assure him, particularly in view of the amity that exists between our two countries, that he can count on my delegation for the fullest possible cooperation in the discharge of his onerous duties and responsibilities.
274.	1 should like also to take this opportunity to pay the warmest tribute to the President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, Mr. von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, for the able manner in which he guided the proceedings in the past year, when the Assembly was faced with many major issues of war and peace. It is to his credit that during his tenure of office he displayed great personal qualities, a sense of fair play and a complete dedication to the cause of peace in serving the Assembly as President.
275.	I should like also to take this opportunity to extend my warmest congratulations to Vanuatu and also to Belize on their accession to independence and on their admission as the one hundred fifty-fifth and one hundred fifty-sixth Members of the Assembly and the comity of nations. With their admission, we are now nearer our dream of attaining the universality of the United Nations.
276.	I believe that we also owe our SecretaryGeneral much gratitude for his dedication to duty and his unfailing concern for the welfare and good health of the Organization. At no time have these sterling qualities served the United Nations better than in the past few years, when the international system has suffered considerable strains and tensions.
277.	It is with great concern that my country and delegation view the general deterioration in the international situation since last year. On many of the prevailing global issues, we are no nearer to a solution. In several cases the prospects for resolving the problems are actually dimmer. Our willingness and capacity for the resolution of the major problems which now plague the world seem to have diminished considerably, despite the fact that here in the Assembly and within the United Nations system we have all devoted considerable time and energy to our common search for a durable solution to the strains and tensions in the international situation. Yet the need for a peaceful resolution of these problems has never been greater or more urgent, in view of the great danger to international peace and security engendered by these international tensions and strains.
278.	My delegation is particularly concerned about the situation now developing in southern Africa, an issue over which a special session of the Assembly met only two weeks ago. There are three major elements in the situation now evolving in southern Africa, each one of which has the potential for erupting into a major world conflict. First, there is the continued occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of South Africa despite repeated pronouncements by the Assembly and the International Court of
Justice that such occupation is illegal. There is no need to rehash the several General Assembly resolutions demanding the withdrawal of the racist regime of South Africa from Namibia, nor is it necessary for me to bore the Assembly with details of the efforts that have been made, without any success, to secure the withdrawal of the racist South African regime from that Territory. All this is too well known to require any further elaboration. The SecretaryGeneral has in his annual report also alluded to all the major efforts made by the Organization to secure a peaceful settlement in Namibia, including the United Nations peace plan on Namibia, which the Security Council approved in resolution 435 (1978) and which was unanimously endorsed by the Assembly [resolution ES8/2]. All these activities eventually produced the Geneva meeting at which the racist regime of South Africa behaved in a most irresponsible manner by slamming the door on a negotiated settlement.
279.	It is, therefore, a matter for deep regret that the danger posed to international peace and security by the continuing illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of South Africa is not recognized by some Powers which willfully, and in an arrogant display of power, now openly encourage the racist and illegal regime of South Africa to continue its open defiance of the Organization. We have in recent weeks witnessed the bizarre spectacle of racist South Africa's forces launching a vicious, unprovoked and barbaric attack on the sovereign State of Angola under the pretext of pursuing SWAPO freedom fighters in that country.
280.	No other subject has provided such absurd theatricals this year as has the subject of Namibia's independence; but we are far from amused. We have witnessed otherwise civilized nations cannibalize some of the most sacrosanct tenets of democracy in a desperate effort to make southern Africa safe for exploitation by the West, by the denial of freedom to the people of Namibia. We have witnessed nations that in February 1981 condemned South Africa for its duplicity and disruptive tactics during the Geneva pre-implementation talks veto sanctions resolutions against South Africa two months later in the Security Council in order to save the apartheid regime from economic, cultural and political ostracism. We have seen a leading advocate of a peaceful solution of the problems of Namibia's independence recently veto a Security Council resolution condemning South Africa's criminal invasion of Angola in violation of that nation's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Indeed, only a few weeks ago, at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, we were witnesses to the callous indifference of a cluster of Western nations which abstained on a consensus resolution that could have enhanced and accelerated Namibia's independence.
281.	However, these are merely symptoms of the times, an index of the convoluted rationalization of evil by a new breed of leaders of men and nations that has made it possible for otherwise rational beings in so-called civilized nations to agree to coexist with apartheid South Africa, that has enabled the exponents of democratic principles on earth to stifle the buds of freedom in Namibia and that has permitted and rationalized the use of naked aggression against Angola by South Africa, ostensibly as part of the white man's self-imposed burden to expurgate communism from southern Africa. For our part, we reject these tendentious premises, which provide no more than a smokescreen for what is essentially an amoral and materialistic, as well as a racially biased, policy.
282.	We have no illusions about the magnitude of the problems facing us at this session of the General Assembly on the question of Namibia's independence. At the same time, we have no doubts about the consequences of failing to take appropriate measures to meet the challenge which continued South African intransigence poses. At the very least, we feel it necessary to reiterate some eternal principles associated with the Namibian struggle, lest our civility be mistaken for cowardice and our inaction taken for acquiescence.
283.	Of the many things with which the world's historical landscape is strewn, the wreck of an abandoned liberation struggle is not one of them. And it is certain that, as night follows day, the struggle for the genuine independence of Namibia, under a democratically elected Government led by SWAPO, will never be abandoned. In plain language, it means that the day will never come when African nations will despair of the struggle for Namibia's independence and cast it adrift as a hostage to South Africa. That would be a gesture of abject surrender and appeasement to which no true African, with the blood of his proud ancestors running through his veins, will ever subscribe. If any proof of this were needed, the recent emergency summit meeting of the front-line States and Nigeria in Lagos should provide ample testimony of the continuing pursuit of the goal of that country's independence. The achievement of that goal remains a cardinal objective of the foreign policy of my country, and we will not relent until victory is won. Indeed, on the issue of Namibia's independence, all African countries are front-line States, and our continental commitment to the achievement of that goal will never waver or falter, come what may, no matter what the price. In this connection, we reiterate our unflinching support for SWAPO and our commitment to the early implementation of the Namibia plan approved by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978) without amendment, modification or amplification.
284.	In recent months, the element of superPower ideological rivalry has been introduced into the already muddy political waters of southern Africa, with a view to confusing the direct and simple issue of the independence of the oppressed in that area. The underlying aim, no doubt, is to provide a pretext for the entrenchment of neocolonialism in that part of our continent through its Achilles' heel. We know that the most strenuous efforts are being made to forge a link between the withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola and progress towards Namibia's independence. We see none, and unreservedly repudiate the claims of extra-continental Powers to dictate to any African country who their friends shall be when their national survival is threatened.
285.	As long as South Africa continues its criminal military rampage over the territorial boundaries of sovereign African States, as long as that criminal State continues with its efforts to destabilize Angola, Mozambique and other neighboring States with the active encouragement and support of some Western Powers, so long will Angola and, indeed, every African State which is threatened feel obliged to obtain military assistance from any quarter in order to preserve its sovereignty. The termination of South Africa's presence in Namibia and of its acts of aggression against neighboring African States is an indispensable precondition for the withdrawal of foreign military presence from the affected parts of the region.
286.	Only very recently, the Foreign Minister of that pariah State was alleged to have called for cooperation between his country and Nigeria in the interests of the security, peace and progress of Africa. The racist regime need only pull out its aggressive troops from Angola and other front-line States, cooperate fully with the international community to achieve independence for Namibia and replace the obnoxious apartheid system within its borders with genuine democratic majority rule based on universal adult suffrage. It will then find Nigeria and, indeed, all African States ever willing and ready to extend the right hand of fellowship and to welcome it wholeheartedly into the fold of the OAU.
287.	The multiple crises which have continued to bedevil international .relations reveal one of their worst features in the economic sphere. That the world economy has suffered an alarming deterioration since the Assembly met this time last year is a fact well known to everyone. One has even heard it said by authoritative analysts that mankind may in fact be witnessing now the worst economic recession since the Great Depression. Of course, that is the painful fact of the situation as the prospects for sustained growth and development are seriously constrained by persistent high levels of global inflation, acute payments imbalances, instability of commodity markets, growing protectionism, declining volume of official development assistance, deteriorating terms of trade and unstable exchange rates fueled by an archaic international monetary system.
288.	The cumulative effect of these phenomena has been a drastic slowdown in economic growth for all. countries, particularly the developing countries, most of which have in fact registered negative growth over the last couple of years. One does not have to go far in the search for an explanation for this sorry state of affairs, because the incontestable fact is that our economies have been most particularly vulnerable to the factors enumerated above, which for the most part are of external origin and underscore the question of the structural maladjustment of the international economic system.
289.	We in the developing countries cannot but feel gravely concerned about the extreme severity of the impact of the current global economic crisis on us. The food situation has been particularly critical as many developing countries have resorted to massive food importation, which in turn has aggravated their foreign exchange position with adverse effects on their development process. So also has the very high cost of manufactured and capital goods slowed down the process of industrialization in developing countries, thereby curtailing opportunities for the diversification of their economies so crucial to the attainment of self-reliant development.
290.	To this must be added the consequences of the prevailing instability in the export markets for primary commodities, which has resulted in the steady decline in our export earnings and, indeed, the purchasing power of the unit cost of primary exports. A? contemporary events show, even crude oil has not escaped the fate which raw materials have Additionally been subjected to, as those with their hands on the levers of economic power, namely, the developed market economies, have once more been at the game which they are well equipped to play, thanks to the existing inequitable structure of the international economy.
291.	Thus, by the most surreptitious strategic maneuvers, as it has done and is still doing with other raw materials, the industrialized North has managed to induce an artificial glut in the world supply for crude oil. My delegation cannot but deplore any strategy which is designed to strangle oil-producing developing countries with the sinister purpose of making energy a non-issue at any resumed global negotiations. We are convinced that the prevailing adverse trends in the world economy must not be allowed to continue, as this can only spell doom for all of us.
292.	Urgent solutions are therefore called for. There must be a steady flow of additional financial resources to developing countries, which also need increasing access to technology, in respect of which the developed countries still enjoy a monopoly. These and other requirements are well-accepted prerequisites for the accelerated development of developing countries. Of course, they are clearly underlined in the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, the faithful implementation of which we see as a historic responsibility from which the international community, especially the developed countries, cannot afford to shy away.
293.	The moment has been reached when something has to be done about the flagging spirit of multilateral economic cooperation. The hope of peace and plenty which is held forth by our great Organization must not be denied to the vast mass of humanity simply because of the present financial constraints faced by every nation. For many, particularly in the developing countries, the role of the United Nations development system in resource transfer can hardly be underestimated. It is, therefore, important that Member States, particularly the developed countries, should continue to give their full support to the system.
294.	It would be unrealistic, of course, not to acknowledge some encouraging developments which have occurred in the last few months. Happily, the developing countries themselves, which have been hardest hit by the prevailing economic crisis, have not stood still with arms folded. On the contrary, believing in the practical wisdom and the rewards of self-help, representatives of those countries gathered in Caracas in May of this year for the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries. The Program of Action which was adopted on that occasion [see A/36/333] has since become an invaluable instrument for enhancing the collective self-reliance of developing countries, while it also represents their contribution to international economic cooperation for development. We earnestly hope that this noble endeavor of the developing countries will continue to receive the maximum support of the international community, and in particular the United Nations system.
295.	Right now attention is being turned to another important international meeting which will take place next month, the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development to be held at Cancun. It is true that this meeting will be held outside the United Nations system, but the potential contribution which it can make to strengthening international economic cooperation will hardly be denied. In any case, my Government hopes that the impending summit meeting will be guided in its deliberations by the sobering realization that a common destiny unites us all and that the objective of the meeting, to provide the needed impetus for the global negotiations, will be achieved.
296.	The international community has waited too long for the global negotiations to get under way. A further delay could be ominous because, as earlier underlined, the world economic crisis is deepening with each passing day. There must be a return to the commitment solemnly made when the Assembly adopted resolution 34/138.
297.	Increasingly, our world is ruled by contradictions and ironies, and nowhere is that more true than in the issue of man's survival. Every year there are ritualistic exhortations in this forum calling for global disarmament. Instead, we are made helpless spectators of accelerated deadly rearmament on a global scale in a sort of geometrical progression. Conversely, the security supposedly guaranteed by this upsurge in armaments buildup proves more elusive in direct proportion to the increase in the armaments stockpile. It is a vicious circle which would be laughable if its consequences were not so deadly serious.
298.	However, we must point not only to the* great danger of stockpiling those lethal weapons but also to the growing aggressiveness of nations and the ominous new phenomenon of a ready, even eager, disposition to engage in the so-called tactical nuclear warfare. Nuclear warfare was always thought of and regarded as a last resort in the worst type of scenario, unlikely ever to happen because of the existing balance of terror, and the assured destruction capacity of a retaliatory second strike. Now, the new generation of tactical nuclear missiles, with their fiendish capacity for alleged "contained" warfare, makes the early deployment of nuclear weaponry in the event of war a much desired strategy.
299.	We need not, and will not, bow in despair before the awesome might of the nuclear Powers. Rather, we must oblige them to accept and recognize the fact that part of the attributes of sovereignty which every State enjoys is the prerogative to determine the manner in which its citizens can live or die and that any abridgment of that right constitutes a violation of the most fundamental of all human rights the right to live. When some countries decide to embark on a reckless arms buildup, it becomes the legitimate right of other States to express their concern and apprehension. That is why we feel compelled and justified to call upon those who have so obstinately sought to intimidate the rest of mankind with the greatest arms buildup the world has ever known to recognize that the earth is ours too, and that we are unwilling to permit its wanton and mindless destruction. We believe that enough is enough. The United Nations must redouble its effort to bring some sanity to the arms race, but such effort will succeed only to the extent that nations, individually and collectively, decide to turn their swords into ploughshares and release for peaceful development the vast resources at present devoted to missiles.
300.	Nigeria welcomes the decision to hold the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament in 1982, in the expectation that the opportunity will be used to reassess the disarmament postures of
States, the status of implementation of the Program of Action adopted during the first special session on disarmament in 1978 [see resolution S1012], the role of the pertinent United Nations organs and the importance of public opinion in disarmament efforts.
301.	May I now draw attention to some of the other flash-points of our troubled world. It is the earnest hope of my country that during this session progress will be made in the relaxation of tensions in the Middle East, through involving the long-suffering Palestinians in a peace process that will ultimately secure for them a homeland of their own, as well as assuring security to the State of Israel. We also hope that this session will see the end of the fratricidal war between Iraq and Iran, two friendly nonaligned nations that need to divert their attention to improving the lot of their people. It is also to be hoped that genuine progress will be achieved in the settlement of the Afghanistan and Kampuchean issues, through the withdrawal of all foreign forces and allowing the peoples of those countries to sort out their international problems peacefully with the help of the United Nations.
302.	The Organization faces today the greatest ever challenge throughout the history of its existence. Whether it be in the political, economic or armament field, our world is on the brink of colossal disaster. A few nations have acquired the capacity to save the world from, or plunge it into, Armageddon. Let us hope that the leaders of those nations will rise above petty, narrow, selfish interests. Let us hope that they will refrain from being the victims of the arrogance of power. Let us hope that the peace, welfare and betterment of the human race as a whole will be their prime concern as it is the concern of all of us as Members of the world Organization. Let us hope that together we will be true and faithful to our great Charter in the interest of peace, prosperity and progress of the whole of mankind.