143.	  Mr. President, my delegation congratulates you whole-heartedly on your election to the high office of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We see in it a recognition on both of your high personal attributes and of the contribution and positive role which your great country has made in the United Nations and in the non-aligned movement. Your credentials give my delegation complete confidence that you are eminently qualified to guide the proceedings of this session of the General Assembly. You can count on the unstinting support and co-operation of my delegation to make your tenure of office a success.
144.	Permit me also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, who presided over the deliberations of the momentous twenty-fifth anniversary session with firmness and fairness. The success which crowned our last session is attributable in no small measure to his able and wise leadership. Our Secretary General, UThant, as always, deserves our gratitude, support and encouragement. We are indebted to him for his tireless efforts in the cause of peace and justice. His is an immeasurable service to mankind; and we wish him well.
145.	We extend a cordial welcome to the three new Members of the United Nations family-Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar. We are confident that they will contribute positively to the work of the United Nations.
146.	On a sombre note, allow me also to pay a tribute to one of Africa's elder and outstanding statesmen, William Tubman, the late President of Liberia, who spent his last 28 years in the service of humanity, The Government and people of Zambia deeply mourn his loss. His efforts and his contribution towards the cause of peace and justice cannot be erased from the minds of those who knew him and what he stood for. May his soul rest in peace,
147.	The colonial situation in southern Africa continues to be a grave threat to international peace and security. The General Assembly, the Security Council, the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, the Organization of African Unity, and many other international forums have adopted numerous resolutions calling for an unconditional end to the colonial situation which exists in southern Africa and other parts of the world. The Secretary-General of our Organization has recently described the failure of millions of people to exercise their right to self-determination in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and the Charter of the United Nations "as a direct challenge to the Charter and an anachronism unacceptable to the membership of this Organization" [A/8401/Add.l, para. 55],
148.	I should now like to address myself to the question of Portuguese colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). Portugal's refusal to implement General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on the granting of freedom and independence to all people under Portuguese colonial domination cuts across the very spirit of the United Nations Charter. This arrogant attitude on the part of Portugal reduces the United Nations to virtual impotence. Membership of the United Nations calls for more responsibility than has so far been demonstrated by the fascist colonial regime in Lisbon.
149.	The Government and people of Zambia salute the achievement of our brothers and sisters in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) for the heroic struggle they are currently waging. We note with pride and satisfaction that, since the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly they have registered even greater victories. We salute these patriotic sons and daughters of Africa because we are beginning to see a ray of hope-a hope of regaining a personality that has for many years been brutally crushed and destroyed by a colonial Power. It is also a reaffirmation of our knowledge that Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) are an integral part of Africa and not part of the dreamland of the Iberian Peninsula, We in Zambia will be among the first to extend a fraternal hand to Portugal as soon as it has granted the right of self-determination to its colonial peoples in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). We believe that this step will lead to cessation of wars of attrition, massacres and hostilities.
150.	Colonialism cannot coexist with freedom, and our claim for a free Africa is incomplete if any parts of the African continent are still tormented and exploited. The patience of the African people is not unlimited, and if the colonial authorities in Lisbon cannot come out of their shell of illusion and reconcile themselves to the facts of modern change and development the people of Africa have no alternative but to intensify the struggle by providing moral and material assistance to enable the people under Portuguese oppression to rid themselves of foreign domination.
151.	We know that there are some Western countries within and outside the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] which have continued to support Portugal in its criminal wars against the people under its domination and also against independent African countries. We have glaring examples of Portuguese aggression against the sister countries of Senegal, the Republic of Guinea, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the People's Republic of the Congo, the United Republic of Tanzania and our own country, Zambia,
152.	Portugal's position as an ally of NATO in Europe is particularly anomalous. However much the Western Powers may protest that they accept no responsibility for Portuguese actions outside the NATO perimeter we do not believe that alliance politics play no part in the Western attitude towards Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) or that NATO assistance to Portugal does not directly further its war effort in Africa. Despite frequent denials to the contrary, it is common knowledge that the NATO allies have since the 1950s consulted regularly on developments in Africa. We condemn Portuguese colonialism in the strongest terms, and we also condemn its criminal acts of aggression directed against independent African States whose only crime is that they support the just cause of the peoples under Portuguese colonial domination.
153.	Since the unilateral declaration of independence by the white minority regime in Salisbury several unrealistic attempts have been made by the United Kingdom Government to find a settlement. The rebel regime has continued to drift at an unabated pace along the path to apartheid and to a certain extent has b *en aided by the administering Power. The Smith regime has consolidated its political, military and economic position. It has embarked on a systematic campaign of extermination directed against the African people and their leaders, who are being held in detention camps without trial. It is important that we reaffirm our condemnation of the illegal declaration of independence by the Smith, regime.
154.	In 1965, after the unilateral declaration of independence by the Smith regime, we called on the United Kingdom Government to use force to crush the rebellion, which they officially acknowledged to be illegal and unconstitutional. We called for the use of force-not because we were blood-thirsty but because we were convinced that force would have averted bloodshed. Today force is the order of the day in Rhodesia, because the United Kingdom Government refused to accept our advice and instead embarked on a gradual policy of sanctions that were applied selectively and enforced half-heartedly. It was incredibly naive for the United Kingdom Government to expect selective sanctions to be effective in converting the white settlers to non-racialism. Nevertheless we supported the implementation of sanctions against the rebel colony because we did not want to give the United Kingdom Government cause for blaming their lamentable failure to crush the Smith regime on us. Although the Security Council has in paragraph 15 of its resolution 253(1968) and in paragraph 16 of its resolution 277 (1970) recognized our unenviable geographical proximity, we have continued to implement Security Council and General Assembly resolutions to the maximum extent possible. Our letter dated 10 July 1970 to the Secretary-General in response to the above-mentioned resolutions clearly stated that between November 1965 and 30 June 1970 we had reduced our imports from the rebel colony by 96 per cent. We shall continue our efforts to implement the decisions of the Security Council despite our geographical position.
155.	Zambia has been the object of economic blackmail, mounted by its hostile neighbors, in an effort to influence the policies of the Government. We in Zambia never succumb to any kind of intimidation or blackmail, irrespective of its source. We wish to record our appreciation to the various Governments, church organizations and others in various parts of the world who have joined and are intensifying the struggle against apartheid, colonialism and racialism.
156.	Although sanctions have been of doubtful political value, they should be maintained and tightened, because any abandonment of sanctions against the Smith regime would signal a general collapse of efforts to exert international pressure on it. The morale of the freedom fighters in Zimbabwe is boosted by the awareness that the international community supports their legitimate struggle. We are aware that since June this year there have been sell-out talks between the Smith regime and Lord Goodman, a representative of the United Kingdom Government. We wish to remind the world that at one time the policy of "No Independence Before Majority Rule" (NIBMAR) was accepted by the then United Kingdom Government. However, it would now appear that the Conservative government is willing and ready to accept a so-called settlement that would indefinitely leave the African majority under the ruthless control of the white minority. We wish to warn the Conservative government that that approach will have unacceptable political and economic consequences.
157.	My Head of State, H.E. Kenneth Kaunda, has already called apartheid a threat to international peace and security and an indescribable crime against humanity. Apartheid is a policy based on racial segregation and racial discrimination. It is pursued in a most rigorous and brutal manner by a minority of whites against the large majority of Africans, Euro-Africans and Asians. In order to pursue such a policy a cruel regime has been established, supported by a police State and the most wicked "legal" system imaginable. South Africa is the only country in the world that proclaims the inequality of its citizens and its laws. I repeat that: South Africa is the only country in the world that proclaims the inequality of its citizens and its laws. The fact that South Africa has managed to defy the resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly and the decisions of the Security Council has led us to believe that that defiance is the result of the strong economic ties that exist between South Africa and parts of the Western world, whose citizens and corporations are benefiting by trade and economic transactions.
158.	The inhuman actions of the Government of South Africa have aroused the feelings of nearly every country in the world in a manner unknown to exist towards any other people or any other regime. World • opposition to the tyranny of apartheid has probably expressed itself most effectively in the field of sport. It is certainly within sport that the international campaign against white supremacy in South Africa has recently met with the most dramatic series of successes. Gradually but relentlessly, South Africa's racialist sports structure has been forced into isolation as one by one its white sports teams have been thrown out of international sports organizations of the world. It is significant that in the process public opinion has been focused not merely on apartheid in sport but on apartheid as a whole. The white South Africans obviously consider it important to see their teams accepted on the sports fields of the world in competition with countries theoretically hostile to apartheid. And that is why international opposition to apartheid in sport has had such a devastating impact on South Africa.
159.	We appeal to the nations of the world to continue pressure against the inclusion of racist South Africa in international sport. That is a particularly sensitive nerve within South Africans. The special role of sport in South Africa makes it particularly vulnerable to world pressure. There is strong evidence that this pressure is having an important effect in opening up some of the cracks beginning to appear in apartheid. Within South Africa unprecedented calls are now coming from white sportsmen and sports bodies for more integrated sport in opposition to the Government's policies. Those calls may not be based on principled grounds, but at least the flame of non-racialism in sport is beginning to flicker on the horizon. It is as yet tenuous, and if we are to see concrete moves towards non-racialism it is important that world pressure be uncompromisingly maintained. It is equally important that white South Africa's few remaining avenues for sports participation be closed.
160.	If the world is genuine in its expression of horror at the systematic denial of human dignity and freedom to non-whites in South Africa, then it must refuse to play with apartheid. And in the process of refusing to play with apartheid we can build an international consciousness capable of genuinely confronting the apartheid system as a whole.
161.	South Africa has begun to feel the mounting pressures of the liberation movement, which is constantly gaining strength every single day. In a desperate attempt to counter the effects of the liberation movement, it has embarked on a policy promoting what has popularly come to be known as "dialog" with certain independent African States. It is indeed gratifying to record that at the last OAU summit meeting,  the forces of dialog suffered a resounding defeat by the outright rejection by the OAU of dialog with South African racists. They had hoped to divide Africa, but thanks to the political awareness of Africa they failed dismally.
162.	Our position is, and has always been, that if the white racists in South Africa are interested in genuinely discussing the question of self-determination for the black majority, they should do it with the people's representatives inside South Africa. The Prime Minister of South Africa has often stated that the purpose of the so-called dialog with African Heads of State is to tell them how good apartheid is. This would, for all practical purposes and intents, be a monologue as opposed to a dialog.
163.	The sale of arms to South Africa by certain Western countries, particularly the United Kingdom and France, Continues to be a source of great concern to us. We deplore the fact that, despite numerous Security Council resolutions concerning the arms embargo against South Africa, the United Kingdom and France continue to be the largest suppliers of deadly weapons to the racist regime of South Africa. We maintain that no distinction can be drawn between weapons supplied for internal repression and those supplied for external defense. If we were to take to its logical conclusion the argument being used by the suppliers of military hardware to South Africa, that these arms are meant for external defense, it would become clear that Zambia, because of its uncompromising opposition to apartheid and racial discrimination, is the nearest external enemy of South Africa. This means that United Kingdom and French weapons will continue to be used to kill Zambian citizens.
164.	We wish to state that we shall hold these countries responsible in the event of such attack. We reiterate our opposition to the sale of arms to South Africa for the following reasons:
(a)	The sale of arms to South Africa, however limited, has the effect of increasing the intransigence of South Africa.
(b)	The sale of arms to South Africa, be they for so-called naval purposes or otherwise, will enable the apartheid regime to release some of its present military resources for aggression against its independent African neighbors.
(c)	The sale of arms to South Africa will act as a great morale-booster to the abominable policy of apartheid.
(d)	The sale of arms to South Africa will enable it to get more and more involved in fighting Portugal's colonial wars in Angola and Mozambique.
(e) It will make it impossible for the United Nations to establish its authority in Namibia.
(f)	It will automatically drive the final nail into the coffin of majority rule.
(g)	It will put the arms-suppliers in direct confrontation with independent Africa.
(h)	And above all, the arms will be used to suppress the liberation movements in South Africa.
165.	In a world where the boundaries of race and poverty coincide so directly, the non-white world is increasingly likely to determine its attitude to white Western countries on the basis of their record in matters of race and colour. The greatest long-term threat which southern Africa poses to world stability is the possibility that freedom-fighters will one day be near success only to have the West intervene on the side of the white minority. My President, Dr. Kenneth Kaunda, warned about the real possibility of racial war in southern Africa as far back as 1966. It is not the liberation movement which seeks a racial war; it is the white rulers and their supporters, who are represented here in the United Nations, who will bring about a bitter racial conflict because of their continued denial of even the most elementary political and human rights to the majority of the people in South Africa. The African liberation struggle is not a narrow, racial struggle, but one intended to bring about a democratic South Africa in which all the people of South Africa will be able to live in harmony, free of racial superiority, free of apartheid. It is in our interest as members of the human race to fight for the fulfillment of that goal.
166.	Namibia is after Territory requiring the special attention of the United Nations. On 21 June 1971 the International Court of Justice delivered a very important advisory opinion on the status of Namibia.  The Court confirmed in no uncertain terms what we have always believed since 1966, that South Africa has no locus standi to administer Namibia. Namibia has the dubious distinction of being the oldest unresolved colonial problem on the agenda of the United Nations. Following this advisory opinion of the Court, we now expect the Security Council to adopt measures that will compel South Africa to relinquish its illegal occupation of Namibia. The current Chairman of the Assembly of the Organization of African Unity, Moktar Ould Daddah, President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, has already addressed the Security Council at its 1583rd meeting on this all-important question on behalf of the African continent, and we fully support the proposals he outlined.
167.	The restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations is still a matter of top priority. We hope that the United Nations will this year restore those rights and pay the debt of injustice which has been inflicted upon the people of China for more than 21 years. There is only one China, and for this reason, we shall oppose most energetically any attempts by the United States and its allies to introduce a two-China policy in the United Nations under the guise of so-called dual representation. We submit that the United States procedural draft resolution seeking to classify the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China as an important question [AjL.632] is a remarkably shameless maneuver designed further to postpone the participation of China in the work of our Organization. We wish to give notice that, should the United States and its allies succeed in classifying the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China as an important question, then we shall move that the other United States draft resolution [A/L.633] which seeks to seat two delegations from one country be classified as an important question because it would create a new precedent of far-reaching proportions. The United States "two-China" draft resolution does not reflect the realities of the situation in the world today.
168.	The Middle East continues to preoccupy our minds. We are . disappointed that, despite the tireless efforts of Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, the Secretary-General's Special Representative, no progress has been made to resolve this long-standing problem. We welcome the initiative of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, aimed at contributing to a resolution of that conflict. May we express the hope that the mission of African heads of State that is due to visit both the Arab Republic of Egypt and Israel will yield positive results? We continue to believe
6 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970). Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 16.
that the best chances for a settlement of this problem can be found in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). Our delegation will have more to say about this when the Middle East comes up for debate in the plenary Assembly.
169.	One of the world's super-Powers, the United States of America, continues to fight one of the smallest nations in South-East Asia, Viet-Nam, in a war of attrition which it cannot win. It is regrettable to note that this war has now extended to Laos and Cambodia. The Viet-Nam peace talks in Paris have been at an impasse for a long time now, but we believe that the latest seven-point plan, presented by the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam, provides the best opportunity for a just solution of this cruel war which has cost so many lives. The road to peace in Viet-Nam is the complete withdrawal of United States and other foreign troops to enable the Viet-Namese people to determine their own destiny.
170.	The presence of United States troops in South Korea presents by far the greatest obstacle to the peaceful unification of Korea. We call for the immediate withdrawal of all United States troops in order to allow the Korean people to work out their own peace terms. The United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea has long outlived its usefulness and must be dissolved forthwith.
171.	The problem of millions of refugees in India has presented the world with a humanitarian problem of immense magnitude. That problem is not only a problem for India, which has to shoulder the enormous burden of looking after them, but a problem also for the international community as a whole. In recognition of our own responsibility as members of the human family, we have made a modest financial contribution through the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to help alleviate this great human tragedy. It is our hope that a solution will be found to this problem.
172.	The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction remains one of the biggest problems of our time. If the arms race is to be arrested, there is need to convene a world disarmament conference at which all nuclear Powers should be invited to participate without any preconditions. We believe that such a conference would contribute significantly to international peace and security. Our goal must remain general and complete disarmament,.not just one-sided measures, like the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXXII), annex], which are intended to maintain the status quo.
173.	It is important that the program for the Second United Nations Development Decade, which was adopted during the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly, be implemented. It is therefore necessary that the reservations which were entered by the developed countries  be withdrawn in order to help the developing countries achieve a higher degree of accelerated growth. My delegation therefore welcomes the forthcoming third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD], to be held in Santiago, Chile, in 1972. We hope that the General Assembly will provide the third session of UNCTAD with practical guidelines aimed at restructuring the world economic order. We further welcome the forthcoming meeting of the Group of 77, which is due to meet in Lima, Peru, next month. We are confident that it will constitute an important milestone in the evolution of international co-operation for development.
174.	The role of the non-aligned countries in trying to strengthen the United Nations is praiseworthy. The co-operation among non-aligned countries which was amply demonstrated on a variety of world issues during the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly contributed in no small measure to the adoption of many important resolutions. We fire confident that this co-operation will bear more fruit during the current session of the General Assembly.
175.	In conclusion, I should like once again to emphasize our firm conviction in the principles of the United Nations Charter. We reiterate our belief in the equality and the sovereignty of all States, as well as the right of self- determination and equality of all men, regardless of race, color, sex, language or religion. We believe that unless all nations of the world respect those important principles the peace and the security of the world will be permanently threatened. We on our part pledge our fullest co-operation in the pursuit of those noble objectives.


80.	 I have the honor of setting forth the position of the Government of Uruguay as the work of this session begins, a session of such crucial importance for the future of the Organization.
81.	The idea has emerged that this Assembly will be known as the Assembly of universality. The movement to achieve universality in the United Nations has of late gained considerable momentum. We are eager to give it our support in an effort to ensure lasting peace and active coexistence among all peoples of the world.
82.	The resistance born of rigidly antagonistic positions is giving way to understanding and willingness to engage in dialog.
83.	Plans involving disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, that a year ago appeared impossible are today emerging as positive solutions assuring peace and guaranteeing the future of civilization. Progress in world solidarity and advances made in scientific discovery have turned the entire earth into a single territory for development.
84.	May I, at the beginning of my statement, offer my greetings to the President of the General Assembly, who was chosen by a consensus of the States Members of our Organization. He thus guarantees that there will be fairness and justice, in view of his career as a statesman and his many activities as representative of the Government of Indonesia in the international arena in recent years.
85.	May I also add our greetings to the outgoing President, Mr. Hambro, who conducted the work of the Assembly during its twenty-fifth session with such great ability, giving further proof of his devotion to the cause of the United Nations.
86.	This historic Assembly coincides with the tenth anniversary of the distinguished SecretaryGeneralship of U Thant. We should not spare any effort to dissuade this citizen of the world from his intention to renounce his lofty post in the United Nations; but in any case, the time has come to pay a great tribute to so devout a servant of the international community. His name has already found its place among those of the great figures who have fashioned the new image of the world in which we live, thanks to his tireless efforts for peace and his ideas that have always served as an inspiration to those seeking to bring about a world in which friendship and international cooperation reign supreme.
87.	The report of the SecretaryGeneral to this Assembly OR the work of the Organization [AI8401 and Add.l] contains a comprehensive treatment of the problems before us. It is an expression of his calm and selfless determination to serve the cause of the United Nations. Perhaps the best tribute which, on this occasion, we could pay to our SecretaryCenerai would be to recommend that the Assembly study the text of his message, which summarizes with lucidity and courage the difficulties at present being encountered by our Organization, and which states the courses of action which may be adopted to save our Organization from its own ruin.
88.	It is our desire that these proposals and considerations by the SecretaryGeneral should be considered by a group of experts appointed for the purpose, with a view to producing recommendations or draft resolutions for the General Assembly.
89.	Every year we assess the achievements which we have to our credit and lay down new goals for the international community in a dynamic process which can never come to an end, since to come to an end would mean to stand still. As we achieve the goals and objectives which have inspired us, new prospects loom on our horizon obliging us to redouble our efforts towards still more fruitful and positive achievements in the history of mankind.
90.	We cannot fail to recognize some of the major contributions which our Organization has made and which have led to permanent and concrete benefits for our countries in the economic, social, cultural, scientific and practically all other areas.
91.	At the present time, as nations develop at an accelerating rate, the United Nations has been the dominant force in promoting decolonization. I would make so bold as to say that decolonization is one of its greatest achievements, making it possible for States representing many cultures to attain independence and to participate collectively in our work fbr peace and the well being of mankind.
92.	The task of decolonization cannot now come to an end; a second stage must begin. All peoples now fully share in the benefits of progress which have been brought about by new political, ideological and technological values and by full access to world markets, and we are now all working for the greater well being of all mankind. Nevertheless, we must continue to work harder to eliminate the deficiencies which beset us. Our faith in the international community is not diminished because of the magnitude of the deficiencies which still remain. Our faith should serve to encourage us to abolish the shortcomings which we have noted.
93.	We have always said that the best approach is to act in accordance with the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations* whose objectives have to a large extent remained unattained.
94.	On many occasions we have declared that even some achievements which seem to be desirable will not have a decisive effect if they are not attained in accordance with the principles of the Charter. We believe that the fate of the Organization depends on our acting in accordance with these principles. Our Organization has at times been reduced to the position of a mere observer of the great problems of our time, and this may have been due to lack of determination or of faith on the part of some of its Members when they have refused to submit the conflicts and problems which have arisen to the procedures provided for peaceful settlement.
95.	The spectacle of the International Court of Justice, which we have endowed with prestigious machinery for solving international problems, remaining immobile is a sorry demonstration of this lack of faith which I have denounced. When we signed the Charter of the Organization in 1945 we said that effective universal order was impossible without a permanent and binding system of justice. We continue to emphasize this point, which this year is particularly relevant because we have an item on our agenda instructing us to consider the possible expansion of the tasks of the International Court of Justice.
96.	From the very outset Uruguay unreservedly accepted the binding jurisdiction of the Court, and we shall continue to promote the idea of submitting the largest possible number of international disputes and questions to our highest tribunal of justice for settlement. Peace is the fruit of justice, as the Scriptures say. There is a link between justice and peace, on which the destiny of mankind possibly depends. There can be no justice without peace; there can be no peace without justice. This idea ha% been the basis of the thinking of the Holy See in its preparations for the world Day of Peace in 1972. If we desire peace we must work for justice in order to bring about a better distribution of property, and we must adopt an open minded attitude to social justice and eliminate unfair or artificial differences which have been created to divide and subjugate men and communities who suffer from hunger and poverty. If this is not done, if we do not resolve this terrible problem, we shall continue to live in a false peace and also with a false justice.
97.	We are concerned about the difficulties being encountered by the Security Council as it endeavors to discharge its responsibilities. The report of the SecretaryGeneral states that, as we endeavor to establish a system of collective security, we find instead collective impotence.
98.	In the efforts to strengthen the action of the Security Council, a few initiatives meet with our complete approval and could be considered. In order to eliminate the inertia of the Council, changes in its procedures have been proposed which would strengthen the capacity of the United Nations in the area of international peace and security. On 3 April 1970 the Government of Brazil submitted a proposal for the creation of ad hoc committees dependent on the Security Council, for the peaceful settlement of the disputes brought before that body [see A/7922], Although the proposal of Brazil was coolly received by some Powers, nevertheless it did receive the support of others which are in favor of the Security Council's appointing fact-finding groups or groups of inquiry with regard to disputes submitted to the Security Council.
99.	The conflicts which continue in the Middle East and in the Far East, the problems which beset millions of displaced persons in the eastern area of Pakistan and also the distressing events which have occurred in certain parts of the African continent cannot fail to be a source of concern to us, and we would appeal for a solution to these problems within the only propitious framework that exists the United Nations.
100.	Our land has been in the past and continues to be a refuge for millions of emigrants who now form a vital part of our society. Together in our country, men from various races have managed to reconcile their differences and overcome them and have been able to bring about a nation with ideological and spiritual unity.
101.	Arab, Jewish, Armenian and other racial communities have all come together to raise their collective voice in this international body. We have repeatedly reflected their concern in the abiding conviction that we are discharging a moral responsibility which cannot be overlooked, in the confidence that we shall receive a calm and balanced response from the Members of this Organization.
102.	The most important item before the present session of the Assembly in our efforts to achieve universality is unquestionably that concerning the plans to facilitate the admission of the People's Republic of China. Due consideration would thereby be given to a large sector of the population of the world. We trust that political and juridical interests will be reconciled and that there will then be a realistic consideration of the situation, for a concerted solution is required which will bring about the coexistence which only very recently seemed impossible.
103.	As regards the various proposals which have arisen, we would add that we are opposed to the exclusion of the Republic of China, for it is a country which has not violated any of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations requirement of Article 6 of the Charter for justifying expulsion.
104.	We should like to make special reference to the question of human rights, the affirmation of which remains incomplete. Our world is a sorry spectacle of millions of human beings deprived of the most fundamental economic, social and political rights. Just as every nation has the inalienable right to independence and to the choice of its own destiny without any foreign interference, so every individual has the right to dignity and to the fruits of his own labor. In this Organization there has emerged the idea of international protection of human rights. We have created a whole range of instruments of lofty inspiration based on the principles of our Charter and in particular on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. These principles have been reaffirmed in various international conventions for the protection of these rights.
105.	Mere formulation of these principles is not enough to ensure their proper implementation. It is not enough only to have a Declaration and a few conventions establishing norms. It would be preferable to have fewer norms but greater respect for the principles.
106.	We have tried to identify the causes of this crisis. We should like to suggest some remedy. We continue to defend the idea of establishing the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, who would be able to work actively with Governments for the implementation of commitments. The High Commissioner would be able to give swift attention to the needs of our time whenever human rights are violated without undue interference,, or hesitation. If we have problems in respect of refugees in Pakistan, perhaps we should have a High Commissioner for Human Rights who could consider the matter and report to the United Nations.
107.	We should also help young people to participate in social and economic development, in the promotion of peace and international cooperation and in the protection of human rights. They must be given the proper ways and means to carry out their obligations in the national and international arenas. These are rights they have demanded. I think we should promote active participation on the part of young people in ail matters and in all bodies where the United Nations lays down development plans. They should be assigned a role in the execution of those plans, especially those which have implications for the social, economic,
scientific and technological future of our world. *
108.	I should like, briefly, to acquaint this Assembly with the great interest that my country has long had in the efforts of the United Nations and its competent bodies to bring about solutions with regard to environmental factors which sustain life, in view of the deterioration that has been brought about in the environment by scientific and technological progress which poses a threat to the future of mankind.
109.	It is my firm conviction that our civilization will successfully pass this crossroad. Hie distressing picture which is before us is the product of development . It is very possible, in accordance with recent scientific findings, that development itself is, through its unforeseeable advances, quite capable of correcting its effects which are adverse to the welfare of mankind.
110.	The subject of the international regime for the exploration and exploitation of the seabed and ocean floor
' certainly, among the various items before this General Assembly, deserves special consideration. On a number of occasions there have been appeals that our work in this area be expedited in view of the scientific and technological progress which has been made in the exploration and exploitation of the seabed and ocean floor, and in view of the fact that it is quite definite that even greater progress will be made in the future. It is therefore especially urgent that the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the SeaBed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction discharge its mission and prepare for the creation of institutions and legal norms to govern the new realities which have arisen from such progress, and that it regulate international relations in keeping with these realities and in accordance with the principles of reason and justice.
111.	The world production of underwater minerals in particular petroleum, gas, coal, sulfur, iron ore and manganese nodules has already reached considerable proportions. Geological data prompt one to believe also that underwater petroleum resources will prove to exist in greater quantity than continental resources, and that the value of world production of petroleum from the seabed will exceed that from other resources of the sea.
112.	It should be encouraging and comforting, in looking after the interests of present and future generations, to know that underwater resources will be available in far greater quantity and that the groundwork has already been laid for a regime to govern and control them in keeping with a new revolutionary spirit in international relations.
113.	The new law which has come into being from these realities and the economic importance for our people of the exploration and exploitation of the seabed has also led certain Latin American States, like Uruguay, to take a very firm position in favor of the authority of the coastal States to establish the extension of their junMction, although it
should be limited to a reasonable distance, taking geographical and biological factors into account.
114.	The principles underlying this doctrine and its progressive development are quite in accordance with the principles of modern international law. The objectives are economic and social, for the peoples of these countries would stand to benefit from preserving and developing the resources of the sea. The so-called 200 mile doctrine is already finding universal expression and it may well be recognized in the work of the seabed Committee of this Assembly, which is preparing for the forthcoming conference on the law of the sea. We are confident that the restrained attitude of our countries, which wish to demonstrate their interest harmonizing the legitimate defense of significant factors which seriously affect their economies with the traditional freedoms of the seas, will be appreciated by the countries which still at times hold to rigid positions which are not in keeping with the dynamic spirit of our times.
115.	In the area of economic relations, once again we have seen profound changes in world politics. With some delay, unfortunately, we have for the first time seen recognition being given to the fact that the principle of the most favored-nation clause, applied unequally, leads only to a consolidation of the international status quo, where the less developed countries are dependent on those who have achieved a higher degree of economic, scientific and technological development.
116.	The international community, aware of the new realities in this area, began in 1964, at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, to study formulas designed to bring about a fairer international distribution of labor. Finally, last year, after long years of negotiation, approval was given to a generalized scheme of nonreciprocal preferences for the developing countries  and this constituted the first positive step taken by the international community towards the objectives laid down for the Second United Nations Development Decade. Let us not forget that the overwhelming majority of the world lives in the developing countries. We must not take any backward steps now if we wish to act in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
117.	The international economic situation has been affected by policies which seriously jeopardize commitments recently entered into. The action taken by the Government of the United States to bring about some balance in its economic position with other industrialized countries is only another application of the principle of nondiscrimination among unequals, and we have found that this is an improper means of regulating economic relations among countries of different degrees of development.
118.	The countries of Latin America at Panama recently declared that it is unfair to have to bear the consequences of action to correct the deficit in the balance of payments of the United States, in view of the fact that the developing countries are not responsible for this deficit.
119.	We do not wish to level any criticism or recriminations against sister nations whose undisputed international role we recognize and very much admire. They have made an immense effort to help the world develop, as we have recently seen. But we do wish to say that the logical arguments, accepted by the international community, in favor of putting into effect the generalized scheme of preferences in favor of the developing countries, clearly a departure from the most favored-nation principle, are equally valid when restrictive measures are being applied to their possibilities of economic development.
120.	Although we understand the difficulties encountered by the Government of the United States at this crucial moment, we are confident that systematic and constant dialog and consultations through multilateral negotiation machinery will make it possible for us to achieve a satisfactory settlement in this situation which, in the present circumstances, so seriously affects the developing countries.
121.	We place our trust in these consultations; we place our trust in this dialog, in consultations and in understanding among men.
122.	The 10 per cent surcharge by the United States on exports from developing countries affects these countries much more than it does the highly-developed industrialized countries and it is, indeed, a real blow to them and has obstructed their economic development and the economic development of certain regions of the world, such as Latin America,
123.	In the monetary area, we are also going through a period of acute crisis. We have noted the upsets and friction produced by a monetary system which is out of step with present-day realities. We can affirm that the decade of the 60s was characterized by a constant search for temporary solutions to problems and shortcomings in an international monetary system which was laid down in Bretton Woods to meet the needs of the postwar period. But this system has for some time sot. been fully relevant.
124.	At the present time we do not wish to delve into th<* technical aspects of a possible solution to the problem; but we would like to stress the fact that any measure for meeting the present inadequacies of the system should be adopted after consultations and the approval of all the members of the International Monetary Fund. In view of the present weaknesses of the developing countries, they should unite their efforts at the regional level and so attempt to strengthen their negotiating power and to have a positive effect on the decision which will eventually be adopted.
125.	Another matter about which something must be done at this time of distressing social problems is the prevention and repression of certain forms of international crime. In a note presented to the Commission for Social Development at its twenty-second session in March 1971, the SecretaryGeneral stated:
"Crime problems facing the world today indicate clearly the need to intensify national and international action to obtain a more adequate understanding of the forces involved and a more effective set of solutions than are now at hand. In this endeavor, the leadership role of the United Nations is well established and extends back to the earliest days of the Organization.
"It is quite apparent that, internationally, too little energy and too few resources are as yet being devoted to the elucidation of a problem which is now recognized.as being of major importance to the future of society and to the humanitarian ideals which inspire the United Nations."
126.	The Fourth United Nations Conference on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, which was held in Japan in August 1970, adopted a declaration calling on all Governments to adopt effective action for the coordination and intensification of their efforts to prevent crime and urged the United Nations and other international organizations to give priority to the strengthening of international cooperation ii> the prevention of crime.
127.	Within these guidelines, the General Assembly, in resolution 2645 (XXV) considered that the hijacking of planes and civil aircraft was a form of international crime. In accordance with this resolution, a conference was held at The Hague in December of last year and adopted a Convention on the subject,  which may constitute an effective instrument for international cooperation in the prevention and repression of this form of crime.
128.	In respect of other forms of crime, action has not been as effective. I am referring to acts of terrorism and crimes committed against diplomatic and consular agents and other international civil servants; there has been a certain reluctance to give Mi recognition to this problem and to take the necessary action at the international level. The Organization of American States, at the third special session of its General Assembly, adopted, on 2 February of this year, a convention calling for international cooperation to prevent and punish acts of terrorism, but unfortunately, we have not detected the same interest or concern in the United Nations. For these reasons, and in view of the particularly reprehensible nature of these forms of international crime, which have in fact occurred with increasing frequency in recent times, our delegation will, later on in this session, submit a report and a draft convention on the subject.
129.		In addition to the many different forms of social disturbance which have occurred in various countries and have affected a large number of members of the international community, there has been a widespread increase, in violence, crime, thefts and hijackings. My country is now experiencing a unique period in its history in this respect.
130.	Uruguay has responded to this challenge by using its free democratic institutions, complying with its constitutional norms, electing its leaders at regular intervals
established by the Constitution itself in accordance with free electoral principles, exercising its parliamentary procedures and by giving absolute authority to its high tribunals of justice, which are ready to hear any case regarding violation of the law. The principles we apply are deeply entrenched in our people and we strive to defend and protect the rights of all human beings whom we wish to see free from pain or suffering.
.131. We do not accept the idea of a revolution against democracy. The present world revolution must be, as the United Nations would have it be, a scientific revolution leading to greater moral and material conquests in the service cf mankind against violence.
132.	As Pacheco Areco, the President of our country, recently stated, there are men who destroy and men who build. There are revolutions leading to death and revolutions which give life.
133.	In combating crime and terrorism, my country has defended life and has fought to improve its standards of living.
134.	This is the tradition of Uruguay, which is sustained by the life force of its sons .


145.	On behalf of my Government, may I tender to you, Mr. President, our most heartfelt congratulations upon your election to preside over the deliberations of this twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I also wish to extendmy warmest greetings to the new Members of the Organization: Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar.
146.	The Republic of Panama is a country that is fully aware of its role and its place in the contemporary world, and as such, when speaking as its representative from this high rostrum, I shall not presume to dictate norms of behavior nor to give any guidelines for the conduct of world affairs. My country admires and respects the great work done by the United Nations for the preservation of peace, for the rapprochement of peoples and the economic
and social development of the underprivileged in order to ensure respect for human rights and, finally, for the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination and the remaining vestiges of colonialism throughout the world. We also appreciate the limitations and shortcomings of this world Organization which, being a human endeavor, has its failings, although we believe that some are imposed from outside and are not the product of congenital defects, The important thing is that in the face of this reality, the nations of the world, irrespective of their size, should become clearly aware of their collective personality and strengthen it while becoming increasingly more capable of playing a decisive part in the evolution of the international community.
147.	The third world, which can be identified because of the similarity of its problems while struggling for political and economic independence, brought together in Lusaka the representatives of 65 countries and was able to prevail upon th? General Assembly at its twenty-fifth session to adopt the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security on 17 December 1971 by a vote of 121 members in favor, with l against and 1 abstention [resolution 2734 (XXV)]. The United Nations thus firmly endorsed the idea of collective and universal security, without military alliances, for the establishment of peace throughout the world. This significant reply from the countries that are not involved in the cold war among the great Powers indicated a means of ensuring independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity outside the traditional framework of military pacts and subjugation imposed through the force of arms or by economic pressure.
148.	However, there are still some remnants of the distribution of the world among the great Powers who act without taking into account the legitimate interests of small Powers. Let us speak candidly and confess that the latter take part in the arena of world problems as mere spectators or as actors playing a minor part. However, we are comforted to some degree by the promising move, both national and regional, of self-assertion that has been at play in Latin America in these past years. A new attitude and a very definite resolve is asserting the purpose of the Latin American peoples to overcome traditional frustrations brought about by international dependency and the lack of capacity of local oligarchies to draw up and execute policies designed to promote the economic growth of the Latin American countries while creating conditions for the social well-being of national majorities.
149.	A united Latin America, the dream of Bolivar, can become a decisive force in the international community while preserving its cultural identity and making its presence felt, not in order to divide the world, but rather to unite it through links, each of which retains its own personality. It is for that reason that we view with satisfaction certain positive developments in our region, based on coexistence and co-operation quite outside our ideological and political differences.
150.	The solution of the economic and social problems of the peoples of the third world, and particularly of Latin America, will not be achieved through magic or dogmatic formula, but rather lies in planned development as called for by the reform of the traditional structure to bring it into line with the complex demands of contemporary life.
151.	The Republic of Panama aspires to the achievement of that development and to the strengthening of its position in its relations with larger and more powerful countries. Prompted by this purpose, on 11 October 1968, under the leadership of General Omar Torrijos Herrera, we began three yeairs ago to pave the way for national revolution. A true revolution is all important, positive, and cannot be improvised, less still can it be carried out unless the protagonists are the people.
152.	The October movement in my country has deep roots and its only aim is to achieve true justice and responsible freedom for all the citizens of Panama. On the basis of our particular national conditions, we seek to change Panama's reality through our own endeavors and with the co-operation of peoples which have achieved greater progress than our own, while resolutely rejecting any measure that runs counter to our right to self-determination and to make the best possible use of our natural resources, of which the first and foremost is our geographic position in the world.
153.	Panama's revolutionary process has assumed the historic responsibility of tackling one of the vital problems of our Republic, a problem that is raised by the special contractual relations which bind Panama and the United States of America and which stem from the existence and operation of the Canal on Panamanian territory.
154.	Following instructions from my Government, on 4 October 1971,1 addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations a document giving a detailed account of the background and permanent aspirations of the people of Panama for the current negotiations of a new treaty on the Canal between the Governments of Panama and the United States of America. I have requested the Secretary-General to have that statement made known to all Member States, since it is our belief that the problem of the Panama Canal affects not only the two nations that built it, but, rather, is of concern to all the others by virtue of the international character and function of the Canal. We believe that we are complying with the duty of solidarity and coexistence when we inform the Assembly of Panama's aspirations, in order that we may achieve a just and equitable agreement that will govern the operation of the Canal in the future. This attests to the fact that we are consistent in our adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, to solidarity, co-operation and peaceful coexistence among all States, as stated by the President of Panama. Mr. Demetrio Lakas, a- the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly [1875th meeting]. We do so because we trust that, in a spirit of equity and harmony, relations that are more consonant with the new international morality between a small country and a great Power will be concluded, thus enabling my country to free itself of the aforementioned treaty which offends the feelings and dignity of the people of Panama.
155.	In 1903, the treaty that gave rise to the building of the Canal between the two oceans was imposed on Panama, a treaty that is prejudicial to my country in almost all its provisions, a treaty that affects the essence of the Panamanian nation, and which has brought untold and unjustifiable suffering to the people of Panama. That treaty links us for ever to a situation that is now intolerable, since, as a result thereof, one of the parties increased its economic and military power and hegemony a4 a world Power, whereas the other saw its status as a sovereign and independent State diminished. By virtue of that treaty, an extraneous body called the "Canal Zone" was grafted on to the heart of our Republic and it has subsisted as an entity alien to Panamanian sovereignty and jurisdiction, having its own Government, its own laws, dictated from abroad. This was a de facto situation imposed on Panama.
156.	My country hopes that the current negotiations will lead to the conclusion of a new, just and equitable agreement that will eliminate the causes of conflict between the two countries, and which, by abrogating the 1903 Treaty, and consequently the onerous perpetuity clause, will ensure that the Republic of Panama fully recovers its jurisdiction over the present Canal Zone, which is an inalienable part of its territory. Panama, in due time, will inform the Assembly of the outcome of those negotiations.
157.	The United Nations must become truly universal, and to this end all States, regardless of their size or ideological or geographic position, provided they are sovereign, must have permanent representation in this Organization.
158.	In the most dramatic case which the General Assembly must face this year, the possible entry of the People's Republic of China into this Organization, the small countries cannot fail to remember with bitterness the recent past, in which, manipulated by the unjust domino theory, we were moved, like mere pawns, in the game of world politics. We ca. not fail to feel a certain amount of frustration at seeing that, apparently, there are those who still seek to treat us as such. The small countries are still excluded from contributing to the solution of many important questions. We always knew because we were not blind that the People's Republic of China has a population of over 700 million inhabitants whose existence cannot be disregarded by a world Organization. Can we only now say this when it has become commonplace? We are convinced that the presence of the People's Republic of China in this Organization would contribute to the strengthening of world peace.
159.	Our relations with the nations of the world, to whose representatives I tender my sincere and heartfelt greetings, is conceived by us in the context of two pluralisms in which the right of each people freely to establish its own internal regime is not an illusion but a fact.
160.	We reiterate our solidarity with all peoples that are struggling against the remnants and vestiges of colonialism, and who, as we have always done, express their repudiation of all forms of racial discrimination.
161.	It is the irrevocable objective of our policy of defense of our natural resources to claim national jurisdiction over the whole of our territory up to 200 miles of territorial sea and continental shelf. In the new international order of the seas which will emerge from the forthcoming conference on the law of the sea to be held by the United Nations, Panama will maintain unchanged these principles of maritime sovereignty, which are not subject to negotiation.
162.	We greatly deplore learning of the decision by the Secretary-General, U Thant, to abandon the high office to which he was elected at a crucial moment for the Organization and a decisive moment for the state of mankind. He has worked in an irreproachable and fruitful manner. The Organization today has a truly universal and positive personality and functions as such. His efforts, his intelligence and his moral conduct provide an example to the Governments and administrations of nations and a reason for pride for the human race. We sincerely thank the Secretary-General for the kindness with which he so courteously received our permanent delegation, and may we express our sincere wishes for his happiness and peace which, no doubt, he must be sure of, because he has done his duty.
163.	If we can help in any way towards the development and progress of the peoples of the world, peaceful coexistence among peoples, we will always be found in the forefront of such enterprises, for the achievement of which, we offer the United Nations guarantees of free transit and the neutrality of our Canal.


82.	Mr. President, at the outset, I wish to congratulate you whole-heartedly, on your election as President of the General Assembly, the most esteemed and highest international post. Our congratulations do not stem from the usual courtesy extended on such occasions; they emanate from the cordial and friendly relations that have existed and do exist between the people of Afghanistan and the people of Indonesia. But it is not only that. We are convinced that your ability and personal experience in international affairs give us solid ground to hope that this session of the General Assembly, under your guidance, will lead us to the achievement of the great task we have set before us.
83.	I should like to extend my delegation's sincere appreciation to Ambassador Edvard Hambro for the excellent manner in which he guided the affairs of the Assembly during his tenure as President.
84.	Mr. President, with your permission, I should like to join the voices of those who have expressed their appreciation of the services of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, U Thant, who has undertaken and carried out the tremendous responsibilities of his high office with patience, wisdom and consideration, and above all, with a great sense of impartiality and objectivity.
85.	The Government I represent has recently assumed office. It is therefore necessary for me to state our profound desire and determination to continue, as in the past, to uphold our firm belief in the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
86.	Afghanistan is the oldest non-aligned Member of the United Nations. I should like to state that we shall continue our positive and active policy of non-alignment within and
outside the United Nations, based on our free judgment of all international situations on the basis of their merits. This has been one of the prime reasons for our fundamental interest and participation in all gatherings of the non- aligned countries. We believe that the policy of non-alignment and the principles adopted by the different Conferences of the non-aligned nations of the world, particularly those principles embodied in the Declaration on Peace, Independence, Development, Co-operation and Democratization of Internal Relations adopted by the last Conference of the non-aligned nations in Lusaka,  have made a significant contribution to the noble cause of world peace and international security.
87.	In the world of today all people are neighbors. Therefore, the greatest need for us all is to adhere to the spirit of neighborliness, goodwill, peaceful coexistence and mutual respect, regardless of differences in ideologies and social, political and economic systems, chosen freely by each one of us.
88.	In the world of today it is no longer thinkable that one system could eliminate another system without the total annihilation of all. To believe that it is possible not to coexist with each other peacefully is an illusion close to madness. We can have only one common goal: the achievement of peace and progress. This one common goal is necessary not only for achieving peace but also for preventing a disturbance of the balances, which can destroy peace,
89.	Europe seems to be directing itself towards some kind of understanding. We welcome this trend, if it will open the horizon of peace for all mankind, because it is the interest of mankind in general, rather than the interest of the West or the East, to which all of us attach crucial importance.
90.	The continent of Africa, whose people have always proved to be peaceful inhabitants of the world, and the Latin American continent, whose people, except in defense of their independence, have never waged wars, are faced with diverse problems. It is essential that the United Nations should, to the extent it can, take measures to save those continents from the calamities from which other continents Asia and Europe-have suffered. This calls for only positive steps. Of course, the people of those continents are better aware of their problems and of how to deal with them, and their representatives will speak on the subject during the general debate. I myself coming from the Asian continent, would ask you, Mr. President, to allow me to speak of the situations prevailing in the continent of Asia, situations which are, in fact, world problems.
91.	The question of the Middle East is not a local problem. It is an international problem and, therefore, one of international concern. It is very unfortunate that, despite their full awareness of the gravity of the problem, some nations have paid scant attention not only to the situation in the Middle East itself, but also, although Members of the United Nations, to United Nations resolutions and have exerted little effort to implement their own decisions.
Despite the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, little effort has been made to make the usurper realize that, in our time, territories cannot remain occupied by right of conquest. We see with great distress that portions of the lands of three Member States of the United Nations Egypt, Syria and Jordan are still kept under occupation, and more than that, that this situation has been tolerated. While we deplore the refusal of Israel to comply with the simplest dictates of international law and justice, I think the deep appreciation of the world Organization is due to the political patience of the Arab States, particularly of the Government of Egypt, which has almost exhausted all possibilities of co-operation for the implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations and for the success of the efforts made on its behalf to bring durable peace to the Middle East.
92.	Afghanistan's concern is not limited only to the consequences of aggression against the Arabs and the continuation of injustices on the part of the Israelis towards certain Arab States. We are basically concerned with the consequences of aggression itself, by any nation against any other nation in the world.
93.	Afghanistan, in the course of its own history, has experienced the oppression of aggressors and has suffered the injury of occupation of its territory by force; it is well aware of what it means to have parts of its land annexed. I think I am not the only representative who can recall such experiences related to his own country.
94.	We call upon all Member States, therefore, to consider the question of aggression and the "right" of any country to occupy another country's territory by conquest. We are not thinking only about the Arabs when we ask the question: how can any country occupied by military force be expected not to resort to war to liberate its people and its territory? I should like to ask this august Assembly whether there is any large or small country among us that would not defend its homeland against occupation?
95.	Therefore, any nation that might be unwilling to understand and defend the established rights of the Arabs against the aggressive policy of occupation and annexation is forfeiting its own right of defense against such policies and actions.
96.	On the other hand, however, there is the attitude of certain big Powers that have not succeeded in implementing the measures they have approved. We can, therefore, demand from this august Assembly not only the implementation of what the Security Council has approved in the case of the Middle East, but what is more, the reaffirmation of the principles of international law in accordance with which acquisition by force is inadmissible.
97.	My Government asks the world Organization, and expects from it, urgent and effective measures to find a solution based on justice and the full restoration of the rights of the Arab people.
98.	It is indeed fitting to pause here for a moment to remind ourselves of a nation whose fate and territory were, in the present century, subjected in a most overt manner to ruthless aggression. The peaceful people of Palestine were
driven from their homes and land while the world helplessly watched this injustice being done. Until now, all efforts to restore their rights have failed. Even those minimum rights which were recognized by the United Nations resolutions were not restored to them. We ask this great Assembly, which not only represents the peoples of the world but which should also reflect the international conscience, to exercise all the power at its command so that the rights of the people of Palestine will be fully restored and recovered from those who usurped them against the principles of law, justice and humanity.
99.	The problem of Jerusalem is of great concern not only to the Moslems, Christians and Jews of the world, but to all those who genuinely believe in the preservation of the cultures of mankind and the assurance of respect for all holy shrines and historical monuments. We condemn all measures which, in total disregard of international rules of morality and law and United Nations resolutions, are taken with a view to distorting the Arab, Moslem and Christian character of the Holy City. We cannot allow any change in the character of the city of Jerusalem. The city should be kept intact until control of it is restored to its lawful inhabitants.
100.	Allow me to turn to another Asian question: the question of Viet-Nam. Though not formally on the agenda of the United Nations, this question is nevertheless on the conscience of all mankind. A hot war has been in progress and the United Nations as an Organization of peace has been given no role but that of a helpless spectator. We are aware of the fact that the consequences of such developments are part of the primary responsibilities of big Powers. Meanwhile, for many different reasons it is not possible for small countries to remain unconcerned. Afghanistan, as an Asian country and a member of the international community, wishes to draw the attention of the world to the urgent need for the cessation of hostilities in Viet-Nam.
101.	The miseries of Asia do not end here. There are certain recent developments which are of concern not only to the Asians, but a' o to the rest of the world. There has been a civil war in Pakistan. Civil war for any country is painfully destructive. Afghanistan is particularly distressed when it sees that this civil war is happening to a nation with which we have brotherly relations and for which we have deep sympathy, a sympathy we retain despite the political differences we have with the Government of Pakistan over the question of Pakistan. if the tense situation between Pakistan and India is not returned to normal, the whole continent of Asia will suffer as a result of existing circumstances.
102.	For averting the dangers of the present situation we have to place our hopes in the wisdom of Pakistan and India, which wisdom should make it possible to resolve the plight of the refugees in a spirit of co-operation between the two countries and with international co-operation based on humanitarian principles. It is our ardent wish that conditions will soon be created to enable the Pakistani refugees to return to their country in full confidence of their safety.
103.	At this session we expect the United Nations to terminate a long-standing and well-known injustice or
with respect to the legitimate right of the People's Republic of China to representation in the United Nations and all its organs. The fallacy of that injustice has been proved by the fact that all sectors of world public opinion now appreciate the realities.
104.	Afghanistan, as a neighbor of China, was one of the first countries to recognize the patent reality of the representation of the whole China by the Government of the People's Republic of China; it has supported and will always support the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate Government of all China in all international organizations.
105.	Afghanistan, in the continent of Asia, was the first country to stand up against colonialism, defending ant- safeguarding its own independence. It is quite natural, therefore, that our congratulations to the new Members of the United Nations should be most sincere and heartfelt. We are confident that the representatives of Bhutan, Bahrain, Qatar and Oman will convey the sincere sentiments of the people and Government of Afghanistan to their peoples and Governments.
106.	The experience of Afghanistan in bloody conflicts with colonialists has been extremely bitter. The fact that some countries have achieved their independence without bloodshed is a source of pleasure for us, knowing that all this has taken place through the efforts of the United Nations and realizing that, without the existence of the United Nations, this would not have been possible. We owe our gratitude to the United Nations. But still there remains one painful fact that we cannot ignore: that is that all peoples and nations struggling for independence have not yet achieved their goal. Afghanistan, therefore, would demand more effective efforts by the United Nations in this field.
107.	Afghanistan has been a member of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and both there and in the General Assembly has always defended the rights of the dependent peoples to self-determination and independence. We have always supported the struggle of the majority of the people of Southern Rhodesia, and the peoples of Namibia, Angola, Mozambique and other territories still under Portuguese domination. In the same manner, we have and will support the cause of independence in all other Non-Self-Governing Territories.
108.	Because of-our staunch and continuous support for the right of peoples to self-determination, it is quite natural that we should be concerned about the political aspirations of the people of Pakhtunistan, whether Pakhtunistanis or Baluchis, who, from the historical and ethnical viewpoint were not and can never be a part of the Indian subcontinent and whose territory was severed from their fatherland, Afghanistan, by the naked and brutal military force of a colonial Power. The land now referred to as Pakhtunistan was annexed to the new State of Pakistan in the subcontinent of India without recognition of the right of its people to self-determination, and in spite of the fact that no legal basis existed or exists for such a transfer.
109.	The question of Pakhtunistan is one of special importance to us. The pursuance of this historic cause, the securing of the exercise of the right of those people to self-determination, is a right and an historical obligation of Afghanistan, Since Afghanistan has always hoped that this problem would be peacefully resolved, we have not brought it officially before the United Nations. At this stage I shall therefore go no further into the details of the matter, but I should like to be allowed to emphasize the seriousness of this problem, which is one of the remnants of colonialism.
110.	Undoubtedly, the greatest and most important aim of mankind is international peace and security. But real peace and security cannot be attained without securing a relative balance in the field of development. The inequality between the rich and the poor nations, commonly referred to as the "gap", should be filled, as there is no distance between development and peace, which are synonymous in our times.
111.	Among the developing countries there are more unfortunate countries. I therefore deem it necessary to draw the attention of the Assembly to the special case of the land-locked, developing and least developed countries.
112.	The problems of the land-locked and the least developed countries have been the subject of different studies by various organs of the United Nations. The International Development Strategy [resolution 2626 (XXV)] has recognized the necessity of adopting special measures in their favor. We believe that the time has come to pass from generalities to specifics and to evolve comprehensive and concrete, but separate, action- programs in favor of each of the two above-mentioned groups of countries. These action-programs should be accompanied by a clear expression of the political will necessary for their implementation.
113.	As discussions and deliberations in the recent session of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor Beyond tf i Limits of National Jurisdiction revealed, land-locked developing countries have the right of free access to the sea-bed area, as well as the right of participation in its exploration and exploitation. Their geographical position and degree of economic development entitle them to special treatment. We expect the rights of these countries and their special needs to be taken into full consideration by the Sea-Bed Committee and the future conference on the law of the sea.
114.	While appreciating the assistance rendered by the developed countries to the developing world, we see that there are bitter facts prevailing in this respect which hamper the pace of progress of those striving for the betterment of their living conditions. This is not the time or place for going into the details of this matter, but it can be predicted, from past economic trends and the implications of the present inflation in Western developed countries, that during the Second United Nations Development Decade the developing countries will be paying out even, more than what they may expect to receive. It is obviously too late to seek any remedy for the past, but it is imperative to keep the past in mind in planning for the future. If this gap is not bridged, the developing countries will be confronted with staggering difficulties.
115.	In the course of history, economic and social inequalities within different societies have led to the disruption of peace within the societies. The present inequalities among nations, if not remedied, will inevitably jeopardize world peace and security. With the development of modem technology and destructive armaments, only one conclusion can be anticipated: namely, that the majority of the people of the world will first become poorer, and then be destroyed. For this reason, a serious consideration of the question of disarmament and of the allocation of the resources so released to the development of the developing countries must be no longer regarded as a dream but recognized as a fundamental purpose of the United Nations.
116.	What is important to a country like Afghanistan is the fact that a major part of the resources of the developing countries is also spent on armaments. Such expenses are imposed by world circumstances even on non-aligned countries, which do not belong to any military bloc and which have declared their non-alignment solely for the purpose of promoting world peace, international security, and their own development ;.rd progress.
117.	However, it is clear and also understandable that we cannot expect that disarmament will be achieved outright or that the resources will be released for economic development when most needed. But realism and reason lead us to expect that the developed countries will join in positive and effective efforts in the direction of general and complete disarmament by agreeing not to make more arms. The total expenditure on armaments during one year amounts to $215,000 million. Even the allocation of a portion of that sum to economic development would be a positive and effective contribution to international development,
118.	In speaking of disarmament, may I take this opportunity to welcome the idea of convening a world disarmament conference? We believe that the time is ripe for such an approach to the question of disarmament and security, which undeniably requires a global solution. Needless to say, the participation of the People's Republic of China and other countries whose representatives are not present at the disarmament talks would be extremely important in such a conference.
119.	Although the pace of progress in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks is very slow, the impression of mutual confidence given by the super-Powers is heartening. It is our hope that that confidence will spread to all countries of the world and give the world a genuine sense of assurance.
120.	It must be known that no understanding or agreement which does not reflect the interests of all nations, even if it is an understanding and agreement between all major Powers, can contribute to the promotion and protection of world peace and international security. It is for this reason that Afghanistan, as a non-aligned and developing country convinced that it can meet the needs of its people only under conditions of peace and security, demands that the rights of the developing countries in the political and economic world of the future be respected and recognized.
121.	The protection and promotion of human rights is a special responsibility of the United Nations. The past years
have witnessed serious and more extensive violations of human rights in different parts of the world, as a result of the reluctance on the part of Member States to implement internationally recognized principles, declarations, conventions and covenants. We hope that this session of the Assembly will consider and recommend effective measures in this field.
122.	My delegation, from the very inception of the idea, has supported the creation of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights as a first step towards the future development of an international enforcement structure. We believe that the High Commissioner, in carrying out his functions, should give special attention to violations of human rights arising from racial discrimination and from colonial and alien domination.
123.	Afghanistan was one of the first two authors of the very first proposal to recognize self-determination as an inalienable right of peoples and nations A This right, and its implementation in the interest of all people under alien domination, remain the corner-stone of all fundamental rights and freedoms as enshrined in article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [resolution 2200 (XXI), annex].
124.	Being quite aware of the achievement of independence by a great number of countries and the ever- increasing membership of the United Nations, we must not forget that millions of people still live under alien domination. This is a great threat to peace and stability in many areas of the world,
125.	Now that the classic form of colonialism is gradually vanishing, it is more important to pay special attention to other, and perhaps more dangerous, forms of domination, including the domination of many Territories and peoples in many parts of the world by alien Powers-especially by those which themselves, not very long ago, were colonies.
126.	Both before and since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], Afghanistan strongly supported United Nations efforts to put an end to colonialism in all its forms and manifestations an undertaking which we entered into in your own great country, Mr. President.
127.	Next comes the intolerable and inhuman question of racial discrimination. Our stand on this is more than well known. We have never failed to condemn apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination as flagrant violations of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Therefore, we once more proclaim our support for the struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia.
128.	Afghanistan welcomes the observance of the year 1971 as the International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. The Government of Afghanistan sincerely hopes that this International Year will prove to be an important step in the realization of its
4	See Official Records of the General Assembly, Fifth Session, Annexes, agenda item 63, document A/C.3/L.88.
purpose to achieve substantial progress in the elimination of all forms of racism and racial discrimination, including policies of apartheid.
129.	Mr. President, Afghanistan wishes to see this session go down in history, as you have suggested, as the "Assembly of universality" [1934th meeting]. We further hope that this session will contribute to the suppression of the spirit of divisionism which has so much damaged the United Nations and the world. It is our hope that a united and universal attack will be launched against divisionism inside and outside the United Nations. Only then will mankind be confident enough to look forward hopefully to seeing a world united in order to achieve its common goals of peace and prosperity.