I should like
at the outset to extend my warmest compliments to His
Excellency Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, Foreign Minister of
Ukraine, on his assumption last week of the presidency of
the fifty-second session of the General Assembly. Japan
will cooperate closely with him for the success of this
session.
I should also like to pay sincere tribute to His
Excellency Mr. Razali Ismail, who, as President of the
fifty-first session of the General Assembly, demonstrated
active initiative for strengthening the functions of the
United Nations through reform. Japan earnestly hopes that
Ambassador Razali will continue to contribute his views
for the advancement of United Nations reform.
5

This session of the General Assembly will be an
“Assembly for reform”. I say this because the current
session is of unprecedented importance in terms of realizing
the reform of the United Nations.
I should like to recall what the purpose of United
Nations reform is. The purpose of reforming the United
Nations is, I believe, to strengthen its functions to further
enable it to fully accomplish its tasks. As a member of the
Security Council, Japan is deeply aware that since the end
of the Cold War grave problems of conflicts and poverty
have emerged, most frequently and acutely in Africa. By
reforming the United Nations, the international community
will be better able to solve the problems of peoples in all
parts of the world who are suffering due to conflicts and
poverty, problems which are especially glaring in Africa.
We must begin immediately to strengthen the United
Nations in this respect and continue our efforts into the
future. Japan intends to play the role which is expected of
it in the strengthened United Nations.
I regard highly the strong initiatives of the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, in promoting reform. In
particular, his proposals for United Nations reform
announced in March and July of this year are intended to
enhance the coherence and effectiveness of United Nations
activities by strengthening the leadership of the Secretary-
General as well as the coordination function in each field,
including development and humanitarian affairs; as such,
they have Japan’s basic support. We earnestly hope that the
reform of the United Nations as a whole will gather
momentum through these proposals.
If the United Nations is unable to reform itself to meet
the demands of the coming era, but simply engages in an
aimless repetition of detailed arguments in which each
Member State pursues its own interests, the confidence of
the international community in the Organization will be
severely undermined. We must be aware that at this
moment we are standing at a crucial crossroads. It is the
very moment at which we must summon the political will
to decide on the outlines of United Nations reform.
Japan believes that each Member State should, in a
spirit of statesmanship, engage in substantive negotiations,
not from the viewpoint of pursuing its own parochial
interests but from the genuinely broad perspective of
maximizing benefits to the international community as a
whole.
Japan believes that reforms relating to the Security
Council, finance and development are the three pillars of
United Nations reform. Today, the Security Council is
attentive to the economic and social aspects of the
conflicts it seeks to resolve. Moreover, in order to
establish a sound financial basis, it is necessary that all
the activities of the United Nations, including those in the
fields of development and peacekeeping, be rendered
more effective. Serious efforts in the area of development
are also important for ensuring international peace and
security. It is therefore essential that reform in these three
areas be achieved as a whole in a balanced manner in
order for the United Nations, the sole universal
organization, to respond appropriately to the dramatically
changing context of the international community and to
be better able to discharge its functions.
Now I would like to reiterate Japan’s views on some
of the most important points regarding the United Nations
reform effort.
First, the reform of the Security Council.
Needless to say, the international community is
vastly different today from what it was 51 years ago,
when the United Nations was founded. Broadly speaking,
this is reflected in the following two ways.
First, in addition to those States that were originally
expected to assume primary responsibility for
international peace and security, other States have newly
emerged with the capacity and the willingness to play a
global role. Secondly, many States have in the meantime
become independent, and today they represent a majority
in the international community, in which they have
become important players.
Particularly in the wake of the cold war, the Security
Council is expected to play an even greater role in the
area of international peace and security. To meet such
expectations, it is essential that it be reorganized to adapt
to these two changes, thereby enhancing its legitimacy
and effectiveness. This is the very essence of Security
Council reform. It is with such a reformed and
strengthened Security Council that effective measures to
resolve, for example, the frequent conflicts in regions
such as Africa become possible.
It is from this perspective that many States,
including my own, are advocating the expansion of both
permanent and non-permanent membership. If the reform
were to result in an expansion of only the non-permanent
membership, the Council’s legitimacy and effectiveness
6

would not be enhanced and genuine reform to adapt to the
changing times would not have been accomplished.
This year, under the leadership of former General
Assembly President Razali, discussions on Security Council
reform have gained greater momentum than ever before.
Japan strongly urges that we seize this opportunity to
decide on at least a framework for Security Council reform
and reach an agreement on an outline for the realization of
concrete reform by the end of the year. I should like to
reiterate that Japan, with the endorsement of many
countries, is prepared to discharge its responsibilities as a
permanent member of the Security Council in accordance
with its basic philosophy of the non-resort to the use of
force, prohibited by its Constitution.
I shall touch next on financial reform. Today a further
retrenchment by the United Nations in the area of finance
is required, and Japan regards highly the Secretary-
General’s efforts towards this end. The Government of
Japan is itself currently pursuing drastic reform of its
financial structure, with the aim of bringing its financial
deficit below 3 per cent of gross domestic product by the
year 2003. It is also essential for the United Nations to
secure a solid financial basis for itself. In this regard, I
would emphasize again that it is the obligation of Member
States to pay their assessed contributions in full, and that
Member States in arrears should make every effort to
eliminate them.
It goes without saying that the expenses of the
Organization must be apportioned more equitably. As
regards the basis for calculating the scale of assessments,
Japan has advocated adopting the concept of “responsibility
to pay” to complement the present method, which is based
on the principle of “capacity to pay”. Japan’s assessment is
about to reach that of the United States, and it is already
almost as great as the assessments of the other four
permanent members combined. If Japan’s assessment were
to increase further out of proportion, with reform of the
Security Council not yet realized, I must say there would be
a problem with respect to the fairness of such a situation.
Japan strongly hopes that the financial reform of the United
Nations will proceed together with reforms in other areas as
a whole in a balanced manner, and that agreement on an
equitable scale of assessments can be achieved.
The third point relates to reform in the area of
development. Development and peace are, so to speak, two
sides of the same coin. Without development, the causes of
conflicts will not be eliminated, and without peace the
conditions for development will not be met. Under its
present Constitution, Japan has continued to attach great
importance to contributing to international peace through
its active involvement in development issues and
humanitarian assistance efforts. Involvement in
development issues is a matter of priority for my country,
and its commitment to the development of developing
countries remains unchanged.
Japan has been insisting that a “new development
strategy”, based on a genuine partnership between
developed and developing countries, is particularly
necessary in this post-cold-war era. Consideration of the
Agenda for Development has concluded recently. We
believe it is important that the new philosophy, based on
the ownership of developing countries and on a genuine
partnership, be widely shared in the United Nations.
Towards this end, in July of this year Japan held the
Okinawa Conference on Development, and this month co-
hosted with the Kingdom of the Netherlands the
Conference on the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development/Development Assistance
Committee (OECD/DAC) Strategy “Shaping the Twenty-
first Century: The Contribution of Development
Cooperation”. We are thus exploring ways of promoting
and realizing this strategy. Through such efforts by Japan,
it is becoming widely recognized that South-South
cooperation, fortified with the new dimension of
triangular cooperation, is an important means of
promoting this strategy.
We regard the Secretary-General’s proposals to
establish a United Nations development group and to
consolidate United Nations offices at the country level to
be very worthwhile in terms of increasing efficiency.
United Nations reform must not be a euphemism for
budget-cutting. From this point of view, Japan, with the
support of many States, has been advocating the idea of
reinvesting in development programmes the savings that
accrue from reforms. We urge that this proposal, which
is reflected in the Secretary-General’s reform plan, be
quickly implemented. In addition, Japan hopes that the
year 2001 will be designated as the International Year of
Volunteers in order to encourage more active participation
in United Nations activities at the grass-roots level.
Setting development on track and eradicating poverty
in Africa are necessary for the fundamental solution of
the conflicts that frequently occur in that region. Bearing
this in mind, Japan has been focusing its efforts on
African development issues. At Japan’s initiative, plans
are under way to hold the second Tokyo International
Conference on African Development (TICAD II) at the
7

ministerial level next year in Tokyo, following a
preparatory meeting, also in Tokyo, at the senior-official
level in November of this year. We would like to ask the
States concerned to cooperate for the success of these
conferences and for the achievement of substantive progress
in promoting African development.
Ever since becoming a Member in 1956, Japan has
consistently pursued a foreign policy that attaches
importance to the United Nations. Since January of this
year, thanks to the support of many countries, Japan has
been serving its eighth term as a non-permanent member of
the Security Council. It has been actively cooperating in
United Nations peacekeeping operations and efforts for the
prevention and settlement of regional conflicts. Next
January, Japan will convene the International Conference on
Preventive Strategy, which Prime Minister Ryutaro
Hashimoto proposed at the fifty-first session of the General
Assembly of the United Nations. We anticipate that
concrete proposals will be made at that conference as to
how cooperation between the United Nations and the
Organization of African Unity, and the strengthening of the
functions of the United Nations through such measures as
reform of the Security Council, can contribute to the
prevention and early resolution of conflicts in Africa. I am
also pleased to announce that next March Japan plans to
convene in Tokyo an international conference on the
present situation and future prospects of United Nations
peacekeeping operations.
Japan is also hosting the third session of the
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change in Kyoto this December to
decide on international measures to prevent global warming
to be taken after the year 2000. Global warming is a critical
issue, with implications for the future of humankind, and its
solution will require the efforts of every country, including
developing countries. Japan is sparing no effort to ensure
the success of this conference and its adoption of a protocol
that is meaningful, realistic and equitable, and I would
earnestly ask for the cooperation of all participating
countries.
Next year we shall observe the fiftieth anniversary of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I expect the
United Nations to further strengthen its role in the areas of
human rights and refugee and humanitarian assistance.
Japan will also continue to contribute actively in these
areas.
In addition, disarmament efforts, as well as the regime
for the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
must be further strengthened for the sake of world peace
and stability. Japan will also emphasize at this session the
importance of steady and cumulative efforts to take
realistic nuclear disarmament measures, aiming for a
world free of nuclear weapons. We will also participate
actively in discussions on anti-personnel landmines, the
review of the United Nations Register of Conventional
Arms and the question of small arms.
The twenty-first century will arrive in less than four
years. In order to make the next century brighter, the
United Nations should reform itself to be ready for the
new era. If it is to do so, an agreement on the outline of
United Nations reform must be reached this year. Let us
join forces to ensure that the world in the twenty-first
century is stable and prosperous. This will require that we
greet the twenty-first century with United Nations reforms
achieved.
I should like to conclude my statement by stressing
the profound importance of strengthening the United
Nations — the only universal international Organization.


I join previous speakers in
congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency
of the fifty-second session of the General Assembly. My
delegation is satisfied that your vast experience in
international affairs and your proven diplomatic skills will
guide the work of this session to a successful conclusion.
I wish to assure you of my delegation’s full support and
cooperation in the execution of the duties of your office.
I also wish to express my delegation’s gratitude and
congratulations to your predecessor, Ambassador Razali
Ismail of Malaysia, who presided over our Assembly during
the fifty-first session with great vigour, skill and resolve.
Having had the honour of serving as a Vice-President of
that session, I am particularly appreciative of his
noteworthy contributions.
This is my first opportunity in this Assembly to
address and congratulate our new Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan. He is, of course, no stranger to any of us,
having faithfully served this Organization for so many
years. We are confident that he has the vision, ability and
determination to lead the United Nations as it prepares to
meet the challenges of the new millennium. I wish to assure
the Secretary-General of the continued support and
cooperation of the Government of the Commonwealth of
the Bahamas.
On behalf of the Government and people of the
Bahamas, I also wish to pay tribute to our former
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. The
Bahamas particularly wishes to recall and salute his tireless
efforts in seeking to restore financial stability to our
Organization.
Today, I reiterate the Bahamas’ solemn pledge that as
we lead our nation into a new millennium the primary
focus of our efforts will be directed towards improving the
delivery of health care, education and skills training, a
reduction in the level of serious crime and unemployment,
and the eradication of poverty and poor housing. We are
committed to achieving the full empowerment of women
and equality among the sexes as we work toward the
evolution of a society in which our children will live with
hope, a society where there is opportunity for all, where
there is respect for human rights, fundamental values and
the rule of law.
Our efforts on behalf of the Bahamian people also
represent our contribution towards the collective efforts
which Member States of the United Nations must make
to ensure a safe, stable and productive global society so
that progress, peace and development can be achieved for
all the people represented here. We are therefore
committed to assisting in the much needed reform of this
world body, so as to enable us to achieve these goals.
One of the greatest threats to quality of life and to
productive development worldwide is criminal behaviour.
My Government has set as one of its highest priorities the
comprehensive reduction and prevention of crime, in all
its forms, including drug-trafficking, money-laundering
and illegal trafficking in firearms, and, indeed, in human
beings. Those who engage in such menacing activities
respect no borders. We therefore implore all Member
States, irrespective of size or might, to recognize that the
most effective means of reducing crime at the national
and international levels is through joint and collaborative
efforts.
The Government of the Bahamas supports the
strengthening of the international legal order against
crime. We also hope that the special session on the
question of drugs in 1998 will provide new impetus and
resolve to combat this particular menace to all of our
societies.
My Government reiterates its call to urgently address
the growing problem of the traffic in small arms. The
Bahamas, neither a manufacturer nor a vendor of arms,
urges those countries involved in the production and sale
of arms to impose stringent control measures and provide
assistance to vulnerable States to reduce the threat of the
traffic in arms.
Another concern of the world’s nations is the
protection of the environment. The Bahamas recognizes
and appreciates that conservation and enhancement of the
environment are critically important to the well-being of
our people, and especially that of future generations.
Consequently, our national planning process incorporates
community environmental education and the regular
monitoring and enforcement of laws for the protection of
natural resources and the conservation of habitats. Indeed,
during the course of this year, the Government of the
Bahamas enacted legislation to protect our physical
landscape and prevent the destruction of certain
13

indigenous trees. The expansion of green and open spaces
for the benefit of the general population is another key
pillar in our environmental policy.
Tourism is the leading industry in the Bahamas and
the fastest growing industry in the world. We are all aware,
however, that the development of tourism does not always
take place in harmony with environmental protection and
conservation. Mindful of this fact, the Bahamas, along with
its regional partners, seeks to develop strategies, policies
and procedures which will ensure that the continued
development of the industry is consistent with standards of
environmental sustainability. In this vein, the Caribbean
Community has adopted a regional position against the
transportation of hazardous and radioactive substances
through the Caribbean Sea, a concern previously voiced in
this forum.
While the concept of sustainable development remains
subject to further definition, my Government believes that
poverty reduction and social development can and must be
achieved in concert with environmental integrity, economic
stability and good health. The proper integration of
developing economies into the rapidly advancing
globalization of world trade will, we believe, mark the
measure of our success in these areas. Regrettably,
developments over the past decade have not always met
expectations.
In spite of the technological revolution of the last
decade and the rapid increase in worldwide commerce, the
benefits of the globalization of the world’s economy have
not been evenly distributed. Developing countries continue
to be marginalized even as the world’s market economy
grows at an extraordinary pace.
Globalization can offer great opportunities, but only if
it is managed carefully and with more concern for equity,
morality and indeed compassion. An enabling environment
must be created for all to take full advantage of the new
opportunities created by globalization.
The peculiar vulnerability of small islands — their
susceptibility to natural disasters, their economy’s
dependence on primary products, their small human and
material resource base — means that small island States
have much more at stake in achieving sustainable
development. The Bahamas, therefore, attaches great
importance to the 1999 review of the Barbados Programme
of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States, and calls for the mobilization of external
resources for its further implementation. We are also
pleased to note that consideration is being given by the
United Nations to the possible development of a
vulnerability index. We welcome the proposed convening
of an expert group meeting later this year to review
various proposals, and look forward to the completion of
the technical study now in progress.
The development of a mechanism such as the
vulnerability index will help to alleviate a concern which
the Bahamas has repeatedly expressed in this assembly
regarding the persistent use of per capita gross national
product as the major measurement of wealth. It is our
view that this criterion is an inadequate measurement of
development and is often inconsistent with the principles
of equity.
The vulnerability of small island States is painfully
demonstrated in the unfolding natural disaster on the
Caribbean island of Montserrat, where volcanic activity
has forever changed the physical, sociological and
psychological landscape. Indeed, the viability of the island
to provide a base for the livelihood and development of
the people of Montserrat is yet to be determined. We, the
Government and people of the Bahamas, wish to express
our solidarity with, and pledge our continued support to,
the people of Montserrat during this particularly difficult
time.
We are similarly conscious of the fact that natural
disasters affect virtually all the Member States of this
Organization, large and small, developed and developing.
In recent times, typhoons in South-East Asia, floods in
Eastern and Central Europe and in the central states and
provinces of the United States and Canada, and
earthquakes in South America, and most recently in Italy
and Indonesia, have wreaked untold suffering on millions
of people.
As we look towards the twenty-first century, we
must assess how best this Organization can prepare itself
during the next three years to enter into this new era in
human history.
Since becoming a Member of the United Nations in
1973, the Commonwealth of the Bahamas has at
successive sessions of the Assembly reaffirmed the
importance of the United Nations and has conveyed its
commitment to work with other Member States in pursuit
of the principles and objectives of the Charter.
In this connection, we congratulate the Secretary-
General on the important reform proposals which he has
14

presented, and we stand ready to participate in their
comprehensive and constructive review during this session.
It is the view of my delegation that reform should
have as its end result an improved and more efficient
Organization, fully able to meet the demands of the
Members which it serves. At the same time, reform would
be meaningless if the Organization were not to have a
stable financial basis on which to carry out its functions. It
is imperative, therefore, that we find a way to overcome the
myriad obstacles that have eluded resolution to date in areas
such as the reform of the Security Council and the financial
situation of the United Nations.
The Bahamas strongly urges all Member States to
commit themselves to resolution of the question of Security
Council reform at this fifty-second session of the General
Assembly. The Bahamas supports the need to expand the
Council’s membership in both categories. This expansion
must, however, pay due regard to the principles of equal
representation, the reflection of the universal character of
the Organization and the need to correct existing
imbalances in the composition of the Council.
In a world confronted daily by press reports on the
tragedies of failed efforts to preserve peace between
nations — and indeed, between different ethnic and/or
religious groups within nations — it is frequently easy to
ignore the successes being achieved by the Organization.
My Government welcomes the positive work being done by
the United Nations in the maintenance of international
peace and security. The fact that increasing numbers of
countries are willing to cooperate with the United Nations
is an indication of how important it is for the Organization
to continue the implementation of its mandate in this area.
We note the success stories in areas such as Central
America and also in Haiti, where the mandate of the
Support Mission has recently been extended. It has always
been the contention of the Bahamas Government that too
early a withdrawal from Haiti had the potential of derailing
the hard-earned gains made in that country. The continuing
and recently escalating arrival of many Haitian migrants in
the Bahamas is a sobering reminder that a setback in
Haiti’s difficult march towards political and economic
stability could well be destabilizing.
The Government applauds the international community
in its successful negotiation of a treaty to ban anti-personnel
landmines. Bahamas will sign the treaty and ratify it as
soon as possible, and hopes that the Convention will
receive full support, particularly from the developed
countries of the world. The Bahamas fulfilled its promise
made last year to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty, and pledges early ratification, in keeping with
its commitment to save succeeding generations from the
scourge of nuclear war. These, along with other measures,
bring us one step closer to the total elimination of
weapons of mass destruction.
The Bahamas is of the view that the United Nations
should serve as a pillar of support for the aspirations of
its Member States and as a beacon of hope for the
destitute of the world. Let us therefore resolve to have
this fifty-second session of the General Assembly
remembered as a decisive turning point in the work of the
Organization. It should be remembered as a session where
Member States were able to attain a greater level of
understanding, trust, cooperation and a sense of purpose
to empower them to deal with the problems affecting the
international community.


I extend to the President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-second session the sincere congratulations of the
delegation of the Republic of Guinea on his election. At the
same time, I have the pleasant duty to transmit to him the
warmest greetings of the people and Government of Guinea
and, in particular, of the President of the Republic, General
Lansana Conte.
Mr. Udovenko’s wealth of experience in multilateral
diplomacy, to which he has devoted a major part of his
life, together with his outstanding personal qualities,
ensures the success of our deliberations. As Vice-
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-second
session, and because of the long-standing and excellent
relations of friendship that link my country with his —
Ukraine — I assure him of the full cooperation of my
delegation.
Furthermore, I should like to express the deep
appreciation of my delegation for the effectiveness and
competence shown by his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Razali Ismail, in conducting the debates of the
General Assembly at its fifty-first session.
I should also like to congratulate the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, on the outstanding work he has
accomplished since the beginning of his term, and on the
submission on 14 July this year of his programme for
reform. I should like to assure him of the confidence and
support of the Republic of Guinea.
In addition, I wish to pay tribute to the former
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who
deserves credit for beginning consideration of the subject.
Some have wished to call this fifty-second session
the Assembly of reform, and we are in agreement. The
document (A/51/950) submitted for debate, “Renewing
The United Nations: A Programme for Reform”, has been
examined extremely carefully by my Government. We
must admit that the United Nations in its current form is
a long way from corresponding to the geopolitical
realities of today’s world. Since its creation 50 years ago,
and in particular since 1989, the world has changed
greatly. We cannot fail to change along with it.
It is true that results in the area of peacekeeping and
international security have been extremely positive. Many
major treaties and conventions have been concluded,
including the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
and the Chemical Weapons Convention. The international
community has also made a firm and prompt commitment
to the Ottawa process on banning anti-personnel
landmines, a process in which the Republic of Guinea
took a particularly active part.
We should also welcome the implementation of
peacekeeping operations in many parts of the world and,
an extremely positive sign, an improvement in public
administration, increased democracy and the strengthening
17

of the ability of nations to promote human rights in the
interests of better governance.
But, in spite of this considerable progress, many
imbalances remain, major challenges are still before us and
the nascent globalization is not, as a spirit of international
solidarity would demand, benefiting developing countries,
which have tended to fall by the wayside on the road to
progress. Many countries are still labouring under the
burden of debt, which is crippling their economies and
thereby compromising their development efforts. In full
view of the international community, thinly disguised
protectionism prevents our products from gaining access to
buoyant markets. When, taking one year with another, some
of our products manage to overcome these barriers, they
often succumb to prices stemming from rules that are
sometimes fixed unilaterally or flouted with impunity. This
is compounded by the harmful effects of the decline in
official development assistance in spite of the Rio
commitments.
So-called small arms are proliferating on our borders
and are posing serious threats to the peace, security and
stability of many countries.
This short list does not nearly cover all the defects we
have to correct.
Courageous and consensual reform of the United
Nations could help us to do away with these ills, which are
compromising, through uncertainty, the future of many
nations represented here. We must reassure our peoples, not
just by drafting new standard-setting instruments that are
legally binding on us all, but, above all, by taking drastic
action, channelling our will and joint efforts to change the
situation on the ground.
The spirit of the Marshall Plan, which the United
Nations should espouse, should not die with the century
that saw its birth.
For all these reasons, the Republic of Guinea approves
the reform proposed by the Secretary-General. For all these
reasons it is also deeply involved in the debate that will
make it a reality. We will not go into all the positive
aspects here; we will simply confine ourselves to a few
points, especially those that directly affect developing
countries.
I begin with the economy, the new cornerstone of the
system after disarmament. Several economic measures go
in the right direction. We support the initiative to create a
United Nations Development Group, an Office of
Development Financing and a new system for multi-year
pledges for development cooperation thanks to savings on
administrative expenses, the first fruits of reform.
The same applies to strengthening the role of the
Economic and Social Council and promoting dialogue
with the technical ministries of our countries to give
impetus to macroeconomic policies. We also set great
store by the proclamation of the International Decade to
Eliminate Poverty and especially in concrete measures to
eradicate the evil of poverty.
The Republic of Guinea puts women and children at
the heart of its development, and welcomes the attention
given to the promotion of women and children.
In the same vein, Guinea supports the
implementation of the United Nations New Agenda for
the Development of Africa in the 1990s and the United
Nations System-wide Special Initiative on Africa.
My delegation supports other aspects which are
equally important for the restructuring under
consideration, especially the merger of institutions in the
Organization with similar activities, such as the creation
in Vienna of a single Office to combat transnational
crime, drug-trafficking and terrorism, evils we should all
fight against wherever they may rear their head, and the
amalgamation of the Centre for Human Rights with the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights.
The problem of the environment knows no
boundaries. If we are not careful, this may be the greatest
danger we face, since many perils are lurking,
smouldering beneath the surface of the anarchy in this
matter. It should be the sacred duty of the international
community to ensure the lasting health of our planet for
ourselves and for future generations. This is why we
welcome the organization of a special session on the
environment and development.
We have presented the proliferation of small arms as
a subject of concern to African countries. These weapons,
which unfortunately lend themselves to all types of
conflict, large or small, pose a real danger. We therefore
strongly support the idea of creating a Department for
Disarmament and Arms Regulation. If it is to be fully
effective, it should be given adequate resources and
genuine power to monitor the cross-border movement of
these weapons.
18

What is true of the Organization as a whole is even
more true of the Security Council. The times we live in
have made its reform essential. Nevertheless, when we deal
with this important and delicate issue, we should avoid
confrontation between regions and different groups and try
not to resort to useless polemics. On the one hand, we
should perhaps understand that we will not be able to do
everything at once, or else we will stymie the debate. Our
main goal should be significantly to change a status quo
which we all feel has had its day. On the other hand, if we
put ourselves in the shoes of those who are enjoying
permanent seats and the right of veto, we should recognize
that it is difficult, even human, but not impossible, to agree
to give up, without a fight, the considerable advantages won
after the war after a brave struggle.
But, once peace has been achieved, it would be
pointless if time were not able, after half a century, to heal
the wounds of defeat and cast out the memories of war.
Security Council reform must be one of the major proofs of
a reconciliation patiently achieved. This is only one aspect
of the issue.
If the desire to disarm is sincere and universally
shared by all members of the international community, as
decisive progress could lead us to hope is the case, then the
concept of power should no longer be measured by a
country’s mass destruction capabilities.
After the cold war, the end of the arms race and of the
confrontation of ideologies, the struggle — perhaps we
should say “competition” — is shifting to other arenas,
particularly the economic arena and ensuring people’s
happiness. In the process, many countries which not long
ago were considered small because of the size of their
economies are outstripping nations which have seen their
former glory fade.
The formidable progress in communications has
inexorably reduced distances and gulfs separating the levels
of knowledge and development in the different parts of the
world.
Together, let us square up to these new realities, with
justice and democracy as our point of reference but above
all, with a clear view of humanity united on the basis of a
fruitful and trusting partnership, ensuring progress and well-
being for all. And let us courageously decide now on what
is possible, even if it means postponing matters until the
year 2000, when we can put the finishing touches to what
we will not have done today.
In the debate this session, Africa, in its constant
quest for consensus, has modest ambitions. We would
consider two permanent seats in the Security Council,
with the same rights for all, pursuant to the resolutions of
the summit in Harare, as positive results. The delegation
of the Republic of Guinea will fight for this during what
it hopes will be a calm and constructive debate.
The United Nations is essential for today and
tomorrow. If it did not exist, we would have had to invent
it.
The United Nations, as a special and irreplaceable
place for 185 States to meet, work together and cooperate,
must lay down rules of law recognized universally by all
so that international relations can continue in a coherent,
equitable and efficient manner.
Structural reform, however perfect, cannot be fully
effective without adequate financing of the Organization’s
operations and, above all, of its activities.
Reform must necessarily be accompanied by
consistent funding. Without reducing this important aspect
of the question solely to the payment of the contributions
owed by many countries, the delegation of Guinea wishes
to state that its reaction to the statement by the President
of the country that is the largest contributor was a
positive one. Nevertheless, in keeping with the principle
that the rules that have hitherto governed the Organization
are still in effect, the payment of arrears by all Member
States must precede the opening of negotiations to work
out a new scale of assessments satisfactory to all.
While bearing in mind that our common destiny
should be the background to our statements before the
Assembly, I would like to point out that each region and
subregion comes to this rostrum with its own pressing
concerns.
The subregion of western Africa, to which my
country, the Republic of Guinea, belongs has been shaken
by two fratricidal conflicts in Liberia and in Sierra Leone.
In Liberia, the recent democratic and transparent
elections held on 19 July 1997 under the aegis of the
Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), with the support of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU), the United Nations and such
friendly countries as the United States of America, the
Netherlands, Denmark and France, have been crowned
with success. We welcome the Ministerial Meeting of the
19

Special Conference on Liberia that is taking place today in
the Trusteeship Council Chamber, and we hope that it will
lead to the mobilization of substantial resources for the
rebuilding of that fraternal country. The consolidation of
peace and stability there is at stake.
The Republic of Guinea, faithful to its policy of peace
and good-neighbourliness, has worked unflaggingly for the
success of such efforts. For the record, it will be recalled
that this is the first time that an African subregional
organization, determined to shoulder its responsibilities, has
managed to initiate, lead and successfully carry out a
peacekeeping operation.
We would also like to salute here the support being
given by the international community to ECOWAS for the
restoration of constitutional legitimacy in Sierra Leone,
which was the victim of a coup d’état on 25 May 1997.
The consequences of the conflicts in Liberia, which
lasted for seven years, and in Sierra Leone, which has been
going on for six years, have weighed heavily on the
Republic of Guinea. These are two neighbouring countries
that share hundreds of kilometres of frontiers with Guinea.
We have had to take in hundreds of thousands of
refugees and displaced persons. The Republic of Guinea, a
country of 7 million inhabitants, has up to 650,000
refugees, or one tenth of its population. In taking in the
refugees it has had to pay a heavy price and make
enormous sacrifices. In the border areas the environment
and infrastructures have deteriorated under the demographic
pressure. Schools have been closed to serve as shelters for
refugees. We have also had to cope with many health
problems of all kinds.
Because of this exceptional situation the members of
ECOWAS, meeting at Conakry on 26 June 1997, launched
an appeal for emergency assistance for the Republic of
Guinea. That appeal is beginning to be heeded by many
countries and international organizations.Here we would
like to thank most warmly the People’s Republic of China,
the State of Kuwait, the United States of America, France,
Canada, Qatar, Italy and the Organization of African Unity,
which have already demonstrated their solidarity with us.
I would be remiss if, out of a desire to inform the
Assembly of the problems of western Africa, I failed to
give due attention to conflicts tearing other African
countries and other regions of the world asunder.
With regard to the Great Lakes region, my
delegation would encourage all initiatives to establish a
climate of peace and stability in that area.
Similarly, we would like to voice our concern at the
deterioration of the situation in the Congo. While urging
the parties to the conflict to observe the ceasefire and
persevere in their efforts at negotiation, we reaffirm our
support for the tireless efforts being made by all those of
goodwill to reach a settlement of that crisis.
Turning to Western Sahara, the Republic of Guinea
welcomes the appointment of a new Personal Envoy of
the Secretary-General for Western Sahara and hopes that
the personal input of that diplomat will foster the peaceful
implementation of the United Nations settlement plan.
Other parts of the world are also experiencing unrest
that threatens international peace and security. We shall
confine ourselves here to the situation in the Middle East.
The Republic of Guinea encourages the efforts being
made to find a just and lasting settlement in the Middle
East. Notwithstanding current difficulties, we must
persevere. Peace, a just and equitable peace between
Israel and its Arab neighbours, is essential. Peace will
remake that region in the interests of all its peoples and
turn it into a magnet for all the nations of the world. The
only way to achieve that is through negotiation.
In the prevention, management and resolution of
conflicts, Africa is increasingly shouldering its own
responsibilities. This new approach is in keeping with
current developments, and the international community
should encourage and support it.
The Republic of Guinea, which pursues a policy of
peace and economic development under the leadership of
a man of peace and tolerance, the President of the
Republic, Brigadier General Lansana Conté, will be
prepared, as in the past, to bear its share of responsibility
for solving African problems.
A dark cloud always has a silver lining.
It is comforting to note that life on the African
continent is not confined to crises and conflicts. The
struggle of African peoples to emerge from poverty has
made striking progress in recent years. The needs of
economic development have compelled all African
countries to adapt their State institutions and redirect their
policies to cope with the changes of the new era.
20

Today, there are many bilateral and multilateral
initiatives to help Africa get off the ground. Most of those
initiatives draw on the lessons of the past and, happily,
avoid the imposition of patterns or stereotypes; they take
into account the real needs of the African people, who are
increasingly involved in the choice of development plans
and programmes. Measures to convert, suspend or write off
debts are part of that process.
We face major challenges, whose diversity and
complexity concern us and call for urgent solutions
commensurate with the expectations and aspirations of our
peoples. The Republic of Guinea is confident that the
current session will produce decisions enabling our
Organization fully to carry out its noble mission as we
approach the third millennium.
I conclude on that note of hope and optimism.


First of all, I would
like to refer to the intervention which will be made
tomorrow by the Foreign Minister of Luxembourg on
behalf of the European Union. I should also like to
congratulate the Foreign Minister of Ukraine on his
election as President of the General Assembly.
Allow me to reflect a bit on the fact that three
decades ago a Danish Prime Minister, Mr. Jens Otto
Krag, presented our yearly address to the twenty-second
session of the General Assembly. The challenges of today
are not very similar to those of that time, and yet they are
no less complex nor of lesser magnitude. For the United
Nations to face these challenges, the Organization must
adapt. It must reform, must change and must modernize.
That is why reform must be a priority for this session of
the General Assembly. And that, in all humility, is why
I am here today: to support the Secretary-General and the
General Assembly and to do what I can on behalf of my
country in order to reach our goal at the end of this
session and to help make decisions that are necessary in
order to modernize and to reform.
Since the twenty-second session of the General
Assembly, 30 years ago, we have seen disappointments.
We have seen civil wars. We have seen frustrations,
backlashes and incredible suffering. Yet we have also
seen light. We have seen peace where war once raged.
We have seen former enemies living peacefully together.
Indeed, we have seen apartheid disappear. We have seen
the Berlin Wall fall. We have seen the oppressed coming
out of jails and being elected leaders of their countries,
and some of them rank among the world's most
outstanding leaders. We have seen the winds of change
sweep over entire continents.
I believe this: if our generation cannot believe in the
impossible, who can? If our generation cannot take the
decisions that are necessary, who else can? All in all, I
think this is of crucial importance for the United Nations.
A reform programme for the United Nations is not
only about a more efficient use of scarce resources. It is
also, and more importantly, about strengthening and
revitalizing the Organization so that it can effectively
carry out its core activities and meet the challenges of the
future. It must be a reform closer to the people, a reform
closer to non-governmental organizations and
parliamentarians, a reform unifying Governments, the
United Nations and peoples.
11

The core activities and priorities are very clearly
described in the Secretary-General's reform programme.
With great precision and clarity, the Secretary-General has
spelled out elements that my Government fully subscribes
to: peace and security, economic and social affairs;
development cooperation; humanitarian affairs; and, as an
activity cutting across the others, human rights - because
human rights makes the United Nations the people's United
Nations. These core functions of the United Nations are
interdependent and mutually supportive. No amount of
funding will create sustainable development without peace,
good governance and respect for human rights. None of our
efforts in the field of peace and security or humanitarian
relief will have a lasting effect without efforts to create
sustainable development.
Denmark gives its full support to the reform
programme of the Secretary-General. We consider the
programme, in its totality, to be a significant contribution
towards strengthening the Organization and towards making
it more responsive, legitimate and efficient. I also note the
spirit of the Secretary-General in creating much greater
motivation among the employees of the United Nations and
much shorter lines between the Secretary-General and all
the rest of the people working for our common goal and
cause, here in this House and all around the world.
Reform is about shifting resources to the core
functions of the United Nations: shifting resources from
administration to development - in short, getting more
value for money, centrally, on the national level and
locally.
The reform programme constitutes a package. It
should be dealt with by the General Assembly as such. The
programme as a whole should receive the political
endorsement of the Assembly in the coming weeks. My
country endorses the package fully and wholly.
Ground-breaking work has been carried out on the
way towards Security Council reform. Expansion of the
membership of the Council is essential to enhance its
legitimacy. At the same time, its effectiveness and decision-
making capacity must be safeguarded. But - and I think
that there is a "but" - we must unify in order to reform.
We are gathered to reform, to open a new chapter of
reforming and modernizing the United Nations.
It has to be said that no institution can discharge its
functions without a sound financial basis. Member States'
fulfilment of their financial obligations must be considered
the touchstone of their attachment to the United Nations. I
am not a billionaire; I am probably not even a millionaire.
I am the Prime Minister of my country, and I know the
way to go. I know, on behalf of my country, our
obligations. I also know, on behalf of my country, the
financial duties my country has. I therefore hope that this
session will also be a turning point for all Member
countries of the United Nations, because a sound financial
basis first and foremost requires that Member States pay
their contributions in full, on time and without any
conditions. The contributions of Member States must be
based on their capacity to pay. Therefore let us join, as
we have done on the reform process, to finance the
United Nations on its path to the next century.
Political instability, violence and the collapse of the
structures of society have led to massive movements of
refugee populations. Large numbers of people - millions
of people - have fled to regions far from their homes.
We are deeply concerned about this situation. We must do
our utmost to support the humanitarian organizations in
their efforts to assist refugees and other displaced persons
as close to their local environments as possible: as close
to their homes as possible.
Yet refugees and other displaced persons cannot
return to their homes so long as anti-personnel mines
remain scattered throughout the countryside, so long as
human beings by the thousand are being injured or killed
when they work their fields, so long as children cannot go
to school without risking losing a limb on their way.
Mr. Secretary-General, you said it yourself in your
speech in Oslo: you underlined that the very presence, or
just the fear of the presence, of only one mine can stop
the work in a whole village, can stop the work in a whole
field, can make it impossible for families, or whole
villages, to survive and to create proper living conditions.
We must realize that, without mines, we would have
countries that could double or triple their agricultural
production and thereby help themselves. We must get rid
of these anti-personnel mines and must do it today rather
than tomorrow.
I look forward to the day when the last anti-
personnel mine has been produced. That will be a good
day for mankind. I look forward to the day when the last
anti-personnel mine has been removed. That will be a
good day for mankind, and that day must come soon. I
look forward to the day when a United Nations
convention will settle this matter so that it never comes
before us again.
12

We must at the same time work at improving the basic
conditions of life for ordinary people in areas of conflict.
Only in this way can we prevent people from becoming
permanent refugees.
In the past year we have once again experienced how
quickly crises can break out in different parts of the world.
This underlines the need for the international community to
be able to react swiftly and in unity in order to prevent the
spread of violence and human suffering. As the Secretary-
General has noted, my country, Denmark, has taken the
initiative to establish a multinational standby high readiness
brigade (SHIRBRIG) within the framework of United
Nations standby agreements. The planning element for the
brigade was officially inaugurated by the Secretary-General
earlier this month in my country. The initiative is being
taken to increase the rapid-reaction capability, and it must
be carried forward. Improvements in the planning capacity
of the United Nations are under way and will help reduce
the overall response time.
Capacity within other areas must be enhanced as well.
Civilian police has proved crucial in many of the recent
operations. We must improve both the capacity and the
training of civilian police officers.
Next year we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of a
major achievement in the history of mankind: the 1948
adoption by the General Assembly of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. The noble object of the
Declaration is the protection of individuals - not the
interests of States. All human beings are equal and deserve
equal protection against abuse. Therefore the standards of
the Declaration are by their very nature universal. Any
denunciation of human rights obligations is unacceptable
and demonstrates a lack of respect for human dignity.
On the subject of credibility, I wish to underline that
a connection must also be made between violence and
human rights violations and the consequences. I think,
therefore, that a significant recent development since the
adoption of the Declaration is the establishment of the
office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. I
welcome the new High Commissioner, Mrs. Mary
Robinson. She will receive our full support in her
endeavours to promote and ensure universal respect for
human rights.
But respect for human rights demands also
international justice. After the Nuremberg trials we all
believed that the Holocaust would never happen again, and
yet new genocides are haunting us. Therefore, we need a
permanent international criminal court. We will not allow
crimes against humanity to go unpunished. This is a
fundamental question of credibility, a fundamental
question of consequence and of justice. Setting a precise
date for a diplomatic conference in 1998 is essential to
maintain the momentum for the early establishment of the
court, by the end of this decade.
The need to assist the poorest countries is as
important as ever. The poorest countries do not, I believe,
attract sufficient private capital flows, nor do they have
the potential to benefit from the liberalization of
international trade. It is time for action. It is time to
narrow the gap between rhetoric and action. I would
remind the Assembly of the World Summit for Social
Development, held in Copenhagen, and I would recall the
obligations undertaken there and our vision of narrowing
the gap between rhetoric and practical action. Education,
health and participation for women are fundamentals.
The role of the United Nations system in the field of
economic and social development is indispensable. I
should like to emphasize in particular the importance of
the United Nations as an Organization operating with a
global mandate and on the basis of a global approach of
sustainable development, security and good governance.
Let me mention by way of example the World
Conference on Women, held in Beijing. It should be a
primary task for the United Nations system to ensure an
effective follow-up to these conferences.
The United Nations should be at the forefront of the
global efforts to ensure sustainable development for all.
And yet let us be direct, clear and honest. The United
Nations development organizations concerned are entirely
dependent on voluntary contributions, and these have,
regrettably, followed a decreasing trend in recent years. I
think it is fair to say that the United Nations development
organizations themselves can be partly blamed for the
emerging funding crisis. All too often they have failed to
cooperate. Many donors have been frustrated to see
United Nations organizations engage in a costly
competition for funds. The mere fact that it has not been
possible until now for the United Nations organizations to
establish common premises at the country level is an
example of this situation.
Here again I feel that the Secretary-General's reform
proposals are a significant contribution towards redressing
this unfortunate situation. Let us have one coordinated
United Nations house in each country, and let us not
compete among United Nations organizations but
13

cooperate effectively. That is a vision that we want to
follow and to support.
The many, many problems faced by minorities in our
world, and not least by indigenous peoples, must be
addressed in a coherent manner. We must ensure that
indigenous peoples are given real influence on matters
pertaining to them.
That is why my country, Denmark - in close
cooperation with the indigenous population of Greenland -
has called upon the United Nations and its Member States
to establish, within the framework of the Economic and
Social Council, a permanent forum for indigenous peoples.
This forum should have a broad mandate to cover a wide
range of issues. Indigenous peoples themselves must be
ensured the possibility of active and effective participation
in its establishment and in its function.
The United Nations is the future for all of us on this
globe - a future that can be improved by closer
cooperation with regional organizations. This cooperation
must be strengthened. Since the political changes in Europe
that began at the end of the 1980s, the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has taken on
an important role in that region. This role is a natural
expression of its status as a regional arrangement under
Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations. The
OSCE cooperates closely with the United Nations in a
number of areas. By taking on responsibility within its own
geographical area, the OSCE contributes to the United
Nations ability to deal with crises elsewhere.
As Chairman-in-Office of the OSCE, my Foreign
Minister has given high priority to strengthening the
relationship between the OSCE and the United Nations. We
have frequent contact with the Secretary-General and have
encouraged closer relations between the secretariats.
Let me conclude. It is time for reform, as the
Secretary-General so wisely said, and I should like in this
connection to make three points.
My first point is that the reform programme put
forward by the Secretary-General deserves our full support.
If adopted, it will leave this Organization in much better
shape. For the sake of our common future this is needed.
Let us decide and let us follow up.
My second point is this: we need the United Nations,
and the United Nations needs us. We must ensure the
necessary funding for the world Organization and its
development agencies. We must do this to make the
world a better and safer place. Every Member must pay
in full, on time, without conditions.
Finally, my third point: we must address the negative
legacies of the past. We cannot solve the problem of
refugees and displaced persons without making it possible
for them to return to their homes. They cannot and will
not do that as long as their physical well-being is
threatened by inhumane anti-personnel mines and as long
as their political future is threatened by war criminals
who have not been brought to justice.
Human rights are not just about words. It should also
be a human right to be able to live a secure life. At the
World Summit for Social Development at Copenhagen,
we said, "You cannot any longer have secure States
without secure people inside". This is what we need the
United Nations to help us with.
This is not a perfect world, but I remain an optimist.
With the United Nations as an organization for the people
and by the people, we can make this world a better place.
Let us join hands to make the twenty-first century a
happier one.


I take pleasure in congratulating the President
on his election to preside over the fifty-second session of
the General Assembly and to congratulate his friendly
country on his election to that high international office. We
are confident that his wide-ranging expertise will facilitate
his task and lead the deliberations of this session to a
successful end.
I should also like to thank his predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Razali Ismail, for his wise leadership of the
previous session of the General Assembly.
On this occasion I cannot fail to renew my
congratulations to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations and to Africa, his great continent. I wish him full
success in discharging his tasks in accordance with the
principles and purposes of the Charter.
Although more than 50 years have elapsed since the
adoption of the Charter of the United Nations, and
although States have since committed themselves to peace
in their international relations, many regions of the world,
particularly in the Middle East, continue to suffer
occupation, aggression and the threat of aggression to a
point where the sounds of war have begun to drown out
that of peace.
It has now become clear to most of those concerned
with peace and security in various corners of the Earth
that the peace process initiated at the Madrid Conference
six years ago has reached a dead end. This is due to the
volte-face by the current Israeli Government vis-à-vis that
process, including the commitments, agreements and
pledges stemming from it. It is also due to its cynicism
towards all the strenuous international efforts seeking, for
the first time in the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict, to
achieve a comprehensive solution to this conflict.
Perhaps many of us, Governments as well as
peoples, cannot foresee the extent of the serious
repercussions that will result from that Israeli reversal on
the peace process, particularly since it is taking place in
the post-cold-war period, when wars and armed
confrontations have taken ugly and barbaric forms and
have often raged out of control. Syria, which has opted
for the achievement of peace in the Middle East on the
basis of justice and dignity as a strategic choice, finds
that it is duty bound to train a spotlight from this
important international rostrum on some facts concerning
the positions of the current Israeli Government. This
should enable the international community, with the
sponsors of the peace process foremost among them, to
beware of any serious developments in the future leading
to undermining the security and stability of the Middle
East region and beyond.
As a preliminary observation, I must point out that
in our reading of the policy of the Israeli Government we
do not proceed from the perception widely held around
the world which classifies it as an extremist Zionist
Government bent on negating the other party to the
conflict rather than making peace with it. We proceed
merely from an objective description of declared positions
of the Israeli Government and from its practices on the
ground, which — at a minimum — aim at gradually
backtracking from the commitments and agreements
reached by the parties during the peace talks and
ultimately at completely eradicating the peace process
launched at the Madrid Conference.
20

It seems to us that the method now employed by the
Israeli Government to reach that objective is not the usual
one of one step forward, two steps back. It is now a new
practice, a tactic of one step back, then two steps back,
followed by a threat of a further step backwards which
cannot be abandoned, even provisionally, until the other
side accepts new conditions it had already rejected. Thus,
the peace process regresses until it ultimately cancels itself
out.
In this context, some may find it unfairly prejudicial
to the Israeli Government to characterize its practices in
such terms. They would, however, be surprised to learn that
the Head of the Israeli Government himself boasts to his
inner circle of employing such a tactic, which he believes
is a very astute means of ending the peace process as
unobtrusively as possible.
This does not stop at the modus operandi alone, but
extends to the details of the very fundamental issues
underpinning the peace process. While acknowledging the
applicability of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and
338 (1973) to the occupied Syrian Golan, he also
simultaneously rejects the results reached on the Syrian
track, with the participation of the United States as sponsor,
on the basis of those resolutions and relating to withdrawal
to the line of 4 June 1967. He further rejects the resumption
of negotiations from the point at which they were halted.
It is also strange that the Israeli Government rejects
the formula of land for peace, though it is at the very core
of the United States initiative and has always enjoyed
international unanimity. Instead of accepting this formula,
the head of the Israeli Government advances others that
neither common sense nor logic could entertain and that
cannot stand the test of time, such as the formula of peace
for peace or peace for security. It is clear that accepting
these two Israeli formulas would be tantamount to surrender
and to becoming an instrument at the service of Israel’s
security.
It is indeed true that security issues are of the utmost
importance to all States, peoples and individuals. That is
not in doubt. However, security is the fruit of peace; the
achievement of peace brings security and not vice versa.
Proceeding from that, we believe that the Israeli
Government, in giving priority in its policy to security over
peace, runs counter to all the concepts defined by societies
and warring States throughout history. It is no exaggeration
to say that the insistence of the Israeli Government on its
erroneous concept of achieving security before ending
occupation will turn the peace process into a bloodletting
process, a cycle of killing that will obtain neither security
nor peace for Israel and may return the Arab-Israeli
conflict to its tragic beginnings.
The Charter of the United Nations states that the
efforts of the peoples of the world must be concerted in
order to save succeeding generations from the scourge of
war. Respect for the commitments proceeding from the
principles of international law and its sources lies at the
very heart of the Charter. It is regrettable that the Israeli
Government does not realize that its failure to respect the
commitments reached with the previous Government on
the Syrian track, based on the principles of international
law and relevant Security Council resolutions, does not
represent a mere legal violation. First and foremost, it
casts doubt on the credibility of any previous Israeli
Government, and such doubts thus apply to the
commitments made by the current Administration when
it is replaced.
Since coming to power, the Israeli Government has
not limited its positions to undermining the peace process.
It has chosen the exact opposite path to that of peace. It
has increasingly diversified its attacks against Lebanon; it
has bombed cities teeming with civilians and has planted
explosive devices in many parts of southern Lebanon in
order to incite enmity among the Lebanese and cast
aspersions on the role of the Lebanese resistance.
However, such attempts, contrary to Israel’s objectives,
have only solidified unity among the Lebanese. They have
strengthened the resolve of the Lebanese resistance to
confront Israeli occupation more than ever before. In the
occupied Palestinian territories, the pace of settlement
activities has escalated, including a sharing of roles
between the Israeli Government and extremist settlers, in
order to expropriate more land, destroy homes and
maintain the drive to judaize East Jerusalem.
In our occupied Syrian Golan, the policy of
entrenching Israeli occupation has also been escalated to
the point that the Israeli Knesset recently voted on a bill
entrenching the occupation and impeding withdrawal from
the Golan, in clear defiance of Security Council resolution
497 (1981). This has been accompanied by an
intensification of Jewish settlement activity with the aim
of swelling the numbers of settlers in the Golan and
undermining the chances for peace. That is a flagrant
violation of the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the first
additional Protocol thereof. The Golan is Syrian land —
it always was and always will be. The Israelis will have
to leave it sooner or later.
21

We, the Arabs, have championed just and
comprehensive peace and consider it a strategic choice. For
such a choice to be realistic and supported by the people,
it requires full Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Syrian
Golan to the line of 4 June 1967, as well as from southern
Lebanon and the western Bekaa, in implementation of
Security Council resolution 425 (1978). It must guarantee
the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people,
including those to self-determination and their own
independent State.
Syria has always stressed its keen wish to establish a
nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. Syria once
again expresses its grave concern at the serious obstacle
that Israel has placed on the road to that goal in order to
prevent the establishment of the zone by refusing to adhere
to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT). This intransigent Israeli position does great harm to
the credibility and universality of the Treaty. We believe
that the measures and arrangements to establish a nuclear-
weapon-free zone in the Middle East, as called for by
United Nations resolutions, require Israel, the only State in
the region possessing nuclear facilities and stockpiles, to
adhere to the NPT and place all its nuclear establishments
under the full-scope safeguards regime of the International
Atomic Energy Agency. It must further destroy its entire
stockpile of nuclear weapons.
At a time when the urgent need to intensify
international efforts towards a just and comprehensive
peace in the Middle East is very clear, some States of the
region are engaging in military cooperation similar to an
alliance and have recently declared their intention to
conduct military manoeuvres in the eastern Mediterranean.
Such manoeuvres would be a threat to the peace and safety
of neighbouring States as well as to the stability of the
region.
Syria supports all the efforts being made to eliminate
tension in various regions of the world and to resolve
standing problems. In this context, Syria underlines its
concern for the unity and territorial integrity of Iraq. Syria
calls for easing the suffering of the brotherly people of Iraq,
while Iraq is required to implement the remaining Security
Council resolutions in a manner ensuring a just solution to
the issue of Kuwaiti prisoners.
We also hope that there will be a positive response to
the initiatives of the League of Arab States and the
Organization of African Unity, as well as towards the
flexibility shown by the Libyan Government to resolve the
Lockerbie crisis. We would also like to see the embargo
against Libya — a fellow Arab country — lifted, as well
as an end to the suffering caused to the brotherly Libyan
people by that embargo.
Syria supports measures to guarantee peace and
security in the Korean peninsula. We also wish to express
our support for the aspirations of the Korean people for
reunification. We further hope that serious efforts will be
made to provide assistance to the Korean people to
overcome its economic crisis.
Syria stresses the need to take the necessary steps as
soon as possible to lift the economic, trade and financial
embargo which has been imposed on Cuba for more than
30 years.
Syria is following with concern the severe conflicts
afflicting some African countries. We call on the
international community to make the necessary efforts and
to endeavour to find solutions to these disputes, in close
cooperation with the Organization of African Unity, in
order to promote peace and stability on the African
continent. The international community is further called
upon to provide assistance of all kinds to enable African
States to eradicate the scourge of poverty and achieve
development.
Among its primary purposes, the Charter of the
United Nations provides for the maintenance of
international peace and security; the fostering between
nations of international relations based on respect for the
principle of equal rights and self-determination of
peoples; international cooperation in the economic, social,
cultural and humanitarian fields; and the promotion of
human rights and fundamental freedoms for all. It also
calls for non-interference in the internal affairs of States.
The Charter encouraged the establishment of specialized
agencies in the field of international cooperation. It
entrusted the General Assembly with setting out
regulations governing the appointment by the Secretary-
General of the employees of the international
Organization. Syria underlines the importance of strict
adherence to the purposes and principles of the United
Nations during the process of reform of the Organization
in order to enable it to respond to the needs and
aspirations of its Members in the twenty-first century.
We believe that promoting development is among
the first priorities of the United Nations. There is
therefore a need to underscore the right to development.
22

Syria expresses its concern about any weakening of
the role and working methods of the General Assembly. We
call upon the General Assembly to perform its effective
role in accordance with the Charter.
In this context, we believe that the changes in the
international arena and the significant increase in the
number of Member States of the United Nations call for a
review of the composition and working methods of the
Security Council. Checks and criteria must be put in place
to prevent the arbitrary use of the veto power. Thus the
democracy and transparency which are required in its
decision-making would be enhanced, thereby leading to
more fairness and balance, as well as to non-selectivity in
the implementation of the Council’s resolutions. Although
this is an urgent matter, we believe that, in order to reach
general agreement on this question, the reforms of the
Security Council must not be subjected to a specific time-
frame.
The Secretary-General recently presented his proposals
to reform the United Nations. We appreciate the efforts he
made in preparing his proposals. However, proceeding from
our concern to strengthen the United Nations capacity to
shoulder the responsibilities entrusted to it, we would have
wished to have seen in the proposals more attention given
to the fundamental role of the Organization in promoting
international cooperation for development. We would have
liked the proposals to exclude any measures likely to affect
those programmes and activities related to development
issues and poverty eradication in developing and least
developed countries.
Human rights are a very important issue, which we
believe must continue to be pursued as an independent issue
in order to avoid any overlap with other United Nations
activities. Such an amalgamation of issues would only
further the opportunities to politicize human rights issues
and their use as a means to exert specific pressures, to
impose preconditions or to intervene in the internal affairs
of States.
Humanity has pinned great hopes on the United
Nations, an Organization born of a world war which was
destructive to great hopes. Humanity entertained the
expectation that the Organization would succeed in
outlawing war, ending all forms of aggression and
championing the right of peoples to self-determination. It
further expected it to succeed in achieving development and
in eradicating poverty and underdevelopment.
Today, as we stand at the threshold of a new
century, we all face great challenges which require us to
find the appropriate enabling environment for future
generations to live in peace, security and cooperation
within the context of international relations free of
violence and confrontation. This is the hope of our
peoples and this is what we must strive to reach as we
look forward to a better future that is more just and more
humane for the benefit of all mankind.


Allow me to convey the congratulations of the
Government and the people of Bolivia to you,
Mr. President. Your well-deserved election is fitting
recognition of your work and prestige.
Allow me also to commend the work of Ambassador
Razali Ismail of Malaysia, who so ably conducted the
deliberations of the previous session of the General
Assembly.
Finally, my congratulations go as well to Secretary-
General Kofi Annan, whose contributions to the cause of
world peace and cooperation have earned him the
unanimous gratitude of the Member States of this
Organization.
All the countries of Latin America, in one way or
another and each at its own pace, have put long decades
of ideological confrontation and economic crisis behind
them. They have opened their markets, controlled
inflation, reduced the deficit and privatized public
enterprises. They have rebuilt their democratic
institutional structures on new foundations, with new
protagonists, and restarted the process of growth.
However, old structural adjustment problems,
aggravated by the period of crisis, have surfaced. Clearly
the most important of these is the inequitable distribution
of income and its results: exclusion, poverty, violence and
social fragmentation. Such inequities have created ever-
greater gaps between the immensely rich and those who
have barely enough to survive. There are no social
security systems to protect the dispossessed, to cushion
their fall and rehabilitate them so that they can live a
productive life. For this reason, the potential for violence
and discontent on our continent is growing larger and
more dangerous.
These factors aside, however, Latin America meets
all of the necessary conditions to forge ahead and grow in
that it has the capacity and courage to continue to
change — to increase society’s store of knowledge, create
new competitive advantages, eliminate internal
marginalization, reduce extreme poverty, rebuild the State,

and speak with its own voice in the world political
community.
Education stands out as a vital precondition for all of
these goals. Without a far-reaching revolution in the area of
education, we will not be able to achieve these goals or
meet the challenges of our time.
Today, Latin America is no longer asking others for
what it cannot do on its own. Proof of this is the significant
progress recently made in strengthening mechanisms for
economic integration, such as the Andean Group and the
Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR). The
region is also taking a different approach in its relations
with the economically advanced countries. The old
defensive and mistrustful attitude has yielded to the
conviction that it is necessary to merge Latin America’s
economy into the contemporary current of productive and
technological development, attract investments and open its
markets to its products while preserving its identity,
upholding its values and attending to its interests, without
for an instant losing sight of the fact that the key to its
strength lies in its own markets and in its resources.
Let me reiterate Bolivia’s concern about landmines. It
is incomprehensible that those very same borders across
which we are seeking to promote trade and integration
should be sown with devices of war that endanger the
civilian population and threaten their fundamental rights.
We are convinced that the Governments of the region
directly affected by the problem will find a way to resolve
it.
This matter is of particular and direct relevance to
Bolivia, due to the well-known and acknowledged fact that
Chile has laid a significant number of mines along our
common border. Removal of those mines is of the utmost
urgency, in keeping with the commitments entered into in
Oslo, the dictates of morality and the imperative of the
spirit of integration that should prevail between
neighbouring nations. Avoidance of this topic is not the
attitude that the international community wishes to see.
What is needed is firm resolve and the sincere will to
contribute to peace between countries that must impart a
sense of solidarity to their borders.
Since the early days of its independence, Bolivia has
rejected the use of force and the arms race as an instrument
of its foreign policy. We have the moral authority,
therefore, to condemn those commercial interests that seek
to foster the procurement of war matériel, thereby
compromising what we have achieved so far in terms of
preserving peace on the continent.
I have sought to describe the process of change in
Latin America in order to show the extent to which
developments in each of our countries are part of a
broader and more comprehensive historical trend.
However, Bolivia’s transformation has its own particular
features. Following a lengthy process of social
confrontation, we have restored democracy and economic
freedoms in Bolivia. In a spirit of respect for human
rights and freedoms, we have given full support to the
political system and fuelled the economic growth and
development that prevail today in Bolivia. It should be
underscored that this was a peaceful reconstruction
process — the result of democratic dialogue.
My Government, the product of a mandate of the
people, represents more than 70 per cent of the Bolivian
electorate. Nonetheless, we must continue to move
forward and broaden the scope of dialogue and consensus,
involving social institutions and their leaders in the task
of identifying the main objectives of development in
Bolivia as well as the broad outlines of our strategy for
the twenty-first century. That is the purpose of the
national dialogue that I have recently called for, which
has the support of all the political parties — Government
and opposition; the church; private enterprise; and farmers
and workers.
Of course, this new country we are building is
looking to the future from a different perspective and with
a sense of renewed confidence. The time has come to
reaffirm Bolivia’s role on our continent — its role as a
crossroads and as a land of contacts, at the juncture of the
great basins and the great cultures of America. Bolivia’s
key geographical position may become one of its major
comparative advantages and an essential element in
enhancing the country’s international stature.
However, this is not yet a reality. It is a task that
remains to be accomplished, a promise that remains to be
fulfilled. To this end, Bolivia will need to rebuild its
maritime capacity; reduce the transportation cost of its
products; and create a modern export sector and connect
it with the Pacific and the Atlantic. We must see and
understand our country as a part of the continent.
Bolivia’s association with MERCOSUR is not only
the result of a desire to cultivate a historical friendship
but also a consequence of the concrete needs of Bolivian
development. The exceptional growth in the eastern areas
2

of Bolivia calls for a more intense and productive
relationship with our neighbours on the Atlantic.
That effort coincides with one of the most impressive
development ventures in the history of America, which is
taking place now on the territories of Brazil, Bolivia,
Paraguay, Argentina and Uruguay. Investments and
technology must be allowed to flow freely in that region.
We must set up a genuine common market, a multinational
development project, around this potential, which should
also promote the integration of our countries into the world
economy. It is well known that the Paraguay-Paraná
waterway is the natural route linking the area.
That major project, however, has already gone beyond
the imagination of the visionaries and the negotiating tables
of the diplomats. It is now in the hands of engineers and
workers. After more than 30 years of efforts, construction
has begun on the Santa Cruz-San Pablo-Curitiba gas
pipeline, the first segment of a network of energy
distribution for which Bolivia’s territory provides the
crossroads. This is one of the largest engineering projects
in the history of the region. It will stretch for more than
3,000 kilometres, will carry more than 7 billion cubic feet
of natural gas over 20 years and will require a total
investment of nearly $5 billion.
Bolivia’s very existence is directly tied to the Pacific.
Accordingly, we have been following with great interest the
process of consolidating the vast potential of the Andean
community. That potential is also found in our immediate
vicinity. The economies of Bolivia, Peru and Chile are
complementary.
Our territories are not only markets, but avenues for
integration. The territories of Peru and Chile hold Bolivia’s
gateway to the Pacific, while that of Bolivia opens up
communication between those nations and the vast interior
of the continent.
I must stress, however, that the reality still falls far
short of the potential. The reason for this is to be found in
a war that took place just over 100 years ago, and whose
adverse consequences continue to be felt in the relations
between our countries. Undoubtedly, the most unjust and
serious of those consequences is the geographical enclosure
imposed upon Bolivia.
Bolivia’s demand to return to the Pacific Ocean, with
sovereign rights and a coastline of its own cannot be
renounced. It is a vital condition for our national
development but, above all, a historical claim that cannot be
compromised. The recovery of our maritime access,
temporarily lost, is an essential condition for fulfilling our
continental role as a crossroads and a point of
convergence. My country will turn to the international
community as many times as necessary in order to call
attention to a problem that has already been deemed a
matter of permanent hemispheric interest in the light of its
many implications for continental security and harmony.
Despite everything, my Government, as always, remains
ready to explore avenues of constructive dialogue with an
open mind.
Illicit drug trafficking unjustly distorts the reality of
Bolivia and affects and interferes with the proper conduct
of external cooperation. Bolivia itself has done a great
deal to contain this problem. It has not permitted drug
trafficking to taint beyond repair its economic,
institutional and political structure. And it has done so
peacefully, without resorting to violence. Nevertheless, the
stigma of drug trafficking exists, and while we are
disturbed by the manner in which it is magnified, it would
be a mistake to ignore it.
Accordingly, my Government has taken the decision
to remove Bolivia from the drug-trafficking circuit within
the term of my administration. We shall use dialogue and
consultation with peasant producers of coca in order
definitively to eradicate illegal crops. We shall be ruthless
with the drug traffickers. We shall not give them a
moment’s rest until they have been for ever banned from
the history of Bolivia.
Naturally, this is not an exclusively Bolivian
problem, nor can our actions alone resolve the global and
hemispheric problem of illegal trafficking in narcotics. It
is a matter that concerns all and that requires everyone’s
commitment. Therefore, the time has come to reaffirm the
principles of shared responsibility. The characteristics and
scope of this problem mean that it cannot be faced
effectively through isolated efforts. It undeniably calls for
resolute action by all countries, especially those affected
by consumption and who have sufficient economic
resources to combat this terrible evil.
My country reaffirms its commitment to the peace
process in the Middle East in keeping with the principles
and values that guide harmonious coexistence between
peoples. However, given the resurgence of tensions and
new acts of confrontation, we call upon the parties not to
go back on the commitments already made. That is the
firm answer for maintaining peace in the region.
3

In another vein, Bolivia has received with satisfaction
the Secretary-General’s initiative proposing a broad
programme of reforms in the United Nations system. We
feel it is essential to strengthen the role of the Secretariat.
We reiterate the importance of the process of expansion and
reform of the Security Council with a view to correcting
present imbalances, guaranteeing equitable and non-
discriminatory geographical distribution, improving its
decision-making mechanisms and making it an organ that
can take action in a manner that is increasingly legitimate
and representative of the countries that make up the United
Nations. Bolivia shares the view that we should move
towards the elimination of the veto, limiting its use in the
interim to issues considered under Chapter VII of the
Charter.
Bolivia reiterates its commitment to the principles that
have guided global solidarity for more than 50 years. We
Bolivians believe that there can be no relinquishing of the
standards that establish mutual respect and the sovereign
equality of States, regardless of their size or level of
development. Nor can we surrender the principles of
peaceful settlement of disputes, the inviolability and
integrity of territories and respect for self-determination of
peoples that wish to preserve their own systems of life and
Government, free from threats.
If there is a lesson to be learned from the experience
of the century now drawing to a close, it is the versatility
of the human endeavour. Mankind has an incorrigible
tendency to make mistakes, but also a talent for correcting
them and for building from the rubble the new portals of
freedom and faith.
With the approach of the new millennium, at an hour
that is both dusk and dawn, we must look upon the events
of the world from the dual perspective of humility and
hope.