223.	I would like to begin my speech by congratulating Mr Indalecio Lievano on his election as President of the current session of the General Assembly. I would also like to take this opportunity to extend warm congratulations to Solomon Islands on its admission to membership in the United Nations and sincerely to wish it new successes in advancing independently along the road to progress.
224.	Since the thirty-second session of the General Assembly last year, there have been new developments and changes in the international situation. The struggle of the people of all countries to win and defend national independence, safeguard international peace and security and oppose imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism has developed vigorously and scored new victories. In this struggle the countries and people of the third world have played the major role. Some Asian and African countries
and peoples have succeeded in defending their national independence and territorial integrity by repulsing military intrusions engineered by a super-Power and frustrating its schemes of subversion and sabotage. The African countries have voiced strong opposition to foreign interference in African affairs. The struggles of the people in southern Africa against racism and for national liberation have developed in depth. The people of the Arab countries and Palestine have fought persistently and resolutely against Israeli Zionism and the rivalry between the super-Powers in the Middle East. The people of the Latin American countries have achieved important successes in safeguarding their independence and sovereignty, developing their national economy and strengthening regional co-operation. The non-aligned movement, withstanding super-Power pressure, has maintained its basic orientation and become an important force in the present struggle of the people of the whole world against imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism. There is a clear trend growing among the Western European and other second-world countries towards strengthening their unity, expanding their cooperation and opposing super-Power interference and domination. All these are signs that the international situation has continued to develop in a direction favourable to the people of the world.
225. However, we must not fail to notice that over the past year there has been great turbulence in the international situation, and world peace and international security have been seriously threatened. The two superpowers have intensified their struggle for world hegemony, with one striving to preserve its vested interests and the other trying hard to extend its spheres of influence. Strategically the, focus of their rivalry is in Europe, where the two sides are locked in sharp confrontation as before. To outflank and encircle Europe, social-imperialism has stepped up its aggression and expansion in Africa, the Middle East and the Gulf region, seizing positions and resources of strategic importance and trying to control transportation routes, and this constitutes an important component of its strategy for world domination. Meanwhile, in an effort to strengthen its position in seeking domination in the Asia-Pacific region, it has stepped up its expansion and infiltration, created frictions and conflicts, and thus posed a direct threat to the security of the countries involved. In this period, the salient features of the tactics used by this super-Power in its offensive were as follows: in an increasingly flagrant way it has employed agents, has organized mercenaries and has incited Africans against Africans and Asians against Asians so as to make them pull its chestnuts out of the fire for it. It even has no scruples about using terrorist means of assassination and creating shocking incidents of subversion and disturbance. The social-imperialists' unbridled acts of aggression and expansion constitute a new trend in the international arena which calls for attention. They prove once again that social-imperialism is the more aggressive cid adventurous of the two super-Powers and is the major threat to world peace and security.
226. As a result of the intensified rivalry between the two hegemonist Powers and the accelerated global strategic deployment of social-imperialism, there have been more local wars and the danger of a world war has increased. Therefore, putting off a world war and maintaining world
peace has now become an important task for the people of all countries.
227.	Over the past year, the people of the world, in the face of the threat of a new war, have been increasingly awakened and have waged struggles in many fields. In order to safeguard their independence and security, many countries have been striving to strengthen their defence capabilities. People all over the world have condemned the super-Powers for their arms expansion and war preparations and have voiced a loud demand for a halt to the arms race. A growing number of discerning persons have urged a sharper vigilance against war. All this is no doubt of positive significance for preserving peace and delaying war.
228.	The super-Powers are busy spreading illusions of peace to lull the people of the world in an effort to cover up their plans for war. The social-imperialists babble that "detente has been a dominant feature" in the international political climate. If this were so, why should they spend colossal sums of money every year hectically expanding their arms? Why should they desperately seek an edge in nuclear weapons after establishing a superiority in conventional armaments? Clearly, the social-imperialists have ulterior motives when they foster a false sense of detente.
229.	A correct path must be followed in order to win and maintain world peace and put off the outbreak of war. The approach we stand for is that, first, it is necessary to tell truthfully the people of all countries about the growing danger of war, so that they may heighten their vigilance and make all preparations to comb t the aggressor. Secondly, efforts should be made to reinforce the struggle against the warmongers, frustrate every act of aggression and expansion of theirs, and upset in good time their deployment for war. Thirdly, there should be continued opposition to the policy of appeasement, which means compromises and concessions in dealing with the aggressor. Because, like rearing a tiger and suffering for it later on, such a policy is harmful and simply augments the danger of war. China has been acting on these three principles and will continue to do so in the future.
230.	The super-Powers are outwardly strong but inwardly weak. The more aggressive they are, the stronger the resistance they meet from the people of all countries. Over the past year, social-imperialism has stepped up its aggression and expansion only to teach the people of all countries by negative example and arouse them to a more resolute struggle against it and to bring about the further consolidation and broadening of the international anti-hegemonist united front. Such is the logic of history. The strength of the people is great. It is entirely possible to put off the outbreak of a world war so long as the people of the world get united, wage a tit-for-tat struggle against the superpowers' war plans and constantly thwart their schemes of war.
231.	The rivalry between the super-Powers endangers world peace and poses a direct threat to the independence and security of various countries. So it has become an urgent task for the people of all countries to defend national independence and State sovereignty.
232.	At present, the countries of the third world find themselves in a new and complex situation in their struggle to safeguard national independence. To further its aggression and expansion, social-imperialism is trying to fool people by flaunting a signboard saying "a natural ally of the developing countries" who "supports the national liberation movements". Besides, it is doing its utmost to sow discord among third-world countries. It confers on you the title "progressive" one day, but labels you "reactionary" the next. Now supporting one against another, now the other way round, it stops at nothing in creating dissension and undermining the unity of the third-world countries. The people of the third world have come to realize through their own experience that upholding unity and struggling jointly against the enemy are an important guarantee for victories in the fight to defend national independence. Over the past year, when confronted with the arch-enemy, they have attached importance to the general interest and have sought common ground on major issues while putting aside minor differences. They have upheld unity, opposed division and foreign interference, and have persevered in the struggle against hegemonism. At the fifteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU in Khartoum in July and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Belgrade also in July, satisfactory results were achieved in the teeth of super-Power interference and sabotage. The Khartoum summit meeting strongly condemned any foreign interference in the internal affairs of the African continent, decided to strengthen African-Arab co-operation and laid stress on the peaceful settlement of disputes between the member States of the OAU and on strengthening unity and economic co-operation. The Belgrade Conference maintained the unity of the non-aligned movement by frustrating super-Power designs to split it. The Conference once again affirmed and safeguarded the nature and principles of the movement, stressed the fight against "all forms of foreign domination and hegemony" [see A/33/206, annex I, para. 10] and kept to its anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist and anti-hegemonist orientation. The two Conferences fully demonstrated the great vitality of the non-aligned movement and the OAU as well as their significant roles in current international relations, and they were an important indication of the further development of the united struggle of the people of the world against hegemonism.
233.	The grave danger of social-imperialist aggression and annexation has also prompted the countries of the second world to pay ever greater attention to the defence of their national independence. Faced with this super-Power's military threat and divisive schemes, the Western European countries and some other second-world countries have further built up their national defences, harmonized their mutual relations and strengthened their economic, political and military alliance. This not only conforms to the interests of these countries in safeguarding their independence and security, but it is also in the interests of the people of -all countries.
234.	The situation in the Middle East merits serious attention. The Israeli Zionists now still adamantly refuse to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories or to recognize the national rights of the Palestinian people, and they are carrying out new threats of war against the Arab and Palestinian peoples. Such truculence on the part of the Israeli Zionists is closely related to the support and abetment given them by the two super-Powers. One super-Power has always been shielding Israel. The other
super-Power, while trying hard to maintain a state of "no war, no peace" in the Middle East, has been stirring up trouble and sowing dissension among the Arab countries in order to undermine their unity and sap their fighting strength so as to fish in troubled waters.
235. The Chinese Government and people have always held that the Arab and Palestinian peoples are the immediate victims of the fierce rivalry of the super-Powers and the aggression and expansion committed by Israel. The settlement of the Middle East question can be realized only when it truly leads to the recovery of the lost territories of the Arab people and the restoration of the national rights of the Palestinian people, and only thus can it bring peace to the Middle East. The struggle of the Arab countries and people against Israeli Zionism is perfectly just, and it is closely linked with the struggle against hegemonism. The Chinese Government and people consistently and resolutely support the Arab and Palestinian peoples in their struggle to recover their lost territories and to regain Palestinian national rights, and we are firmly opposed to the two super-Powers competing for hegemony in the Middle East and grossly trampling upon the interests of the Arab people. We strongly condemn the Israeli Zionist policies of aggression and expansion. We do not recognize Israel and will have nothing to do with it. It is our sincere hope that through patient consultations the Arab and Palestinian peoples will eliminate their differences, ceaselessly strengthen their unity, gradually overcome the difficulties on their road to progress and finally win great victories in their struggle against aggression.
236 Southern Africa remains the biggest colonial region in the world today. Abetted and backed by the imperialists, the reactionary regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia are still zealously pushing their colonialist and racist policies. This state of affairs must not continue but must be thoroughly changed. Under heavy blows from the Zimbabwean and Namibian peoples rising in armed struggle, the racist regimes are h ding for their doom, but they are still putting up a last-aitch fight by pressing ahead with such political tricks as the so-called "internal settlement and making incessant incursions into neighbouring African States in an effort to maintain their reactionary rule. Moreover, there is no slackening in the rivalry between the two super-Powers in this region. The late-coming superpower, in particular, is carrying out infiltration and expansion by every possible means. We have always held that all countries which uphold justice should strongly support the people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azama in their struggle for liberation. Zimbabwe and Namibia should attain genuine national independence free from any outside interference and on the basis of territorial integrity and unification. South Africa's policy of apartheid must be abolished. The United Nations must follow the historical trend and perform its bounden duty of putting an end to the colonialist and racist rule in southern Africa in accordance with the eager desire and just demands of the African people. China firmly supports the just struggles of the Azanian, Zimbabwean and Namibian peoples. We are sure that the great African people will shatter the last stronghold of colonialism and racism and win .complete independence and liberation for the whole of Africa.
237. The Korean people's just struggle for the independent and peaceful reunification of their fatherland has won
the sympathy and support of the people of the world. At present, the key to a solution of the Korean question is that the United States must withdraw all its troops and armaments from South Korea and that the so-called "United Nations Command" must be disbanded. The United States and the Park Chung Hee clique of South Korea must stop all their scheming activities to create two Koreas". We firmly support the position and efforts of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to achieve the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea. The resolution for promoting the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea adopted by the United Nations General Assembly at its thirtieth session resolution 3390 (XXX)] should be implemented in earnest and without delay. The Korean question should be settled by the Korean people themselves free from any foreign interference.
238. Disarmament is' one of the important items on the agenda of the current session. The tenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly on disarmament, convened not long ago on the proposal of the non-aligned countries was the first of its kind in the history of the United Nations. At the session, many countries strongly condemned the imperialist and hegemonist policies of aggression and war. Rightly pointing out that the real cause of the intensifying arms race between the super-Powers was their increased rivalry for world hegemony, these countries demanded that the super-Powers carry out genuine disarmament. They also put forward a number of reasonable ideas and proposals. The special session on disarmament has a positive significance inasmuch as it exposed the superpowers' arms expansion and war preparations and demanded that they be the first to carry out disarmament. But the super-Powers were very obdurate. They rejected any genuine nuclear or conventional disarmament. The facts show that the struggle for genuine disarmament is most arduous.
239. Under the pressure of the people of the world for disarmament, the super-Powers have been playing the tricks of sham disarmament to deceive the public. Recently, the Soviet Union put before the current session a new proposal entitled "Conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States". Under the signboard reading "guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States", this proposal is designed to bind hand and foot the numerous small and medium-sized countries and deprive them of their capabilities for self-defence. Not contented with the large amount of nuclear weapons in its possession, the Soviet Union is desperately expanding its nuclear armament. Instead of undertaking the obligation not to use nuclear weapons under whatever conditions against the large number of non-nuclear countries, the Soviet Union wants those countries to abandon their right of possessing nuclear strength for self-defence. This proposal of the Soviet Union is simply designed to allow itself alone to possess large numbers of nuclear weapons, while forcing the non-nuclear countries to act according to its dictates in all docility. Otherwise, those countries would be exposed to its nuclear attacks at any time. Is this not pure gangster's lope, undisguised nuclear blackmail and nuclear threat? We have consistently held that the most effective means of eliminating the danger of a nuclear war and of guaranteeing the
security of all countries is the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons. Moreover, we have reaffirmed on many occasions that at no time and under no circumstances shall we use nuclear weapons against the non-nuclear countries. If the author of the proposed "international convention" had the slightest concern for the security of the non-nuclear countries and for international peace, it should at least undertake the obligation not to use nuclear weapons under whatever conditions against the non-nuclear countries, instead of playing tricks of one kind or another.
240.	During the current session, a further decision is to be taken on the machinery for disarmament. It is entirely legitimate for the numerous small and medium-sized countries to demand strongly a change in the super-Power manipulation of the disarmament negotiations and a reform in the disarmament machinery. The decision of the tenth special session to reform the disarmament machinery reflects to some extent the aspiration of these countries. However, the new negotiating body still falls far short of the demand of many countries, and it can hardly free itself entirely from super-Power control and ensure the realization of the reasonable propositions of various countries on disarmament. Of course, the progress of the struggle for disarmament does not depend entirely on the negotiating body; rather it depends essentially on whether the superpowers can be forced to change their intransigent stand. The struggle for disarmament must be closely linked with the struggle to safeguard national independence, defend state sovereignty and territorial integrity, and combat hegemonism. We are ready to continue to work together with the large number of small and medium-sized countries for genuine disarmament.
r
241.	In the past year, the third-world countries have continued their unremitting struggle for the establishment of a new international economic order. United as one, they have made great efforts for the realization of their just proposals in disregard of the threats and promises of the super-Powers. They have greatly expanded their economic and technical co-operation, and various organizations of raw-material-producing countries and regional co-operative bodies have been established and steadily consolidated. The third-world countries have also increased their economic and technical co-operation with many second-world countries. Some developed countries have taken measures to reduce or cancel some debts owed by developing countries. All this has a positive effect on the reform of the old international economic relations and the establishment of a new international economic order and on ,the development of the national economies of the third world.
242.	However, owing to super-Power obstruction and sabotage, no real progress has been made in destroying the old and establishing the new in the international economic field. One super-Power is playing with the words "new order" but is in fact still obstinately defending the old order. The other super-Power has put up the slogan of "democratic reform" but has tried to make international economic relations serve its interests in gaining world hegemony so as to extend and aggravate exploitation and control of developing countries: This is the main obstacle to the establishment of a new international economic order.
243.	The urgent desire of the developing countries for establishing a new international economic order has become a great historical trend. At the same time, it must be noticed that arduous and complex struggles have to be waged before this goal can be attained. We believe that, so long as the third-world countries keep to the correct principles and orientation of the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, persist in solidarity and unite with all forces that can be united and wage a long and unremitting struggle, they will surmount all difficulties and win successive victories. The Chinese Government resolutely supports this just struggle as well as the reasonable proposals of the developing countries, such as an integrated programme for commodities and its common fund, the reduction or cancellation of debts, an increase in funds for development, and better conditions for the transfer of technology so as to promote production and scientific and technological progress in the developing countries. It is also our hope that the second-world countries will all adopt a correct attitude to strengthen their co-operation with developing countries on an equal footing and contribute to the establishment of a new international economic order.
244.	At present, China is in a new period of development. Following the behests of our great leader Chairman Mao Tsetung and beloved Premier Chou En-lai, the Chinese people have set off on a new Long March and are determined to turn China into a prosperous socialist country with modernized agriculture, industry, national defence and science and technology by the end of the century. In high spirits, the Chinese people are working hard to attain this magnificent goal.
245.	In international affairs, China will pursue, as always, Chairman Mao's revolutionary line in foreign affairs. Firmly adhering to Chairman Mao's theory of the three worlds, we will strengthen our unity with the oppressed peoples and nations of the world and with all third-world countries, and unite with all countries which are subjected to super-Power aggression, subversion, interference, control or bullying to form the broadest possible united front against super-Power hegemonism. We will establish or develop relations with other countries on the basis of the Five Principles: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity; mutual non-aggression;  non-interference in each other's internal affairs; equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful coexistence. We support all the oppressed peoples and Nations in their revolutionary struggles and all countries struggling to safes their independence and sovereignty and to defend international peace and security, and we are opposed to all forms of foreign rule, domination and hegemony.
246.. The past year has witnessed great progress in our friendly relations with many countries. We have warmly entertained on-friendly visits many State leaders from , whom we have received much encouragement, sympathy and support. In the current new situation, our State leaders, -out of a sincere desire for friendship, peace, understanding and co-operation, have taken the initiative of visiting many countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe. Our friendship with many countries and our mutual understanding have been enhanced through sincere and candid talks based on mutual respect. With joint exploration and endeavour, our economic links, scientific and technological co-operation and Cultural exchanges with them have been
markedly strengthened. Our friendly contacts with other peoples have also become more frequent. The Chinese people, and people of other countries likewise, are happy to see mo growth of friendly relations between them. We will continue our efforts in this direction.
247.	This year, our supreme leader, Chairman Hua Kuo-feng, has visited Korea, Romania, Yugoslavia and Iran. These visits, which have had satisfactory results, constitute a major event in China's relations with foreign countries, have received wide attention and have been given a positive appraisal by international opinion. These historic visits have greatly deepened the sincere understanding between China and the countries concerned, have opened up broader vistas for bilateral friendly co-operation, and are conducive to world peace.
248.	Recently, China and Japan signed a Treaty of Peace and Friendship after making prolonged efforts and overcoming various obstacles. This treaty records the desire of the Chinese and Japanese peoples to live in amity from generation to generation. It includes the explicit stipulation that "... neither of them should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region or in any other region and that each is opposed to efforts by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony". This is the first time that such a stipulation is included in an international treaty. The treaty is of great importance both to the development of relations of peace and friendship between China and Japan and to the defence of peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region.
249.	The Chinese people ardently love peace and are opposed to a new world war. Moreover, we need an enduring, peaceful international environment in which to build up our country. Faithful to Chairman Mao's teachings, China will never seek hegemony or act like a super-Power, neither now nor in the future, when China becomes a powerful modernized socialist country. Confronted with the growing danger of war, we are determined, while engaging in peaceful construction at home, to do our part, together with the people of all other countries, to safeguard peace and put off war.
250.	Reviewing the international developments of the past year and looking ahead into the future, we see that countries want independence, nations want liberation and the people want revolution-this historical trend is irresistible though the road may be tortuous and the sky may be overcast from time to time. The world belongs to the people, and the future of the world is bright. Of this we are fully confident.


212.	Mr. President, this year, according to tradition, it is Latin America's turn to fill the presidential chair, and Colombia has received the honour. Over and above the tribute paid to your people of a long-standing and brilliant civilization and your friendly country, it is doubtless your eminent qualities as statesman and enlightened diplomat that the General Assembly wished to recognize when it confided to you the leadership of its work for this session. I am very pleased therefore to convey to you the very warm congratulations of the delegation of Algeria and to express the conviction that you will discharge your duties with the talent and skill that we all know you possess.
213.	You have succeeded in this responsible post our old friend Lazar Mojsov who, throughout a number of sessions this year, won the respect and esteem of us all. I should like to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to him and, through him, to Yugoslavia for its continuing contribution to the progress of the non-aligned movement.
214.	To our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, I should like simply to reaffirm our sincere appreciation of his tireless efforts for peace throughout the world and of his devotion to the cause of justice and the strengthening of the role and prestige of our Organization.
215.	Since I have mentioned our Organization, I cannot but be gladdened, by the strength it has gained from the arrival in our midst of the delegation of the Republic of Solomon Islands. I should like to express our warm welcome to that country, wish it every success and extend to it the best wishes of Algeria for the well-being and prosperity of its people.
216.	At a time when numerous attempts are being made to call into question the movement for the liberation of peoples, this session seems an appropriate moment in which to assess the real determination of the forces which profess themselves ready to promote the necessary changes. The changes that we have recently observed in international relations are so little compatible with the spirit and requirements of our time that they lead us to believe that those whom we thought to be our partners, far from truly favouring consultations and constructive co-operation with the third world, continue to be deeply attached to obsolete notions of power. Fully aware of the weaknesses and contradictions of the third world, constantly a prey to difficulties for the most part inherited from the colonial past, the imperialist Powers, rather than proceeding to make the necessary structural changes, appear in their actions to be preoccupied with finding ways of overcoming the effects of the economic crisis which afflicts them, while at the same time endeavouring to refine a new strategy to impede the process of national liberation.
217.	The manifestations of this strategy are particularly visible in Africa and throughout the Arab world and openly betray the true purpose that certain countries are seeking to achieve through the dialogue that is now going on.
218.	In addition, recent events have not failed to reveal that the true motive of outside intervention in Africa, and of actions directed against the Arab nation is obedience to a tenacious determination to safeguard and consolidate at all costs the last bastions of colonialism and racism and to weaken progressive positions and acquire control over those regions and their resources.
219.	Such conduct in fact is aimed at jeopardizing our independence as well as wiping out the results obtained in the area of decolonization and co-operation. Even within the third world certain countries are working out theories that are in absolute contradiction with the principles and ethics of the United Nations and that, because they are the negation of coexistence between nations, can only exacerbate, crises and sidetrack us from the true course of development. Thus recently colonized countries are opposed to the process of decolonization and the peoples' right to self-determination and go so far as to return to the divisive policies practised unsuccessfully in the past by others much more powerful than themselves.
220.	Such ventures naturally foster the greed of powers whose constant objective is to injure the movement of solidarity which the sacrifices which the third-world peoples have made for the cause of peace-and economic and social progress.
221.	Thus the situation imposed upon Africa and the Arab world results from the imperialist aim which is at the least to maintain unchanged the relations of domination and exploitation. The fact is that imperialism has changed neither in its nature nor-in its methods. It persists in inventing many new manoeuvres aimed at division and diversion and does not hesitate to fabricate a situation that can give credence to the notion that our regions exist for no other purpose than: to be private preserves for external rivalries.
222.	It was therefore in a context fraught with uncertainty that the United Nations special session on disarmament, the fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries were held. The last two gatherings in particular made it possible to evaluate the international situation engendered by the importation of policies of division and provocation into the non-aligned movement and the OAU.
223.	Thus the determination to attenuate differences and to preserve the necessary cohesion was reaffirmed.
224.	The efforts made in various parts of the African continent to put an end to disputes between brother countries or to seek out ways and means of completing decolonization attest to the beginning of an awakening. These efforts at any rate reflect the determination of the third-world countries to and themselves against foreign intervention and manipulation and at the same time to make their full contribution to the search for solutions for the problems of our era, out of a conviction that peace and detente will continue to be precarious as long as their field of application does not encompass all the regions of the world. Inasmuch as our concerns are closely linked with the problems that afflict Asia, Africa and Latin America I should like without any further delay to express our fraternal solidarity with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its legitimate struggle for the peaceful reunification of the great Korean country. Inspired by the same ideal of justice and liberty I should like to reiterate here the full support of the Algerian people for the Puerto Rican people struggling for the free exercise of their right to self-determination.
225.	General and definitive decolonization is the sine qua non condition for a return to peace and for the promotion of relations of trust that will be conducive to development and co-operation. The exercise of a people's right to self-determination and its right to adopt the economic and social system of its choice is an indestructible achievement of mankind. The United Nations, more than any other body, must assume its responsibilities in this area and cannot lay them aside without great detriment to the integrity of peoples and the safeguarding of international peace and security.
226.	For obvious reasons the situation in Africa is of great concern to us. To colonial problems are added those of racial discrimination, apartheid and the intervention of foreign Powers which are seeking to re-establish themselves in our continent and re-conquer lost positions.
227.	How, then, can we fail to remain sceptical about the concern those same Powers show—or so we are told-for the search for solutions that can fully satisfy the aspirations of African peoples in the southern part of their continent?
228. Certain Western countries have in fact never tried to make their protégés in power in South Africa and in Rhodesia see reason nor taken any action to moderate their arrogance and aggressiveness vis-à-vis the people they oppress or to prevent their committing aggression against independent neighbouring States:
229. This attitude of complicity that has so many times been. condemned by the United Nations has no doubt
prolonged the survival of the illegal and racist regimes and enabled them to grow in strength in full disregard of the principles of law and international morality. For various reasons, however, and in each case inspired, we hope, by the lofty ideals of the Charter, those same countries have recently been very active. Today they seem to be working for as negotiated settlement of the problems of decolonization which have ripened to such an extent that the end of the process can no longer be in question
230."	In Namibia it is no longer for us to pass any judgement on the positions taken by the five Western countries that since last July have become the United Nations settlement plan. We should like to note that throughout the lengthy course of this process that today has entered the phase of execution the Secretary-General and the United Nations Council for Namibia have always made clear the true dimensions of the Namibian problem. Therefore it is for the people of Namibia and SWAPO, its only authentic representative, to thwart any attempts to despoil them of the results of their struggle and their sacrifice. The international community, for its part, will follow closely the implementation of the modalities that are accepted by SWAPO in the settlement plan, so that the objective remains full decolonization which would safeguard the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia.
231.	In Zimbabwe we have witnessed diplomatic initiatives to promote a settlement of the problem The change in attitude cannot make us forget the indifference and the responsibility of those who for a long time went along with the rebellion and government of the white minority. There again, a plan for a negotiated settlement was proposed. We hope that it will not have as its only merit that of revealing to the international community the nature of the links that exist between the situations prevailing in Namibia and in Rhodesia.
232.	Here and there the United Nations continues to, be the guarantor of true decolonization, despite the manoeuvres of Ian Smith, who is trying to legitimize abroad a neo-colonial solution which the people of Zimbabwe, as well as the Patriotic Front, its sole representative, could never accept.
233.	So that the process of decolonization and the restoration of national dignity to the peoples of Africa may be concluded, the situation that prevails in South Africa should not remain on the periphery of events in southern Africa. It is an aberration that the international community, which has proclaimed this year the international Anti-Apartheid Year, should not be consistent in its approach to the problem of South Africa as a whole and in the search for true political solutions that would safeguard the national rights of the South African people. The incompatibility of the Pretoria regime with the promotion of freedom and peace in Africa is attested to by its systematic identification with all oppressive regimes throughout the world. It would be futile to continue to wish to limit a condemnation of that system to a mere reference to violations of human tights, just as it would be illusory thus to elude the imperatives of national liberation and independence. The United Nations, which has relentlessly stepped tip Its efforts -to eliminate apartheid. Will no
doubt be able to thwart the current attempts at partitioning South Africa, whose objective is to perpetuate the existence of the racist regime and the defence of the foreign privileges and positions in Africa. For its actions to be commensurate with the general condemnation it has aroused and channelled against apartheid, the United Nations should immediately see to it, as an extension of the action it has initiated in Namibia and Rhodesia in particular, that all conditions are met that would make it possible for the oppressed people of South Africa to achieve their national aspirations and recover their dignity while maintaining their unity and territorial integrity.
234.	Any attempt against decolonization and the principles of the United Nations with regard to the safeguarding of peace and security, any policy of fait accompli and military occupation, any annexation of territory by force, or any action based on the negation of a people's existence, or even its extermination, inevitably engenders conflicts, insecurity and instability. Because we have departed from the path charted by the Organization for resolving the problems of Non-Self-Governing Territories, certain regions, including -Timor, Belize and the Western Sahara, have entered a dangerous phase. The' United Nations, which remains seized of these questions, has regularly indicated its concern at this state of affairs, both from the standpoint of respect for the principles of the self-determination of peoples and from that of the still unforeseeable consequences of violation of that principle. Drawing inspiration from the Charter and from its resolutions, the OAU has endeavoured to make its contribution to a solution of the problem of Western Sahara in accordance with the decisions of the United Nations, naturally. These joint efforts, however, have not made it possible to register any progress in this area, and the problem of Western Sahara continues to persist in its entirety.
235.	The invasion and splitting up of the territory in conditions well known to us, aside from the fact that they constitute a strong challenge to the entire international community, have totally distorted the process of decolonization. Events have shown that the proponents of the policy of fait accompli have provoked an escalating chain reaction, as well as the determined resistance of the Saharan people, the intensification of the war, foreign interference and a deterioration in relations among a number of States in the region and the western part of the Mediterranean. This attests to the extent to which our Organization remains responsible for implementing a solution that would enable the Saharan people fully to exercise their inalienable rights which the General Assembly has guaranteed to them as it has to all other colonial peoples.
236. On another level, it was not Algeria's fault that the climate in the Maghreb, which in the past was one of co-operation and detente, has become a subject of concern not only to the peoples of the region but to the entire international community.
237.	It is because Algeria is being periodically involved and placed in a situation which all its actions were intended to prevent. The situation today is such than an awareness of the well-understood interests of all requires a sense of responsibility, and the courage that implies should lead to
humility and circumspection rather than obstinate persistence in an adventure as futile as it is disastrous.
238.	Morocco and Mauritania have, before this Assembly and without any reservations whatsoever, subscribed to the principle of self-determination for the Saharan people, and much as they feign ignorance of this now, the United Nations, the movement of non-aligned countries and the OAU know that the question of Western Sahara is part of the decolonization process and that the conflict taking place in that Territory is a war of national liberation waged exclusively by the Saharan people. Thus no one can take seriously the diversionary manoeuvres which would have Algeria endorse the consequences of a policy of conquest which, from the outset, in faithfulness to ourselves and to the principles of the Charter, we have denounced vigorously. Whatever might be the subterfuges and the manipulations of facts, nothing can hide the true nature of a fundamentally political problem which, as such, can be settled only through a political solution. The fighters of the Frente POLISARIO, it will be recalled, twice came to the gates of Nouakchott. In turn they operated at Tifariti, Chenguiti, Jdiria, El-Ayoun, Boukraa, Sniara, Ain-Bentli, Dakhla, Guelta-Zemmour, Tantan and many other places. In other words, according to the requirements of the struggle, being masters of the terrain and of the initiative, they have chosen and imposed their battlefield and, for reasons inherent in the consequences of aggression, they have also caused harassment where they could do so, that is to say, both in Mauritania and in Morocco.
239.	That is an undeniable fact. But, in all justice, who would have cast a stone at Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau for waging their struggle for liberation inside what was then called the metropolitan country?
240.	Changes did occur in Mauritania and a unilateral cease-fire was decided upon by the Frente POLISARIO-indications, albeit still slight ones, of a movement towards the peace that all the peoples of the region whole-heartedly desire—but it became clear to everyone that there would inevitably be tension and confrontation again, and in increased measure, between the Royal armed forces and the Saharan fighters. That situation is all the more deplorable because, in contrast to this, everyone seems to desire to offer-each in his own way—his good offices in the search for the establishment of a just and lasting peace, within the framework of. the United Nations and the OAU. Those, in our opinion, are the elements of a policy worthy of those who know that self-criticism is a virtue, that a return to justice can only make just men greater,' that the denial of the existence of peoples is not necessarily synonymous with peace, that realism and evasion of responsibility are contradictory concepts and, above all, that no one has the right to sacrifice the joint future of the peoples of our continent to the euphoria of vain momentary glory. We make another fraternal and sincere appeal from this rostrum to Morocco to help the Saharan people to exercise their inalienable rights.
241; -Convinced that such an approach is the only one likely to lead rapidly to peace, harmony and stability in the Saguia el Hamra y Rio region, Algeria once again expresses its will to make its modest contribution, as soon as the objective conditions are met, to the settlement of this painful matter, which daily becomes more tragic and soon will be out of control.
242.	It is obvious that the situation in the Middle East is continuing to deteriorate, despite diplomatic action which some seek to picture as a decisive contribution to the quest for a just and lasting solution, while they stubbornly refuse to recognize the true nature of the problem and concentrate on the consequences of the crisis rather than on its origins. Need I recall here that the origin of the Middle East crisis is, above and beyond anything else, the denial of the right of the Palestinian people to its national existence, and that the constant aggravation of the crisis is essentially the result of a deliberate will to ignore the core of the problem which is the restoration to the Palestinian people of its national rights. That is why all the recent initiatives taken outside the framework set by the United Nations can only lead to undermining the Arab solidarity that is so necessary, to promoting attempts at a separate peace, and to encouraging the Zionist occupier in his policy of aggression, expansion and defiance of the international community.
243.	It is a strange plan — to say the least—to create at the outset the conditions for a false solution, to overlook the basic fact of the problem by invoking so-called immediate political requirements, and to conceal the contradictions inherent in the very nature of the undertaking by claiming that the only possibility of achieving peace is to give in to the policy Of abandonment.
244.	But events will destroy all these illusions; one by one, the instruments forged in order to stifle the voice of Palestinian resistance will be broken. The Palestinian resistance will be able to free itself from the web of these manoeuvres and clearly affirm the right of the Palestinian people to its national existence.
245.	The approach to which I have been referring was doomed to failure from the start because it falls squarely within the logic of the aggressor. Thus, the reply the Zionist State has given to these initiatives that everyone is trying so hard to present to us as steps towards peace has been an escalation of its policy of aggression and its efforts to "liquidate the Palestinian people and to destroy another Arab State, Lebanon. Proof of this is the frenzy with which the Tel Aviv regime is trying to make its territorial gains permanent by implanting new settlements on Palestinian soil and — as recently as yesterday - by occupying a part of Lebanese territory Thus we see Israel's true nature constantly revealed, its role as a relay point in a policy of domination that obviously is part of the imperialist strategy.
246.	Confronted by these challenges, the Palestinian resistance, strengthened by the solidarity of all the peoples of the world, continues to embody-despite all the plots—the will of the Arab nation to free itself from the grasp of imperialism. It constitutes a tangible fact, recognized by the entire international community. It is precisely because of its struggle and the irreplaceable instrument in that struggle with which it has endowed itself through the Palestine Liberation Organization, its sole-representative, that the Palestinian people has been able to impose the fact of their
existence and the correctness of their cause, as well as their determination to regain their rights.
247.	No undertaking truly designed to encourage a just solution can be viable if it does not satisfy the national rights of the Palestinian people and if it does not provide for the recovery of all the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem. Of course that goal requires that the international community be faithful to its own decisions; of course it requires that - unity in the Arab ranks be re-established; of course it requires that there be a constant affirmation of an' international solidarity capable of responding to the vast plot being hatched against the Palestinian people.
248.	Algeria, for its part, is faithful to the decisions taken by the Arab summit meetings in Algiers and Rabat and endorsed by the international community through the United Nations, in which the Palestine Liberation Organization has been a permanent observer since 1974. From this very rostrum we have repeatedly, expressed our determination to promote, by all the means at our disposal, a solution in conformity with the Charter and the relevant resolutions of our Organization. We greeted with satisfaction the United States-Soviet communiqué of 1 October 1977. All this means that we intend, in the search for solutions, to abide by international legality. And, in any case, no deviations, no personal initiatives, no isolated acts, no separate peace can shake our faith in the justness of the cause of the Palestinian people and; in the inevitable victory of the Arab peoples, like that of other peoples of the world.
249.	Still on the subject of the Mediterranean region, where a general conflagration could break out at any time, the absence of progress in the search for a solution-to the problem of Cyprus is another source of concern.- The intercommunal talks being held under the aegis of the Secretary-General have still reached no results. But these efforts must be pursued so that a satisfactory , settlement may be reached that will guarantee the rights of each community, while preserving the political unity and territorial integrity of an independent and non-aligned Republic of Cyprus.
250.	For the rest, the persistence of these hotbeds of tension is not likely to promote the extension of the policy of detente beyond the rivers of Europe -to the Mediterranean basin. Nevertheless, despite the reluctance and resistance of some,- the idea is today gaining ground that global considerations and systematic opposition must progressively yield to regional concerns and to the reapprochement of the coastal States. The idea is certainly not taking shape because of the vast obstacles interposed, but the very importance of the road to be traversed should prompt us to unite our efforts, so that understanding and co-operation may- replace, suspicions and divergent actions, Then when a climate of confidence is restored and peace and; security are strengthened by the development of common and complementary interests, each coastal country will be able to assume, in harmony, with its neighbours, its .natural role. Thus, moving from pacification to stabilization, and, from stabilization to co-operation, the  constant aspiration; of all peoples of the region to make of the Mediterranean a lake of peace  will be realized. My country  here reaffirms its willingness to make its contribution so that this cross-roads
of civilizations may finally recover its vocation of linking all peoples.
251.	It was in this spirit that we participated in the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament. Of course, on the basis of past experience we had not expected concrete and effective measures that would have made possible the beginning of a genuine process of disarmament, but we had expected of the nuclear Powers a more positive reaction to the concern of our countries at the reluctance shown so far to give real guarantees regarding the security of non-nuclear-weapon States and their access to nuclear technology. The persistence of this reluctance made impossible the inclusion in the Programme of Action that was adopted last June  of measures likely to meet our legitimate requirements regarding the security of our States and the removal of the unilateral restrictions and restraints that are always a barrier to the free transfer of nuclear technology to countries that urgently need it for their development. And yet the very fact that for the first time a special session devoted solely to the problem of disarmament was held is an encouraging event in itself. The central role and primary responsibility of our Organization in this field has been reaffirmed. The deliberative and negotiating mechanisms have been renewed; they have become more democratic and there is better geographical and political representation, thus making possible the participation of all countries, and primarily all the nuclear Powers, in the drafting and implementation of the solution of one of the moat serious problems that our peoples face. This is a first step, however timid, that will promote the establishment of the necessary framework for the affirmation of a genuine political will to disarm Algeria, which is pleased to be a member of the new Committee on Disarmament, is determined to spare no effort to make a modest but effective contribution to the attainment of what constitutes the ultimate goal of our Organization: to ensure international peace-and security through general and complete disarmament.
252.	International peace and security also depend on the solutions that are found for the problem of the profound crisis that affects the world economy. There seems to be a great deal of emotion everywhere because of this crisis in the world economy, as though it was of alien origin and imposed by occult forces that could be conjured away by incantations, the privileged site of which would be the General Assembly. But such powerlessness is by no means the powerlessness of the international community as a whole. It is the result of what can best be termed a lack of foresight on the part of some of its members. This is in singular contrast to the foresight shown in the resolutions adopted at the special sessions devoted to the new international economic order which, starting with a diagnosis that still remains valid, advocated remedies that have yet to be applied.
253.	For their part, the developing countries bear no responsibility for that crisis. As proof I need only mention the failure of theses that were represented to us as being strictly and scientifically accurate and according to which the prices of the exports of third-world countries caused the present price fluctuations because, it was alleged, they were either too high or too low. And yet these same
countries had had to bear an unjustifiable part of the burden of the adaptations imposed by the crisis in the world economy. At some sacrifice, because of their imports from the rich countries of inflation and unemployment as well as of products, they have played a recognized anti-cyclical role, which has undoubtedly lessened the impact of the recession in those countries.
254.	One cannot, however, find a permanent solution to a crisis that is exacerbated by excessive stimulation of consumption in the developed countries and by the unprecedented growth of international liquidity, on the initiative of the latter and for their benefit alone. Inflation, which used to be a national phenomenon, has become since the end of the last decade a permanent feature of the world economy. The mechanisms which transmit this inflation from the industrialized countries to the third world have proved more effective than the pseudo-mechanisms for the transmission of prosperity so dear to those who believe in the automatic fall-out of growth.
255.	Equity as well as effectiveness require that we take into account in the equation of the global balance, as an autonomous factor, the rights of the third world because of its contribution to world economic activity.
256.	Up to now the industrial Powers have deliberately attempted to manipulate the cycle of economic activity. This is based on the selfishness of the rich and, if experience is to be believed, is inevitably doomed to failure because everyone knows that the crisis is really the result of structural imbalances in the world economy, of which the third world, we must repeat, is the principal victim.
257.	Support for the new international economic order implies, of course, a recognition of the structural character of these imbalances, but this has rarely gone beyond the stage of rhetoric. While appetites for our natural resources grow and strategies are devised to recover our raw materials, and while our just claims to an equitable share in the resources of the world economy are challenged, it is difficult to believe that the widespread acceptance of the term "new order" has effectively dispelled,, misunderstandings and ulterior motives. Otherwise, how can one explain the continued deterioration of an economic environment that is already hostile to developing countries?
258.	Thus the wave for protectionism has reduced almost to nothing the prospects for exports from the third world. Similarly, the constant decline in official resource transfers from the developed to the developing countries, the aggravation of the latter's food deficit, the limitations imposed on their access to technology and the delays in negotiations on the Integrated Programme for Commodities and- in the conclusion of commodity agreements have constituted obstacles to the restructuring of international economic relations.
259.	No new structure can be viable if it is distorted by unilateral manipulation of the principal reserve currency and by failure to adapt the international monetary system that it supports, in particular in regard to the fundamental interests/Of the developing countries.
260.	The obstacles to setting up such structures show the imperative need to include in the same dialectic the struggle of the third-world countries, in which they demonstrate their solidarity within the framework of strengthening their collective self-reliance, which does not mean autarchy and the need for a world-wide dialogue to establish healthy international economic relations.
261.	True, very few have failed to acquiesce in the ritual of reaffirming the inevitable nature of interdependence, the recognition of which should be the point of departure of a true dialogue. But has it not too often been invoked simply to justify the application of the same procedures as made it possible to ensure post-war progress in the industrialized countries, whose present crisis shows the limits to growth? Has there not been an attempt, in the name of a certain interdependence and so-called shared responsibility, to bring the developing countries that challenge the established order back into line? Further, do not some seek under the cover of interdependence to thwart the objectives of the third world by setting as a global priority for all the developing countries solutions that would serve only to legitimize and systematize the external economic, financial and even political pressures to which they are subjected?
262.	In such circumstances, the concept of interdependence would only serve to perpetuate relations of domination. We are bound to recognize that in truth it is futile to try to rediscover this interdependence while our task obviously consists, rather, in ascertaining its true implications.
263.	The present chaos in negotiations to establish a new framework for international economic relations raises the problem of the very purpose of the dialogue. The reverses suffered in the dialogue in past years prompt scepticism. Instead of serving as a catalyst for setting up the new international economic order, the dialogue seems, paradoxically, to have served as a pretext for certain developed countries to erode the gains that constituted the premises of the new order. Because those premises are part of this approach by the developed countries, their professions of faith in favour of a dialogue can only mask the absence of political will to take real action. Thus we witness attempts to question the right to collective self-expression of General Assembly bodies while elsewhere the developed countries proclaim the imperative need for democratization in the international decision-making process.
264.	Having first challenged the value of any majority decision and then of decisions taken by consensus, which are alleged to be less "authentic" than others, the developed countries do not hesitate over the idea of eliminating the very principle of adopting decisions in global economic bodies by alleging the risk of duplicating the positions taken up by specialized organs. The effect of this attitude, if not its objective, is to remove any meaning from the dialogue by limiting it to a simple exchange of views, with no commitment and no future, while the real decisions continue to be taken in forums where the industrialized countries predominate.
265.	These are the thoughts that come to mind, given the deadlock in the dialogue both outside the United Nations and within it in the Committee of the Whole of our
Assembly, that is, the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. The Committee's work was deliberately interrupted even at its very start by an opposition that had its origin in the patent absence of real political will to bring about change.
266.	What is at stake, and what is ultimately being challenged, is the General Assembly's central role in any global negotiation about the establishment of the new order. In the light of these considerations, should we not question the use that might be made of the dialogue in future negotiations? In particular, at a time when our Assembly is about to begin drafting a new international strategy for development, it is to be feared that in this dialogue the developed countries might try to replace the framework already drawn up in the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [Resolution 3201 (S-VI)] by a highly questionable substitute strategy.
267.	Such a strategy, in the name of I know not what "pragmatism", would renounce a global approach to international economic problems in favour of piecemeal and isolated measures. Further, in the guise of "good Samaritans", its advocates would attempt to blame underdevelopment on the internal system of distribution while ignoring its external causes, which are far more constraining.
268.	The better to overcome the resistance that this action might arouse, the resources of economic science would be mobilized to cause the division of the developing countries into a growing number of autonomous categories, which the developed countries would hope would even oppose one another. Thus they would pretend to ignore the fact that the unity of the third world is based oh the common political will of its members to put an end to the relations of domination and exploitation from which all suffer and not on the affirmation of any similarity in their respective levels of development. Such action would support a hazardous thesis designed to reduce the dialogue to a diversionary operation that would, at best, attenuate the erosion of positions already gained and polarize attention towards marginal problems.
269.	How much longer will the peoples of the world agree to be lulled by this illusion of a dialogue, which makes light of problems that nevertheless condition their future? Is there still time for the international community to make a fresh start so that the 1980 special session of the Assembly will constitute a decisive phase on the way towards restructuring international economic relations, rather than a prelude to a new era of crisis and confrontation?
270.	In a world haunted by the limits to growth, whether they are in the nature of things or in the mind of men, this restructuring would make it possible to promote genuine international co-operation, which certainly constitutes a challenge but also contains generous promises. Indeed, the North-South dimension opens to the world economy this "new frontier", capable of ensuring the real prosperity of all, a prosperity that consists in greater well-being as much as, if not more than, in simply having more.
271.	In the troubled world in which we live, and given the critical state of international relations, it is not superfluous
to emphasize once again the role incumbent upon the United Nations. It is obvious that the faction at the root of the situation am. the manifestation of a refusal to accept the changes required by the evolution of the world, thus delaying the emergence of a new system of international relations. Yet the United Nations is the appropriate instrument whereby we may overcome this fundamental contradiction of our times. For the solution of the problems that mankind Dices, and therefore the elimination of-present tensions and uncertainties in international life, urgent decisions and bold measures must be taken, based on respect for the principles that give our Organization its raison d'etre.
272. Furthermore, the future of the Organization is linked to its ability to adapt to the realities and requirements of our era, taking into account, in particular, the ever-growing role that the third-world countries should play in seeking peace and security and in promoting just and equitable
international co-operation. This ability to evolve will depend above all on the political will of States, regardless of their economic strength or military power, to transcend narrow selfishness, strategic concerns and divisive and interventionist policies, so that they may take action with respect for the Charter principles and ideals and unite their efforts for the greater good of mankind. That is the fundamental condition for strengthening peace and security throughout the world. It is our joint responsibility.


123. It gives me great pleasure,
Mr. President, to join the representatives who have preceded
me in congratulating you on your election as
President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly
. Your long experience in .international affairs and
the prestige that you enjoy in the international community
. will undoubtedly assist you in successfully 'conducting the
work of this Assembly. We are greatly pleased by your
election.
124. I should like to pay a tribute to my friend, Mr. Lazar
Mojsov, our outgoing President, Representatives here will
remember that during the past year he played a major role
and contributed most effectively to the successful conduct
of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly and
the special sessions held this year.
125. I should like also to associate myself with previous
speakers who have expressed high regard for and appreciation
of the contribution of our Secretary-General,
Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose continued determination to
make the United Nations an effective instrument for the
creation of lasting peace and security in the world has
earned him the co-operation and support of all Member
States.
126. Only recently we were grieved to learn of the passing
away of three eminent world statesmen whose contributions
to international peace and. harmony are so well
known to all of us. The late Pontiff, Pope Paul VI,
dedicated his ministry and his efforts to bringing peace to
-all mankind. While expressing our deep regret at his passing,
I am confident that his words and his mission will long be
remembered. Last week we were shocked to learn or the
sudden passing away of Pope John Paul I, whose brief but
promising period of office was marked by dedication to
world peace.

127. The late President of Kenya, Mr. Jomo Kenyatta, was a symbol of a nationalist statesman who dedicated his life to securing freedom for his people at a crucial stage in Africa's struggle against colonialism. He emerged as a great
world leader dedicated to the struggle for international peace and universal freedom.
128.	It is a great pleasure for me on behalf of Sri Lanka to welcome Solomon Islands as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of this Organization. The admission of Solomon Islands reflects the constant widening of the membership of the United Nations towards ultimate universality.
129.	It is my personal privilege to address this Assembly as the first Foreign Minister of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. I have pleasure in conveying to this Assembly the good wishes and greetings of my President, His Excellency J. R. Jayewardene.
130.	In our Constitution, adopted on 7 September of this year, we have pledged to build a fair, just, democratic and socialist society. The Constitution enshrines the rule of law, guarantees the enforcement of the fundamental rights of the citizen, and outlaws discrimination, be it on grounds of caste, colour or creed. The new Constitution is a national declaration of commitment and dedication not only to the domestic ideal of a fair and just society but also to the ideals of the United Nations, its Charter and the obligations of its Members.
131.	The agenda that will occupy the General Assembly at this session includes the issues that are of major concern to the international family. For several years mankind had, after bitter experience, worked out arrangements in various stages for the stabilization of peace. Those efforts gave rise to an improvement in the environment of international relations. However, in recent months we have been unwilling witnesses to a deterioration in this climate. The period of detente witnessed some relaxation of tensions, but now detente seems to be threatened. The question is therefore legitimately asked, Are we returning to another cold-war era? We hesitate to answer in the affirmative. It is our hope that this interruption in the relaxation of tensions we are witnessing is only a temporary one. Detente, in our view, means the acceptance of peaceful coexistence, not just in limited areas of the world for limited periods by a limited, number of countries, but throughout the whole universe in which we live. We believe that detente should not be overthrown; and we believe that it cannot survive by being limited to particular areas or particular groupings.
132.	Looking back at the momentous events of the past year I see four international conferences as being of vital political importance to those of us who belong to the third world. There was the tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, in May of this year; the fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], in Khartoum in July, the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, in Belgrade, also in July; and, finally, the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, in Geneva in August.
133.	To my mind, those four Conferences symbolize the genuine efforts of the third-world countries to restructure the world political order,, No doubt it will take more conferences before we see the reality of a new international society. But we have come a long way from the time when the voice of the third world was unheard, unnoticed and unheeded.
134.	Year after year we have in this Assembly discussed the threat to peace that arises from the arms race and the qualitative and quantitative escalation of armaments. We met in this Assembly last May in the tenth special session to discuss the question of disarmament, the problem of greatest concern for the future of all mankind. The reactions to the results of that special session have been many and varied. Sri Lanka, together with the other non-aligned countries, had agitated for the special session, and Sri Lanka had the privilege of introducing, on behalf of the non-aligned countries, the United Nations General Assembly resolution calling for the special session [resolution 32/88J. The results of the special session have only partially satisfied us. However, we feel it has opened the way to a serious examination of the problem and to the adoption of practical measures that could help in realizing the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
135.	The special session has also made possible the reform of the machinery for accelerating the process of disarmament. We welcome the revival of the United Nations Disarmament Commission and the reconstitution of the Committee on Disarmament, of which Sri Lanka is one of the new members. In both bodies we shall contribute whatever is within our capacity to help the advancement of the cause of disarmament.
136.	Sri Lanka's concern over the problem of the arms race and the threat it poses to mankind has been expressed by the President of Sri Lanka, His Excellency J.R. Jayewardene. In a special appeal to all Heads of State or Government, our President sought their support for the creation of a world disarmament authority within the United Nations system.18 We hope that that proposal and the many others that were laid before the special session will receive the serious consideration of those who have been entrusted with the task of studying this problem. We feel that the conscience of mankind has now been stirred to a point where it is realized that practical and urgent steps must be taken to curb the threat that armaments pose to mankind.
137.	Two months ago the largest single regional group of both the United Nations and the non-aligned movement met in Khartoum. We hail the success of the OAU Assembly and applaud its conclusions [see A/331235 and Corr.1] as a sharp rejection of the beginning of a new scramble for Africa. The African position on the questions of colonialism, apartheid and racism emerged united and unshakable. The leadership given by that meeting to the peoples of Africa constitutes a firm determination to keep foreign intervention outside the African continent. We admire the resolution of African problems by the Africans themselves, as symbolized in the proposals made for the solution of the Western Sahara question and for the normalization of relations between Angola and Zaire. We support the OAU position on Zimbabwe and Namibia, and we look forward to the day when the Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe and SWAPO in Namibia will, as the true representatives of their people, enjoy their right to govern their countries. We welcome, in this connexion, the admission of SWAPO to full membership in the non-aligned movement.
138.	Later in July this year 87 non-aligned nations, all of which are Members of the United Nations, met in Belgrade at the Foreign Minister level. It was a Conference that was preceded by a considerable amount of adverse publicity. That publicity highlighted bilateral differences among the non-aligned members in an attempt to create the impression of disunity and disarray. As the Chairman of the non-aligned movement, Sri Lanka viewed those assessments with great concern. We recognized that those attempts to challenge the unity and progress of the movement stemmed from a fundamental recognition that the movement has grown into a formidable factor on the international scene.
139.	What the 87 nations achieved in Belgrade represented a major reaffirmation of the fundamental principles of non-alignment and the basic unity of the non-aligned countries in their commitment to those principles. The non-aligned movement was not diverted by bilateral disputes that had unfortunately arisen among them. The Belgrade Declaration [A/33/306, annex I] stands, therefore, as a remarkable and courageous document. We stand united for a new system of international relations based on true independence and non-interference in internal affairs and for equality and justice in relationships among countries.
140.	Sri Lanka is proud that at this crucial juncture of the history of non-alignment the responsibility was placed on it to be Chairman of the movement. We are dedicated to the course of strict non-alignment. I referred earlier to the non-aligned movement's initiative on holding a special session on disarmament. This is one of the many achievements that the non-aligned group of nations has recorded in its history. We look forward to greater achievements. Our aims are in complete harmony with the aims of the United Nations, and indeed the efforts of the non-aligned strengthen the role of the United Nations. We seek to democratize the decision-making process in international affairs. The non-aligned movement stands resolutely for a system of complete equality and justice in all spheres. We believe that the era of an international system based on unequal exchange is over. The fact that so many nations of the world belong to the non-aligned movement and the desire on the part of newly liberated countries to join the movement are ample testimony to the validity of the principles of the movement. It is also significant that no member of the non-aligned movement has expressed a desire to leave the movement.
141.	The non-aligned movement has never pretended to be a solid monolith. Indeed, we have specifically rejected the idea of a bloc. Two thirds of the world's countries and peoples belong to the non-aligned movement, and we go forward to the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, to be held in Havana in 1979, confident of the future. These principles and objectives constitute the framework for a new world political and economic order which the non-aligned seek to usher in. They are the principles of self-determination, independence and the equality of nation States, freedom from all forms of domination and pressure, international peace and justice, and mutually beneficial co-operation. These principles will ensure the creation of conditions for all nations to live in dignity and prosperity.
142.	These principles are not merely of academic value, for their application, be it to the situation in Africa, that in the Middle East or that in the Indian Ocean, is clearly evident in the Belgrade Declaration. They are non-aligned positions which the Government of Sri Lanka endorses.
143.	With regard to the Middle East, we are disappointed that all our efforts so far have failed to ensure the return of all occupied territory and the restitution of the inalienable national rights on the Palestinian people.
144.	We are aware of the developments that have taken place with regard to the Middle East question since the Belgrade Conference. Those developments have now become the subject of serious study by Member States and by members of the non-aligned movement. However, we wish to reiterate our position, which has been made clear in this forum and elsewhere. It is our view that the solution to the Middle East question should be in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the decisions of the non-aligned movement.
145.	With regard to the Declaration on the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], Sri Lanka is glad to note that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean is recommending to the General Assembly that a meeting of the littoral and hinterland States be held in New York, from 2 to 13 July next year [see resolution 32/86], We believe that the next step should be the early convening of a conference.
146.	The attention of the world is focused now on the great continent of Africa. The final phase of the struggle of the African people against colonialism and minority racist domination has gathered momentum. We look forward to the total elimination of colonialism and racism from Namibia and Zimbabwe. We earnestly hope for an end to the inhuman practice of apartheid and await the day when majority African rule is a reality in South Africa. The true course of history cannot be diverted. The just cause of the African people must triumph. It is surprising that we still have among us those of whom it may be said that they have eyes but see not and ears but "hear not.
147.	The tragic irony is that these minority racist regimes refuse to see their inevitable end. They seek instead to perpetuate themselves. By doing so, what do they hope to gain? How long can they cling on? Their stay is temporary. We salute the courageous nationalist forces in those countries for their heroic struggle; they are not far from their goals.
148.	I Would be failing in my duty if I did not refer to the situation in Cyprus. We call for the effective implementation of United Nations resolutions which call for respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus and non-interference in its internal affairs.
149.	We are greatly disturbed by the recent developments in Lebanon, which is a member of the non-aligned movement. Therefore I wish to make an appeal on humanitarian grounds: I appeal for an immediate cease-fire and urge that no party involved should attack civilian targets, but should allow the supply of food to the sick and the wounded and to the civilian population.
150.	A special word on human rights, which figure so prominently in the Belgrade Declaration, is relevant. Sri Lanka stands resolutely on the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Our participation in the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, held in Geneva in August this year, was based on the premise that human rights, like peace, are indivisible. We support an integral and comprehensive approach to the question of human rights, which must be viewed in the national, social and economic context.
151.	The insignificant progress in the negotiations for the New International Economic Order has been very clearly brought out in the Belgrade Declaration adopted by the non-aligned Foreign Ministers. The one body that sought to negotiate a package deal encompassing the principal issues at stake-namely, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation—ended in miserable failure.
152.	Meanwhile, in the absence of purposeful action on the kinds of interrelated issues discussed at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, the world economy has continued to stagnate. Unemployment in the member countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development is in excess of 17 million. The defensive reflex action of each developed country to raise prevailing levels of protection can only deprive developing countries of access to markets. The collective effect of such action can only result in the worsening of stagnation. If, in addition, international credit becomes curtailed, then the world as a whole is bound to face unprecedented levels of unemployment.
153.	Yet it is not difficult to see areas of mutual interest common to developing and developed countries alike. It has been accepted, for example, for quite some time now that, in the absence of mechanisms for recycling the balance-of-payments surpluses warranted by the world's economic potential, actual growth must inevitably be well below capacity. In a sense, the relative degree of ease with which the international banking system has so far coped with the recycling problem of recent years has distracted attention from more durable attempts to translate short-term liquidity into long-term investment.
154.	It was with a view to exploring ways and means of enhancing, diversifying and making more stable the long-term flows of investment funds that, in my address to this Assembly last year, I suggested possibilities for action in two areas: first, better facilities for exploration for natural resources, including petroleum; secondly, the diversification of investment channels that will become possible through a revival of the idea of multilateral investment insurance or reinsurance mechanisms and other forms of guarantee facilities. Their total impact would be expected better to utilize global excess capacities. As it happens, not long after the relevant resolution was passed in the United Nations General Assembly [resolution 32/176], there was presented to the Intergovernmental Group of 24 on International Monetary Affairs at its meeting on 28 April this year in Mexico a proposal for a long-term recycling facility to
19 See Official Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-second Session, Plenary Meetings, 12th meeting, paras. 1-36.
finance purchases of capital goods by developing countries. That proposal was also placed on the agenda of the relevant United Nations expert group, as well as on that of the Development Committee of IMF and IBRD. Unfortunately, the United Nations expert group was unable to devote sufficient attention to the proposal.
155.	Modifications of this proposal are possible and desirable with respect to both the amounts and the terms of the finance to be raised. It is, moreover, an open question how far the desired expansionary impact of the proposal on the world economy can be adequately achieved if it is tied too rigidly to project finance. The decision of the IMF Interim Committee of the Board of Governors on the International Monetary System last week to allocate 4 billion special drawing rights in each of the next three years—that is from 1979 to 1981—is welcome in the present context.
156.	This same broad objective—namely, the development of the relevant degree of mutuality of interest within the international community—was the intent of my remarks last year on the question of natural resources exploration. The report of the expert group20 which resulted points out, for example, that on certain assumptions the financing requirements for the exploration of petroleum between now and 1990 could be in the range of $US 12 to 25 billion in the oil-importing developing countries alone [see A/.33/256, para. 10].
157.	A wide range of mutual interests could be served by a suitably devised multilateral financing mechanism-estimated by the expert group to require' at least $US 500 million [ibid., annex, para. 83] —that would go into areas of further exploration and wildcat drilling which have been a traditional preserve of multinational corporations. It would also continue to provide an expanding export market for oil-exporting developing countries. The lessening of exploration risks resulting from such a multilateral fund could, in turn, permit the negotiation of better terms between countries and investors in the development phase. Directly within the ambit of the activities of UNDP are the group's suggestions for the improvement of facilities and coverage of the United Nations Revolving Fund for Natural Resources and I would urge the General Assembly's endorsement of both sets of proposals.
158.	The vexed question of the common fund has still not been resolved except in so far as a commitment to principle is concerned. We therefore attach' the greatest importance to a successful conclusion of the meeting21 now scheduled for 14 November this year. We are encouraged by recent expressions of positive views made by several developed countries, .particularly at the last Development Committee meeting in Washington concerning the common fund, and we would naturally welcome the establishment of that fund on a generally agreed basis, without driving the developing countries to establish a fund through the mobilization of their own resources..
20	Group of Experts on Mineral and Energy Exploration in Developing Countries.
21	United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities.
159.	Without in any way prejudicing the common fund, Sri Lanka has proposed to the non-aligned countries the creation of a better co-ordinated information system with regard to trends in prices and supplies of at least those key commodities which bulk large in international trade. The proposal has already been earmarked for study by a group of non-aligned countries, and we hope that it will gain the attention of the Assembly at this present session.
160.	Much has been said in this forum about the New International Economic Order. The General Assembly at its last session set up the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, otherwise known as the Committee of the Whole, where the dialogue and negotiations on the New International Economic Order could take place. We are disappointed that the Committee has not been able to perform the functions that were entrusted to it. Great concern has been expressed by representatives of third world over this break-down in the work of the Committee. At the same time, we note that those countries that had certain problems or difficulties regarding the work and mandate of the Committee have expressed a sincere desire to find a method whereby the Committee could resume its work.
161.	We reiterate our firm belief that dialogue and negotiations on the New International Economic Order should take place within the United Nations system and that the Committee should be in a position to enter into negotiations. And we hope that the deep concern expressed at the break-down of the work of the Committee will give impetus to the search for a mutually acceptable and productive basis for the continuation of its work.
162.	This is the second occasion I have had to address this distinguished gathering in my capacity as Foreign Minister. I must admit to knowledge of the existence of a growing body of cynical opinion which views the statements made by Foreign Ministers of the Member States of the United Nations as a ritualistic exercise. We arrive here every year; we say what we have to say, and we disperse. The words we utter do not, and indeed cannot, change the course of international events. More importantly for us in the poorer countries, the words we speak do not accelerate the development process in our countries. Why is it then that we persist in this exercise? Why is it that we continue to make these statements, adding to the enormous volume of paper that is already produced by the United Nations?
163.	I wish to say, in all humility and modesty, that for us the small nations, the weaker nations, the poor nations, the United Nations General Assembly represents a unique forum. It is a forum where what we say echoes throughout the world. We speak here in the hope that some of our words may get through, so that the hopes and aspirations of the men, women and children of third-world countries will register in the consciousness of the leaders of the world. We are here because our people have sent us here. We speak here to articulate the problems, hopes and fears of our people. Not to do so would be a shameful betrayal of the mandate given to us by our people. It is in this spirit that I, coming as I do from a democratic socialist country, Sri Lanka, which is both a small and a developing nation, have placed before you some thoughts on how we in Sri Lanka see the present state of international development.