It gives me pleasure at the outset to join the speakers who preceded
me in congratulating you. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. My delegation is confident
that your wide experience and diplomatic skill will contribute to the success
of the session.
I should like also to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi,
for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the affairs of the forty-sixth
session of the General Assembly.
I am pleased also to convey our appreciation and praise to the
Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for this
consistent efforts, in the face of numerous impediments, to strengthen the
role of the Organization in achieving the purposes and principles of the
United Nations Charter, as well as for his Agenda for Peace proposals aimed at
enhancing the role of the United Nations in preserving international peace and
security, ensuring justice and protecting human rights.
I should like too to welcome the new Members of the Organization:
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Slovenia, Moldova, San Marino, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and
Georgia. Their accession to the Organization's membership is a further step
towards the complete universality of our Organization. It also enhances
international acceptability of the principles and purposes of this great
Organization and boosts its efforts to achieve justice, prosperity, progress
and international peace and security.

Since the last session, international relations and the international
balance of power have undergone profound changes and transformations. Those
changes have resulted in, among other things, the collapse and disintegration
of what was known as the Soviet Union, and the end of bipolarity. The world
has begun to seek the establishment of an alternative order whose features
have not crystallized. In the meantime, there are signs that several of the
cold-war problems such as certain regional conflicts, the dismantling of the
apartheid system in South Africa and the slowing down of the arms race may
be amenable to solution. These developments in international relations have
created new opportunities and new challenges. The challenges must be
confronted by the international community with all seriousness and
determination.' This should be done by strengthening the spirit of
understanding and reconciliation that now prevails in international relations.
However, this optimism should not stop us from conceding that certain old
questions and problems have not been resolved yet. Furthermore, those
developments have created new hotbeds of tension in certain areas of the
world, as evidenced by the eruption of the ethnic conflicts and civil wars
that have cast their shadows on the international arena. Such unwelcome
trends make it incumbent upon the international community to do more to
strengthen the positive trends in international relations so that we may
resolve the residual and the new problems alike.
Within that context, my country supports the efforts of the States of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to reach a speedy solution
to the Liberian problem.
We also urge the international community to encourage the Afghans to
settle their differences in a manner that would spare them new confrontation.

And we call on the international community to work seriously to end the bloody
conflict in the Balkans by encouraging the republics of the former Yugoslavia
to settle their disputes through dialogue and negotiation instead of force and
violence.
The international community should redouble its efforts to put an end to
the human tragedy of the Somali people and to take appropriate measures to
reach a rational reconciliation, thereby guaranteeing a dignified life for the
Somalis, who are facing a massive famine.
As for the conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United
Arab Emirates, over the islands of Abu Mousa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb, we
would like to state the need to adhere to the international norms and
conventions that prohibit the occupation by force of the territory of another
State. We call upon our brethren in Iran and the United Arab Emirates to
allow reason, respect for good-neighbourliness, and the principle of
sovereignty to prevail, and to search for a peaceful solution to this
conflict, thereby sparing the region an escalation in tensions.
The just cause of the Palestinian people has been with the United Nations
since its inception. Notwithstanding the adoption of numerous resolutions by
the General Assembly, the Security Council and other organs, the Organization
remains unable to implement its own resolutions. As the Secretary-General
states in his report to the Security Council on preventive diplomacy,
"The principles of the Charter should be applied consistently, not
selectively, for if the perception should be of the latter, trust will
wane and with it the moral authority which is the greatest and most
unique quality of that instrument." (A/47/277, para. 82)

Due to clear discrimination against the Palestinian people who remain
under the yoke of Israeli occupation and suffer all forms of oppression,
repression, enslavement and injustice caused by an international community
which employs double standards that people rose up in an intifadah against
Israeli occupation, insisting, properly, on their right to self-determination
and demonstrating that the will of peoples cannot be crushed by repression.

We should like to reaffirm from this rostrum our support for the
intifadah of the Palestinian people against injustice and for that people's
right to liberate their land, to exercise self-determination and to establish
their own independent and sovereign State. We urge the international
community to translate its support of the Palestinian people into practical
measures by pressing for the immediate halting of Jewish immigration to
Palestine and the occupied Arab territories, the complete halting of the
building of Israeli settlements, the protection of the Palestinian people and
the implementation of all resolutions relevant to the Palestinian question and
to the occupied Arab territories, so that peace and justice may prevail in all
parts of the Middle East.
Despite all the encouraging developments in South Africa over the past
two years, recent events have shown that the situation there is still a source
of tension and cause for concern. The recent eruption and escalation of
violence is an ominous sign of a possible explosion that may jeopardize the
process designed to abolish apartheid through negotiation. While welcoming
the steps recently taken by the international community in this respect, my
country will continue its support of the South African people's struggle to
eradicate the system of apartheid, which, it seems, is unwilling to desist
from its racist practices voluntarily and, chameleon-like, is desperately
trying to disguise itself. Therefore, all of us must maintain the pressure on
that regime to make it heed the will of the majority, the will of the
international community and the relevant United Nations resolutions.
The remarkable changes and developments in today's world impose new
responsibilities on the United Nations in performing its role as an instrument

of preserving world peace and security and promoting stability,
reconciliation, development and prosperity for all. Small and vulnerable
countries have taken heart from the Organization's increased capabilities,
especially now that the Organization has achieved marked success in the
settlement of disputes in Cambodia and Afghanistan, in the realization of
Namibia's independence and in supporting the legitimate struggle of the people
of South Africa to dismantle apartheid.
Notwithstanding those positive indications in the Organization's work, it
has been noted that some still continue to dominate the Organization and to
use it, under various pretexts, to serve their own political purposes through
the law of force rather than the force of the law, and by pursuing policies of
political and military intervention as well as economic pressure. The
pressures to which Libya has been subjected are part and parcel of those
policies. The same is true of what has been visited upon the Iraqi people.
Thus, we call for an end to the embargo imposed against the people of Iraq,
for an end to their starvation, for respecting their sovereignty and for
non-interference in their internal affairs.
What has become known as the Lockerbie Case is one of the by-products of
the present international situation and illustrates its effect on small
countries that pursue independent policies and take independent positions.
The case also shows the need to introduce basic changes in the mechanism by
which resolutions are adopted in the United Nations, and especially in the
Security Council, so as to make them more expressive of the will of the
international community. The case also pinpoints the dangers inherent in the
tendency of certain States to use the powers of the Security Council to

achieve their own private objectives and to use double standards in dealing
with issues before the Council in a manner that deals high-handedly and
arbitrarily with the sovereignty and rights of small and vulnerable countries.
The Lockerbie Case was raised and forced upon the Security Council and
dealt with under Chapter VII of the Charter, which does not apply, since Libya
neither threatened world peace nor threatened or committed aggression against
another country, actions it would have to have taken to be liable under the
provisions of Chapter VII, which relates to the maintenance of international
peace and security. Conscious of that, and based on its abhorrence of
terrorism, of which it is a victim, my country expressed, in good will, its
sincere willingness to cooperate in uncovering the facts and circumstances
relating to the case. Upon being notified of the matter, my country took all
required legal measures consistent with international law and conventions that
do not violate Libya's sovereign rights. Regrettably, however, the interested
parties refused to cooperate with the Libyan legal authorities, which had
offered to conduct joint investigations of the two Libyan suspects. When the
States concerned referred the matter to the Security Council, which adopted
resolution 731 (1992) calling upon Libya to cooperate, my country, in letters
to the United Nations Secretary-General, expressed its acceptance of the
resolution and proposed a series of initiatives to implement it. Throughout,
my country has been motivated by a desire to reach a settlement that would
guarantee the rights of all parties and spare the region the dangers of

tension and instability. However, the Libyan initiatives concerning the
implementation of the provisions of the resolution met the same fate as
earlier ones, for the countries concerned rushed to the Security Council to
seek adoption of another resolution imposing unjust sanctions against the
small, peaceful Libyan people, without any legal basis or moral
justification. That action completely ignored my country's declared
commitment to effective cooperation in the implementation of Security Council
resolution 731 (1992), as set out clearly in document S/23917 of 14 May 1992.
The commitment was welcomed by the great majority of the family of nations as
represented in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, the Organization of
African Unity, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the League of
Arab States, all of which expressed solidarity with the fair Libyan position
from the very start of the crisis. In all of their decisions and final
statements issued in September 1992 those organizations were unanimous on the
following points.

First, praised Libya's cooperation in seeking a peaceful settlement of
the crisis within the context of Libya's national sovereignty, international
law, and the principles of the United Nations Charter that govern relations
between independent States.
Secondly, called on the parties concerned to respond positively to
Libya's initiatives calling for dialogue, negotiation, and non-escalation, in
order to reach a solution to the crisis under Chapter VI of the Charter of the
United Nations and under the auspices of the Secretary-General, in a manner
that would be conducive to ending the crisis and its repercussions peacefully,
fairly and quickly.
Thirdly, called upon the Security Council to lift the measures imposed on
Libya, which has expressed its commitment to resolution 731 (1992)
As part of its initiatives, Libya has recently called on the
Secretary-General of the United Nations to send an international committee to
verify that Libya has met all the requirements of Security Council resolution
731 (1992) related to terrorism. Once again, the parties concerned prevented
the Secretary-General from responding to this proposal, and - at a time when
my country had expected the Council to lift or reduce the unjust sanctions in
the light of Libya's positive response to the requirements of resolution
731 (1992) concerning terrorism, which we unequivocally condemn, and its
complete willingness to provide a fair and unbiased trial for the suspects,
which has been agreed to sought to persuade the Security Council to adopt a
new resolution extending the sanctions for four more months. My country still
calls for a peaceful settlement to this situation, a settlement that will

safeguard the rights of all, maintain the principles of international law, and
save the world from escalation and confrontation.
The unjust sanctions against my country have caused a great deal of human
and material harm, loss and suffering to the Libyan people. My country has
already detailed those losses and damages in official circulating documents of
the Security Council. The embargo has affected numerous sectors, especially
in the fields of health and social services. One example of this is the fact
that the delay in the arrival of medical supplies and instruments has led to
the deaths of a large number of children, and pregnant women who died in
labour. It was also impossible to send abroad over 3,000 medical cases that
can not be treated locally, including cases of heart disease, kidney
transplants, bone-marrow transplants, neurosurgery, and burns. One hundred
and fifty gravely ill patients, who could not be treated locally, died while
being transported overland to airports in Tunisia and Egypt. In addition, the
overuse of land routes to and from the Jamahiriya resulted in an increase in
road accidents during the last four months of this year compared to the same
period in 1991. The number of accidents rose from 2,401 in 1991 to 3,788 over
the past four months. Deaths from these accidents rose from 389 to 528, an
increase of about 35 per cent.
As for economic losses resulting from the air embargo, they have amounted
to $2,157 million as a result of the fall in revenues generated by exports of
fruits and vegetables, in addition to a 44 per cent drop in non-oil exports.
The sanctions also resulted in the interruption of many industrial activities
due to the shortage in means of production and spare parts, not to mention
agriculture. The losses in animal and agricultural production, for example.

are estimated at $1,062,803,000.00 as a result of the non-arrival of medicines
and sera necessary for protecting the livestock sector against animal
epidemics and communicable diseases.
Those who prompted the Security Council to impose these sanctions on our
small, peaceful population which has limited resources and has threatened no
one bear the political, legal, and moral responsibility for the deaths of
women, children, the aged, the handicapped, and the sick. They also bear
responsibility for the decline in the standard of living, the slow pace of
development, the spread of epidemics, and the imprisonment of an entire people
inside its own borders. There is no doubt that all of this relates directly
to human rights. History will bear witness to what is being perpetrated in
the name of the Security Council against a small, peaceful population.
Thus, my country would like from this rostrum to call upon the
international Organization and the international Security Council, out of
respect for the principles of justice, to lift these sanctions, which have
harmed the Libyan people and the peoples of neighboring States. It also
invites the concerned parties to engage in dialogue and to cooperate in order
to reach a solution to this dispute based on sovereignty and mutual respect in
accordance with international norms and laws.
I must put before this international forum some facts that are no doubt
universally accepted. The first fact is that all countries, large and small,
must respect the Charter of the United Nations and uphold international law if
the world is not to slip into a state of anarchy, which is in no one's
interest. The objective of the United Nations should be the protection of the
sovereignty of States and respect for their laws. The second fact is that the

Security Council, the authority entrusted with maintaining international peace
and security, should not become a tool used by some world Powers as a cover
for their hegemonistic designs. The third fact is the need for an
international judicial organ entrusted with trying those who commit acts of
terrorism of any sort or source. Hence, we welcome the call for the
establishment of an international criminal court to look into international
criminal cases.
The consolidation of security and cooperation in the Mediterranean region
is high on the agenda of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, for we believe that
security and peace in that region is vital, not only to the coastal States,
but also to the peace and security of the world. Thus, my country remains
convinced that effective security in the region can be achieved only after the
causes of tension that beset the Mediterranean are removed and after the
foreign navies and military bases are withdrawn from it. Moreover,
cooperation among its coastal States should be increased, coordinated and
intensified. That is why my country would like to underscore the findings in
the final declaration of the Tenth Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement
Countries, which called for supporting the efforts aimed at transforming the
Mediterranean into a zone of peace, security and cooperation on the basis of
the principles of respect for the equality and sovereignty of States,
non-intervention in the internal affairs of others, and the non-use or threat
of force.

My country has consistently affirmed that it supports disarmament because
it is aware of the terrible dangers that armaments pose to our planet. In
this context, Libya submitted to the Assembly a proposal calling on the United
Nations General Assembly to look into the serious phenomena of concern to all
nations, such as international terrorism how to deal with its causes and how
to eradicate it; weapons of mass destruction, and offensive strategic weapons,
which constitute a terrifying danger for all, including those who own them.
The proposal refers also to offering compensation to the peoples who were
colonized and subjected to repression and suppression by their colonizers.
Our proposal deals also with other important issues, such as the question of
refugees, exiles and the kidnapped, in addition to reviewing the Charter of
the United Nations. It proposes studying various economic and social problems
and the ills that afflict humanity with a view to finding a solution for all
these problems and to realizing stability, prosperity and happiness for the
whole world.
In addition to this, it is important to solve certain political questions
which have been with the United Nations since its inception. All those
questions are contained in document A/46/840 of 9 January 1992.
Once again, my country renews its call for disarmament through the
elimination of all weapons of mass destruction of all countries which possess,
produce or stockpile them, without exception or discrimination. My country,
as party to the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty and to the Treaty on the
prohibition of bacteriological weapons and the Geneva Protocol, supports all
efforts aimed at curbing the arms race and at eliminating nuclear weapons.
That is why we welcome the recent agreement between the United States of
America and the Russian Federation further to reduce their nuclear weapons.

My country also welcomes France's accession to the non-proliferation Treaty.
To further expand this tendency, my country supports the establishment of
zones that are free of all nuclear, chemical and bacteriological weapons,
including Africa and the Middle East. It also supports the proposal of the
Arab Republic of Egypt which calls for declaring the Middle East an area free
of weapons of mass destruction. This objective, however, is obstructed by
persistent difficulties resulting from Israel's continued production,
possession and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction as well as its
testing of these weapons and its refusal to heed repeated international
appeals to submit its nuclear facilities to the safeguards regime of the
International Atomic Energy Agency.
In this present era of change one concrete fact emerges, namely that the
international community has not shown the same concern over questions of
economic development as it did in regard to other questions such as those of
political crises. Economic problems, which are a significant factor in the
obstruction of development and growth, are still with us. This does not seem
logical, especially at a time when the world looks forward to a new era of
security and stability. If this new era is to materialize, appropriate
measures should be taken to solve the intractable economic problems of the
developing countries in particular. These include the problems arising from
protectionism, lack of transfer of technology, reverse flows of resources,
external debts and low commodity prices. Furthermore, the imposition of
arbitrary measures and sanctions, such as economic embargoes, trade
restrictions and the freezing of funds and assets by certain developed
countries against a number of developing countries, must be halted. In

addition, it is very important for the international community to honour its
commitments vis-a-vis certain programmes, such as the United Nations New
Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s. Africa expects a great
deal from this programme which is supposed to bolster development efforts
started on the continent at the regional level by establishing the African
economic community, and at the subregional level in the form of groupings such
as the Arab Maghreb Union, to which my country is honoured to belong. This
union aims at intensifying cooperation among its member countries and with the
rest of the continent. It also seeks to enter into wider cooperation with
other countries of the world, especially the European Mediterranean countries,
and to enhance cooperation between the countries of the South and the North.
The results of the Summit on environment and development which was held
in the middle of this year are a great achievement that bespeaks the
international community's determination to protect the world's natural
resources. The commitment of the world to preserve the environment was
evident in the agreements on climatic change and biological diversity that
were reached at that Conference. The important thing now is to cooperate
internationally and effectively in implementing the conclusions and
recommendations of the Earth Summit. In this respect, my country welcomes the
decision of the Summit concerning the setting up of a standing developmental
committee and hopes that this committee will become a forum for implementing
the decisions of Agenda 21 which are aimed at preserving the environment while
pursuing development.
Conservation of the environment requires both international cooperation
and national efforts. My country participated in the Rio de Janeiro
Conference and signed its conventions and agreements. At the national level

my country accords top priority to questions of development. Accordingly, my
country has begun to combat drought and desertification through the great
man-made river project which will carry millions of cubic metres of water from
the southern part of Libya to the arable land in the coastal area where the
greatest part of our population lives. Our national plans aim at the
reclamation of thousands of hectares of land for both agriculture and human
settlement. Despite all this, my country still suffers from a severe shortage
of water which is necessary for its economic development plans. This shortage
not only threatens my country, but will imperil the continuation of life in
North Africa and the Middle East unless it is dealt with through international
cooperation.
I must state here that our aspirations after development face certain
difficulties which my country has raised in several regional and international
forums, including the General Assembly. The Secretary-General himself spoke
about those difficulties in his report. An Agenda for Peace. I am here
referring to mines and the remnants of war. During the Second World War,
Libyan territory was used as one of the main theatres for military
operations. Our people have paid an exorbitant material and human price for a
war in which our country had no stake. Since the end of that war, the Libyan
people have continued to suffer from the remnants of the war and the mines and
explosives planted by the warring armies in its territory.
Many regional and international organizations, including the General
Assembly, have adopted resolutions calling upon the countries responsible to
submit the required information and technical assistance needed for the
removal of those mines and remnants, and to pay compensation for the damage
caused by them.

Today, we reiterate our call to those countries to act in a responsible
manner, to respond positively to the appeals of the international community
and to implement the provisions of General Assembly resolutions relating to
the remnants of war.
The environment in my country is also threatened by the harmful effects
of pollution in the Mediterranean, caused by the wastes poured into its water
by foreign navies stationed in the area, the over-consumption and
over-production of the developed Mediterranean countries and the dumping of
hundreds of tons of pesticides and combustibles in its waters. This has
caused an environmental imbalance that is being further aggravated by the
exploitation of the Mediterranean by countries from outside the region.

Human rights issues are the focus of the international community's
attention and are at the top of its scale of priorities. While appreciating
the role of the United Nations in ensuring the exercise of human rights and
basic freedoms, we must state that those rights are not scrupulously respected
in a number of regions. In addition, the double standards and the selectivity
that mar the conduct of certain countries in the area of protecting human
rights have prevented the United Nations, and especially the Commission on
Human Rights, from effectively performing their role in this area. We hope
that the World Conference on Human Rights, to be held in Vienna in mid-1993,
will afford us opportunities to deliberate on all these questions and will
adopt practical measures to deal with them and identify the ways and means
whereby human rights may be protected and defended against violations.*
My country attaches great importance to human rights and to the dignity
and welfare of man. This was reaffirmed in the great green document on human
rights, which includes numerous basic principles for the promotion of human
rights. This has been crowned by effective and legal procedures, such as the
law on enhancing freedoms, which was promulgated in 1991, the establishment of
a national human rights commission and an international committee for the
Qaddafi human rights award. Furthermore, Libya has acceded to most
international agreements and instruments relating to human rights and measures
are being taken to meet our commitments arising from accession to these
agreements and instruments.

One of the items on the international agenda is the setting up of a new
world order. There is no doubt that such a world order will not function
properly and effectively unless we overcome and rectify certain shortcomings
of the United Nations, since the Organization will be the world body that will
play a fundamental role in the management and coordination of that new world
order. Thus, the most urgent task now is to reinvigorate the United Nations,
restructure and democratize it. My country welcomes the efforts being made at
present to reform the Organization and enhance its effectiveness, including
the encouraging initiatives of the Secretary-General.
However, a great deal remains to be done in this respect, such as
ensuring full respect for the Charter, and consistent adherence to its
provisions, without selectivity and without any breach of its principles. We
must also ensure that the Organization is not dominated by any one and that
its resolutions are respected and implemented non-selectively. Furthermore,
the role of the General Assembly should be strengthened in a manner that would
ensure the effective and full implementation of all its resolutions, as those
resolutions are the true expression of the sum-total of the positions of all
the Member States. Also, the current composition of the Security Council
should be reviewed and expanded in order for it to reflect the increase in
membership of the United Nations. It is also highly important to review some
of the provisions of the Charter. We would like specifically to focus
attention on the veto right in the Security Council. My country was the first
to call for the abolition of that privilege, because it is one of the main
impediments to the most important role for which the United Nations was
established, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security. We

have lately felt satisfaction at the expansion of this call. Many countries,
including some current members of the Security Council, have voiced similar
views, and have come to share our conviction that a system of collective
security that continues to be subject to a veto by some countries can never be
depended on to maintain peace and security.
In a few years time, we will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations. Over the past four decades, the Organization has performed a
remarkable role in decolonization and has worked tirelessly for the
consolidation of international peace and security. It has taken many
initiatives towards the achievement of economic development and social
well-being. Hence, my country's welcome for the call to convene an
International Conference on Human Rights in 1993 and an International
Conference on Population in 1994, as both conferences will afford an
opportunity for the re-assessment of international programmes of assistance to
developing countries, with a view to achieving an optimum balance between
population growth and development resources.
My country welcomes also the call for convening an International
Conference on Women in 1995, and attaches great importance to the World Summit
for Social Development, because it will give political impetus to national,
regional and international efforts and activities aimed at meeting the social
needs of many developing countries.
As all those world conferences will take place under circumstances of
international change and transformation, my country looks forward to their
results and hopes that they will lead to the laying of solid foundations and
the formulation of clear-cut approaches that would lead to international

efforts aimed at the strengthening of peace, security and stability for all as
well as the creation of opportunities for the progress of all mankind.
In these critical times and in the context of this unstable international
situation, the small countries of the world look towards the United Nations
with all their hopes for a brave new world of peace, security, justice and
equality for all that would be built by the hands of all nations alike, large
and small, wealthy and poor; a brave world in which the values of freedom,
democracy and human rights are upheld and which will be free of violence,
injustice and dictatorship; a world of love and brotherhood, where God's light
shines above the whole Earth the one God, who is Lord of the universe. We
sincerely hope that the United Nations will rise to the great challenges that
face it. The President of the Assembly can count on my country's cooperation
in every endeavour that will promote, enhance and realize these principles and
objectives I have spoken of. With peace and love from the small, peaceful
Libyan people to all your peace-loving peoples.


Let me congratulate you. Sir, and the Republic
of Bulgaria upon your election as President of the General Assembly at its
forty-seventh session. Your experience as a respected political leader and
jurist augurs well for the success of our deliberations.
I wish to acknowledge the work of Ambassador Samir Shihabi of Saudi
Arabia and his inspired and constructive presidency of the General Assembly at
its forty-sixth session.
I present my compliments to Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
whose election was supported by Brazil from the beginning. His experience and
statesmanship, which I had the occasion to witness at the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development, will certainly stand him in good
stead in the exercise of his high office.
Brazil welcomes the representatives of the new States Members of the
United Nations: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia,
Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. My country wishes to explore the possibilities
of cooperation with the new Member States.
The opening of the general debate requires that we should call forth
national and regional aspirations without losing sight of our concern for the
universal. It requires that we should seek to fulfil our individual
identities in a harmonious whole, that should we be both effective and just.
Historical change should not be viewed as the chaotic workings of nature,
which, like a storm, are beyond control. Nor does it bear comparison to a
theatrical play whose plot and outcome are known to the author and the
performers in advance but which the audience discovers only as the play
unfolds. The most pertinent metaphor for understanding the lessons of history
would be that of a labyrinth. Conceived of as a labyrinth, history unfolds
unpredictably. This, however, does not deny the rational creativity of man
and of peoples. Rational creativity lies in identifying by trial and error
the blind alleys in the maze of collective experience, while trusting that
there are exit points and struggling to reach them.
Today the role of reason in the search for a way out lies in resorting to
historical experience to promote those values which may ensure better and
higher ways of life in an organized society: freedom, democracy, human
rights, sustainable development, justice and peace. In times of change it is
important to stop and think about the values and concepts that lie at the
foundation of international relations.
The process I have described gives rise both to hopes and to concerns.
It reflects the interaction of centripetal forces that tend towards the
universal and of centrifugal forces that call attention to diversity. On the
one hand, societies are embracing standards and practices that are well on the
way to becoming universal, as witnessed by the strengthening of democracy and
human rights, of sustainable development and of free enterprise and market
integration.
On the other hand, we witness the rebirth of nationalism and ethnic
strife, religious fervour taken to extremes and forms of discrimination which
multiply tension and threaten world peace.
The United Nations, and in particular the General Assembly, should serve
as the natural point of convergence for the various trends that shape the
complexity of our time. That complexity requires building a new international
order based on the democratic participation of all States, as stressed by the
Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization.
In conformity with its commitment to dialogue and cooperation, Brazil
wishes to make its contribution to the common task of ensuring the equitable
fulfilment of the historical aspirations of mankind. Brazil takes pride in
its diplomatic tradition. With 10 neighbours and nearly 17,000 kilometres of
borders, all of which were peacefully negotiated, Brazil's destiny is civil
and fruitful coexistence with all countries.
The democracy we enjoy today at the domestic level is an assurance of
unity and stability. It teaches us to accept the diversity and divergence
inherent in a pluralistic society. It permits us to face crises and
vicissitudes within the rule of law and the strict boundaries of
constitutional order. At the same time, democracy encourages us to uphold its
principles and methods in our relations with other nations. In a democracy
the rules of the game relate to the sharing and limitation of power.
Government must belong to the many, so that it can resist imposition by the
few. Power must be constrained by law, so as to avoid the arbitrary
discretion of those who wield it.
The acknowledgement of these rules aims at the qualitative transformation
of life in society the passage from the realm of violence to the realm of
non-violence achievable by the taming of power through law. This is what
confers on the law an irrevocable ethical content. In the realm of public
international law, this ethical content finds its expression in the peaceful
settlement of disputes, since its procedures for choosing among available
options for action seek precisely to dispel the fears that derive from the
rule of violence. It is in that spirit of democratic civility that Brazil
intends to participate in the process of reorganizing the international system.
The unprecedented historical crossroads at which we find ourselves calls
for a new agenda, an agenda embodying an awareness of the present and a vision
of the future. The drafting of this agenda must take into account all the
dimensions of value. All values have to be susceptible of fulfilment and are
inexhaustible. To subsist, they must be translated into normative and social
reality. However, the fulfilment of values in history does not exhaust their
content. For example, we can and may always obtain more freedom and more
justice.
The foreign policy of Brazil stresses these twin dimensions in its
response to the new international situation and stresses them through a
creative adaptation and vision of the future. These concepts, we think, are
appropriate as we consider the items on the agenda of the General Assembly.
The starting-point for a rethinking of the international system lies in
the acknowledgement that peace, security and disarmament are inseparable.
The suggestions put forward by Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali in his
document "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277) lend new contours and an enlarged
scope to discussions on the role of the United Nations. All Member States
should participate in an in-depth consideration of the provocative and
creative suggestions put forward by the Secretary-General. Brazil will
contribute actively to their consideration at the present session of the
General Assembly.
The "Agenda for Peace" comprises timely issues, such as preventive
diplomacy, peace-making and post-conflict peace-building. Such innovative
concepts are, by their very nature, still fluid. They open up new
perspectives which remain to be explored, albeit cautiously, as befits an
encounter between unknown realities and bold and imaginative ideas.
The dream of a better world cannot, however, be excluded from the
debate. Though realism is the starting-point of all political action, it
should not be taken as its final objective. Justice is the ultimate value
that should, in the final analysis, permeate the concept of order.
Peace-building is a continuous task and an evolving process. In addition
to the concepts related to the means of tackling conflict situations, we
should also seek to define the logical corollary of preventive peace-building,
namely the forestalling of crises deriving from economic and social factors.
To that end, we must strengthen the role of the United Nations, not only in
restoring peace and security, but also in fostering economic and social
progress.
Other elements should therefore be added to those put forward in the
"Agenda for Peace", such as the promotion of a more just international economic
environment, full respect for human rights and the rule of law, general and
complete disarmament, and the democratization of international relations based
on sovereign equality and the non-use of force.
It is essential to avoid the temptation of a selective application of the
provisions of the Charter. The instruments for the maintenance of
international peace and security must not serve to consolidate imbalances
based on power relations, which are not more legitimate because they are
real. The fundamental attribute of legitimacy consists in the
all-encompassing perspective of humanity.
It is of paramount importance to uphold the provision of the Charter
whereby the maintenance of international peace and security is the collective
responsibility of all Member States.
In carrying out its primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security, the Security Council acts on behalf of all
Member States of the United Nations. Now that the Council is being called
upon to play an increasingly decisive role, there is a clear need for an
in-depth discussion of the representative nature of its composition, the scope
of its competence and the powers of its members.
We should consider, with prudence no less than with foresight, such
readjustments as would permit the Council to discharge its functions in a more
representative manner. Brazil is prepared to contribute constructively to
this effort, taking fully into account the institutional balance among the
organs of the United Nations provided for in the San Francisco Charter.
The contribution of Brazil to United Nations peace-keeping operations
reflects our commitment to implementing the principle of collective
responsibility.
The issue of disarmament has been momentarily overshadowed by that of
security in the wake of the unstable situations which followed the collapse of
global confrontation. The progressive reduction of arms stockpiles,
especially of weapons of mass destruction, remains, however, fundamental.
Much has indeed been accomplished in the field of disarmament, yet much
remains to be done.
Brazil and Argentina have jointly entered into an agreement with the
International Atomic Energy Agency on the application of safeguards. With
Argentina and Chile, we launched an initiative to ensure the full entry into
force of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America
the Treaty of Tlatelolco. The entry into force of the Treaty of Tlatelolco
will make Latin America the first nuclear-weapon-free zone in the world. This
represents a balanced agreement on non-proliferation with equality of rights
and obligations. We have banned chemical and biological weapons from our
territory through the Mendoza Agreement, which we concluded with our
neighbouring States. We have thus advanced the application of the convention
on chemical weapons, which sets down uniform rules of disarmament and
verification binding on all signatories. We hope similarly universal and
non-discriminatory disarmament conventions will be concluded in the future.
Regarding the zone of peace and cooperation of the South Atlantic, we
welcome the opportunity to work with our partners on both sides of the ocean
in a process of dialogue and joint endeavour aimed in particular at the
protection of the marine environment.
Security and disarmament are only means to achieve the highest goal to
which mankind truly aspires the goal of peace. Peace, not as the mere
absence of war, but as an affirmative value, peace as a state of satisfaction
in which relations among States can be ruled by law and disputes settled by
peaceful means.
Peace must be linked to cooperation, of which justice is an integral
part, for common interests are rooted in a balanced relation among States.
It is widely acknowledged that there is a close link between the
democratic system of government and the inclination of States towards peace,
and conversely, a link between authoritarian regimes and a greater propensity
to conflict. The values inherent in democracy pluralism, majority rule,
tolerance, consensus, the rule of law extend naturally to the external
affairs of the State. The strengthening of democracy on a planetary scale
represents therefore a decisive contribution to the building of a more
peaceful international system.
An unquestionable value in the domestic order, democracy also projects
itself as an organizing principle of the international order, through the
strengthening of multilateral diplomacy and the search for a broad
participation in the international decision-making process.
Brazil is convinced that relations among States must be governed
predominantly by incentives to cooperation and not by disincentives. That
amounts to promoting a positive and not a negative agenda for international
relations, an agenda that must be negotiated in a democratic manner.
The improvement of international cooperation to ensure adequate and
effective treatment of world-wide issues, such as those of humanitarian,
developmental or environmental character, is to bf: pursued within the basic
principles of international law, foremost among which is respect for State
sovereignty.
Fortunately, a new perception has evolved in the field of human rights
that focuses on the need for special protection for the most vulnerable groups
in each country. Cultural, religious and ethnic minorities, women, children,
refugees and immigrants are social groups frequently exposed to intolerance
and to the abuse of their most basic rights. We must strive to bridge the gap between what is achievable and what is
desirable. Respect for human rights must be universal in scope, just as the
1948 Declaration is universal and just as the provisions of the basic
covenants and conventions on this matter are universal. In short, human
rights must not be violated under any pretext whatsoever.
The full enjoyment of individual rights requires material conditions of
social and economic organization grounded in the idea of justice. The holding
in 1993 of the World Conference on Human Rights, as well as the proposed world
summit on social development, will provide opportunities to strengthen the
protection and the promotion of human dignity.
The Government of Brazil is doing everything in its power to protect and
promote human rights. We maintain an open dialogue with international
organizations governmental and non-governmental and we have acceded to the
main legal instruments on this matter. To be assured of success in our
endeavours, we further need constructive international cooperation to address
better the perverse consequences of extreme poverty and to equip democratic
States with conditions to reinforce their preventive and corrective actions in
these areas, where serious violations of individual rights still occur.
One of the most urgent tasks of the United Nations will be to promote in
all countries a strong campaign against all forms of discrimination. It is
high time we reaffirmed the classic concept of tolerance as an essential
constituent element of life in an enlightened society. Equality can be
genuine only when there is respect for diversity, where there is respect for
heterogeneity. Policies of racial segregation, by any name, will always be
hateful. The idea that a nation or a social group is somehow superior because
it is ethnically homogeneous is flatly wrong.
The world has not lived through the horrors of a world war, the anguish
of 45 years of the cold war and the hardship of conflicts that have offended
the conscience of mankind to witness now the resurgence of the spectre of
xenophobia, of exclusive nationalism, or of ethnic, cultural or religious
intolerance. We cannot allow the concept of nationhood to serve as a cloak
for the practices of oppression. Brazil, as a multiracial country proud of
its roots, rejects outright attitudes that are inimical to the human race.
Just as our societies cannot coexist with the marginalization of parts of
their population, so the new international society we seek to build cannot
coexist with the marginalization of entire peoples.
The interdependence of the world economy paradoxically highlights the
shortcomings of global cooperation. The gap between the North and the South
is widening before our eyes. This situation cannot persist. We must work
together to foster economic growth in all countries. There will be no peace
or security so long as such disparities continue to distort the international
system.
In an increasingly open and interdependent international community, the
leverage from international trade is extraordinary. We must therefore prevent
protectionist pressures linked to short-term parochial interests from
undercutting the negotiating effort of the Uruguay Round, inspired by free
competition and the multiplication of benefits. The difficulties and
sluggishness inherent in the process of multilateral-trade liberalization
should not prompt us to opt indiscriminately for self-contained regional
blocks. We see, and would like others to see, regional-trade liberalization
as a form of creating additional opportunities for international trade as a
whole, without inflicting losses on third parties. This is how we view the
Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR), the regional basis for our competitive
integration in the international economy.
Brazil is a global trader. We trade with all regions of the world and we
are modernizing our economy through trade liberalization and openness towards
the world economy. Negotiations with foreign creditors have produced positive
results. Science and technology today represent the crucial variable of
economic success. Promoting their dissemination and ensuring greater
transparency and equity in the access to knowledge is fundamental for
development. That is the spirit that guides the Brazilian initiative now
under consideration in the United Nations Disarmament Commission, aiming at
the definition of non-discriminatory and universally acceptable principles to
regulate international transfers of sensitive technologies for peaceful
purposes.
Last June Brazil hosted the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development, which was the largest diplomatic event in the history of the
Organization and set new patterns of international understanding and
cooperation. We worked creatively to face the challenges of the present and
boldly in the preparations for the future. The Rio Conference was not aimed
at simply reorganizing this or that aspect of economic activity or of life in
society. It was aimed, rather, at reshaping the very notion of development,
to conceive it on a more rational, more just and more generous foundation
that of sustainable development.
The Rio Declaration, Agenda 21, the Declaration on Forests, the climate
Convention and the biodiversity Convention outline a legal framework and a
political project of paramount importance for international cooperation. The
significance of these instruments will be even more evident over time.
Adherence to the principles that have been agreed upon and prompt ratification
of the two Conventions will usher in a new era of international cooperation.
The Rio Conference set up a new paradigm, a new social contract, on the
basis of the fundamental concept of sustainable development. It established
as a primary concern the need to ensure the most rational balance between
legitimate development goals, on the one side, and the preservation of the
health of our planet and the well-being of future generations, on the other.
Sustainable development is the contemporary expression of progress. It is the
basis for a new international environment and development order.
In welcoming the Heads of State and Government who honoured us with their
presence. President Fernando Collor stated that
"The world has decided to assemble here to address no more, no less than
the life itself on the surface of the planet."
The Conference concluded that we cannot allow the persistence of social
imbalances in the current international system marked by inhuman situations of
poverty and by the coexistence of want and waste. As stated by the Brazilian
Head of State, as President of the Conference,
"We cannot have an environmentally sound planet in a socially unjust
world".
The Rio Conference therefore fostered an awareness of the fact that
development must be sustainable. Sustainability requires due attention not
only to environmental but also to economic and social factors.
That and all the other achievements of the Conference were made possible
thanks only to the unprecedented engagement of the community of nations at the
highest level, allowing for the consideration of problems of universal
interest through the equal participation of all countries. Let me stress this
point: The Rio Conference was exemplary in that it brought to a higher level
the practice of democracy in international relations, thus strengthening
multilateral diplomacy. At the Conference, all countries - large and small,
rich and poor gave proof that they were and are capable of linking their own
specific interests with larger, more general interests.
This is the "spirit of Rio", which we hope will guide the United Nations
in other areas as well: mutual confidence among States, a willingness to act
decisively with a view to achieving common goals, and the grandeur of joint
endeavours in devising forms of enhanced cooperation in line with norms
defined democratically and on the basis of consensus.
This session of the General Assembly is called upon to address the task
of taking the first steps in implementing the conclusions of the Conference
and in honouring the commitments entered into at Rio. We therefore attribute
great importance to the establishment of the Commission on Sustainable
Development. Sustainable development requires new and additional financial
resources on an adequate and predictable basis, as reflected in chapter 33 of
Agenda 21. We expect that, at the present session, the developed countries
will announce initial plans to give effect to the goals of the Conference.
Equally crucial is the availability of technology to developing
countries, so as to ensure the feasibility of established programmes. Action
or follow-up measures are also necessary in other areas; among these I stress
the development of small island States and the convening of a negotiating
committee on desertification.
Brazil wishes to make an additional contribution to the accomplishments
of the Rio Conference by offering to host an international centre for studies
on sustainable development. We count on public and private support for this
initiative, which was welcomed in a resolution adopted at the Conference and
for the implementation of which we have already laid the groundwork. As an
academic institution, the centre will provide an international research and
exchange forum for the application of decisions adopted at Rio.
When I spoke about the dichotomy between the real and the ideal necessary
for the construction of a new order, I referred to the great opportunities for
cooperation among nations to solve problems in the areas of peace and
security, democracy, human rights, development and environment. The world
expects the work of the Organization to be concentrated on those priority
areas.
The capacity for joint action by the United Nations must spring from the
voice of each and every Member State. That action becomes all the more
legitimate as the basic decision-making process grows more representative and
more democratic.
Brazil views the ongoing work on the restructuring and revitalization of
the economic and social sectors of the United Nations as eminently relevant.
It should lead to greater efficiency, together with a wider scope for
international cooperation for development.
An agenda for peace cannot overlook the agenda for development. Ultimate
success in this enterprise requires a realistic willingness to endow the
United Nations with the necessary instruments and the prospective vision to
make this universal forum the core of collective efforts for the improvement
of relations among peoples and countries.
In Brazil, as elsewhere in Latin America and other regions, bold and
necessary reforms have been set in motion to eliminate obstacles to
development, to economic competitiveness, to technological progress and to the
free exercise of innovation and entrepreneurship based on the market.
Brazil joins other nations with an open mind, aware of the need for
creative adaptation to new realities and convinced that new challenges require
a vision of the future endowed with generosity.


On behalf of the Ethiopian delegation and
myself I wish to extend heartfelt congratulations to you. Sir, on your
election as President of the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
My delegation is confident that, under your wise guidance, the current session
of the General Assembly will achieve outstanding successes. In this
connection I wish to assure Your Excellency of my delegation's full
co-operation in the discharge of your responsibilities.
I also wish to express my delegation's sincere appreciation to your
predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for his able
stewardship of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
Likewise, I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General, for his vigorous efforts to
fulfil the mandate bestowed upon him by the world community. We are confident
that under his able leadership the stature and credibility of the United
Nations will be further enhanced. We wish him every success in his endeavours.

My delegation is also pleased to extend a cordial welcome to all the new
Members of the United Nations which have joined our family during the last 12
months.
The end of the cold war, which was a great turning-point in history, was
followed by further positive changes in the international political climate.
However, it is a matter of concern to us that there are still conflicts raging
in many parts of the world. The thaw in the relations between East and West
did not necessarily lead to total peace, devoid of human suffering and
hardship.
In this regard, I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to the
unfolding tragedy in Somalia, which defies imagination and affronts our senses
and sensibilities. Over the past two years, the situation in the country has
deteriorated so much that the State has ceased to exist. Law and order, peace
and stability and the basic infrastructure necessary for the life of a
functioning society are virtually non-existent. These have all been destroyed
by acts of internecine warfare, the extent of whose damage and the consequent
human suffering combine to make Somalia one of the worst humanitarian crises
in living memory.
It is lamentable that Somalia should be bleeding to death by the actions
of its own sons. Nearly half the total population of the country has been
dislocated by war and famine. Scores of children and old people are dying
every day, while thousands have perished. The Somali people have left their
homes and fled to neighbouring and other countries.
Given the situation in Somalia today, it is pertinent to ask why the
various factions are doing all this to their own country and people. Why this

wanton destruction for the sake of political power over a disintegrating
country? How can one explain what is being done to the people of Somalia,
something which goes beyond any conceivable political cause or justification
when we see women, children and the elderly being killed indiscriminately
merely because they belong to this clan or that sub-clan?
This nightmare must come to an immediate end. The Ethiopian people can
speak from their own history of 30 years of conflict: war and the application
of brute force and senseless destruction cannot by any means provide the
solution to a country's political problems. We believe that the bloodletting
in Somalia during the past two years should serve as a sufficient lesson to
the various factions that the path of conflict can only lead to more
catastrophe. Historical knowledge confirms beyond a reasonable doubt that the
use of force or war never achieved lasting results in the conduct of human
affairs. It is our firm conviction that the protagonists in the current
crisis in Somalia should make the welfare and interests of the country and the
people they claim to represent uppermost in their minds.
It must be stated that Somalia's neighbours, the countries of the Horn
of Africa, did not spare the slightest effort to bring about a peaceful
resolution of the tragic conflict.
It will be recalled that a Horn of Africa summit meeting on humanitarian
issues was convened in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in April 1992. Its main
objective was to examine the serious humanitarian crisis in the subregion and
work with regional organizations and the United Nations in order to save lives
and ultimately bring the warring factions together with a view to seeking a
solution to the fratricidal conflict. At the end of the summit meeting, a
Declaration, Framework of Cooperation and Programme of Action was issued. This

was followed by the Horn of Africa Conference on Humanitarian Issues, held to
formulate modalities for the effective implementation of the summit
Declaration. A resolution on the situation in Somalia was subsequently
adopted which, inter alia, provided for a cease- fire among the warring
factions, the holding of immediate peace talks leading to national
reconciliation and lasting political settlement in the country, and the
unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people in need. Most
significantly, the summit meeting decided to establish a high-level Standing
Committee of the Horn of Africa on Somalia to coordinate ongoing efforts to
bring about a peaceful resolution of the conflict.
In fulfilment of its mandate, the Committee convened an all-party
meeting on Somalia in Bahr-Dar, Ethiopia, in May 1992. At that meeting
agreement was reached on the effective distribution of humanitarian assistance
and on convening a national reconciliation conference. To follow up the
implementation of these two agreements, the Chairman and other members of the
Committee visited Somalia twice in May and August 1992 and held talks with
leaders of various political organizations. The result of the mission has
been generally satisfactory under the circumstances. The Committee is still
actively seized of the crisis in Somalia in all its aspects.
The effort of the countries of the Horn of Africa is a practical
manifestation of the principle that regional conflicts should, as far as
possible, be resolved by the countries of the area concerned. Although the
situation in Somalia has for some time been ignored and left on the sidelines,
it is encouraging to note that the United Nations and donor Governments are
giving it the necessary attention it so rightly deserves. The international
effort to distribute humanitarian assistance to those in need should be
further intensified as a matter of top priority.

The efforts under way by the Governments of the Horn of Africa, the
United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, and others, to bring about
lasting peace in Somalia should henceforth be pursued in a coordinated
manner. We should all speak with one voice to the parties in the conflict.
The message they should get should be one, and only one: that they cannot
continue with their callous disregard for the interests and welfare of the
people of Somalia; that the existence of Somalia as a nation should, first and
foremost, be of paramount importance; that there is no way they can achieve
their aims through war; and that they should be prepared to resolve their
differences by peaceful means.
In this connection, it is sad to note that certain quarters are
undermining the peaceful resolution of the crisis by supplying weapons to the
warring factions instead of relief assistance to the suffering people of
Somalia, or dumping industrial toxic waste on Somali territory instead of
providing medicine to take care of the sick and wounded, and plundering the
livestock and marine resources of Somalia instead of providing critically
needed humanitarian assistance. We call on these quarters to desist from
attempts to polarize the region of the Horn of Africa and instead work with us
in partnership in our efforts to restore lasting peace and stability in
Somalia.

I should like now to turn to another issue of concern to us. We have
been following closely the positive developments in South Africa. However, we
still have serious misgivings about the prospects for the peaceful
transformation of that country, as the system of apartheid remains in place.
We are deeply committed to the decisions and positions of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) and of the United Nations decisions and positions that
have been emphasized repeatedly over the years as well as to the principled
stand of the democratic forces in South Africa to end the apartheid system
once and for all and set in motion an irreversible process of change to a
multiracial and democratic political order in that country.
The current efforts to create the conditions necessary for the success of
peaceful negotiation should be encouraged. In this connection, the recent
agreement between the African National Congress and the Government to resume
negotiations is a positive development, as is the release of political
prisoners. We look forward to the initiation of talks between all the
democratic forces in South Africa and the Government, with a view to the
establishment of an interim Government to supervise the process of preparing a
constitutional order for a multiracial and democratic South Africa.
Likewise, we are gravely concerned about the tragic situation in the
former Yugoslavia, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This crisis, which
is fast getting out of control, is a serious threat to international peace and
security. The continuing bloodshed should be brought to an end and a
political solution acceptable to all parties should be found as soon as
possible. In this respect, we hope that the conference currently being held
in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations and the European Community
will have concrete results.

We are also following the current peace process in the Middle East.
Despite the international community's repeated efforts to broker peace, the
situation in the Middle East still hangs in the balance. Nevertheless, the
prospects for peace in the area are better today than they have been for a
long time. We are therefore hopeful that the question of Palestine, which is
at the core of the Middle East problem, will eventually be resolved in
accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions so that a just,
durable and comprehensive settlement for the region as a whole may be achieved.
We are gratified by the outcome of the efforts of the Conference on
Disarmament with regard to chemical weapons. The draft treaty prohibiting the
production, use, transfer and stockpiling of chemical weapons represents an
important step in the global effort to eliminate weapons of mass destruction.
We derive special satisfaction from the success of nearly 25 years of effort
in the disarmament process and from Ethiopia's contribution as a member of the
Conference on Disarmament. In view of current trends towards democracy and
respect for human rights, there is a need for the disarmament negotiations to
include conventional weapons. It should be emphasized that the "peace
dividend" from disarmament efforts should be channelled into fighting the
problems of poverty, disease and backwardness in developing countries.
It goes without saying that the opportunities created in the past few
years to secure a more just and stable international order cannot bear fruit
unless there is a parallel effort, deployed with increased vigour, to bring
about positive change in international economic relations. In this regard,
much more is expected from the United Nations. The United Nations Conference
on Environment and Development, held in Rio, Brazil, in the middle of this

year demonstrated the great importance that the international community
attaches to the pressing issues of the environment and development.
Environmental protection and economic development bear on the future of
mankind and affect every country. Therefore, our collective and individual
strategic planning activities should be aimed at solving these two global
problems, which call for effective international cooperation and mutual
consultation. The Rio Declaration and Agenda 21, as well as the two
Conventions, the Convention on climate change and the Convention on biological
diversity, lay a good foundation for enhanced international cooperation in
this area. However, there has yet to be sufficient focus on the problems of
environmental pollution and ecological degradation and desertification.
We should like to share certain fundamental thoughts about the promotion
and strengthening of democracy and democratic institutions in the context of
current international relations. Although democracy may have certain
universal features, it is equally true that it has unique characteristics
peculiar to a particular country's socio-political situation. In effect,
there cannot be a standard prescription for building democracy applicable to
all societies and situations. Realization of this fact should restrain any
attempt to prescribe uniform modalities and processes for the establishment of
democracy and democratic institutions in different countries.
It is incumbent upon those who claim to stand for democracy to help newly
democratizing peoples in their effort to consolidate that process, rather than
confine themselves to levelling criticism from the sidelines. If those forces
that advocate the strengthening of democracy fail to extend a helping hand to
us in our unrelenting struggle to democratize our country, and instead simply

watch from a distance, any weakening or failure of the process of
democratization will be attributable, at least in part, to their lack of
cooperation.
It goes without saying that democracy is unthinkable without peace and
stability, both internal and inter-State. Thus support by the forces of
democracy for internal democratization processes would be a significant step
forward in the resolution of internal conflicts. Inter-State conflicts can be
settled by democratizing inter-State relations and by scrupulously observing
norms of international law for inter-State relations. Although the parties to
an inter-State dispute are primarily responsible for the peaceful resolution
of their problems, the United Nations and the international community can, and
should, play a significant role in encouraging the peaceful settlement of
disputes. Sanctions could be applied as a last resort against a recalcitrant
party violating basic norms of inter-State relations once all other attempts
to resolve disputes had been fully exhausted.
It is evident that democracy cannot be nurtured and sustained to grow
into a robust institution in countries characterized by economic deprivation
and destitution. It is therefore imperative to democratize the international
economic order with the same vigour as we are deploying to democratize the
international political order, if we are to strengthen democracy and
democratic institutions.

To this end, developing countries, as a whole, should be given assistance to
extricate themselves from the quagmire of poverty and underdevelopment.
Failure by the developed countries to do so would mean exacerbating
international tension and conflict in a different form, thereby adversely
affecting all our efforts towards lasting peace and socio-economic
development. In order to forestall such an eventuality, the United Nations
and the international community should go beyond paying lip-service to
democracy and development and provide meaningful economic assistance to
developing countries. Only then will we be able to say that international
peace and development are guaranteed.
At this juncture, allow me to say a few words on developments in Ethiopia
since the establishment of the Transitional Government just over a year ago.
The demise of the repressive military regime in May 1991, the assumption
of power by democratic forces and the endorsement of the Transitional Charter
have heralded a new chapter in the history of our country in which freedom,
equal rights and self-determination of all peoples are the guiding principles
of political, economic and social life.
During this short period, while striving to ensure durable peace and
stability after 30 years of bloody civil war, we have been able to lay the
groundwork for the creation of a new political order in a country where very
little was known about democratic political and institutional machinery.
The Transitional Charter laid the basis for the establishment of a
broad-based administration incorporating a wide spectrum of political views,
regional interests and national aspirations. The Council of Representatives,
which is the highest legislative authority, consists of dozens of political
and social organizations. Moreover, with a view to paving the way for the
implementation of the right to self-determination of all peoples in Ethiopia

as enshrined in our Transitional Charter, we have taken the the first
significant step by holding the first successful democratic, local and
regional elections in the country's history in the presence of international
observers. An administration aimed at the consolidation of peace, stability,
democracy, reconstruction and development in the country is now firmly in
place.
The protection of human rights is at the top of the agenda of the
Transitional Government. For the first time, internationally recognized human
rights and fundamental freedoms are fully guaranteed in Ethiopia. The
Transitional Government is fully committed to upholding and protecting the
rights of individuals and peoples based on the Universal Declaration of Human
Sights. To that end, we have initiated a process by which Ethiopia is to
accede to the various international Covenants on human rights.
The Transitional Government of Ethiopia was established under
circumstances left by the country's former absolute dictatorship. It was a
situation where government accountability and responsibility were unknown,
democratic culture and institutions were non-existent and where the country's
infrastructure was devastated by a long drawn-out war and recurrent drought
and famine.
Although the absence of a pluralistic political culture and institutional
machinery, as well as Ethiopia's only recent emergence from an extended period
of intense civil war, has had a significant impact on democratization, in
general the process of democratization, decentralization and devolution of
power in Ethiopia is right on track. However, this does not mean that the
transition from war to peace and from dictatorship to democracy is a smooth
one. Indeed, we chose to go through a transition process with a view to

making it possible for us to lay down the necessary preconditions for a
full-fledged democratic order. We have made significant progress in all these
areas during the past year of the transitional period. As part of the
continuing process of democratization, the Council of Representatives has
issued a proclamation on the setting up of a Constitution Drafting Commission,
which is about to embark upon its important task as soon as organizational
matters are finalized.
The lesson we have drawn from the first year of the transitional period
is that the establishment of democracy, dependable democratic institutions and
democratic culture in a least developed country such as Ethiopia, with an
economy devastated by war and natural calamities, is an extremely arduous
undertaking. However committed one may be or however strenuously one may
strive to achieve this goal, the process is bound to be very slow and full of
difficulties and complications. This is not a sign of despair but an
acknowledgment of a concrete reality, which is a necessary first step to
success in any undertaking.
Undaunted by the adverse internal situation at the outset, the
Transitional Government took, and is taking bold and decisive steps to lay the
groundwork for the socio-economic transformation and democratization of the
country. Thus, building democratic institutions, carrying out major economic
reforms, instituting human rights and fundamental freedoms previously unknown
in Ethiopia, such as freedom of assembly and association, freedom of
expression without censorship, encouraging the formation of numerous political
organizations which are now exercising democratic rights without any
hindrance: these are only the most salient achievements of the Transitional
Government in the brief period of one year. As a result, we can assert with

full confidence that a new democratic culture and new democratic institutions
are taking shape in our country today.
The unity of Ethiopia is being guaranteed on the basis of the unswerving
recognition and accommodation of diversity. Bold, and in many ways unique,
steps are again being taken to resolve the country's internal problems.
Although problems may persist, our internal experiment aimed at their solution
is already paying dividends.
The Eritrean question has also been resolved by the recognition of the
right to self-determination of the Eritrean people. A referendum will be held
early next year in the presence of international observers, including the
United Nations, to determine definitively the future status of Eritrea.
The decision to resolve the Eritrean question through a referendum has
been subscribed to without reservation by both the Transitional Government of
Ethiopia and the Provisional Government of Eritrea. They have also declared
in no uncertain terms that they will accept the results of the referendum. In
effect, the decision is ours, and ours alone, and belongs in no way to any
external force. We are confident that once the people of Eritrea have freely
decided their own future, no matter what the outcome of the referendum, the
existing and fast-developing economic, trade and social relations between the
two peoples based on mutual trust and benefit will be the trail-blazer for
economic and social integration in the Horn of Africa subregion, which we hope
will materialize in the not-too-distant future.

As regards our economic situation, it has been repeatedly stated that
Ethiopia's economic potential contrasts sharply with its socio-economic
underdevelopment. In addition to drought, war and famine, the mismanagement
of the national economy over the years by the former regime has militated
against steady growth by the national economy. Under these rather difficult
circumstances, the transitional Government of Ethiopia has embarked upon a
comprehensive programme of new economic policy measures and institutional
reform aimed at increasing the role of the private sector in the national
economy, and is rationalizing the public enterprises by improving their
management and generally allowing the promotion of market-economy principles
and mechanisms.
It is imperative for us to exert the maximum effort to overcome the
multifaceted problems facing the country today and revitalize our national
economy. However, it is evident that such an undertaking calls for the
availability of vast resources which cannot be mobilized at the national level
alone. We therefore call on the international community to extend
humanitarian as well as development assistance to supplement our domestic
efforts to cope with the emergency situation. The positive response and good
will demonstrated by various donor countries and international organizations
over the past year in support of our economic recovery and reconstruction
programme are encouraging. We are hopeful that that support will continue.
The changes under way in Ethiopia are having an impact on the country's
external relations. Thus, for the first time in several decades, our
relations with all our neighbours in the Horn of Africa are being strengthened
on a qualitatively new level. Harmonious cooperation in all fields is fast
developing in our subregion. Our relations with other countries are also
developing on the some basis and are showing encouraging results.

In this new experiment of nation-building, Ethiopia has from the outset
enjoyed the good will of many countries. Some have also extended material
assistance. We wish to express our deep gratitude to all who have helped us
in one way or another. Nevertheless, we have, regrettably, to admit the fact
that the assistance we have so far received, in particular material
assistance, falls short of what is needed to make our effort at socio-economic
development a success. We therefore call again upon all our friends to
provide us with meaningful assistance at this crucial phase in our history.
In conclusion, I should also like to reiterate Ethiopia's readiness to
participate in all endeavours aimed at enhancing the role of our Organization
in the maintenance of international peace and security and in assisting the
developing countries in their efforts to achieve a greater degree of economic
development and self-reliance. I am hopeful that at the present session the
Assembly will review and assess the world situation with a new perspective and
take a bold approach in order to meet the imperatives of the time. We must
encourage and promote the positive trends already evident in international
relations, and at the same time guard against certain tendencies which
patently carry within them the seed of new crises.