My delegation is pleased to join preceding speakers in congratulating Mr. Paul Lusaka on his very well deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We welcome this election on more than one count: first, because of the personal relations of friendship that we always had when he was still in his country, carrying out ministerial duties; secondly, because of the blood relations that exist between Zaire and Zambia; thirdly, because he represents Africa, our continent; and, finally, because he has always served the United Nations with great competence and dedication. Is there anyone who is not aware of the stubborn determination with which he has presided over the United Nations Council for Namibia? Is there anyone who is not aware of the outstanding way in which he served as representative of Zambia to the United Nations for many years? Thus, his election to the presidency of the thirty- ninth session of the General Assembly is a felicitous recognition of his qualities of heart and mind. It cannot but be a guarantee of the success of our work.
243.	We congratulate also the other officers of the Assembly. The outstanding talents of each of them will be of valuable assistance to the President in the successful conduct of our deliberations.
244.	We take this opportunity also to thank the outgoing President, Mr. Jorge E. Illueca, of Panama. His deep knowledge of the ins and outs of the Organization made it possible for the work of the thirty-eighth session to reach a happy conclusion. Indeed, all the Members of the United Nations remember the gloomy and unhealthy circumstances surrounding the opening and development of the work of the thirty-eighth session.
245.	Before going into the substance of its statement, my delegation wishes to express its wholehearted appreciation to the Secretary-General. We could not, in fact, fail to mention all his qualities— not least, his discretion, his courage, his dedication and his readiness to serve the United Nations. Every time an important problem has faced the world and the Organization, the Secretary-General has tackled it with the clear-mindedness, the competence, the thoroughness and the skill so necessary for his lofty and delicate task. We assure him of our support as he serves the Organization.
246.	And, speaking of the Organization, we think it is time for us to dwell on some aspects of its functioning and its methods, and in particular its role and its effectiveness.
247.	Apart from the work done by its specialized agencies, which have been entrusted with tasks that are more sectoral and operational, the only function in which the United Nations can still take pride is that of being, as it were, the conscience of the world. But even in that respect, the claim to universality is dented when one considers the omnipotent role of the veto exercised by the great Powers in the Security Council.
248.	Be that as it may, the essential function of preventing hostilities and maintaining peace is carried out only in the rare cases when the great Powers, or simply the rich, are not involved. In a word, the Organization, especially at the level of the Security Council, is floundering. Consequently, the Security Council has obviously lost its prestige and the General Assembly has become a machine turning out resolutions, often automatically.
249.	On another level, the Organization must abandon this unfortunate trend of establishing more and more committees and subsidiary bodies—ad infinitum—without prior co-ordination with the Secretary- General. Such bodies raise issues of competence visa-vis the Secretary-General, to whom the Charter of the United Nations entrusts the task of administering all the staff of the Organization. And I am not even speaking of the fact that the establishment of these committees raises budgetary problems, since the expenses involved in their activities are not foreseen at the time when the budget is drawn up.
250.	It is therefore imperative for the General Assembly, and not committees of experts, to study carefully the new directions that should be given to our methods. The Organization will commemorate its fortieth anniversary next year. That will be a very good opportunity for us to establish these new directions and methods to make United Nations actions more credible.
251.	Similarly, in regard to the recruitment and promotion of personnel, the principle of balance seems to be becoming a dead letter. It is not fair for a single nation to hoard as many as six posts of Undersecretary-General and Assistant-Secretary-General. That cannot be called universality.
252.	Despite the continued existence of hotbeds of tension in many parts of the world, this session of the General Assembly is opening in more auspicious circumstances than its predecessor. Let us not be pessimists or prophets of gloom. Let us rejoice at this trend and express the hope that, far from being weakened, it will be confirmed.
253.	It is true that, contrary to common sense, the Iraq-Iran war continues, causing ruin and destruction. But that war was already raging in 1983. Indeed, for the very reason that the belligerents are stubborn and deaf to the pleas of the world, this war, despite the ferociousness with which it is waged, would have been forgotten by now if it did not pose such grave threats to the oil routes and sources of supply.
254.	It is true, too, that there has been not the slightest progress in settling the thorny Middle East question, which is almost as old as the United Nations itself. But that failure to find a solution is not the result of any lack of imagination, perseverance or interest the part of the international community. It seems to us that everything has been said about this human and political tragedy, as heartrending as it is complex. But frameworks and plans for settlement do exist. They are not perfect, but they constitute the least of the evils when compared with the extremist solutions some have proposed.
255.	If the entire problem is still with us, it is because of incomprehension and intransigence—we would even be tempted to say the political blindness and arrogance of one side or another. However that may be, this problem is still a very burning one and it has all the elements of a quagmire. That is undoubtedly very unfortunate because of the high stakes.
256.	With regard to the Lebanese tragedy, it could be said that in some way there has been positive development. The Government of National Unity is taking increasing control, even if it is doing so slowly. And it seems to be confirmed that certain foreign occupation troops could be withdrawn; if that were to happen, the risks of a major confrontation would also be reduced.
257.	Nor can it be said that Central America, the object of so much covetousness and so many threats of intervention, has become a haven of peace. There are still confrontations, and they are not engaged in with kid gloves. Nevertheless, it cannot be said that during these months of September and October there has been any dramatic development one way or the other.
258.	These cases suffice to indicate that tensions and conflicts still exist. The demons of suspicion and confrontation are not dead—far from it. But, compared to 1983, at the same time of the year, the climate seems to us to be less fraught with fear. We hope that this is not merely the calm before the storm, but it does seem that the confusion, the shock and the fear raised in 1983 by the destruction of the South Korean aircraft and the assassination at Rangoon of some members of the South Korean Government are now only bad memories, even if we must recognize that the consequences of those acts cannot be erased so quickly.
259.	Whatever the case, we must look towards a better future and calmer skies.
260.	We note, first, that Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko, who was not in New York in 1983, was indeed here in 1984. Even better—whereas there was no Soviet-United States dialogue for several years, attempts should not be made to conceal the approaches currently being made. No, the Soviet Union and the United States are not the only two countries in the world. But things being what they are, everyone will agree that detente between the two super-Powers would greatly help matters. Whether their current approaches are dictated by internal considerations or not, the fact remains that dialogue is the only hope. For our part—and this seems to be the desire of the peace-loving nations—we express the wish that these contacts will lead to an understanding and a relaxation in international relations and not to a conspiracy based on dividing up the planet.
261.	In Chad, which was considered the very prototype of the strategy of tension, the recent Franco-Libyan agreement for withdrawal of their respective troops seems to confirm the impression of reduced tension.
262.	Whatever scepticism may be shown by certain observers with respect to the viability of such an agreement, Zaire applauded the announcement of a withdrawal. There is no reason to believe indefinitely in the falseness or the fickleness of a head of State who solemnly commits his country before the world. Nor can we believe that the foreign troops that are in Chad for various reasons intended to stay there for long. Once we have preserved and guaranteed the identity, independence and territorial integrity of Chad, we must make the Chadians face up to their own responsibilities. Only they are in charge of their destiny. Our role is to help them. Even if, as has been said, victory comes from the mouth of a gun, it is still a matter of common sense that in this case the ideal solution can be found in national consensus and a legitimate government.
263.	As regards the Zairian troops in Chad, Zaire, which was not involved in the Franco-Libyan agreement, will settle this question independently with N'Djamena. Its troops are in Chad at the request of N'Djamena, and a minimum of courtesy requires at least some prior consultation. We do not intend to stay in Chad for ever, especially since new factors are involved. We are for peace, dialogue and concord.
264.	In the same vein, we hope that henceforth the Western Sahara conflict, which has long divided the OAU, will meet with a peaceful solution as a result of the recent developments shaping up in northern Africa. For our part, we have always regarded the Frente POLISARIO as a liberation movement and not a government. Those who wished, under the cover of principle, to use the Western Sahara issue to settle personal or national questions must now come out into the open and defend their rights, if they have any. That is more worthy and more courageous.
265.	If the impression of quiet and relaxation of tension is right, tensions would have to come down a notch. And if tensions come down, there will be less suspicion and thus there should be a slow-down in the arms race and increased co-operation and solidarity.
266.	I shall first speak about the problem of the arms race and then about solidarity and international mutual assistance.
267.	The problem of over-armament is crucial because it raises questions that involve the very survival of mankind. Whether we consider the question in its deadly and devastating aspects or in the way in which it diverts major resources from the development of less wealthy peoples, the conclusion is the same. The Conference on Disarmament, meeting at Geneva, has studied this problem in great depth. The Secretary-General and others aware of the problem have often drawn the attention of those responsible for over-armament to the dangers they are placing before mankind. But anyway, those responsible are in a better position than anyone to know about that. Our planet is already saturated with weapons, but their production continues and their devastating power is refined. It would appear that our world was prey to collective indifference and folly. If those weapons could strike only their inventors we could perhaps shrug our shoulders and sleep in peace, thinking that after all they will get only what they deserve. But no, we are all concerned by the holocaust. Disarmament or arms reduction must concern all the protagonists. It is meaningless to claim or demand unilateral disarmament. That would smack of naivety and manipulation and would mean the reign of blackmail.
268.	In the final analysis, it would be better to tolerate a certain balance of terror if we know and proclaim our rejection of any kind of world condominium.
269.	The Charter of the United Nations expressly prohibits interference in the internal affairs of other States. World despotism would lead to a huge empire in which we would be swallowed up and where we would lose our own personality and identity.
270.	Each State must be able to organize itself as it wishes without a would-be godfather or protector.
271.	Therefore, as regards the problem of Korea, for example, we have always affirmed that we should aid the North and the South to achieve their great design, following their respective wishes, in negotiation and in dialogue. It is not for other States to tell the Koreans what they should do. Nor does this concern only the North or only the South. The real wishes of the Koreans themselves must be brought into the foreground. This is not a taboo subject. If one of the two Koreas submitted its candidacy for admission to the United Nations, Zaire would not oppose it. Perhaps, in the final analysis, this would contribute to reducing tension in the area. After all, the two Germanies are Members of the United Nations today. That does not mean they are abandoning their unity.
272.	To conclude our consideration of the problem of the arms race, it is obvious that an effort in this field would open the way to increased exchanges and would free resources for development and for the fight against ignorance and disease.
273.	The distinction and the dichotomy between rich and poor nations is an undeniable fact. We do not intend to determine how and why some are rich and others poor. Let us merely state the fact and try to organize ourselves in a spirit of justice and equity, all the more so because rich and poor are interdependent. I could not better describe that interdependence than with reference to the author of Le Defi mondial, who quotes a report drawn up in the Federal Republic of Germany. I shall spare representatives the text, but, to sum up, this report, which was commissioned by Chancellor Schmidt,
"calculates at several million the number of jobs that would be lost in the steel industry, the automobile industry and the aeronautical and shipping industry if the supply of just five minerals that Germany imports from southern Africa was suddenly to be cut off.
"These are: chrome, irreplaceable in the production of special steels; molybdenum, for the production of refractory alloys used in the building of jet engines; vanadium, essential for the sheathing of nuclear fuel rods; asbestos, for insulation in space vessels and also for brake shoes, battery covers and oil pipelines; and manganese, used in metallurgy for all aluminium alloys."
The same report estimates that
"a 30 per cent reduction in chrome imports for just one year would bring to a standstill the activities that depend on it and result in a 25 per cent fall in the gross national product." It also states that:
"If just one of the five producer countries cut off its supply of manganese—Gabon, South Africa, Australia, India and Brazil—this would create 'major troubles for the Western economy', according to another report commissioned by the British Government at the request of the Industry Minister."
The same author continues:
"The industrial world is discovering that its survival depends on the third world just as much as that of the third world depends on it. It is the third world that has supplied it with the material means for its unprecedented expansion in the third quarter of the century, the fruits of which it could not share. While its living standard has doubled and its average per capita income went up by 100 per cent, that of the third world went up by three dollars a year per capita."
274.	However, despite this interdependence, in present circumstances the poor countries are too weak to hope to bring lasting and effective pressure to bear on the rich countries. The case of the oil- exporting countries exposes their weakness and pre- cariousness. But is this a reason to go on crushing the weak? However rich one is and perhaps because one is rich, one should not be exonerated of his duties of solidarity and assistance. In this connection, President Mitterrand's statement here at the Assembly's thirty-eighth session can from certain points of view be considered as a hymn to solidarity with and assistance to the least favoured countries.
275.	Apart from several examples of structured multilateral co-operation—such is the case with the European Economic Community—and apart from some cases of bilateral co-operation varying as bilateral interests vary, assistance for co-operation is generally lagging. In most cases, it barely amounts to 0.7 per cent of gross national product, far short of the 1 per cent target which was considered a worthy objective.
276.	These figures deserve to be brought out. In this concern for solidarity, special mention should be made of the Scandinavian countries, such as Norway, Sweden and Finland. My country, while not among the fortunate beneficiaries of the generosity of those three countries, must still recognize their gesture and their efforts.
277.	While the prices of raw material are arbitrarily fixed by the rich consumer countries in a precarious manner, the financial market offered to us is equally precarious, for our countries are obliged to borrow in order to acquire the goods needed for their small industries and their development. The conditions offered us, which we have to accept no matter what we wish to do, are such that the non-oil-exporting developing countries are often in no position to pay. Yet they must pay, in justice and equity.
278.	Zaire, for its part, has undertaken a rigorous policy of honouring its commitments to its creditors, which have shown confidence in it. My country is thus rigorously adhering to the programme established by the IMF. We will continue with that rigorous policy because it is a sound one and we are reaping its fruits. It would be wrong to decide unilaterally that we would no longer pay our debts. The world knows that this is not a sinecure.
279.	The creditors must understand the difficulties of the debtor countries, for goodwill alone does not always suffice. Clearly what would be ideal would be to pay on time; but even after scheduling and rescheduling, these countries will not be able to continue to meet their commitments unless they are given a minimum of flexibility, allowing them breathing space so as to begin minimal recovery. Otherwise those countries will be bled dry and ruined, and they will not be able to pay back their debts, which of course will benefit neither the debtors nor the creditors. There is a popular saying in my country to the effect that if a hernia kills a person it should not feel any satisfaction, for it will accompany that person to the grave. This, we think, shows the situation of the creditor countries and the debtor countries and how they are in the final analysis linked.
280.	No sound and genuine co-operation or solidarity is possible in relationships of subjection. Such co-operation can be conceived of only if the partners involved are free. When they are not, even when there is some kind of understanding on the part of the master, it is not solidarity but mere condescension.
281.	Since the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, no nation on earth should be deprived of its freedom and sovereignty any longer. Indeed, the colonial phenomenon, in principle at least, has disappeared from the world, except, of course, in Africa, which is still marked by poverty, disease, misery and underdevelopment. Must it, in addition to all this, continue to be humiliated by an inhuman regime whose philosophy of power has been declared by world conscience to be a crime against humanity?
282.	To maintain itself in power, South Africa has adopted, towards its neighbours, a policy of terror and aggression. When there was talk of glimpses of peace in southern Africa, we were sceptical. Nevertheless, Zaire has not condemned Pretoria's approaches a priori because it felt that everything should be tried, even at the price of an alliance with the devil, to speed the liberation of the African majority and of Namibia. After all, lions and tigers, fierce as they are, can sometimes be tamed, but we must always remember that they remain lions and tigers.
283.	Thus, on condition that these initiatives and these peace pacts do not harm the rights of the black majority, we have taken note of them.
284.	The present developments in South Africa and Namibia confirm our fears, however, because in the final analysis no neighbour of South Africa has ever committed aggression against the Pretoria regime, lacking the means to do so. Therefore, it should suffice for South Africa to make a unilateral declaration that it would no longer commit aggression against the neighbouring countries, which are, after all, defenceless.
285.	In fact, what South Africa has always tried to obtain through these agreements is a blank cheque to enable it to carry on its policy of oppression and humiliation of blacks in South Africa itself and in Namibia.
286.	Let us hear nothing about interference on the part of neighbouring countries in the internal affairs of South Africa. Helping the black majority to achieve liberation is not interference. Fighting crime is not interference, for apartheid is an international crime. This is legitimate self-defence. As far as Namibia is concerned, everyone knows that South Africa is remaining there illegally.
287.	There is a category of citizens whose situation is sometimes as terrible and precarious as that of dependent peoples—namely, refugees. Whatever the causes of these mass exoduses—war, political or religious intolerance, natural catastrophes, over-population and so on—this phenomenon must not be encouraged.
288.	Fortunately, the international community is sensitive to the situation and is dealing with it by taking the necessary measures, as it has just proved through the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held at Geneva in July of this year. However, the best remedy remains to ensure that there are as few refugees as possible and, in fact, that there are no more refugees. It is always best to be in one's own home.
289.	Zaire, true to its traditions and its policy of solidarity, has on its territory more than half a million refugees, with whom it shares without discrimination the few resources it has available—hospitals, schools, food and so forth. One can easily measure the sacrifices that this entails. As much as possible, when the refugees agree to do so, we encourage them to return to their home countries.
290.	In dealing with disarmament, international co-operation, decolonization or the refugee question, we cannot forget that, whether we are white, yellow, black or red, rich or poor, we are on the same earth for the same purpose, namely, to live together harmoniously and in happiness. As a great British thinker has said: "Only those who act together can act successfully; only those who have trust in one another can work together in harmony; those who are not bound by common affection and common interests cannot act successfully." I note with pleasure that we all have common interests. To be successful, let us work together and with trust in one another, for the good of all mankind.


Mr. President, I would like to begin by conveying to you the congratulations of the Government of Belgium on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly and expressing our wishes for success in the fulfilment of this most prestigious and essential task.
104.	My country is delighted that a person of your stature has been chosen for this high office. It views this as an assurance of the success of our work. Furthermore, Belgium is happy to see a representative of a region of the world to which it attaches a very special interest chairing the General Assembly of an institution which, as underlined by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization, constitutes the embodiment of multilateralism itself.
105.	Allow me also to take this opportunity to thank your predecessor, Mr. Illueca, for the manner in which he guided the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly and for the positive contribution he thus made to the Organization.
106.	The universal character of the United Nations unquestionably remains one of its most important features. Its task, which is to receive into its fold all the States of the world on an equal footing, with respect for the sovereignty of each, is essential to its mission of peace. I am therefore happy to greet the arrival of a new member, Brunei Darussalam. I assure it of our intention to maintain with it relations of meaningful co-operation and friendship.
107.	I wish to recall with emotion one of our late colleagues, Mr. Lee Bum-Suk, former Foreign Minister of the Republic of Korea. A year ago Mr. Lee led the delegation of observers of the Republic of Korea to the General Assembly. A week later, he fell victim, with other Korean leaders, to a repugnant political crime. I express the admiration of the Belgian people and Government for the moderation and self-restraint with which the leaders of the Republic of Korea reacted to this assault, refusing to respond to violence with violence.
108.	This tragedy underscores more than ever how imperative it is to find, without delay, a peaceful and democratic solution to the question of the reunification of the Korean peninsula. Belgium shares the opinion of the Republic of Korea that any negotiation in this respect must begin with a dialogue between the two parts of Korea, a dialogue aimed at restoring confidence between them, which is indispensable.
109.	While we await this reunification, Belgium declares itself in favour of the simultaneous entry of both Koreas into the United Nations. A decision to this effect could contribute to easing the tension in the peninsula and would also be in conformity with the principle of universality of the United Nations, a principle which we uphold.
110.	This year Belgium had the privilege of welcoming the Secretary-General. I express our gratitude to him for this visit and our appreciation of his untiring efforts for world peace and security. The talks I had with him enabled me to understand better his dedication to his duties and his personal commitment to the best performance of his tasks. We think particularly of the consultations he is holding to bring about the necessary conditions for a peaceful settlement of the question of Cyprus.
111.	I read the Secretary-General's report this year with the utmost attention, just as I did his two preceding ones. Similarly, I took note with great interest of his statements in other forums—particularly two speeches he delivered last May, one to the Brookings Institution and the United Nations Association of the United States of America and the other at the John Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. I want him to know how much his analysis of the crisis of multilateralism impressed me and how much I admire the opinion he expressed, as the highest official of the United Nations, on this crisis and its consequences.
112.	What the Secretary-General said reminded me of the words of one of my predecessors, Paul-Henri Spaak, who in 1946, as you know, was the first President of the General Assembly. Even before assuming this post he made clear at San Francisco how he viewed the work of the Organization, declaring:
"Everybody today stresses the necessary solidarity that ought to manifest itself in time of war, and one is right to do so. But this solidarity would probably become unnecessary if the peoples understood more clearly that they must help one another in times of peace.
"From a strategic point of view, there are no more frontiers. When war breaks out in one part of the world, it does not take long to devastate the whole world. That is the terrible vision that is presented to us to remind us from time to time, since we tend to forget it, that we are all dependent on one another.
"But why do we wait for war to become conscious of this reality? It also exists—as much, and perhaps even more—in times of peace. It is fine to be united to achieve victory, but it would be even better, much more effective and less costly to be united to build a better world.
"One cannot limit oneself to drafting texts for use only when the situation becomes serious. I wish that we could build something that would become part of our daily life, of our daily concerns, something that would not only come to mind when the spectre of war threatened us but would help us to respond effectively to the disturbing questions that will be posed by the economic and social organization of the world.
"I should like the international organization that will result from our work not only to tell us hew we may avert war and how to win it if, despite everything, it breaks out, but also to give us the means to ensure peace by giving men the chance to live with employment and in happiness."
113.	The Secretary-General expresses the same concern when he calls in his report for the firm establishment of the three main elements of a stable international order: an accepted system of maintaining international peace and security; disarmament and arms limitation; and the progressive development of a just and effective system of international economic relations. I wish him to know that we share his views and that he has our full support.
114.	My colleague, Mr. Barry, current President of the Council of Ministers of the 10 member countries of the European Communities, has accurately expressed their views from this rostrum [6th meeting], for which I thank him. I recognize Belgium's own opinions in the ones he expressed and in the survey he made of an international situation that is more disquieting than ever. I can therefore concentrate on just a few subjects.
115.	First, however, I should like to stress, as did Mr. Barry, the importance my country attaches to the planned meeting between the Foreign Ministers of the countries of Central America and the Contadora Group, on the one hand, and of the Ten, accompanied by the European Communities Commission, and Spain and Portugal, on the other. This meeting, which will take place in a few days, will enable representatives of States linked by history and culture to consider the problems of a region torn by a crisis rooted in political, economic and social problems. We hope that this meeting will bring about a new kind of co-operation which will lead to peace, economic recovery and social progress.
116.	Rereading the statements I had the honour to make in the past two years to the Genera! Assembly, I found that both covered subjects related to security and disarmament, the reduction of tension, and peace. My predecessors had already deemed these problems sufficiently important to dedicate most of their attention to them, as did the majority of my colleagues at this rostrum.
117.	Is not that normal? Is not the pursuit of peace and the means to ensure or preserve it the prime objective of the United Nations and the foremost duty of the international community? The United Nations even dedicated two special sessions of the General Assembly to disarmament, in the work of which we placed great expectations. Unfortunately, crises have continued to cause upheavals in certain regions of the world and are all the more disturbing since they are set against a backdrop of regrettable tensions in East-West relations.
118.	Indeed, far from having narrowed, the division between the Western countries and those of the Warsaw Pact seems to have widened, the arms control negotiations are stalled or have been interrupted, and the political dialogue itself seems to be in deadlock, to such an extent that some political commentators do not hesitate to call 1984 "the lost year".
119.	In fact, 1984 seems not to have borne fruit with respect to disarmament, and even to detente, but it has not been completely lost for peace, and we should beware of an excessive and unreasonable pessimism, for a number of reasons.
120.	I cannot help but feel that the most serious threats to peace he in imbalances and errors of judgement. Undoubtedly, nuclear weapons have such a terrifyingly destructive power that no side could hope to win a nuclear conflict it might have started; but, precisely for that reason, should we not admit that this formidable weapon is a powerful deterrent ?
121.	The danger of a nuclear conflict would be greatest precisely if one of the potential adversaries were to stop viewing the atomic weapon as unacceptable and were to consider it as a weapon "like all others"—that is, a weapon which would enable it to wage and to win a war—and if, through misreading or miscalculation, it felt itself to be in a position to subject its enemy to a nuclear blaze without fear of retaliation. Hence, risks are due far more to imbalances and errors of judgement than to an increase in armaments. I think, therefore, that it is the upsetting of the balanced equilibrium which fosters the arms race, and not the reverse.
122.	In this context I should like to take this opportunity, in my capacity of Minister for Foreign Affairs of a member State of the Atlantic Alliance, to reaffirm emphatically two fundamental elements of the doctrine of the Alliance: first, that the strategy of the Alliance is not to "wage war" or even to "win a war", but indeed to see that war never breaks out; and, further, that none of our weapons will ever be used except to react against aggression.
123.	I should like to add that while taking the necessary steps to maintain and, where needed, restore this balance, essential to security and peace, Belgium and its allies have taken measures to avoid an arms race: indeed, they have twice decided to cut down their nuclear arsenals and resolved to reduce those arsenals by one nuclear warhead for each intermediate-range missile deployed. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization has also adopted the doctrine that "only the minimum number of those forces necessary to support NATO's agreed strategy of deterrence and defence should be retained".
124.	Indeed, although balance seems to us indispensable, it does not follow that such balance must necessarily be at the present level. On the contrary, Belgium, like its allies, favours a balance at the lowest possible level, and that applies equally to conventional and to nuclear weapons. It is precisely for that reason that we are wedded to the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe, as well as to all other negotiations likely to bring about reductions in the level of armaments without affecting the security of each country concerned.
125.	We have pointed out that this will not be an easy task. Thus, we advocate the view that we should set ourselves to developing measures of confidence and security conducive to stimulating a climate in which negotiations having a more specific bearing on the reduction of armaments will stand a better chance of bearing fruit. Our efforts at the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, at Stockholm, have no other intent.
126.	Anther reason for not indulging in excessive pessimism is precisely the willingness of the Atlantic Alliance to enter into negotiations at any moment and without pre-conditions. This overture has unfortunately not so far met with any response from the leaders of the Warsaw Pact nations. I want to believe that those leaders will come to realize how sterile such an attitude can be and that they will bring themselves to grasp the hand we hold out to them.
127.	Finally, we are now on the eve of the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and I cherish the hope that for the greater well-being of the whole international community this exercise will be fruitful. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has been a success so far as limiting horizontal proliferation goes. Unfortunately, the results have not been equally convincing with regard to the limitation of vertical proliferation. If some progress could be made in that regard also, the chances of success of the Third Review Conference would be enhanced.
128.	My intention is not to minimize the importance of the present crisis but only to put it back in its right perspective. The situation is perhaps not as alarming as some would claim, but it is worrying in more ways than one. First of all, we see the dynamics of overbidding, along with mounting tensions and a correspondingly diminishing confidence, taking root. Further, it has to be recognized that the increase in military budgets deprives the developing nations of necessary, indeed vital, aid. These expenditures also weigh very heavily on our own economies in these days of budgetary restrictions.
129.	There are thus enough good reasons for wanting to reverse the present course of events without having to invoke bad ones. What makes us want to say "Enough!" to arms development is the waste that such development implies, the responsibility of the developed countries towards those not yet sufficiently developed, and the danger of nuclear proliferation.
130.	We should not deceive ourselves, however. It will not be easy to retie the broken thread of negotiation. Too much emotion has entered into play; too much confidence has been undermined. We shall nevertheless have to overcome distrust, to rise above disappointment and to resume the dialogue. There is no alternative.
131.	In the present state of affairs it is undoubtedly imperative to make every effort to achieve substantive progress in the near future at the most important negotiating tables which are still operating at Geneva, Stockholm and Vienna. The prospects of resuming negotiations on intermediate-range nuclear forces or the strategic arms reduction talks have not so far materialized, though we pray most fervently for such resumption. The hope of seeing an early start of discussions on the demilitarization of space has not yet materialized either.
132.	We thus note with the utmost regret that practically all the established channels of discussion between East and West are blocked. For Belgium, it is not the venue which is essential: what is essential is that negotiations resume and be brought to a successful conclusion.
133.	Perhaps we shall have to start from new, more realistic and, for the present, less ambitious bases, but our goal will always remain the same, that is, to turn Europe into an area of peace and security, based on respect for freedom and for the legal and humanitarian principles that must govern the relations between States and peoples.
134.	Belgium, for one, has always considered that this ongoing dialogue is essential to the restoration of confidence but that it is not enough. We should not limit our contacts to the political issues alone; we must encourage the development of sound economic relations on realistic and mutually beneficial bases. Cultural, technological and scientific relations also have an essential role to play in bringing closer together individuals and communities across borders.
135.	I am convinced that through patience and perseverance and by keeping in mind clear goals we shall in the end fulfil the true ideals of the Helsinki Final Act in which we had placed so much hope.
136.	As the representative of a European country, I beseech all other countries of that continent to transcend the atmosphere of mistrust which in 1984 has rendered too many discussions fruitless, in order once again to take the path of negotiations. This will undoubtedly not be easy, but let us by all means take the path of dialogue, step by step, towards a horizon which will gradually grow ever wider.
137.	By its tone, its philosophy and the proposals it contained, the statement made yesterday before the Assembly by the President of the United States constitutes, to my mind, a positive contribution to the early resumption of this indispensable dialogue. Such dialogue is important not only for the countries of the Warsaw Pact and for those of the Atlantic Alliance but for the whole world, for the East-West tension does not affect only those States which play a direct part in it. In fact, it hampers, sometimes greatly, international relations as a whole. It weighs heavily on the work of the United Nations, making its action in the service of peace and development even more difficult. The President of the Council of Ministers of the 10 member countries of the European Communities has stressed this in a truly remarkable fashion in his statement. Is it not true that this tension also often lends an additional dimension to local conflicts which, by broadening them, exacerbates them and makes them more difficult to solve?
138.	My Government, which respects the sovereignty and independence of States as well as genuine non-alignment, has indeed always expressed the desire that the utmost care be taken to avoid involving other continents in the ideological and political differences which may develop between East and West and, in this context, not to bring division to those continents.
139.	For example, two of the principles on which my Government bases its African policy are: first, that our country will strive to prevent the involvement of Africa and the African countries against their will in clashes between blocs and major Powers; and secondly, that it will endeavour to prevent anything that might contribute to the division and weakening of the African continent and will, rather, strive to promote inter-African co-operation.
140.	The resumption of the North-South dialogue is imperative at all costs and should provide the effort required to combat the economic crisis which affects us all.
141.	Belgium, like most other industrialized nations, is suffering particularly from unemployment, which is a source of anxiety for a large portion of our population. This makes wide-ranging industrial re- adaptation indispensable.
142.	However, the economic crisis affects even more seriously the least favoured nations. Undoubtedly, some signs of economic recovery have been evident for some time, but so far it has had only a very limited effect on the industrialized world and even less on the developing countries.
143.	The considerable indebtedness of many States seriously jeopardizes their development efforts even though some of them have faced this burden courageously and, with the help of the IMF, have at least begun to find some solutions. Famine continues its devastation, and for some among us it is the question no longer of development but of simple survival.
144.	In a world of ever-increasing economic inter-dependence, the international economic situation concerns us all directly. No matter which continent we belong to, what stage of development we have reached or what our political and ideological options may be, it is in our interest, just as it is our duty, to work together to find solutions to these acute problems, which weigh heavily, if perhaps unequally, on each one of us.
145.	What do we see? The global negotiations are at present deadlocked. Proof of this is the fact that the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983, and the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna from 2 to 19 August 1984, have disappointed us in many ways. Even if the International Conference on Population, held at Mexico City from 6 to 14 August 1984, produced certain results, we cannot affirm that the North-South dialogue, in which we had placed so much hope, has had all the expected results.
146.	What then can we do? I sincerely believe that we must, in spite of everything, strengthen the North- South dialogue, but we must realize that this dialogue can only be successful if it leads to balanced commitments. I am convinced that it is by heading in this direction that genuine progress can be made.
147.	Belgium appeals urgently to the United Nations and in particular to its specialized agencies to spare no effort and to use all the means at their disposal to fight the scourge of recession and its consequences. Millions of men and women expect the international community to translate into action, under United Nations guidance, the commitments accepted under its Charter.
148.	In this spirit, Belgium advocates an agreement between the European monetary zone and the zones of the yen and the dollar. This should result in a more stable basis for the world economy and a climate of increased confidence.
149.	Furthermore, Belgium believes that everything possible must be done to find speedy solutions to the problems of the indebtedness of the developing countries. We consider this to be an indispensable condition of the recovery of the international economy and the improvement of North-South relations.
150.	We cannot afford to despair. Recent experience proves that when our States are challenged by a situation in which man, his dignity and his life are at stake, they can surmount their different interests and their political differences to decide on and put into effect together the practical means required by the situation. I am thinking of the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held at Geneva from 9 to 11 July 1984. I have rarely seen an international conference inspired by such sense of human solidarity.
151.	From the outset, the countries participating in that Conference recognized that the problem of refugees in Africa is the concern of all, for it is the common responsibility of all nations, even if, regrettably, some States chose to remain aloof from this great movement of international solidarity. On the one hand, the African Governments clearly reaffirmed their commitment to do everything in their power to find lasting solutions for often painful human problems. On the other hand, donor Governments, which offer their financial assistance, committed themselves to working hand in hand with the African countries to support such solutions and to bear the often heavy cost of the infrastructure which the reception and repatriation of refugees implies for the countries concerned. The international development organizations, for their part, said that they are ready to co-operate fully in this undertaking.
152.	It is not surprising, therefore, that this spirit, marked by positive and constructive determination and humanitarian concern, enabled the Conference to culminate in the adoption by consensus of a Declaration and Programme of Action. These documents are clear and reflect very well indeed the will that inspired all the countries represented, since they demonstrate the commitment of all to work together, in close solidarity, sharing the burdens, on the basis of a strategy designed to bring about a lasting solution to the refugee problem in Africa.
153.	Moreover, the Conference stressed the vital importance of the complementarity of aid to refugees and development aid. The commitment to give concrete expression to this correlation was one of the substantive achievements of the Conference. Emergency aid and assistance are major aspects of this correlation and must continue. The efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to promote long-term solutions through voluntary repatriation—the most desirable solution, since it goes right to the heart of the refugee problem—and through settlement programmes have proved correct. All these efforts must also be continued. But to ensure these solutions, it is necessary to integrate the projects relating to refugees within the development process. The Conference clearly confirmed this principle.
154.	It thus took its place within the general framework of North-South relations and proved that substantial progress is possible within this context as long as there is the will and the realism.
155.	I firmly believe that if the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa achieved such success it was because its participants put the determination to save lives above all else, for it was for humanity that the United Nations was created—to save mankind from war, protect it from oppression, free it from poverty and hunger.
156.	Every time that this is remembered, the actions of the United Nations have been crowned with success, a success which the Secretary-General points to in his report. Each time it is forgotten, the Organization has failed.
157.	It is time, on the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, that we remember this.
158.	It is, moreover, what the Secretary-General asked for in the statement he made on 31 May 1984 before the Preparatory Committee for the Fortieth Anniversary of the United Nations. He said that the anniversary should be an occasion for the world community to ‘’speak out frankly and with a full sense of responsibility towards the entire human family and its planetary home, about the shortcomings of Member States and of this Organization to fulfil such vital purposes as the consolidation of peace and security, disarmament, economic development and the promotion of human rights". He went on to say that "a firm recommitment by all Member States to their obligations under the Charter and its fundamental purposes . . . needs to be expressed not so much through ceremony and in words as in policies and actions. A renewal of faith in the Organization is absolutely necessary to the future of the global community."
159.	That is a proposition to which Belgium, for one, intends to make a contribution, and it wishes to do so in the closest co-operation with each and every one of its fellow Member States in the Organization.
160.	May this fortieth anniversary offer us the opportunity to ensure that elements that unite us prevail over those that divide us. Let us try to remember the tragedy of the Second World War, the state of the world at the end of that conflict, our desire that such a calamity should never happen again, and our decision to create, to that end, the organization which became the United Nations. After the tragic failure of the League of Nations, the hopes of humanity were transferred to an organization which would be universal and would be able to ensure collective security once and for all, tackle fundamental economic issues and reaffirm the basic rights of every human being. Let us recall the extraordinary surge of hope to which the birth of the United Nations gave rise in our people from all walks of life. Let us try from now on to fulfil that hope and let us learn from our failures.
161.	A poet of my country, Emile Verhaeren, once sang the epic of a century-old tree, evoking the ordeals by which its growth had been marked from season to season; but he concluded:
"Its energy, however, Never failed One single moment. It wished, unwaveringly, its life To expand and be more beautiful In every spring."
That is my wish for the United Nations on the eve of its fortieth anniversary.


Mr. President, on behalf of the Provisional National Defence Council and the people of Ghana, I bring you warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty- ninth session of the General Assembly. Your election is indeed a tribute to your personal qualities and your outstanding contribution to the cause of freedom in Africa. It is also an honour for your country and for Africa as a whole.
59.	I should like to take this opportunity also to express the gratitude and appreciation of my delegation to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of Panama, for the skill, fair-mindedness and wisdom with which he conducted the proceedings of the thirty-eighth session of the Assembly.
60.	Ghana is particularly proud and happy to welcome Brunei Darussalam as a new Member of the United Nations. This addition to our number not only enhances the universal character of the Organization but also reinforces the principles of self-determination and independence, which are basic to the Charter of the United Nations.
61.	It is indeed because of our unflinching commitment to those principles that we cannot countenance the continued denial to the people of South Africa and Namibia of their inalienable rights to the enjoyment of political freedom and human dignity. The racist regime's undisguised ambition to play the totally unacceptable role of a regional super-Power in southern Africa should be recognized as the driving force behind its brutal terrorism against its neighbours. We would be untrue to ourselves if we failed to observe this fact. The destabilization of the frontline States through terror and oppression and the indiscriminate killing of defenceless women and children in villages across southern Africa is the direct result of South Africa's determination to maintain its policy of racism and its system of apartheid.
62.	Those who had given apartheid South Africa the benefit of the doubt must have realized in recent months that, even after the Agreement on Non- Aggression and Good Neighbourliness between Mozambique and South Africa signed at Nkomati on 16 March 1984, the people of Mozambique continue to suffer from acts of terrorism perpetrated by the so-called National Resistance Movement, a movement financed and equipped entirely by South Africa. Now an even more dangerous situation has been created for the liberation struggle in southern Africa by the reported cease-fire arranged by racist South Africa between Mozambique and the dissident National Resistance Movement.
63.	We therefore now expect that the international community, particularly those States which claim to have influence with Pretoria, will recognize this fact and adopt such policies in support of the United Nations as would bring a speedy and meaningful change in South Africa.
64.	We salute the valiant Asian and Coloured communities in South Africa for their massive boycott of the recent elections to the so-called three- chamber, but radically segregated, Parliament. It is a show of solidarity and unity with their black compatriots which must be applauded by all those who seek to uphold the principle of racial equality. It should be obvious that the purported separate Asian and Coloured representation in Parliament is nothing more than a device to entrench apartheid more firmly in South Africa.
65.	The Government of Ghana remains ever committed to the total eradication of apartheid and to the establishment of a democratic society under majority rule in South Africa. We believe that this is the only way in which all of its peoples, irrespective of their race, colour, sex or creed, can enjoy equally and fully all the fundamental human rights and freedoms provided under the Charter and other covenants of the United Nations.
66.	With regard to Namibia, South Africa continues to raise uncertain hopes and expectations, but the reality is that there has been no practical change in the situation in spite of recent talks between SWAPO and representatives of the apartheid South African regime. The Territory regrettably remains in bondage and its people still under racist oppression and far from freedom and independence.
67.	As we understand from the reports of the Secretary-General, all outstanding issues over Namibia have been cleared to the satisfaction of even racist South Africa. Why, then, does the apartheid regime of South Africa continue to use the extraneous and irrelevant presence of Cuban troops in Angola as an excuse for delaying freedom, justice and sovereign independence to the people of Namibia? Ghana cannot accept that there should be any trade-off between the inalienable rights of the people of Namibia to independence and the unfettered exercise of Angola's sovereign right to enter into genuine security arrangements for the preservation of its independence and territorial integrity. We again recommend strongly that steps be taken without further delay by the Security Council to implement its resolution 435 (1978) in order to bring Namibia rapidly to independence.
68.	With regard to the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, the Government of Ghana remains equally committed to respect for their inalienable rights to self-determination and sovereign independence. We therefore once again call on the two parties to the dispute to enter into direct negotiations in accordance with the resolution of the Organization of African Unity on the matter.
69.	With regard to Chad, we remain convinced that a lasting and peaceful settlement of the conflict can only be found on the basis of national reconciliation and territorial integrity. We welcome the reported agreement between France and Libya to withdraw their respective forces from Chad as a positive step in easing tension in that country and creating the necessary conditions for a negotiated settlement. We urge all the internal parties to the conflict and the people of Chad as a whole to seize this opportunity to work together to find a fraternal and peaceful solution to their differences.
70.	It is distressing to see that, in the Middle East, Israel continues to practise a reign of terror and intimidation against the Arab countries and the Palestinian people of the area. Its illegal occupation of Palestinian and other Arab territories continues to undermine stability and to pose a grave threat to international peace and security. There can be no basis for a peaceful settlement in the Middle East unless Israel withdraws from all the Arab territories it has illegally occupied and annexed by acts of war. Israel must comply with Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and other relevant United Nations resolutions. It must also now resolve the core of the Middle East problem, which is the denial to the Palestinian people of their inalienable right to their homeland, self-determination and national independence.
71.	Developments in Cyprus in recent months have also given the Government of Ghana cause for grave concern. As we have stated before, the unilateral declaration of independence by the Turkish minority in Cyprus is clearly the unfortunate and regrettable culmination of efforts on the part of Turkey to maintain a permanent division of the island and to achieve a complete separation of its Greek and Turkish communities. The decision of the Turkish- Cypriot minority puts in permanent jeopardy the peaceful coexistence of Turks and Greeks on the island. It undercuts all decisions and efforts of the United Nations, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Commonwealth to preserve the unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus. Ghana, for its part, will continue to support a unified and independent Cyprus, free of external interference, and the resolution of communal differences by peaceful dialogue. It is our sincere hope that the Turkish-Cypriot leadership will reconsider its decision and work for the unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus.
72.	The relentless fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq continues to cause the Government and people of Ghana great anguish. It is a war that is as unnecessary as it is wasteful of some of the human and material resources that the third world so vitally needs for urgent productive and developmental purposes. Faced with this unending carnage, we appeal once again to all our brothers and sisters in Iran and Iraq to end the war and resolve their differences by peaceful means.
73.	Central America continues to be an area of turmoil and conflict that poses a serious threat to international peace and security. The search for a peaceful solution to the conflicts in the region through the Contadora process must be supported and not undermined by acts of sabotage and destruction of infrastructure, calculated to do the greatest economy damage to the real interests of Nicaragua. The efforts of the people of Nicaragua to establish a truly democratic society which correctly reflects the realities of the historical experiences of Nicaragua must be supported and properly assessed and the reactionary forces of oppression and destruction must be condemned. We endorse the process of democratization of Central America and repeat the call for foreign military interference in that process to cease in favour of a negotiated settlement of the conflicts in the region by the people of that region.
74.	Ghana cannot condemn foreign intervention in Central America, be it covert or overt, and condone the foreign occupation of Kampuchea and Afghanistan, in persistent defiance of United Nations resolutions. We are particularly disappointed that, in spite of the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative, a dialogue on the future of Afghanistan has still proved elusive. The people of both Afghanistan and Kampuchea deserve to live under conditions which will permit them to determine freely their own system of government.
75.	Overshadowing all these troubling but none the less local conflicts in various regions of the world is the threat of nuclear war. Unlike the threat posed by all the conflicts I have already mentioned and many others which are no less serious, the threat of nuclear war does not endanger international peace and security alone; it menaces humanity with total annihilation. In addition, it consumes such vast sums of money as to constitute an obstacle to the global developmental process.
76.	It is for these reasons Shat we appeal to the international community as a whole, and the superpowers and other nuclear States in particular, to make a supreme effort to save mankind from nuclear extinction.
77.	We are encouraged by the recent resumption of high-level contact between the United States and the Soviet Union, and we hope that it will soon lead to a return to the bilateral nuclear-arms negotiations of Geneva, l well as to a meaningful thaw in the relations between the two super-Powers.
78.	While we recognize the value of the bilateral approach within the context of the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks at Geneva, it is our firm conviction that other disarmament issues should be discussed within the multilateral framework of the United Nations. Only when the United Nations is involved will the voice of the non-nuclear-weapon States be heard and their interests and concerns taken into account in the search for those agreements that will, it is to be hoped, bring an end to the arms race in all its forms, as well as save the world from nuclear war.
79.	Turning to the global economic situation, we cannot but bemoan the fact that over the past year most developing countries have remained in the throes of severe economic crisis. The majority of them continue to be caught in a vicious spiral of declining production, employment and trade. As a result, most have had to undertake further contractional adjustments, at a heavy cost to their economies and with adverse social and political consequences. Their import capacity has been further impaired. They have had sharply to curtail investments in agriculture, industry and basic services, which are at the heart of the development process. And many of them have had to seek a rescheduling of debt-service payments. Nowhere has the crisis been more devastating than in the low-income countries, particularly those in Africa.
80.	To be sure, there has been improvement in the economic performance of a few developed market- economy countries, but this recovery has not spread convincingly to other countries in that category. It has not pulled up commodity prices appreciably, nor has it been accompanied by a meaningful decline in interest rates. International mechanisms for the transmission of growth have in any case been weakened by recent developments. The recovery has therefore barely touched the developing world, and the prospects of most of these countries remain dim. In many African countries, these set-backs have been aggravated by prolonged drought and desertification, by the widening gap between food production and population growth, by acute dependence on food imports and by the consequent threat to their social and economic systems.
81.	Immediate steps are accordingly required on a number of fronts. The stance of macro-economic policies in the developed market-economy countries needs to be shifted so as to broaden and deepen the incipient upturn in economic activity. More than that, action must be taken to relieve the strains on the external financial positions of developing countries. Deliberate and vigorous measures must be pursued to revitalize the development process in the third world. In particular, there is need to augment the financial resources of the multilateral lending institutions and to improve access to them by developing countries; there is need for a fresh and substantial allocation of special drawing rights; there is need for systematic debt relief for low-income countries; and there is need to replace the present ad hoc treatment of commercial bank debt with longer- term approaches. Moreover, recent developments show that the present trade and payments system is serving increasingly to destabilize the developing countries rather than protect them, as it should. It is important, therefore, that the necessary processes of reform in the international economic system be set in motion with urgency. All these measures require intensified international co-operation; yet, paradoxically, multilateralism has been weakening.
82.	In these circumstances, the critical economic situation in Africa cannot but arouse grave concern. Living standards in sub-Saharan Africa have shown a sharp decline. Net capital flows to the region are still substantially below the volume required to have an impact on the developmental process. The Secretary- General and the Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations are to be warmly commended for the role they have played in drawing international attention to the human tragedy unfolding in that part of the world. But it is no less important that an agreed framework for purposeful international action, taking into account the recent initiative by the World Bank, be developed urgently to support the efforts of the African countries in dealing with the situation.
83.	We in Africa are fully conscious that it is our primary responsibility to tackle our economic problems ourselves. In the Special Memorandum on Africa's Economic and Social Crisis, adopted by the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa in May 1984, and in the Lagos Plan of Action this fact has been given full recognition.
84.	Even more important, African countries, Ghana included, are making strenuous efforts to meet the exigencies of their current plight. In Ghana, the Provisional National Defence Council initiated two years ago a series of comprehensive and far-reaching economic reforms which included decisive measures to rehabilitate the productive sectors of the economy by giving remunerative prices to producers for their efforts, improving their access to essential inputs, realigning the currency to restore incentives to export and improving revenue collection, and revamping the administration and management of the economy. The broad aim of these reforms is to create the material conditions for implementing the national objectives of social and political transformation, including the restructuring of the basic institutions of the economy. We have made considerable progress towards this objective, but, as in other African countries in a similar position, the full success of our efforts depends on whole-hearted international support. Unless such support is forthcoming, the credibility of those who urge policy reform and adjustment on African countries will be sharply compromised.
85.	In this regard, we are encouraged that, after a period of scepticism, our efforts in Ghana have now won the respect and support of the financial community. We hope that support will be even more forthcoming in the critical months and years ahead.
86.	The last 12 months or so have been especially traumatic for Africa, and we must together seek solutions to its critical problems. The Secretary-General has stressed this international responsibility several times, and we must help to save millions from starvation and misery. I hope that Africa can count on the General Assembly to lead the way.
87.	Turning now to the domestic political scene in Ghana, our revolution is a process initiated by citizens of Ghana, some in uniform and others not in uniform, who courageously took up the challenge, one no longer to be denied or devalued, posed by the continued inability of successive Governments and the political organizations that sponsored them to resolve the economic, social and cultural issues which have for some time now obstructed the development of our nation in the true interests of our people.
88.	I wish to reiterate that the ultimate and irrevocable objective of the Ghanaian revolution is the development of a viable democratic system which genuinely reflects the political will and creative power of all our people, a system that derives its strength from their active and dedicated participation in a Government which is fully committed to the cause of our people and which therefore makes democracy a living reality in the day-to-day lives of the ordinary citizen.
89.	It is no longer open to us to continue to legitimize social and economic injustices and acquired cultural attitudes and irrelevancies by uncritical adherence to constitutional transfers which nominally guarantee norms and institutions but which have completely failed to institutionalize true democratic values of social justice, accountability and responsibility as an objective reality in the formulation and implementation of national policies by the elected representatives of the people. It is the ardent desire of the Provisional National Defence Council to work ceaselessly against the re-emergence on our national scene of those situations and conditions which have resulted in the past in recourse to the military as an instrument of change and so to pre-empt the very real danger of institutionalizing military rule as a political fact of life in our society.
90.	In conclusion, I wish to assure the General Assembly of my Government's commitment to the United Nations and to multilateralism generally. The United Nations may have failed to find solutions to all the problems of mankind, but it has thereby merely reflected the reality of international relations. On balance, it has achieved more for the international community than any other international organization of its kind. It should be clear to the critics, therefore, that the United Nations can only be as effective as its Members allow it to be. We thus have a common duty to ensure that this priceless instrument for international peace and advancement should be reinforced and made more effective if we are indeed to save succeeding generations from conflict and perdition.
91.	As we prepare to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations next year, it is necessary for all States to rededicate themselves to the ideals of peace enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.


In electing you, Sir, President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly the international community has honoured a man of remarkable talent and experience, your contribution in the United Nations has been outstanding and you have served Zambia and Africa with distinction. For us from Guyana there is special pleasure in seeing you guide our deliberations for there are long-standing and unshakeable bonds which unite your country, Zambia, and mine. On a more personal note, we greatly appreciate the role you played in cementing those bonds during the period you served as your country's first accredited representative to Guyana.
91.	It gives me no less pleasure to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, of Panama, for the efficiency and dignity with which he discharged his duties as President of the Assembly's thirty-eighth session.
92.	With the admission of Brunei Darussalam as its 159th Member, the United Nations has moved another step closer to the goal of universality. In welcoming this new State, Guyana extends the hand of friendship and co-operation.
93.	Each year the Assembly's general debate provides an opportunity for a review of the state of international relations. For the past few years, this review has indicated persistent negative trends and tendencies. This year the situation offers little reason for optimism.
94.	The scourge of war, from which there is a pledge in the Charter of the United Nations to "save succeeding generations", is a danger now more pressing than it ever was. It is a prospect made grim not only by the gruesome rumination over the use of nuclear power on a limited basis, but also, even more chilling, by the awesome capacity possessed by some States to annihilate us all.
95.	The Charter also expresses a resolve "to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples". This is being seriously undermined, for there is a single-minded determination to demand that all of us pursue the same model of development.
96.	The militant resurgence of the power politics of yester-year has done violence to another Charter principle, that of the "equal rights ... of nations large and small", and relegated that principle almost to the realm of mythological musings; and the naked use of power is invoked in circumventing "the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of International law" sometimes even with the aim of tendering such law effete.
97.	A state of generalized crisis permeates international relations. The use and the threat of the use of force in conflict resolution are on the increase. There is today aggravated resort to the military as a means of achieving nationally determined political objectives. Indeed, some Member States may already have reached the stage where, especially in relation to small States, diplomacy and negotiations have been made subservient to the exercise of military might. What we are witnessing is a re-emergence of the militarization of foreign policy and the use of organized violence as an instrument of State policy.
98.	Deep-seated economic problems aggravate and are aggravated by political tensions. Freely embraced international co-operation is under serious threat. The evolution of a sense of global community seems to have come to a halt; and there is a frightening tendency to seek recourse almost exclusively to activities within the competence of the individual nation State and a selective bilateralism for development and security.
99.	Development is today in many places deferred, and some Governments are faced with the prospect of, or are confronted by, social upheavals and the concomitant political unrest produced by the current environment. Despite the clear need for collective action, there is a resistance to global solutions, a resistance that is manifested in numerous ways. The North-South dialogue, for example, remains stymied by opaqueness and obscurantism.
100.	Similarly, in their negotiations with the IMF, developing countries are confronted with inductile prescriptions for economic recovery. General concern over the inflexibility and appropriateness of these measures was highlighted at the Latin American Economic Conference, held at Quito on 12 and 13 January 1984, when leaders of Latin American and Caribbean countries, in the Quito Declaration and Plan of Action, urged the necessity for a revision of IMF conditionality criteria which, in their present form, can endanger stability and development. The leaders called for greater importance to be attached to "the countries' development priorities and their political and social limitations so that they may realistically cope with the internal adjustment need imposed by the present world-wide economic recession"
101.	Recently, the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna from 2 to 19 August, failed to yield any results beyond general commitments to greater co-operation and adherence to agreed principles. In effect, what has happened over the past few years is the continued postponement of the democratization of international relations, including reform of relevant institutions and modification of their operations.
102.	In the area of international economic relations, many are the interpretations of recent developments, the analyses of the performance of the global economy and the prognoses for its future direction. Signs of recovery are visible in developed market economies, but its durability is uncertain. Furthermore, the impact of incipient recovery remains a matter of some conjecture, tad its benefits have not had a positive effect on die developing countries as a whole.
103.	What is undeniable, too, is that the international community continues to face an accumulation of severe economic problems. Indeed, some of these problems have worsened precisely as a consequence of policies pursued in the name of national recovery. I will, however, refer to only a few of those problems: debt, trade issues and interest rates.
104.	The international community is divided on how the debt problem should be properly approached. At the heart of this difficulty is the unwillingness of some States to recognize and appreciate that the debt problem is a global one which requires joint action. It is no longer sufficient for individual debtor and creditor countries to meet and agree on general policy guidelines for resolving the debt problem. Rather, a consensus should be found within the framework of a multilateral political dialogue which includes the participation of concerned international banks and multilateral financial institutions.
105.	The countries of the Caribbean Community, which met at Nassau. Bahamas, from 4 to 7 July this year, acknowledged this imperative when they agreed that "the debt problem must be treated internationally, as a matter of urgency, if the developing countries are to play their part in the global economy".
106.	On trade issues, protectionism commands attention. Curiously enough, protectionism is everywhere criticized. When some representatives of the developed countries met in London last June at their annual Economic Summit, they enjoined all States, industrialized and developing alike, to resist continuing protectionist measures, to reduce barriers to trade and to make renewed efforts to liberalize and expand international trade in manufactures, commodities and services. Yet protectionism is being increasingly resorted to, sometimes in quite innovative forms, with the principal effect of denying exports from the developing world access to the markets of the developed countries.
107.	Those among us who profess the inherent values of free trade have a special responsibility to promote and effect the dismantling of obstructions to it.
108.	The trade problem is, however, wider than that of market access. It encompasses the demand for primary commodities and commodity prices which are today weak and unstable. In our efforts to deal with this question, it is necessary to ensure arrangements which afford developing countries just and remunerative price".
109.	The factor which straddles these issues is that of interest rates, whose high level aggravates indebtedness and inhibits our capacities to discharge our debt obligations. A rise in those rates represents the transfer of resources from developing to developed countries. Such a rise also reduces the resources available to developing countries to be applied to productive activities so that such countries might be better enabled to discharge their debt obligations. Additionally, increased returns from exports can, when applied in some cases to debt servicing, produce the classic treadmill situation, that is, moving faster to avoid falling backwards, and in effect standing still.
110.	So dramatic are the consequences of high interest rates that the President of the World Bank noted that the punishing effect of today's high interest rates on developing countries stood out in stark relief, and he called upon developed countries to make their reduction a priority policy matter.
111.	One unchallenged growth point of international economic relations, however, has been the progressive development of economic and other forms of cooperation among developing countries. South-South co-operation has been pursued in an effort to reap the value of enhanced self-reliance, both individual and collective. Organs of the United Nations system have rendered valuable assistance in this regard. It is a matter of regret that the postures of some developed countries have been at best ambivalent or at worst downright hostile to the involvement of the United Nations system in schemes and programmes encouraging South-South co-operation. It seems inconsistent to contend that developing countries should do more to help themselves and, at the same time, withhold support from, or deliberately obstruct, efforts at assisting the self-reliance of developing countries through the activities of international organizations.
112.	Turning to the course of international political relations over the last year, we note that tension has escalated to new and more dangerous levels, feelings of insecurity have intensified, and an increasingly pervasive fear of the present, and for the future, stalks many a land and grips many a people.
113.	The single most disturbing factor has been the sharp deterioration in the relations between the super-Powers. The rhetoric has been shrill and bristling with hostility. A toning down of that rhetoric in favour of constructive dialogue has long been urged by many of us in the international community. It is good to note that quite recently there has been some indication of the possibility of movement in that direction. Guyana's hope is that this is no mere tactic of the moment.
114.	The armaments culture, especially in the nuclear field, has developed almost with a logic of its own. It is time for the benevolent intervention of human reason for the sake of human survival.
115.	Let us all at this session of the General Assembly issue a stirring call for the embrace of serious dialogue to bring an end to the maddening spiral. I believe that it would be of advantage for the Secretary-General to be given an enhanced role in that dialogue. All humankind has a stake in the successful outcome of such dialogue.
116.	Pursuit of dialogue would acknowledge a concern voiced not only in the corridors of international politics, for in offices, fields and factories, in every aspect of human endeavour, the common people are expressing their deep concern about the threat to human survival. They seek to build restraints on policies which can only lead inexorably to a holocaust. The young people who in 1985 will celebrate International Youth Year stand as a potent challenge to policies which promise them little hope and security and which are not based on an ethic of survival. People all over, including the youth, demand a world which is safe, one which offers more hope for the future. Guyana is on their side.
117.	In the general field of disarmament, there is a curious situation. No Member of the United Nations speaks against disarmament. Yet in the professed cause of security, armaments become more sophisticated and more numerous. At such levels of refinement, the room for error and recall become* considerably reduced. There is, as a result, a corresponding increase of the likelihood that, by some fickle and faltering twist of fortune, war may become the inevitable consequence of miscalculation. In the absence of agreed restraint, such armaments are themselves purveyors of insecurity and vectors of fear.
118.	A prime task is, therefore, to decelerate the feverish preparations for war. International efforts must be urgently intensified to put a stop to the arms race and to accelerate the process towards genuine disarmament.
119.	It is perhaps in the Middle East, a continuing hotbed of tension and instability, that we see demonstrated most vividly the futility of policies which seek security based on force of arms. Durable peace in that region will remain an elusive goal so long as Israel pursues, and is encouraged so to do, policies of occupation and annexation and continues to stifle the genuine political aspirations of the Palestinian people, including their right to a homeland.
120.	I reiterate here Guyana's support for the holding of an international peace conference on the Middle Hast with the participation of all interested parties, including, naturally, the PLO.
121.	The tragic war between Iraq and Iran continues to be a matter of deep concern. Immense losses have been inflicted, and many of us have felt anguish and pain. Its prolongation heightens the level of tension in the region, with consequences already extending well beyond it.
122.	Significant changes have taken place in the economic and political configuration of southern Africa. Certain conjunctural factors have shaped and influenced those developments, but the basic generic problems of colonialism and apartheid persist and fester.
123.	The recent convulsions within the South African society, engendered through protest by the oppressed, stand as incontrovertible evidence of the disposition of the majority of the people of that country. The lukewarm reaction of the so-called Coloureds and the Indians to the vaunted constitutional changes also point unmistakably to the deep malaise that afflicts that society. The vast army of the disenfranchised and despised in South Africa is entitled to ask whether the international community cannot do more to support their own efforts and so hasten the demise of the abominable apartheid system. Condemnation of apartheid is not enough, what is required is practical action to abolish it.
124.	There can be no more temporizing in relation to Namibia. The independence of that country cannot be linked to any extraneous issue. Security Council resolution 43S (1978) must be implemented in its entirety. The people of Namibia, led by SWAPO, must no longer be frustrated in their march to freedom and independence. This vestige of colonialism must be extirpated once and for all.
125.	How much longer must the people of Korea suffer the division of their country? The situation in the peninsula remains tense. It can, however, be improved if sincere efforts are exerted for the peaceful and independent reunification of Korea without outside interference. The proposals made earlier this year by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for tripartite talks are constructive and warrant our support
126.	General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) continues to be the corner-stone for a solution to the Cyprus problem.  Efforts at the implementation of this and other pertinent resolutions have, unfortunately, not yet produced the desired results. Within the past year, the situation has been compounded by unilateral actions by the Turkish Cypriot community, actions which have no legal validity. The Secretary-General has sustained an intimate involvement in the search for a solution, the vicissitudes notwithstanding. We stand firmly behind him in his current initiatives.
127.	My own region, Latin America and the Caribbean, is not immunized from tension and threats to peace and security.
128.	In Central America, radical forces are counter- posed in a deepening crisis. Addressing themselves to this issue, the heads of Government of the Caribbean Community when they met at Nassau in July of this year declared: "Notwithstanding ideological factors, the fundamental crisis faced by the people of that region was rooted in deep-seated social and economic ills." What is of the utmost importance is the avoidance of external military intervention in seeking a solution to that crisis. I wish to reiterate Guyana's support for the efforts of the Contadora Group in its patient search to find peaceful political solutions to the problems of the sub region. All States should respect and fully support those efforts. Indeed, intervention as a policy mechanism must be abandoned in the region as a whole.
129.	The independence and territorial integrity of Belize continue to be under threat from neighbouring Guatemala. Guyana once again affirms its irrevocable support for the desire of the Government and people of Belize to consolidate their independence and to guarantee their territorial integrity.
130.	The explosive events in Grenada nearly a year ago caused deep trauma. The General Assembly gave its own determination on those events. Its records, which include a statement of the position of Guyana, speak for themselves. The Commonwealth heads of Government, when they met at New Delhi in November 1983, agreed, in their Final Communique, that "the emphasis should now be on reconstruction, not recrimination". Guyana has acted within this framework.
131.	The passage of time, in relation to Grenada, can dull the memory and heal wounds, but it should not anaesthetize us to the extent that we either forget lessons or abandon principles. We must take cognizance of the fact that the resolution adopted by the General Assembly is still unfulfilled in all its parts. We must also, in the wake of that circumstance, strengthen the capacity of the United Nations for increasing the security of small States.
132.	For the entire period of Guyana's existence as an independent country, relations with our neighbour, Venezuela, have been dominated by the controversy that has resulted from the Venezuelan contention that the Arbitral Award of 1899 which settled the boundary between our two countries, is null and void. Both the facts of the case and their impact on our relations with Venezuela have been presented by us to the General Assembly for the out three years. We are still some considerable way from reaching an agreement on the basis of which we can lay to rest once and for all this ghost of the past.
133.	Under the terms of the Geneva Agreement of 1966, the Secretary-General has been entrusted with the task of selecting a suitable means of settlement. If the search for a peaceful solution is to be undertaken in earnest, a climate conducive to success is a prerequisite. Suspicion and distrust, which have too often infected past relations, must give way to understanding. Confidence flows from respect.
134.	The Secretary-General was prescient when he asked for and obtained from both countries assurances that we would do everything necessary "in order to foster and maintain the most favourable climate for the effective application of the Geneva Agreement". Guyana gave that assurance readily since it has always been our wish to develop friendly relations with Venezuela. Since early this year, we have noted signs from Caracas of a desire to reciprocate and extend the hand of friendship. As it has consistently in the past, Guyana pledges that it will co-operate fully towards the attainment of a peaceful settlement in an atmosphere of friendship.
135.	The future of international organizations is at this time a matter of major concern, for notions are abroad that these organizations should subscribe to a single ethos and that national priorities must be imposed upon mutual co-operation in the wider context of international peace, security and development. The practice is also recurring among the powerful of bypassing international organizations, such as the United Nations, in settling issues properly the concern of those organizations.
136.	Let us recall that the Charter of the United Nations advocates universality and therefore presupposes pluralism. Diversity of perception, of position and even of posture must therefore logically follow. Thus, if international organizations are to function properly, they must reflect, in debate no less than in decision, the variety of values held by the membership. Therefore to attempt to impose a uniform value system on this or any other international organization is to endeavour to make that organization a clone of that system. Such a development would be contradictory to the purpose of international organizations and therefore self-defeating.
137.	No Member of the Organization can assert with conviction that the United Nations system is sufficient to ensure its security and to protect fully all its interests. But it does provide us all with a forum in which the reconciliation of divergent and sometimes conflicting interests can be engineered. For small States like Guyana, the United Nations is also an important part of our security shield.
138.	International relations are changing and complex. Our ability to cope with such a dynamic situation will be dependent on the capacity and ingenuity applied to adapting institutions to make them more adequately responsive to current needs. To desire that institutions function as if the objective conditions in which they operate are the same today as in times past is to retreat from reality, to indulge in fantasies and to pursue a chimera. But, in seeking to correct deficiencies and make organizations more effective, we must be careful lest in the fervour of our efforts some of us in effect swim against the tide of human development and perhaps inadvertently bring about a roll-back of democracy.
139.	The phenomenon we are dealing with is an assault upon institutions and principles which constitute the very basis of international co-operation. 146. We are also faced with a paradox. The institutions under attack are universalist in nature and generally make extensive use of the majority principle-in decision-making. On the other hand, those institutions based on a different model and dominated by the wielders of economic power are extolled as exemplary.
141.	The paradox of the threat to international co-operation deepens when we consider that there is an acknowledged movement towards greater regional and sub-regional co-operation, especially in the economic and other functional fields. Yet it is precisely at this time of enhanced endeavours at regional cooperation that a retreat from multilateral activities that at once transcend and encompass regional cooperation is being vigorously advocated and pursued.
142.	In promoting effective democratic international organizations, no one calls for the abandonment of the pursuit of national interests. On the other hand, it must surely be possible through commitment and common purpose to utilize international organizations in a way that can smooth the contours of conflict and confrontation and advance the prospects for co-operation.
143.	I suggest that what is required is the elevation to a Universalist plane of the reconciliation of our separate interests and agreement upon appropriate restraints on the application of power in its various forms and manifestations, all in the interest of the common good of mankind.
144.	Next year, the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Charter of the United Nations will be marked. Preparations for that anniversary have already begun. Those celebrations should not be merely ritualistic. They must be invested with meaning and with purpose.
145.	Guyana believes that out of our deliberations this year should come agreement on action for strengthening the United Nations and better realizing the purposes and principles of its Charter. In this context, we should also consider measures which will have as their objective the strengthening of regional and sub-regional organizations and which will assign an enhanced role to the United Nations system.
146.	Since assuming office, the Secretary-General has expressed profound concern for the vitality and effectiveness of the United Nations and has advanced a number of valuable ideas for action by Member States to achieve this end. Once again, in his report on the work of the Organization, he has provided us with a frank and clear analysis of current deficiencies of the United Nations and ourselves and a framework for activities in the future which shows great insight. As he said,
"Let us look back at the road we have travelled, distil the experience and set out again refreshed and with a new determination. The purposes for which the United Nations was set up are essential for the future of our planet. The vision expressed in the Charter remains, and we should rally to it."
147.	There is a serious challenge before us. The imperative is a political no less than a moral one. It is to mobilize the world's people in support of the cause of the United Nations—that of survival, of development and of peace.
148.	The real alternatives are between the maintenance or the quest for supremacy and the building of a co-operative global partnership. I believe that agreed arrangements are possible through the resolute pursuit by all of us of a policy of active and peaceful coexistence. It is, I venture to suggest, a necessary condition of peace and stability and of the real security of all States. But that condition is not sufficient. Such a policy must be buttressed by complementary ones which do not frustrate actual and nascent processes for securing peace.
149.	The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has been in the vanguard of the forces working for a harmonious global environment. That Movement, to which Guyana is proud to belong, brings together the collective experience and yearnings of the peoples of more than 100 countries and movements, we are of different ideological backgrounds, but we share a common platform for peace and common aspirations to development.
150.	Our Movement, which provides a viable alter-native to bloc politics, has, the odds notwithstanding, indefatigably alerted the international community to the prospects of nuclear disaster and fought strenuously for the adoption of genuine and complete disarmament, a task now made most urgent, Despite external and internal difficulties, we as a collectivity have consistently advocated respect for the fundamental principles of independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-intervention and the non- use of force.
151.	Non-alignment has never wavered in its support for the strengthening of the United Nations In the attainment of those objectives. Multilateralism and internationalism beckon us forward.