156. This is the first time I have taken part in the general debate of the Assembly since my appointment as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Co-operation by General Gnassingbe Eyadema, President and founder of the - Rassemblement du peuple togolaise (Togolese People's Rally) and President of the Togolese Republic. I therefore feel all the more the weight of our common responsibility to rebuild our world, which is collapsing under the chaotic convulsions of the repeated crises brought about by our antagonisms, contradictions and dissatisfactions. We must reconstruct our world, not necessarily by applying new concepts, as is advocated by some, but by applying the existing concepts which comprise the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations to which we all subscribe.
157.	You must be aware, Mr. President, that my delegation is full of admiration for your impressive opening statement [1st meeting], in which you analysed, one by one and in an objective manner, the root causes of these crises and their solutions. That statement alone would have been enough to justify your election to guide the debate at this thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. It bears witness to the philosophy that has always served as the basis for your efforts as a representative of your country, Zambia, which shares my own country's faith in the United Nations.
158.	Situated at the heart of the African continent, in a region which is tormented as a result of the culpable arrogance and unjustifiable intransigence of a racist State, the country which it is your honour to represent in this great forum of discussion and dialogue is well known for its dedication to the freedom of peoples, the independence of States and international peace and security. In addition, Zambia is among those African countries which most firmly support the liberation struggle in southern Africa.
159.	I am sure that these assets, combined with your unquestionable intellectual qualities, predispose you, Sir, to discharge with competence, skill and zest the weighty and noble responsibilities with which you are entrusted as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Having warmly congratulated you on your impressive election, I offer you my best wishes for success in your delicate but exalted task.
160.	Imbued with the ideals of peace, justice and freedom—nourished by and nourishing the principles of the Charter—you have acquired a proven competence which, allied with a most engaging personality, commands both respect and esteem. For many years, you have placed that competence at the service of the United Nations, particularly in your role as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, where your tireless efforts have helped to blaze a trail towards the independence of Namibia.
161. I followed with great attention the skill, lucidity and rectitude with which your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, conducted the work of the thirty-eighth session, and I wish to convey to him my great appreciation and sincere congratulations.
162. it is my pleasant duty also to pay a well- deserved tribute to the courage, perspicacity and pragmatism which have characterized the work of the Secretary-General since the thirty-eighth session. He has spared no effort, and has sometimes risked his life, going to crisis zones in order to experience in the field the problems which the United Nations must resolve, whether they be political or economic.
163.	Since 1 come from a country that knows how to appreciate a real friend, I wish particularly to reiterate the sincere thanks of the Government of Togo for the special attention the Secretary-General devoted to our problems during the visit to New York of General Gnassingbe Eyadema, President of the Togolese Republic, and during his own journey to Togo last January.
164.	Welcoming a new Member to the United Nations has always been a time of emotion, emotion which I can hardly restrain as 1 welcome the brother state of Brunei Darussalam, which, we are certain, will fan the flame of the Organization's grand design for universality.
165.	For the thirty-ninth time—above and beyond the political and ideological differences which divide States, notwithstanding the tensions which are rending asunder a perpetually changing world, and despite the imperfections, failures and disappointments which have characterized certain actions taken in conformity with the purposes of the United Nations—the General Assembly is taking up the challenge facing the Organization.
166.	For the thirty-ninth time we are assembled in this forum of discussion and dialogue to seek solutions in keeping with the many problems of our age. That search will be meaningful and effective only if our approach to the burning questions of our time leaves aside all complacency and demagogy, as well as all self-seeking partisan doctrines, in order to result in courageous, realistic conclusions reflecting a spirit of synthesis and compromise.
167.	Because of their urgency and persistence and the variety of their repercussions, the challenges now facing mankind cry out to the universal conscience. Friendship among peoples and co-operation among nations no longer seem to derive from the indisputable interdependence which governs relations among States. Solidarity—the corollary of complementarity—has been cast adrift. The boldest and most generous declarations of intent no longer suffice to mask a steadily worsening ill.
168.	The international economic crisis is the major challenge of our time, because it is a challenge to the progress and well-being of mankind, and it is heightening the selfishness of the wealthy countries and thereby complicating and multiplying the financial difficulties of the developing countries.
169.	As a challenge to world stability and equilibrium, the pursuit of the unrestrained arms race is becoming a substitute for the dialogue of the deaf which persists between the super-Powers.
170.	As a challenge to the flourishing of the noble ideals of the United Nations and particularly to human rights, the abject policy of apartheid is now further refining its devious manoeuvres by conferring upon itself a bogus democratic aura.
171.	By both their duration and their state of deadlock, the many local conflicts which are a threat to international peace and security are tending to become established as necessary evils, whereas in fact they are the gangrenous parts of the international community.
172.	One might be inclined to regard all this as a new alarmist refrain. This recital of risks, dangers and challenges may be written off by some as an example of anachronistic fatalism, of excessive pessimism.
173.	Consistently guided by its profound faith in the virtues of peace and solidarity among peoples, Togo, my country, could not fail to draw the attention of this Assembly to the upheavals which now contribute to the weakening of the international community and the stifling of its conscience.
174.	The tensions which are shaking the African continent continue to give rise to serious concern in the international community. In southern Africa, the white racist regime of Pretoria continues stubbornly to press the imposition of its alleged prerogatives: the policy of apartheid and the blocking of the process of genuine decolonization in Namibia.
175.	The South African leaders, seeking to adapt themselves to the upsurge of the heroic struggle of the Coloured people against racial discrimination, have seen fit to confer a democratic veneer on the regime by electing a three-chamber Parliament, associating whites, Coloureds and Indians but excluding the blacks, who make up 73 per cent of the population.
176.	The impressive success of the boycott by the Coloured and Indian communities of this parody of an election and the recent riots organized by the blacks have set in motion a mechanism of savage repression which reveals the failure and panic of white power.
177.	This admission of failure and this panic is clearly indicated by the promise made by the South African Head of State concerning the subsequent improvement of the fate of the blacks and of their future representation in Parliament, accompanied by reservations as to the difference to be established between this type of representation ' representation of the Coloureds and Indiana
178.	Togo, for its part, regards these expedient modifications as new manoeuvres by South Africa to mislead international public opinion about the development of	In fact, the system has not been fundamentally modified at all by these bogus reforms, which, ironically, are rejected by the great majority of those for whom they were devised.
179.	The internal policies of South Africa are thus characteristic of the will of the	regime to maintain the pre-eminence of white power. This will manifest itself externally by continued nuclear cooperation with Israel, co-operation which the Togolese Government vigorously condemns in the light of the grave threat which it poses to peace and security in Africa.
180.	In regard to Namibia, by demanding as a precondition of self-determination for the Territory the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, South Africa is trying desperately to delay the inevitable and avoid decolonization, which would not have the blessing of the	regime.
181.	However, the implacable struggle of the South West Africa People's Organization [.SW^FO], the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, is an essential parameter which makes the accession of Namibia to true independence quite inevitable.
182.	In this regard, the position of the Togolese Government has always been clear. SWAPO enjoys the unswerving support of Togo, and the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) cannot be linked to the withdrawal of Cuban troops, whose presence is legally justified by the existence of an agreement entered into by Angola and Cuba as sovereign nations.
183.	Moreover, the Togolese Government appreciates the underlying motives which led Angola and Mozambique to conclude the Lusaka and Nkomati agreements. While not calling into question the continuance and the successful conclusion of the liberation struggle of SWAPO and the African National Congress of South Africa, those agreements have the advantage of keeping the peace in the region.
184.	The crisis in Chad, another Gordian knot in the African continent, could move towards a settlement if the decision arrived at recently between France and Libya were to be effectively implemented and if all troops were to be simultaneously with drawn from Chadian territory after 27 September.
185.	With regard to Western Sahara, the hope generated by the resolution adopted by a broad consensus at the nineteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983, seems to have been dashed as a result of the refusal of one of the parties to the conflict to sit down at the negotiating table with representatives of the Frente POLISARIO to make possible the exercise of the right of self-determination by the Saharan people.
186.	My country, which respects the principles which govern inter-State relations and particularly the right of self-determination of peoples, was one of the first States to recognize the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic. However, when it became necessary, in the interest of moderation and conciliation, the Togolese Government did not hesitate to attempt, with other African countries, to persuade the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic to freeze temporarily its participation in the work of the pan-African organization in order to avoid the paralysis of that organization.
187.	Togo, which is faithful to its commitments, continues to be open to any new initiatives designed to secure common understanding among the parties to the conflict and self-determination for the Saharan people.
188. The Middle East, which has been a turbulent region for more than 30 years, this year again witnessed dramatic upheavals. The intransigence of the expansionist policy of Israel is the prime obstacle to peace and security in that region. In the view of the Togolese Government, the right of Israel to its identity as a State within secure and internationally recognized borders does not exclude the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination within the framework of an independent and sovereign State. As long as Israel persists in its determination to destroy the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, peace in the Middle East will continue to be an absolute myth.
189.	The voice of reason and wisdom therefore recommends that all the parties involved in the Middle East conflict as well as all the parties interested and concerned work for a peaceful, comprehensive settlement of the crisis within the frame work of an international conference on Palestine.
190.	The latest developments in Israeli politics seem to suggest that Israeli forces will be withdrawn from Lebanon. Togo therefore appeals to the new Government of national unity to put into effect its planned withdrawal as soon as possible. Such a venture would greatly contribute to a lessening of tensions in the region and the restoration of political stability to Lebanon.
191.	In Asia, foreign interference continues to sabotage the search for solutions to the grave crises in the region, while a most devastating armed conflict continues.
192.	Because it was clearly seen to be a new form of interventionism, the occupation of Afghanistan by foreign troops was condemned almost unanimously by the members of the international community. Persistence in the occupation of Afghanistan constitutes defiance of international law and of General Assembly decisions. It is therefore necessary that political and strategic calculations yield to the complete withdrawal of foreign troops in order to enable the Afghan people freely to determine their own destiny without any foreign interference.
193.	By turning a deaf ear to the appeals made to them by the international community for the implementation of the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session [resolution 35/6], as well as the decisions of the International Conference on Kampuchea, held in New York in July 1981, the States involved in the occupation of that country have rendered themselves guilty of a permanent violation of an essential provision of the Charter of the United Nations.
194.	Faithful to its traditional position, Togo cannot be stinting in its support for the heroic liberation efforts of Kampuchea to rid itself of the foreign yoke and to maintain its seat in the United Nations.
195.	The Togolese Government also appeals to the Government of Viet Nam to recognize the legitimacy of the tripartite coalition directed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk.
196.	The persistence of the division of Korea into two States continues to be a source of frustration for the Korean people, who rightly call for the independent and peaceful reunification of their country. In this regard, the Togolese Government views the eradication of harmful foreign influences and the determination to overcome political and ideological divergencies as prerequisites of direct negotiations between the two Governments on the basis of the proposals made by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
197.	It is essential that the international community, which has always viewed the consequences of the continuing armed conflict between Iran and Iraq as one of its crucial concerns, bring the two parties to the conflict to consider as binding the decisions and resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly.
198.	Because of our powerlessness or our indifference, we are now witnessing as spectators but also as accomplices an intolerable tragedy: that of two countries which have poured their human resources, their national wealth, their creative genius and patriotism, their human, economic, military, intellectual and psychological potential, into a ruthless war, a war which continues to cause a distressing haemorrhage in terms of violations of humanitarian law and which sometimes .-minds us of the worst moments of the Second World War.
199.	As the Head of the Togolese State has said about the horrors of war: "One always knows when and where it will start, but one never knows when and where it will finish."
200.	To the thousands of men, women and children who have already fallen on the battlefields of Iran and Iraq—the victims of the intransigencies of their countries—there will unfailingly be added many others. Hundreds of thousands of people will fall unless the international community reacts vigorously—in other words, if the international community does not take an immediate, concrete and realistic initiative to bring the two parties to respect a truce capable of leading to peaceful negotiations.
201.	As the safety of navigation of oil tankers is seriously threatened in the Persian Gulf because of this situation, there is a grave danger that in due course this armed conflict will come to our very doors and even lead to a cataclysm of frightful scope and intensity.
202.	My delegation is therefore determined to lend its support to any effort to stop the human and material blood-letting caused by the Iran-Iraq war.
203.	My delegation continues also to be concerned about the question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). It is high time this question found a peaceful solution. Togo reiterates its appeal to the Governments of the United Kingdom and Argentina to resolve by negotiation this question, which has caused immense material damage and loss of life.
204.	The international crisis which is disorganizing and threatening to shake the economic and social structures of the nations is now joined for the developing countries, particularly some countries of Africa, by another scourge, the scourge of drought, which afflicts more and more widespread regions and is causing an apocalyptic prospect for the future.
205.	No one can remain insensitive to this unspeakable misery that is afflicting these underprivileged areas. It is for the international community to mobilize itself and show active solidarity to provide urgent solutions for the acute problem of drought.
206.	This is certainly the proper place to pay a well- deserved tribute to the Secretary-General, who made a personal visit to the drought-stricken countries in order to see for himself the real state of affairs and in order to be better equipped to seek, with the countries concerned and the international community, ways and means of putting an end to this calamity, which is intimately connected with the problem of hunger.
207.	It is also fitting to pay a tribute to the developed countries which have generously and of their own accord responded to the Secretary-General's appeal by taking concrete, effective action to relieve the hunger and the sufferings of the victims of this disaster.
208.	Just as the problem of drought is intimately linked with the painful problem of hunger, this latter problem m tum brings to mind another notion, that of solidarity—in other words, that of international economic co-operation. No one now can seriously question the necessary complementarity between States and peoples. "Necessary" is a word I use advisedly in its prime sense, meaning that it is required of us all. Because we cannot deny the complementary nature of the problem, which is evident from the facts, it is essential for us to become aware of this reality and to move from the phase of pious wishes to a rational reorganization of the world economy. Of course, this requires courage—the courage to rid oneself of national self-seeking. It means that the Governments must persuade their peoples of this truth, namely, that no nation, however powerful, could develop and defend its own interests indefinitely and in an isolated manner without consideration for the interests of other nations, and in a manner detrimental to them.
209.	How, in this context, when the world is stricken with hunger and drought, can one understand the political blindness of the Powers that are investing fabulous amounts of money in the arms race—an arms race which is a constant danger to the human species, hanging over it, like the sword of Damocles, with its spectre of death and destruction; an arms race which is diverting from the sphere of development vast amounts of money which it is unnecessarily absorbing?
210.	As a corollary to the quest for peace, security and economic co-operation, one must therefore raise the struggle to the level of men's minds in order to bring about full-scale disarmament. Togo reiterates its appeal to the super-Powers to continue the negotiations which will gradually lead to that final phase.
211.	It is well known that dedication to international al peace and security is one of the sacred values underlying Togo's foreign policy. That is why, in order to help promote an increased awareness of the problems of disarmament, my country at the beginning of August this year organized at Lome a National Seminar on Peace and Disarmament with the effective participation of the Secretary-General.
212.	The Lome Peace Message, which was the final document of that important Seminar recommends, as a way of promoting research on peace and of intensifying the information campaign on disarmament throughout Africa, the establishment at Lome of a regional institute for research on peace and disarmament. It also recommends the organization in Togo early in 1985—the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations—of a regional seminar on peace and disarmament involving the States members of the Economic Community of West African States and the Economic Community of Central African States, with the assistance of the United Nations. Lastly, the message appeals urgently to the super-Powers to ensure that their ideological differences do not prevail over the real problems— those of peace and security and of economic and social development.
213.	It is distressing to see the number and magnitude of the conflicts which are shaking our planet and the ills that man has brought upon himself. It is distressing to see that the world has learned no lesson from the horrors and desolation which it has suffered and which led, indeed, to the establishment of the United Nations,
214.	However naive our efforts might seem to cynics, Togo, my country, considers it its duty to refer to the threat of total destruction that hangs over mankind and to the noble ideals of international peace and security which the United Nations has sworn to uphold as the most precious possession of ail. That threat still hovers over us. Togo also feels it to be its duty to appeal for a rapid awakening of consciences, for the establishment of active solidarity and international co-operation. Moreover, that is what the Secretary-General called for in his report on the work of the Organization submitted to the thirty- seventh session of the General Assembly. May the conscience of mankind awake before it is too late.


Mr, President, allow me at the outset to extend to you the very warm congratulations of the delegation of Burma on your unanimous election to the high office which you hold. Your vast experience in the activities of the United Nations and your diplomatic skill and perception are certainly well known to all of us, and it is most fitting that you should preside over the thirty- ninth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that under your able guidance the deliberations of this session will help further to develop and consolidate moves towards a more peaceful world.
2.	The delegation of Burma also takes this opportunity to pay a tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Jorge Illueca, whose distinguished services have contributed in no small measure to the successful conclusion of the session of the Assembly that has recently ended.
3.	We should also like to say how glad we are to welcome Brunei Darussalam to the family of the United Nations. We offer our warm felicitations and friendly greetings to its delegation, whose presence in our midst will surely give added strength and be a positive contribution to the Organization.
4.	We meet in the Assembly once again to examine collectively the problems of our time and, it is to be hoped, exercise our influence for the betterment of world conditions. We are gathered here together in the belief that all Member States, be they big or small, powerful or weak, rich or poor, have a shared responsibility to make their contribution to the achievement of the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations. The fact that 159 Member States, irrespective of differences in their political, economic and social systems, gather here each year is proof enough of the interest of Governments in seeing the continuance of the United Nations system as a pervasive force in maintaining world peace. Hope is therefore kindled anew that with the development of mutual understanding and co-operation and the fostering of a spirit of compromise, which are essential for the success of the Charter, the welter of conflicting interests of many nations and peoples may find a degree of order and harmony.
5.	Many are aware of these requirements, but the irony is that we have so far failed to translate this awareness into practice. The effectiveness of the United Nations in fulfilling its role is also largely determined by the political and power realities of the world environment in which we live. Unhappily, factors in the international climate have not helped the Organization to measure up to the magnitude and nobility of its tasks.
6.	The delegation of Burma would therefore venture to think aloud and suggest that, when the Assembly considers many of the items on its agenda, it is of vital importance to take note of the global perspective and search deeply for the root causes, instead of the mere surface symptoms. Nor is it enough to reiterate the lofty principles and ideals of the Charter, which embody the hopes and dreams of mankind and especially of the small nations, for which they represent a safe haven in the stormy seas of fast and far-reaching changes. The Charter, often quoted, is all too readily ignored, misinterpreted or even brushed aside when it seems to stand in the way of some nations all too obsessed with self-interest or emboldened by their strength and power.
7.	If we are to see the United Nations develop into a really effective instrument for the performance of the functions outlined in the Chatter, it is our duty as Member States to endeavour to be more worthy of the principles and more loyal to the purposes of the Charter. No organization with aims so sublime can hope to fulfil its promise without the whole-hearted support and commitment of its membership.
8.	The General Assembly embarks on its thirty- ninth session at grips with a whole range of problems and issues that transcend geographical and ideological borders and call for a new dimension in international co-operation.
9.	The increasing crisis in international, political and economic relations reflects the slow and painful progress of nations and mankind. Of particular concern is the political tension and growing incidence of aggression in many areas of the world. Equally upsetting are the un-remedied economic disparities between the rich and the poor nations and the growing inequality of international economic relations.
10.	As at past sessions, once again the General Assembly is exposed to the same unresolved issues which have been on the agenda for several years. The pattern of difficulties faced by the United Nations in resolving them stems largely from the seriously deteriorating state of relations between the superpowers, which are the leading Members of the world Organization. The essential co-operation between them has given way to confrontation, which has retarded the work of the General Assembly. The inter-bloc politics which they personify have also hampered the normal functioning of international relations. The prospects of an early solution to the many questions on the Assembly's agenda will not be bright so long as this climate prevails. Surely, it is in the genuine interest not only of the super-Powers but of the entire world community that they should re-establish a working relationship.
11.	It is in this spirit that the delegation of Burma welcomes the recent resumption of the high-level talks in Washington between the Soviet Union and the United States. These talks may or may not have any immediate palpable or dramatic impact on the scope and direction of the deliberations which the Assembly is about to embark upon. It must also be recognized that the assessments of such possible impact could well be quite varied and naturally far from identical. Notwithstanding these facts, the fact that these regular talks should once again have become feasible after a lapse of a considerable number of years should in itself be a source of gratification for us all. It is to be hoped that they will prove to be a harbinger of a new era marked by more intensified co-operation, better understanding and a spirit of mutual accommodation not only between the two super-Powers but between all nations of the world. The delegation of Burma therefore considers the holding of the high-level talks as a step in the right direction which will surely help to place the present state of affairs in the world on a more even keel.
12.	It is not enough to content ourselves with merely passing resolutions. The time has come, we believe, for a more conceptually clear and operatively more effective response to the numerous challenges and dilemmas of contemporary world problems. The time has also come for the two super-Powers to ponder the possibility of placing their relations upon a new basis so that they might be put on a more stable and constructive footing.
13.	Seen in this perspective, the Secretary-General's call for holding a meeting of the Security Council at the highest level is both timely and important for the development of an effective common approach to contemporary world problems. I; would be a tremendous boost to the United Nations processes if the permanent members of the Security Council were forthcoming in support of the Secretary-General.
14.	Need we recall that the United Nations was founded on the assumption that the permanent members would remain united, beyond their wartime coalition and, with the United Nations as the instrument, strive in mutual efforts to ensure world peace and contribute to a system of universal collective security. So far, this assumption has proved illusory.
15.	We live in a dangerous era. The most important and pressing problem of our times—the achievement of nuclear disarmament—does not appear to be receiving the attention it deserves. Tue world com-munity is unhappy about this situation. The negotiating processes between the two super-Powers have been at a standstill ever since the breakdown of their nuclear disarmament talks in November last year. Not only is the essential element of mutual trust completely absent; it has been replaced by complete mistrust. It is a distressing paradox of the world today that all these years, in spite of the endless flow of talks, of conferences and well-meaning sentiment in the pursuit of nuclear disarmament, we are no further removed from the threat of nuclear war and no nearer towards promise of its solution. We are now well through the fourth nuclear decade and the world community has yet to arrange its affairs in such a way as to shackle the nuclear threat forever.
16.	From day to day, we witness the growing intensity of the arms race, which increasingly reduces world stability and endangers the survival of mankind. The world bristles with a whole range of armaments as each side seeks to match the other in keeping up the military balance of power. The awful danger of the present approach to military balance is that it goes on prodding each side to arm themselves. Each party is bent on outdoing the other in the invention of ever newer types of virulent weapons and systems. As we see it, this posture cannot lead us anywhere except into a hopeless maze of arming and counter-arming out of which it will be very difficult to emerge. It may well condemn both sides to an arms race in perpetuity.
17.	The lesson of balance, as commonly perceived, carries with it a demand for co-ordination, for interrelationships and intercommunication between various domains, if meaningful equilibrium and stabilization are to be achieved. We see no alternative to negotiations between the super-Powers, and their alliances, so as to arrive at just such a mutual achievement if world peace and security are to be assured.
18.	An increasingly acute problem is the prevention of an arms race in outer space. The delegation of Burma joins others in expressing deep concern over the dangers connected with the militarization of outer space. Space-borne systems have a two-sided function, for either benign or offensive operations. It is extremely difficult to make a clear distinction between their military and civilian uses. As such, the extent to which the world community stands to benefit or be endangered by rapidly developing space technology depends very much on whether the foremost space Powers are co-operative or antagonistic in their use of space. Concern for the welfare of mankind dictates that they co-operate.
19.	Let me now turn very briefly to some of the problems which preoccupy the Assembly at successive sessions. These include the Middle East and Palestinian problems, the conflict between Iran and Iraq, the questions of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, and the unresolved question of independence for Namibia.
20.	It is difficult to foresee just how these many specific problems can be resolved effectively without the co-ordination of joint political action on the part of the principal opponents. Each situation tends to become entrenched in their positions with the passage of time and compounded by ever-new developments adding to their complexity. The more they become protracted the more they become vulnerable to the diplomatic gambits and stratagems in the interplay of world politics. While the contestants involved contend, and we, here in the Assembly, hopefully debate and draft our texts carefully, the victims of the situations continue to suffer. To them, the desperate need is to survive and live in peace.
21.	The present difficulties between various States are to a large extent due to the failure to uphold the principles of mutual respect for each other's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and of non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Both are cardinal norms of international conduct. We must recognize that if States fail to tolerate and respect the rights of other States to ways of life they cannot and do not share, then we shall be no nearer to realizing the high hopes and ideals of mutual cooperation and mutual endeavour envisaged in the Charter of the United Nations.
22.	The search for a Middle East peace settlement remains a vital concern of the world community. However, the Assembly must face up to the fact that there is as yet no solution in sight. The prospects for a settlement continue to be elusive, owing to the complexities of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the uncertain path of developments in Lebanon.
23.	The most important aspects of any settlement in the Arab-Israeli conflict are the right of every State in the Middle East, including Israel, to exist in peace within secure and recognized borders and the right of the Palestinians to self-determination. No progress can be made without an agreement which guarantees to both the Israelis and the Palestinians the right to security and the right to exist in their own State.
24.	A related question is the control of territories. While Israel's central concern is for the attainment of security, the primary concern of the Arabs is the return of the lost territories. As it stands, essential steps for progress require that Israel withdraw its forces from territories occupied in 1967, change its policies of incorporating Palestinian lands into its State and halt the establishment of new settlements in these territories. Equally, it would be up to the Palestinians to state explicitly and clearly their willingness to recognize the right of Israel to a secure existence. The reality of the situation calls for the possibility of such an accommodation. Unhappily, the present attitude of both sides does not hold any promise of development along these lines.
25.	As regards the situation in Lebanon, the over-riding concern is to restore to the country its full sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence. The factor of internal sectarian strife must somehow be overcome by a process of national reconciliation so as to help to extend the authority of the legitimate Government and ensure the withdrawal of foreign forces from the country.
26.	At present we face stagnation in the entire Middle East situation. The recent visits of the Secretary-General to the region in pursuit of a framework for a renewed Middle East peace conference are a welcome initiative in the right direction. The problems of the Middle East have been with the Assembly for the past 36 years. To our mind, the question of convening an international conference for peace in the Middle East cannot be excluded for all time if we are to work for the goal of a comprehensive and lasting settlement.
27.	The delegation of Burma shares the concern of the world community over the escalation of the Iran- Iraq conflict, which has dragged on for the past four years. The recent attacks by both sides on neutral ships in an international waterway show how potentially dangerous the situation has become. It threatens to bring an international dimension to the conflict and clearly points to the urgency of halting the hostilities by peaceful means before the pressure of events leads to a wider confrontation.
28.	For six years the General Assembly has been concerned with the questions of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. Both situations continue to cause tensions and threaten regional peace and stability. Like the rest of the members of the Assembly, we are anxious to see improvements in the prospects for peace and a negotiated political solution of the two problems. Despite diplomatic initiatives from time to time to secure movement by all parties concerned, no formula has emerged to bring about a process of negotiation.
29.	The position of the delegation of Burma is simple. Our wish is to see a political settlement in Afghanistan and Kampuchea on the basis of the withdrawal of all foreign forces and full respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of both States. Our wish is to see a process of reconciliation and the restoration of unity to the peoples of Afghanistan and Kampuchea and the return of conditions in which they can work out their own destiny free from all external interference and pressures. It is a sad state of affairs when the people of both States are being uprooted and continue to suffer from deprivation and hardship. We are therefore very much distressed at the  protracted conflict and unresolved nature of the situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea.
30.	Again this year, there is no immediate prospect of Namibia achieving independent statehood. Over the past several years, the Assembly has repeatedly given expression to the Namibian people's inalienable right to freedom, independence and territorial integrity, including Walvis Bay, and under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]. Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which provides a United Nations framework for Namibia's independence, has been accepted in principle by all the relevant parties as a basis for settlement. However, South Africa has not shown the least inclination to change course, but insists on broadening the question by injecting extraneous issues as a prerequisite for Namibia's independence. This linkage is incompatible with the letter and spirit of resolution 435 (1978) and constitutes an impediment to the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. Furthermore, no breakthrough has been achieved in the direct talks which took place this year between South Africa and the parties seeking independence for Namibia. We see no progress likely until South Africa reverses its position and forgoes its repeated assertion that Cuban troops must be removed from Angola before it withdraws from Namibia.
31.	In South Africa today, the Government's apartheid policy continues to exclude the majority buck population from constitutional reform with a view to creating the so-called independent homelands. As such, there is as yet no sign of South Africa turning away from its basic policy of apartheid, which is institutionalized racial discrimination and universally condemned. South Africa's contemptuous defiance of the world's moral indignation is a matter of increasing concern to all nations of good will which believe in the essential worth and dignity of the human person. The world would be happy if South Africa conformed with reality, abandoned its policy of apartheid and worked for a more constructive relationship with its neighbours.
32.	Permit me to make a few brief remarks on the world economic situation. There is no doubt that, to the greater majority of the world's people, the main issue that interests them is the economic situation, and not so much the political. The ends for which people strive are food, work, security and housing, which taken together mean freedom from want and the right to survive. To a certain extent, the present processes in the economic sphere are somewhat a paradox. After 30 years of development-related international conferences, of summits, strategies and economic expansion, the results so far achieved have been minimal for the majority of the world's people, principally those living in the developing countries. There is today no unity, but disorder, in the world economic situation. Nations compete against nations and man competes against man, in a desperate effort to establish economic stability and security.
33.	Since the start of the 1970s, the world economy has struggled from crisis to crisis and has spared no nation or region from the consequences of economic turbulence. The energy crisis, the collapse of the world monetary-financial system, and the serious structural disturbances arising therefrom, have led to the emergence of recessions, which have culminated in the present world economic crisis.
34.	Having experienced two major recessions in the past 10 years, the world economy is now considered to have registered a measure of recovery. This may be visible m the economies of the major developed countries but does not sufficiently hold true for the rest of the world, the developing world. We understand that even in the economically more advanced countries there is widespread doubt about the stability of the current trend. The prospects for a sustained recovery remain precarious because of the high interest rates pursued in the domestic policies of the world's strongest economic power. This has reduced the scope for and increased the cost of investments in the economies of both developed and developing countries. Without an increase in productive investments it would be difficult to overcome the present economic crisis.
35.	The world-wide recessions have had a damaging impact on almost all developing countries. The issue before the Assembly is how to reduce the developing world's predicament. To our mind, the current image of the world economy is not encouraging at all for them. Their economies are still marked by low growth, adverse external factors and problems in attaining a satisfactory balance-of-payments situation. Falling prices of primary commodities, together with declining export volumes and adverse terms of trade, have all compounded their external imbalance. Having to curb their essential imports for the familiar reason of balance of payments, their development efforts have undergone serious set-backs. They face difficulties in obtaining investment for development and in providing employment for their growing labour force.
36.	The central problem in the world economy today is the international debt situation of the developing countries. Many countries are just unable to repay their debts in the face of high interest rates and reduced export earnings, the only source from which debts can be serviced internationally. Massive debt rescheduling is also increasing accumulated debts. International lending, once perceived as a principal instrument for the stimulation of economic growth, has become today the factor causing a reverse flow of capital and retarding the growth prospects of developing countries.
37.	As we see it, there can be no lasting world economic recovery without a solution to the international debt problem. And the problem of debt cannot be resolved without structural adjustments for a more balanced financial and monetary system and the revival of world trade.
38.	We believe that the world economy is at an acute phase of a changing process in international economic relations. The economic upheavals faced by the world community in the last several years have enabled us to understand the interdependence which inextricably links all nations, both developed and developing. The dimension of mutual dependence has been discovered and come to be accepted as a reality. We live in an interdependent world of problems which require mutual accommodation. We would hope that this mutual interdependence can be transformed into active solidarity and collective response to a world which is badly in need of restructuring of the pattern of international economic co-operation.
39.	In concluding, the delegation of Burma wishes to place on record its appreciation, surely shared by others, of the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General aimed at the achievement of a constructive course in world affairs. His recent visit, on a personal mission, to the Middle East, his talks with the leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States, his successful initiative concerning the halting of attacks on civilian targets in the Iran-Iraq war, and his ongoing efforts to solve the Cyprus problem are praiseworthy moves which have not gone unnoticed. He has brought new confidence to the office he occupies. We venture to express the hope that the Secretary-General's earnest endeavours will be rewarded with concrete results.


At the outset, allow me to say how happy we are to note that the representative of a nation with which the Netherlands maintains very cordial relations occupies the presidency at this thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that the wisdom and considerable experience of the United Nations that made him such an effective President of the Economic and Social Council in 1981 will enable Mr. Lusaka to guide the representatives of the 159 nations represented in this Hall painlessly, if not effortlessly, through the months that lie ahead.
2.	Allow me also to extend my country's warmest congratulations to the new Member of the United Nations, Brunei Darussalam.
3.	Yesterday, my colleague from Ireland, Mr. Barry, addressed the Assembly on behalf of the European Community and its member States. There is therefore no need for me to go over all the ground covered by him in his statement. Let me therefore concentrate on the functioning and future of the Organization to which we continue to attach so much importance. In this context, I should like to make a few remarks on international issues about which we are particularly concerned.
4.	The theme for the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations is apparently going to be "United Nations for a better world". Would it not be more appropriate to say "We, the United Nations, for a better world"? Surely it is up to us, its Members, to be truly united in our efforts to shape a better world. After all, the Organization is no more than a tool in our hands and the United Nations can hope to be effective only to the extent that its Members allow it to be so. In the words of the Charter, "We the peoples of the United Nations" resolved to combine our efforts to accomplish our common aims and we therefore agreed to establish this international Organization. Its fundamental objectives are to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights and to promote social progress and better standards of life m larger freedom. The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations should be the occasion for a critical analysis of what we have been able to do in pursuit of those objectives.
5.	Having said that, I would not wish to convey the impression that there is little or nothing to be grateful for. In his report on the work of the Organization the Secretary General rightly points to the credit side of the balance sheet. I recall decolonization, peacekeeping operations, and human rights and, last but not least, the large number of occasions on which the Security Council has been able to deal effectively with complicated conflict situations. Furthermore, there is the valuable work of the specialized agencies in the fields of economic development and humanitarian assistance.
6.	However, criticism of the United Nations is possibly stronger and more widespread today than at any moment since 1945. I need not enumerate the shortcomings of the Organization, nor would it be very fruitful to try to draw up a catalogue of our failures and disappointments. Most of us are only too familiar with these problems. But what seems to be lacking, in our opinion, is a sense of purpose, the political will to overcome our difficulties by common endeavour. Over the years, this has led to a gradual erosion of confidence in the Organization, which, in tum, has resulted in a retreat from internationalism and multilateralism—a process to which the Secretary General rightly draws our attention in his report.
7.	Indeed, there is growing concern about the effectiveness of the United Nations as a framework for international cooperation, even to the extent that some see only diminishing returns in the search for solutions to the many problems we are facing today. The problem can undoubtedly be attributed in part to factors beyond the control of the United Nations, such as, for instance, the state of bilateral relations between States. The argument cannot stop there, however. The United Nations has an important role to play in the field of international cooperation, and its malfunctioning should be a point of major concern to the world Organization. It would seem to us that a careful examination of what went wrong and of what can be done to enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations could have a salutary effect on its future functioning. I am convinced that the United Nations continues to be indispensable and that it can only emerge from a process of self-examination a stronger and healthier organization.
8.	A basic prerequisite for the proper functioning of a world body is respect for the principle of universality. Unfortunately, time and again we are confronted with proposals in various organs of the United Nations which run counter to that principle. If Members continue to lay the axe to the tree, the tree will die. Hence my plea to reflect carefully upon the consequences of our actions. Honestly, I fear that in that case the very future of the United Nations is at stake.
9.	In this context, I should like to express regret that the Republic of Korea has not yet been admitted as a full Member. Membership should be open also to North Korea if and when it desires it. Furthermore, we hope that the time is not far off when North Korea and South Korea will be able to sit down at the conference table so as to solve their outstanding differences.
10.	At the end of this year, our term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council will come to a close. A thoughtful observer once remarked that "to be elected to the Council is a privilege, and the general corpus of the United Nations would expect a country elected to [the] Council for two years to be fully and continuously worthy of this privilege". I hope that the Netherlands passed the test successfully.
11.	Prompted by the Secretary General’s 1982 report on the work of the Organization,' the Security Council has made an effort to reflect upon ways and means to enhance its effectiveness. Much to our regret, however, the Council has been unable to formulate any truly meaningful proposals. Needless to say, we, for our part, shall continue to look for opportunities to attain acceptance of at least some of the valuable suggestions contained in the Secretary General's report. The best hope of restoring the Council's role as an effective instrument of international diplomacy lies in the readiness of Member States to make use extensively, but also constructively, of the procedures set forth in the Charter of the United Nations.
12.	However, the Security Council is frequently bypassed because of a profound distrust of the objectivity of the United Nations. The Council cannot carry out its mandate without the full political support of the major Powers in particular. This requires the serious engagement of those Powers in the work of the Council. United Nations mediation cannot and should not be the panacea in each and every international conflict. Bilateral and regional arrangements have an important role to play m the search for peaceful solutions to problems between nations. This cannot alter the fact that the Security Council continues to bear primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security in the world, especially in the case of serious conflicts. It should be self-evident that those who fail to abide by Security Council resolutions contribute by their action to the erosion of the authority of the Council. The gravity of this practice would seem to warrant particular attention's being paid to it.
13.	The situation in southern Africa remains on the agenda of the Security Council. South Africa's refusal to implement Council resolution 435 (1978), thereby delaying Namibia's independence, is a clear violation of the commitment of Member States to give effect to Council resolutions. We, for our part, continue to favour the imposition of further selective mandatory sanctions against South Africa as long as the South African Government continues to persist in denying the majority of its citizens their fundamental rights.
14.	The Netherlands has consistently advocated an extension of the existing mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. In this respect, I should like to remind the Assembly of our efforts to arrive at a ban on arms imports from South Africa.
15.	As far as the problems besetting the Middle East are concerned, my colleague from Ireland has set out the position of the 10 member States of the European Community in detail, but I should like to add a word on the United Nations peacekeeping efforts in the Middle East. Shortly, the Security Council will have to consider the possibility of a revitalisation of the role of UNIFIL. Withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon will provide the Council with a unique opportunity to re-establish UNIFIL as the guarantor of peace and security in its area of operations. We feel that this opportunity should be exploited to the full.
16.	As to the war between Iran and Iraq, we felt encouraged by the acceptance by both sides of United Nations observers to monitor the undertaking of those two countries to refrain from attacks on civilian population centres. The search for peace between Iran and Iraq would be greatly enhanced by the readiness of both parties to make the fullest possible use of the instruments of the United Nations. We, for our part, continue to look with admiration to the secretary General’s endeavours to try and bring about an end to this conflict.
17.	In Central America, the Contadora Group of countries is developing a comprehensive scheme for the establishment of peace and stability in the region. I am heartened by the progress being achieved in finalizing the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America [see A/39/562] When called upon to do so, the United Nations should lend its fullest support to the efforts of the Contadora countries, thereby encouraging the search for regional solutions to regional problems.
18.	From the very beginning, nuclear disarmament has figured prominently on the agenda of the General Assembly, and quite rightly so. The destructiveness of these weapons confronts us with unprecedented dilemmas and makes it highly imperative that every effort be made to reduce to a minimum the risk of these weapons being used. Surely, our principal objective remains the achievement of stability at the lowest possible level. This can be achieved only through negotiations. We therefore fully support the appeal made by the President of the United States in his address to the Assembly [4th meeting] regarding the need to broaden the East West dialogue, which in turn should lead to the resumption of negotiations.
19.	An aspect of the present situation which is of particular concern to us in the Netherlands is the unacceptable superiority of the Soviet Union in land based intermediate range nuclear missiles. We earnestly hope that the United States and the Soviet Union will be able to reach agreement on the substantial reduction—and preferably the complete elimination—of this category of weapons. We attach great importance to the achievement of such an outcome. However, should the Soviet Union continue to expand its SS20 arsenal, the Netherlands Government would feel obliged to participate in the deployment of such weapons.
20.	The Conference on Disarmament, meeting at Geneva, embodies the vital interests of the world community as a whole in meaningful and verifiable agreements on lower and safer levels of armaments. Much to our regret, the potential of this negotiating forum is largely wasted by protracted procedural disputes. Bearing in mind the pace of technological development, early agreement on measures to prevent a destabilizing arms race in outer space should be a priority item on our agenda.
21.	Recent events have again demonstrated the necessity of a complete ban on chemical weapons. Progress in the negotiations has been made, but not enough. We will continue to promote a ban on chemical weapons within the framework of the negotiations at Geneva.
22.	One area in which the United Nations has made particularly relevant contributions is the promotion of human rights.
23.	The United Nations has rightfully become a major source of hope for the individual who suffers from discrimination, persecution and degrading treatment. I observe within the United Nations system a growing preparedness to criticize human rights abuses which still occur in widely divergent geographical and political settings. I add that no State should take cover behind its sovereign rights in order to reject all forms of international scrutiny. At this session, the Assembly will be called upon to act on a proposal to further the cause of human rights and to agree on a draft convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.  The text of this convention, which was drafted by a working group of the Commission on Human Rights which my country had the honour to chair, will hopefully carry the agreement of all Members of the United Nations.
24.	Deliberate cruel or inhuman treatment of other human beings exists in forms other than those covered by traditional or more recent human rights instruments. The world continues to be plagued by the mindless, anonymous violence of terrorism. The most recent example of the ruthlessness of which the terrorists are capable was the bombing last week of the United States Embassy building in Beirut. The Netherlands Government strongly condemns such acts of political violence and calls for intensified international action to stop the scourge of terrorism.
25.	In recognition of the need of the developing countries for outside assistance, the Netherlands Government announced a week ago that it will continue to devote 1.5 per cent of its national income to development assistance. A substantial part of this aid will be allocated to the multilateral financial institutions. Indeed, compared with the League of Nations, a major achievement of the Charter of the United Nations has been the recognition of the vital role of international economic cooperation.
26.	Looking back, one can point to successes as well as to failures. A United Nations development system has emerged. Today's world would be unthinkable without it. But, at the same time, we have to admit that at present there is a stalemate in the ongoing dialogue between North and South. Many of us look at the state of the North South dialogue with growing impatience. So far, we have failed to see the launching of a new round of global negotiations where basic issues such as energy, food, money and finance, trade and aid would be discussed in an interrelated way. But we should also ask ourselves whether this concept is not overly ambitious and based on an overestimation of the role Governments can play in shaping world economic and social conditions. To support the continuing process of change, it is imperative that we clarify our often differing conceptions in a frank and constructive dialogue and that we identify common ground and concrete objectives.
27.	First, in its approach to development cooperation, my Government is guided by the concept of differentiation, and we have come to recognize that fundamental differences in economic, social, political and cultural outlook call for a wide variety in our programmes, activities and measures. Secondly^ I am increasingly hesitant about the effectiveness of worldwide strategies which tend to overlook the diversity of the problems in the various countries.
28.	Negotiations in sectoral conferences are also part of the overall dialogue. An important North South event of this year, the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna from 2 to 19 August, has been moderately successful. It was possible to agree on a set of resolutions adopted by consensus which contain practical measures and concrete steps to boost United Nations activities in the field of industrialization, which is of paramount importance to the third world. However, the successful implementation of the resolutions will depend lately on the readiness of donor countries to provide the agreed additional financial means. We for our part intend to do so.
29.	In another field of particular relevance to the third world, that of population, we have seen the successful outcome of the International Conference on Population, held at Mexico City from 6 to 14 August 1984, although it was unfortunately marred by efforts to politicize it.
30.	In a period of limited resources, the United Nations, like its Members, should be governed by rules of budgetary restraint and cost-effectiveness. Severe controls on official spending, proper management and a curb on regulatory activities are inevitable so as to secure the future of the Organization. As an important contributor to the United Nations budget and to the budgets of many specialized agencies and voluntary funds, we feel justified in asking the Organization to make as effective use of the available resources as possible. Budgetary restraint and cost-effectiveness are of equal importance.
31.	With regard to efforts to control an expanding bureaucracy, I welcome the secretary General’s statement, in his report on the work of the Organization [see A/39/1], that he will try to improve the efficiency of the Secretariat. We would hope that similar intentions will become manifest in the specialized agencies. UNESCO, of course, is a case in point. Inadequate management and politicization, as well as the pursuance of costly activities which were not supported by all Member States, are largely to blame for the unfortunate derailment of that organization.
32.	A point of special concern for my Government is the financing of peacekeeping operations. Owing to the refusal of some important Members to pay their assessed contributions, the accumulated shortfall for UNIFIL will soon reach the figure of $200 million. At this session of the Assembly, the Netherlands delegation will consider what steps could be taken to redress this situation, which is manifestly unfair to the troop contributing countries and might in the end jeopardize the peacekeeping functions of the United Nations.
33.	Within the framework of the United Nations, we pursue both a political and an economic dialogue. Over the years, we have created a web of organizations which are all engaged in one way or another in helping developing nations to help themselves. The world as it is today cannot do without this system. At the same time, we, the nations of that world, are responsible for the growing inadequacy of the system. The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations would seem to be an appropriate occasion to reflect upon ways and means to improve its functioning, its decision-making processes and its cost-effectiveness.
34.	It is in this spirit that the Netherlands delegation intends to submit proposals for streamlining the overburdened agenda of various United Nations bodies in an effort to try to revitalize the decision-making process. Surely it is not necessary for every debate to result in yet another resolution. A consensus can only be meaningful to the extent that we have really—and I repeat "really"—harmonized our views. This is not to say that there are no differences in outlook; of course there are. But these should be discussed in the appropriate political forums. Let us try by all means not to paralyse the work of the technical sub organs of the United Nations system by the introduction of controversial issues which are more often than not extraneous to the work of those particular bodies. More than in the past, the Netherlands delegation will speak out against those practices, because they seriously undermine the proper functioning and possibly even the very future of the Organization.
35.	In his report the Secretary General asks why there has been a retreat from internationalism and multilateralism precisely at a time when actual developments in the world would seem to call for movement in the opposite direction, and he expresses the hope that political scientists and intellectuals the world over, together with world leaders and diplomats, will reflect on this phenomenon. We certainly feel that positive response to the call of the secretary General to engage in an exercise in self-examination could be very useful.
36.	At the same time, I want to recall the words of my predecessor when he addressed the first session of the General Assembly. He said:
"We are firmly convinced that the success of this Organization is not to be found in a multiplication of machinery, of questionnaires and reports, but in deeds". And, may I add, deeds of truly international cooperation. Here lies clearly a common task for the Members of the United Nations.


On behalf of Lebanon and on my own behalf, allow me at the outset, Sir, to associate myself with those delegations that have preceded me in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that your wisdom, wide experience and ability will enable you to conduct the work of this session with success.
46.	I wish also to express appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, for the able manner in which he conducted the work of the thirty-eighth session. My own appreciation and that of my country also go to the Secretary-General for his laudable efforts and for his report on the work of the Organization.
47.	I welcome to the United Nations the newest Member, Brunei Darussalam; we wish its delegation all success in representing its country and defending its rights.
48.	Lebanon witnessed the founding of the United Nations and contributed to the elaboration of many of its principles and methods. It attaches paramount importance to the future of the Organization and to the need to secure its objectives and develop its machinery and institutions so that it may become the haven envisaged by the authors of the Charter of the United Nations and the framework in which the world can look towards a better future and permanent peace.
49.	The United Nations has acquired a universal character, but at present it finds itself threatened by less and less compliance with its resolutions; indeed, there is increasing defiance of those resolutions. My wounded country knows that, to the extent that the United Nations recovers its ability to solve world problems, so will Lebanon be able to recover its potential to solve its own problems. Hence, Lebanon attaches paramount importance to the process leading to the immediate implementation of the resolutions concerning Lebanon, particularly Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 (1982). Through that process, our confidence and world confidence in the Organization will be restored.
50.	Lebanon brings before the Assembly today its concerns and preoccupations because, to a large extent, they are an expression of so many of the concerns and preoccupations of today's world.
51.	The tragedies that have befallen our people have not prevented it from looking optimistically towards a better future. For the Lebanese optimism has never meant wishful thinking but has always been an expression of genuine possibilities and an effective will. The people of Lebanon, which has experienced the most difficult challenges and faced the worst attacks and acts of aggression, has never given in to despair or despondency and never considered its situation inevitable. Instead, the will of our people has crystallized in the restoration of our cohesion and unity among the various factions of the Lebanese people. This will has resulted in the Government of National Unity, over which I have the honour to preside.
52.	The Government of National Unity, which includes all the essential and effective forces in the Lebanese arena, came into existence after much suffering and labour, almost unparalleled in contemporary history. It has renewed hope in closing ranks to pursue the objectives it announced in its ministerial communique. These objectives are: security, liberation, political reform and reconstruction. Our Government is determined to deal with the root causes of past events and to reveal to the whole world the will for reform inherent in Lebanon, as were revealed the weaknesses of the past decade. Once our Government has restored confidence in the unity of our country as an essential path to ending conflicts and disputes, it will go on to tackle directly everyday problems with effectiveness and seriousness so that Lebanon's prolonged suffering may be brought to an end, thus leading the country to an oasis Of hope, safeguarding stability and gradually restoring normalcy.
53.	I am referring to the circumstances surrounding the emergence of the Government of National Unity because that Government has been entrusted not only with the tasks that any Government is usually entrusted with but, in addition to striving to maintain the unity of the Lebanese and restoring security and stability in Lebanon, it must also endeavour to secure conditions of stability, security and peace in the whole region.
54.	Hence, we are conscious of the historical responsibility that we have to bear at this particular juncture, in view of the fact that the tasks entrusted to our Government in the present circumstances affect the situation in the region and are affected by it as well. Therefore, while we are well aware of our energies and potentials, we are also well aware that those potentials have limitations. Consequently, we see that the realities of the Lebanese question are at one and the same time separate from and connected with the basic issues of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
55.	The Lebanese crisis is passing through a very delicate and crucial stage in its arduous course. Lebanon has started to overcome various contradictions which emerged violently a few years ago and to take measures necessary to secure the withdrawal of occupation forces from its territory. It is on the threshold of solving its problems by peaceful means. I find it imperative to focus in my statement on those positive developments, in view of their importance and of the fact that they have a direct bearing upon our destiny and upon the whole region.
56.	The immediate priority goals for our Government are: security, liberation, political reform and reconstruction. Obviously, these goals have to be attained as soon as possible, by the most peaceful means and with the assistance of the United Nations.
57.	With regard to security, the Government has already drawn up and completed a comprehensive security plan that has led to the extension of the territory under the control of the State. It succeeded quickly in unifying the capital, Beirut, without bloodshed. It has also put heavy weapons under control and forbidden people who are carrying weapons to take to the streets. The Lebanese army and internal security forces have taken on the responsibility of maintaining security in Beirut. Both the harbour and the airport in Beirut have been reopened. The Government is striving to implement the next stage of its security plan, which is aimed at opening the international routes, consolidating security and stabilizing the economy.
58.	There is no doubt that a new awareness has started to govern the political conduct of the Lebanese and to guide them in their practices. This awareness has been forged by successive disasters and pain. The Lebanese have come to realize that they have to face their accumulating problems by themselves and that the responsibility of saving their country and restoring peace and stability is, in the first place, that of the country's people and leaders. They have already embarked upon the course designed to overcome their country's plight and have succeeded in laying the solid and practical foundations that should enable them to establish a new social, political and legal infrastructure on the basis of which they can live and work in the future. However, their patient efforts are still obstructed by extraneous elements beyond their will and control. Undoubtedly, the continued Israeli occupation of Lebanese territories is the most prominent and dangerous of those elements.
59.	I turn now to the question of liberation. The continued Israeli occupation of part of my country is of a unique and tragic nature that transcends the magnitude of any regional or border dispute experienced by the Middle East for decades.
60.	The magnitude of the invasion to which a small country like Lebanon has been subjected, its disastrous effects on innocent civilians, the massive destruction that has struck the whole country have made of this invasion a very serious and violent phenomenon that has to be tackled separately and brought to an end as soon as possible.
61.	The continued Israeli occupation of parts of my country threatens its existence and jeopardizes the possibility of restoring its unity and cohesion in the foreseeable future, because Israel is occupying one third of Lebanon and directly controlling one fourth of its population.
62.	The question, then, is not one of borders that have to be drawn or posts that have to be controlled. If that were the case, it would be easier to reach an understanding, because the legal background is clear and the principles and texts that confirm the rights of Lebanon in all these fields are available. What is at stake now is the future and existence of an independent State that is a Member of the United Nations, indeed, one of its founders. A country threatened by division and the fragmentation of one of its parts remains under occupation. Therefore, and in order to find the means to eliminate the consequences of the occupation in my country—an occupation that has claimed thousands of lives and caused enormous damage, displacement and agony—I find it necessary to put before the Organization the basic principles of my Government's policy on this vital matter.
63.	First, Lebanon is determined to regain control over all its occupied territories within a limited time. It considers that total Israeli withdrawal beyond internationally recognized boundaries is urgently necessary and has absolute priority.
64.	Secondly, the people and the leadership of Lebanon fully realize that the continuance of the occupation of a large part of their country by Israel jeopardizes their very existence. They agree on the need for the State to use all the means available and make every possible effort to end that occupation. Those that focus on certain alleged differences and on the failure of some people to contribute to the task of liberation that must be carried out by them show a tragic ignorance of the realities of the present political situation in Lebanon and of the unswerving determination of the whole Lebanese nation, of all factions, to regain its rights and reunify its homeland.
65.	Thirdly, the Israeli practices in southern Lebanon constitute a daily violation of most of the principles of the United Nations and the provisions of international conventions which Israel claims to respect. The population of the occupied territories is being subjected to every form of oppression and persecution. This has been verified by several impartial bodies and dealt with in detail in clear and precise reports of organizations whose credibility cannot be questioned. Those practices have also been the subject of numerous complaints submitted by Lebanon as official documents of the General Assembly. The latest of these complaints was that submitted to the Security Council—a complaint whose fate is only too well known to all. The suffering is still continuing in physical, moral, economic and military forms that affect the daily lives of our citizens. Hundreds of innocent people are still in detention camps, held without charge, endlessly awaiting trial. Measures aimed at isolating the occupied territories from the rest of the homeland have become so severe and arbitrary that the members of a family must wait for long weeks before they receive a permit enabling them to pass through the narrow gates which the occupation forces condescend to open every now and then. The process of destroying the economy of the south is in full swing and includes the well-known projects for exploiting the waters and other resources of that part of the country. All these inhuman practices are a flagrant violation of the provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949. Lebanon, while awaiting the total withdrawal, calls once again upon all States members of the Security Council to review its complaint in this context in a spirit of justice and right and to make it possible for the Council to take effective measures aimed at putting an end to all those practices.
66.	It was natural that these excesses should lead to the formation of a national movement of armed resistance against the occupation. That resistance is irrefutable proof of the vitality and dignity of the Lebanese people. It is an expression of their determination to regain their rights, sovereignty and freedom. Lebanon is proud of this resistance; it sees in it a pure, shining reflection of the faith of the Lebanese people in their homeland, and the exercise of a legitimate right recognized and achieved by all States and peoples throughout history that have been subjected to occupation and invasion.
67.	The attempt to depict Lebanon as a centre of terrorism is a distortion of the facts; it is a way of maintaining the occupation, domination, and interference. Such reasoning is rejected both in form and in content.
68.	Lebanon is suffering from acts of atrocity as widespread as the atrocity of occupation, which leads to oppression and the denial of rights. Israel's occupation of the south, western Bekaa and Rachaya and the continuous inhuman practices accompanying that occupation carry with them the seeds of instability and violence. We undoubtedly have to differentiate between the legitimate, heroic resistance in the south and the individual actions of those who, as individuals, resort to violence as an expression of their despair. Surely, resistance is the noblest means of opposing occupation. As for the retaliatory measures, they are but private, suicidal actions taken for personal reasons; they happen in every society, including that of Israel itself.
69.	The whole world should know that independent Lebanon is the master of its decisions. Those who challenge this fact are also those who attack its sovereignty and whose aim is to compromise its unity.
70.	Sovereign Lebanon's relations with its Arab brothers have always been and will continue to be the central point on the wider spectrum of its relations with the world as a whole. These relations, besides being historical, cultural and traditional, are also connected with our destiny—to the extent that that word has any meaning.
71.	If these relations are the distinctive mark of our relations with all the Arabs, what would one expect our relations to be like with a sister country and a neighbour, Syria with whom we have distinctive ties uniting us in all fields?
72.	Such is the situation of sovereign Lebanon, which belongs to its Arab environment, and such is the nature of the reciprocal responsibilities between it and all the other Arab States.
73.	Fourthly, Lebanon considers that the General Armistice Agreement concluded between Lebanon and Israel on 23 March 1949, and endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 73 (1949) of 11 August 1949, is the legal basis for Israeli-Lebanese relations. Israel's claim that this Agreement is no longer in force as a consequence of the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 is false. As the United Nations is well aware, in 1967 Lebanon did not take part in the hostilities against Israel, nor did it declare war against Israel. The Armistice Agreement has remained in force, and in compliance with it, there were meetings of military personnel long after 1967, which confirms the fact that it still remains in force. The Lebanese Government considers that the Armistice Agreement has a permanent character and that it will remain in force until it is officially and explicitly amended by the two signatories under the supervision of the United Nations.
74.	Fifthly, Lebanon considers that Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 (1982) constitute the sound legal basis for the process of Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territories. It is noteworthy that those two resolutions provide for immediate and unconditional withdrawal. Israel, as a Member of the United Nations, must implement those two resolutions and must cease to ignore them. The international community—especially the Security Council and its members—assumes a heavy responsibility towards the people of Lebanon and the inhabitants of the south, western Bekaa and Rachaya and must take the necessary practical steps to put an end to Israel's disregard of those resolutions.
75.	Sixthly, the Lebanese Government is willing to take all the military and administrative measures necessary to ensure the safety of the population in southern Lebanon. It has prepared an integrated plan for the deployment of the army at the border areas in the wake of the withdrawal of Israeli forces. Lebanon welcomes any mediation effort or assistance, whatever the source, with a view to reaching an agreement on the security arrangements to be implemented in the south.
76.	Seventhly, Lebanon regards the role of the international forces in the south as central and of paramount importance in supporting the Lebanese army upon the withdrawal of the Israeli forces. Their contribution in this respect is indispensable during the first phases of the Lebanese army's deployment. Therefore, Lebanon calls for measures to support those forces by increasing their number, widening the area of their deployment and reinforcing their effectiveness—in other words, to enable the Lebanese State to re-establish its legitimate authority over those territories extending to the internationally recognized borders.
77.	I wish to refer here to the relevant proposals of the Secretary-General, as contained in his report of 9 April 1984, since they form a solid basis for formulating an integrated programme to support those forces, which have played an effective and positive role. Those units have performed their task in very difficult conditions and with limited capacity. Lebanon wishes to pay a tribute to UNIFIL, hoping that it will persevere in the performance of its noble task. It reaffirms its gratitude to the Governments that have contributed and are still contributing to those forces, despite the difficulties they face.
78.	While we reaffirm our commitment to assign to those forces an appropriate role, we state our willingness to define the new tasks that will enable them to shoulder greater responsibilities, whether at the border or inside the camps, even in monitoring the withdrawal and helping the Lebanese army to extend its authority to all the occupied territories.
79.	Eighthly, Lebanon is prepared to contribute to any political initiative designed to resolve the whole Arab-Israeli conflict. It subscribes to the proposal to convene an international peace conference on the Middle East, pursuant to General Assembly resolution 38/58 C. However, Lebanon maintains that its cause requires immediate and separate consideration because of its urgency and the highly destructive impact it has on Lebanon's political and social fabric.
80.	Ninthly, any security arrangements must respect Lebanon's sovereignty and its rights. They should confirm its solid constituent elements as a sovereign State with inviolable rights and frontiers. Proceeding from this premise, Lebanon will not accept the presence of any military force on the territory of south Lebanon except the forces of the Lebanese army under the legitimate Lebanese authority. Israel's pretext that it does not trust the legitimate Lebanese army and its reliance on illegitimate forces for the maintenance of security there are refutable. If those small groups have proved ineffectual even under the Israeli occupation, what would the situation be if they remained alone to confront the genuine national wrath that is on the increase?
81.	Loyalty to Lebanon must take the form of loyalty to the State of Lebanon. The Lebanese leaders and people alike will not recognize any other allegiance. Lebanon considers that the only military force that is entitled to join it in the maintenance of security at the border areas is the international force whose role, activity and deployment are governed by clear and detailed international agreements and resolutions that have a time-limit, with the explicit agreement of Lebanon.
82.	On the whole, Lebanon considers that any security agreement to be concluded must of necessity confirm the principle of respect for Lebanon's sovereignty and frontiers. If Israel cannot tolerate the violation of its borders and territorial integrity, Lebanon, which has suffered from the violation of its sovereignty, is equally concerned over the inviolability of its territory and its sovereignty.
83.	I have attempted here to explain the position of the Lebanese Government vis-a-vis the issue of Israel's occupation of a part of the territory of Lebanon and its refusal to withdraw despite its repeated declarations in this respect. I am confident that stressing the principles to be respected will render the negotiating process easier and more effective. We are awaiting the results of the ongoing endeavours, whether on the part of the Secretary- General or of the United States or other friendly countries, and we call upon them to make all possible efforts so that Lebanon may find a way out of its present ordeal.
84.	I have already referred to the new spirit inspiring the Lebanese people in their efforts to resolve their problems by themselves. In the meantime, we appreciate the assistance rendered by our numerous friends, who have extended help and counsel as well as moral support in the most difficult circumstances. However, the Lebanese people realize that the difficulties they face in certain areas make it incumbent upon them to appeal to those friends to continue their assistance and intensify their efforts, particularly as concerns economic assistance.
85.	All these years of crisis have caused a great deal of destruction and weakened the economy in both the public and private sectors. These years were severely detrimental to the infrastructure, which was the fruit of hard work throughout the last decade. Preliminary estimates indicate that the damage exceeds $20 billion, a matter which makes reconstruction an enormous process far exceeding the modest resources of Lebanon at the present time.
86.	The Lebanese Government and its competent organs have drawn up many projects, some of which have already been launched according to their priorities. The high priority given to reconstruction and rehabilitation on the part of the Government of National Unity is due to our conviction that such reconstruction is not to be achieved after security has been maintained; rather, it is a tool for maintaining security. If it is acknowledged that security has precedence over reconstruction, then the turning- point that now confronts Lebanon makes it imperative for Lebanon to regard reconstruction as a means for ensuring security. To invest in reconstruction will create confidence in the future success of the security scheme and will lend impetus and vitality to it.
87.	The reconstruction policy that we pursue aims essentially at lifting Lebanon from its tragic situation and turning it into a dynamic workshop of building and reconstruction.
88.	This is in fact a large-scale process that requires the assistance of all friendly countries, international organizations and specialized agencies that appreciate the difficulties facing Lebanon and are willing to help it overcome its ordeal so that reconstruction takes the place of destruction. While Lebanon expresses its thanks to those countries and organizations, it appeals to them to take part in the enormous efforts required for this process in the near future. Lebanon is quite confident that its Arab brethren will set an example for other countries.
89.	We have so far attempted to give an outline of the policies we pursue, as well as our national and international commitments. We strive to ensure that these commitments will conform to the provisions of international legitimacy and to the resolutions and the Charter of the United Nations. Indeed, Lebanon's desire is to see that the United Nations remains the focus of serious attention and that its organs are reinforced. This would be conducive to greater objectivity and deeper understanding in relations among States as well as to a stronger resolve to face problems and overcome persistent or potential crises.
90.	Lebanon has always been a meeting-point of intellectual and cultural interaction. Therefore, Lebanon has always been at the forefront, playing an effective role throughout contemporary history; this role should be resumed, especially in view of its sufferings throughout the last decade, which make it recognize that violence breeds violence and that man can ensure his rights through dialogue but wastes them through violence. The Lebanese people have endured untold sufferings. As a result, it has become more determined today than ever before to overcome the crisis which has placed such a drain on its energies. It has come to the conclusion that diversity enriches its national unity, provides a creative impetus and must never be allowed to lead to dismemberment.
91.	It has never occurred to us to abandon our hope that Lebanon will recover its strength and resume its mission, even in the dimmest of conditions. We have never lost sight of the light at the end of the tunnel. Thus, the glimmer of hope has become a reality and our vision has become truth. This has always been and will always be the goal of Lebanon. We have inherited Lebanon as a haven of freedom for humanity. This is our cherished legacy to be handed over to succeeding generations.
92.	At the close of my statement, I wish to appeal to you because of the heavy responsibilities you bear and because you are the source of hope for all the oppressed in this world: do not disappoint the hopes of those peoples. Lebanon is the testing-ground and will witness what you do. May God give you success.