Allow me at the outset to congratulate the
President on his well-deserved election to preside over
the sixtieth session of the General Assembly. The
session that he is chairing is special because of its
scope and the importance of its issues, particularly in
view of the unfinished mandates and unfulfilled hopes
of the 2005 summit.
We cannot conceal our dissatisfaction with the
summit’s outcome. In some areas, such as development
and human rights, the outcome document reflects less
than the international community’s least common
denominator. In others, such as disarmament and
impunity, the final document is a real step back.
Nevertheless, this does not mean that we should
neglect our commitment to the reform of the United
Nations.
We must avoid past mistakes in order to ensure
the success of the next round of negotiations. The
General Assembly must set realistic goals, avoiding
expectations that cannot be met or accepting artificial
deadlines that create undue pressure on the
negotiations and must not be distracted by secondary
issues. The negotiation process must be open, inclusive
and transparent, so that all States may be free to
participate and contribute actively. We must not yield
to the temptation of creating closed negotiating groups
that can make private and non-transparent
arrangements. We must prevent small groups of States
from imposing their own national ambitions upon
others. The Secretariat must remain totally impartial.
And finally, we must see to it that decisions are made
by democratic means in conformity with the rules of
procedure.
Such principles must be borne in mind
particularly when we consider the possible reform of
the Security Council. In the last few months, we
devoted a disproportionate amount of time and effort to
the question of Security Council reform, to the
detriment of other equally important issues. During the
present Assembly session, we must give equal
emphasis to the Human Rights Council, the
Peacebuilding Commission and the negotiation of the
comprehensive convention on terrorism, in addition to
the reform of the Security Council. We deem it
necessary to revitalize the Working Group on the
reform of the Security Council so that we may work
together towards a consensus solution.
We reaffirm our commitment to Security Council
reform in order to make it more democratic and more
transparent and effective, on the basis of the principles
of sovereign equality among States, rotation, periodic
elections and accountability. Therefore, we cannot
accept having new permanent members which, due to
their permanent status, cannot he held to account and
which cannot be replaced if their performance is found
wanting. We would only favour an increase in the
number of non-permanent members of the Council,
with a possibility of re-election.
At the same time, we support reforming the
Security Council’s working methods so that it may be
more responsive to the requirements and needs of the
great majority of Member States. It is indispensable to
limit the undemocratic instrument of the veto, which
erodes the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Council.
The veto is unacceptable, especially in cases of
genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and
massive violations of human rights. Regrettably, the
proposal to eliminate the veto in such cases was not
included in the summit’s outcome. This question will
have to be reconsidered in the coming months in the
context of Security Council reform.
We should focus also on the accountability of the
Security Council to the broader membership. Insofar as
the Council acts on behalf of all Member States, it
should submit special reports to the General Assembly,
pursuant to Article 24, paragraph 3, of the Charter,
every time that it establishes or substantially modifies
the mandate of a peacekeeping mission, every time that
it imposes sanctions or other measures of general
application under Chapter VII of the Charter, and every
time that a draft resolution is vetoed. The General
Assembly should consider such reports with a view to
further action when necessary.
17

Furthermore, the Security Council must adopt
measures to ensure full respect for human rights and, in
particular, the right to due process of persons included
on lists of sanctions committees. The work of the
Security Council must serve as an example of the
highest standards of human rights and due process at
the international level.
My delegation wholeheartedly supports all efforts
to strengthen the international mechanisms for the
promotion and protection of human rights. We fully
support the idea of transforming the Commission on
Human Rights into a Human Rights Council. We had
hoped that the outcome document would contain
specific provisions on the structure and mandate of the
new Council. In their absence, we should devote the
next few months to designing this new institution. We
particularly deem it necessary to ensure that the
composition of the new Council reflects an equitable
geographical distribution and that its mandate may
favour expert consideration of issues, avoiding
unnecessary politicization. It is also necessary to draw
a distinction between the mandate of the new Council
and the work of the General Assembly’s Third
Committee.
We support the idea to increase substantially the
budget of the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights. We are greatly
interested in the idea of submitting a single report to all
of the monitoring mechanisms established under the
various human rights treaties. In order to protect
persons with disabilities, we believe it necessary to
conclude as soon as possible the convention on
protection and promotion of the rights and dignity of
persons with disabilities.
In the next few months, this General Assembly
should also devote itself to the establishment of the
Peacebuilding Commission. In our view, this new
Commission should be a subsidiary body of the
General Assembly, maintaining an appropriate
functional relationship with the Security Council. Its
members, we believe, should be elected, and the body
should be open to all States that are making an
effective contribution to peace. Therefore, we are
opposed to having permanent members of the Security
Council automatically become members of the new
Commission. Such an unjustifiable privilege would be
one more example of the cascade effect. Similarly, we
are opposed to extending the right of veto to the work
of the new Commission. We believe that in its
decision-making the Commission should apply the
rules of procedure of the General Assembly.
We are convinced that the United Nations should
play a key role in the efforts to fight international
terrorism. Pursuant to the summit’s outcome document,
in the coming months the General Assembly should
design a comprehensive strategy against terrorism and
adopt concrete measures to strengthen and enhance
coordination in the Organization on this matter. In this
context, we would like to repeat the proposal made last
year by the President of Costa Rica, His Excellency
Mr. Abel Pacheco de la Espriella, to create a United
Nations High Commissioner on Terrorism, as an
independent, professional and permanent mechanism at
the heart of the Secretariat to ensure greater
coordination and better use of the resources available
at the global level to fight terrorism.
We also support the conclusion of the
comprehensive convention on international terrorism
by the end of this year. That draft convention already
contains a technical and precise definition of the crime
of terrorism, which will enhance judicial and police
cooperation on the basis of the principle of “prosecute
or extradite”.
We highlight the importance of law and justice in
international relations, and thus we reaffirm our
confidence in the International Court of Justice as the
best mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Thus, we urge all nations to accept, without any
conditions, the jurisdiction of the Court. We call upon
States that may have entered reservations in their
declarations of acceptance of the jurisdiction of the
Court to withdraw them.
We reaffirm our support for the International
Criminal Court as an indispensable mechanism to
prevent and punish the most serious crimes against
mankind. We are particularly pleased at the fact that
the delegation of Costa Rica will in the next few
months preside over the Assembly of States Parties to
the Rome Statute.
This year’s negotiations on disarmament and non-
proliferation have yielded unsatisfactory results. In
particular, we believe that the General Assembly
should begin preparations for the review conference of
the United Nations Programme of Action to Action to
Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in
Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects,
which will be held in mid-2006. That conference
18

should incorporate, in the implementation of its
Programme of Action, a human rights perspective and
the six global principles of the draft framework
convention on international arms transfers.
Regarding development, we reiterate our appeal
to implement the Millennium Development Goals and
urge developed countries to fulfil their commitments to
allocate 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to
development assistance and to do away with all
barriers and subsidies that have a negative impact on
the exports of developing countries.
Specific measures must be adopted to enhance
prevention and assistance in case of natural disasters.
In this context, I would like to recall that the Sachs
report identified Central America and the Caribbean as
the region with the highest vulnerability indices to
natural disasters. Similarly, it is indispensable to bear
in mind the importance of economically sustainable
development. In this context, I would like to highlight
the initiative of creating a “Rainforest Coalition”, led
by Costa Rica and Papua New Guinea, with a view to
protecting all forests and ensuring payment for the
environmental services that they provide. We must
recall that tropical forests benefit mankind as a whole
by sequestering the carbon dioxide produced by
industry. Unfortunately, the Kyoto Protocol does not
provide incentives to developing countries to protect
primary tropical forests. We believe that this omission
in the Kyoto Protocol must be remedied.
Regarding management, and with a view to
safeguarding the unique legitimacy of this
Organization, we deem it indispensable to strengthen
the United Nations monitoring and inspection
mechanisms, and we request that the General Assembly
consider in depth the recommendations of the Volcker
report. It is indispensable to face with absolute
transparency the cases of mismanagement and alleged
corruption that have surfaced within the Organization
in recent months.
We believe that the General Assembly should
seriously consider the question of the representation of
the Republic of China on Taiwan in the United
Nations. There is no doubt that the Republic of China
on Taiwan could contribute to the work of the
Organization. Incorporating the Republic of China on
Taiwan into the community of nations is also necessary
so that it may fully assume the rights and duties that
arise from the various legal regimes of global
governance in areas as varied as collective security,
development assistance, the fight against terrorism,
sustainable development and the various international
health mechanisms.
I would like to conclude by reiterating Costa
Rica’s unconditional commitment to the principles and
purposes of the Organization, reaffirming our faith in
the United Nations as the principle instrument of the
international community to maintain peace, and
renewing our full confidence in the Organization’s
capability to promote human rights and the well-being
of all peoples.


Malaysia, as the Chairman
of the Non-Aligned Movement and in its own name,
wishes to convey our congratulations to you, Sir, on
your election as the President of the General Assembly
at its sixtieth session. I am confident that, under your
able stewardship, the work of the Assembly will reach
a successful conclusion. I wish to assure you of the
fullest cooperation of the Non-Aligned Movement and
of the Malaysian delegation.
Let me also pay tribute to your predecessor,
Mr. Jean Ping, for his dedication and for the successful
manner in which he conducted the work of the General
Assembly at its fifty-ninth session, which was an
exceptionally challenging one. The consultations and
negotiations led to the successful adoption of the final
outcome document at the world summit last Friday.
Six decades ago, the peoples of the world,
including those under oppression and colonialism,
celebrated the creation of the United Nations. The
United Nations, as envisaged by its founders, was a
beacon of hope for the world following the death and
destruction wrought by the Second World War.
Malaysia fully and consistently subscribes to the
centrality of the United Nations and thus to the
multilateral principles which have allowed the
evolution of an international order predicated on rule-
based interaction among States, thus creating a
predictable and stable international environment.
Without multilateralism, small or weak States could
not hope for a democratic international order within
which they could aspire to independence, peace and
stability, development and prosperity.
Today, even as we meet here, multilateralism has
come under increasing threat. We believe that attempts
to unilaterally rewrite or redefine the normative
framework is a dangerous experiment. Without the
stabilizing effect of such a framework, we would only
create uncertainty and confusion in the international
order.
22

The challenge confronting humankind in our time
is to address, comprehensively and collectively, the
multifaceted threats to our survival and well-being in
the areas of peace and security, poverty and
development, human rights and democracy.
In that regard, the outcome document has sought
to give a fresh lease on life to multilateralism, both in
substance and in structure. As we continue our
discussions to reshape and redirect the Organization,
we must ensure that the General Assembly remains the
true embodiment of the will of the world community.
All of us must be committed to strengthening the
General Assembly so that it reflects the true voice of
democracy, transparency and accountability. At this
juncture, let me voice Malaysia’s support for the
checklist of items to be implemented during the current
session, as mapped out by the Secretary-General in his
address last Saturday. I hope that, by the time we meet
again next year, the Secretary-General’s report will be
able to illustrate a marked improvement in the world
situation, in particular towards achieving the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015 and
the greater efficiency and effectiveness of the
Secretariat.
Driven by a common sense of purpose and
determined political will, we must operationalize the
commitments we have undertaken at the major United
Nations conferences and summits of recent years. Our
words must be matched by our actions. This must
represent the beginning of the collective redoubling of
efforts that is necessary to secure a more peaceful and
just world. Where we had been unable to push the
agenda on certain issues, we must now pursue them as
part of an ongoing process in the reform of the United
Nations. Where efforts to reach agreement have failed
altogether, such as on the issue of disarmament and
non-proliferation, we must now focus our energies in
order to keep the issues alive until we achieve
consensus.
Malaysia is disappointed by the absence of any
reference to disarmament and non-proliferation in the
outcome document. I hope that this is not construed as
a loss of interest by the international community or as
an indication that it has since fallen off our radar of
concern. Our collective call for nuclear-weapon States
to effect complete and general disarmament as well as
to ensure the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons
must not be compromised.
It is indeed regrettable that the 2005 Review
Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) earlier this
year failed. That failure will intensify the adverse
repercussions on the disarmament regime,
painstakingly negotiated since the end of the Second
World War. We must therefore, at this session, reiterate
and, indeed, reaffirm the importance of the full and
non-selective implementation of the three pillars of the
Non-Proliferation Treaty, namely: nuclear
disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation and the
peaceful use of nuclear technology.
We must also rededicate our efforts towards the
total elimination of all weapons of mass destruction.
The world spent an estimated $1 trillion on global
military expenditures last year. Doubtless, much of that
went to strengthening the military arsenals of States
that feel constantly under threat; yet some of that must
also have been contributed by terrorists purchasing
arms for their condemnable acts. The sale of small
arms and light weapons has wrought untold suffering
on unsuspecting peoples everywhere. The international
community must collectively call on States to divert
such military spending to achieving the Millennium
Development Goals and to strengthening the
development infrastructure. This would go far towards
creating a just and equitable order, which in turn would
lead to a safer world.
Since the adoption of the MDGs five years ago,
the burdens and obstacles faced by developing
countries seem to have increased, with almost no
amelioration of the problems that already existed at the
time. Eight years ago, East Asia was battered by a
financial crisis, which in turn had trans-regional
repercussions, adversely affecting the health of the
global economy. Appeals by developing countries to
reform the international financial architecture fell on
deaf ears. As a result, the international financial
architecture continues to be vulnerable to similar
crises.
Now, even as that and other equally important
problems remain unresolved, we are faced with yet
another threat — a prolonged and sustained increase in
oil prices, which, even as we speak, threatens to
imperil the global economy. Continuous increases in
oil prices are placing a disproportionate burden on
developing countries, thereby impoverishing them even
further. It is morally reprehensible that the poor are
23

expected to absorb the cost of instabilities of
production. In many quarters of the global community,
the unbridled free market in particular is viewed as
rapacious and unfeeling.
If the United Nations is to remain relevant to the
world at large, it must be able to discuss and decide on
precisely issues such as these, which not only have an
impact on our day-to-day lives but also have long-term
implications, including for peace and security. If wars
in the past were fought over ideology, conflicts in the
future will be due to competition for markets and
scarce natural resources, blurring the lines between
economics, development and security. Accordingly, the
United Nations must be prepared to address the
interrelated and cross-cutting issues that give rise to
such conflicts.
Globalization, with its myriad challenges and
opportunities, has left many in the developing
countries unable to compete in an open and free-market
system. Following the current trajectory, the
international economic system will continue to remain
unjust, punishing the poor for being unable to
influence, much less dictate, their destinies. Much
remains to be done to equalize the field between the
rich and the rest. Aid and debt cancellation, while they
are welcome and reduce the burden on developing
countries, have in the long term only limited effect. It
is trade that needs to be expanded and made more fair
and equitable. We must press ahead towards a
universal, rule-based, open, non-discriminatory, fair
and equitable multilateral trading system. It is widely
recognized that trade has a multiplier effect and is able
to lift poor communities towards becoming self-
sustaining ones. Trade can create competitive markets
that benefit all.
Malaysia condemns all acts, methods and
practices of terrorism. As terrorism is a global
phenomenon that transcends national boundaries,
fighting terrorism demands effective international
action in accordance with the Charter and universally
recognized principles of international relations and
international law.
In countering terrorism, the use of conventional
military force alone is insufficient. To truly address the
scourge and prevent its re-emergence elsewhere over
time, we must deal with the root causes of terrorism in
order to provide a lasting solution that will deny those
committing such acts of violence sympathy and keep
them from gaining new recruits. While countering their
actions, we must at the same time win the hearts and
minds of the people in order to ensure that our victory
will not be short-lived.
No one group acting alone will be able to achieve
total success. Clearly, success requires a sense of
common purpose. The portrayal of any particular
grouping of peoples as fanatical terrorists led by a
religion of war is, therefore, irresponsible and would
derail any attempt at forging a common and united
front against terrorism. It is our collective duty to
respond effectively to the legitimate grievances of
affected communities, wherever they may be, so as to
overcome their feelings of marginalization,
deprivation, oppression and injustice. The international
community as a whole must take a stand to stop actions
that contribute directly or indirectly to the perpetuation
of injustice, oppression or aggression.
Misunderstanding and fear of “the other” must be
replaced by respect, dialogue, understanding and
tolerance. In this context, we can build a universal
culture that respects diversity so that goodwill and
harmony can thrive.
The interests and concerns of minority groups
must not be sidelined in favour of the majority.
Minorities too have rights that must be protected by
their Government. Over time, the grievances of
minority groups over their being sidelined will
necessarily seek an outlet.
There is a national as well as an international
dimension to the issue of peaceful and cooperative co-
existence. Understanding and respect between
religions, cultures and civilizations become necessary
prerequisites for dialogue and the avoidance of
conflicts. If Governments can succeed in instituting a
culture of tolerance and moderation among people at
the domestic level, it will become easier for nation
States to cooperate in promoting tolerance and
moderation among nationalities and cultures at the
international level. We must institute the precepts of
justice, respect and understanding in our day-to-day
dealings. This would, in turn, lead to fairness, goodwill
and harmony in our relations.
The ideas of good governance, democracy and
accountability to God and our peoples are not
antithetical to Islam. They are clearly embodied in the
Koran and the traditions of the Prophet Mohammed.
For our own part in Malaysia, we believe that the
24

obligation to act based on religious imperatives can be
directed towards good, progress and development. We
call this approach Islam Hadhari, literally civilizational
Islam, which is an approach towards a progressive and
humanistic civilization that is consistent with the
objective of creating a stable international world order.
The approach that Malaysia has taken emphasizes
that progress, development, knowledge and good
governance as enshrined in the teachings of Islam, are
compatible with modernity and yet are firmly rooted in
the ethical, moral and universal values that will
guarantee the future of humankind. It is an approach
that values substance over form and promotes tolerance
and understanding, moderation and peace, and
certainly, enlightenment.
In our preoccupation with the reform of the
United Nations, we must not lose sight of the need to
address and resolve, on a priority basis, one of the most
important outstanding issues confronting this
Organization: the question of Palestine. While we all
welcome the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, it should be
part of the Road Map and should be quickly followed
by similar measures in the West Bank. The issue of
settlements must not be left unresolved, including in
and around Jerusalem, as well as the construction of
the Separation Wall, which has already been
pronounced illegal by the International Court of
Justice. Such activities must cease forthwith. The
international community, particularly the United
Nations, must continue to remain engaged with this
issue until the goal of an independent and sovereign
State of Palestine is realized.
Rich or poor, strong or weak, whatever our
religion or belief, one fact is inescapable: we inhabit
one world, our global village. Sixty years ago, the
founders of our universal Organization came together
after witnessing horrors hitherto unimaginable and said
that never again could human life be so wantonly
extinguished. They also proclaimed that humankind
would forevermore work and live together in peace,
harmony and common respect. On this historic
occasion, my plea is that we return to those hopes and
ideals.


I wish to congratulate
you, Mr. President, on your election. I am confident
that you will carry forward the able legacy left by your
predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping. Our warm tribute is also
due to the Secretary-General as he strives to
reinvigorate our Organization.
We meet in the wake of the High-level Plenary
Meeting, where bold decisions were made to promote
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals.
Our problems transcend national boundaries. Solutions
need a global consensus. All of us must emphatically
reaffirm the central role of the United Nations in the
cooperative management of the worldís problems.
We are constitutionally committed to uphold the
Charter and its legitimacy based on the rule of law. In a
globalizing world, no nation is an island. None can
prosper alone. The United Nations remains the only
bastion of peace, justice and development in the world.
Reform of the United Nations is vital. We must
focus on its effectiveness and ability to deliver quickly.
Its agenda and mandate must be meaningful. Its
administration must be reformed. Its budget must be
purged of waste. Its major organs need to be
reconstituted and revitalized to serve purposeful
priorities. Expansion of its major organs is necessary
but must be tailored to the efficacy of the Organization.
The dynamics of todayís world have been created
by immense forces of change. Among them are
advances in science and technology and widespread
awareness of individual rights. The resulting
globalization and progression of humanitarian law have
given rise to a world where the very concept of
sovereignty is being challenged, where the dimensions
of security are in a flux, where the nature of conflict
has seen a seismic shift and where social exclusion has
added complex uncertainty. The need for constructive
engagement, dialogue, tolerance and understanding is
imperative. Development and the rule of law must take
centre stage.
New challenges confront us today. While
terrorists sow panic and xenophobia in our societies,
deprivation, hunger, disease and environmental
degradation continue to fuel insecurity and
destabilization. The recent bombings in London and
Egypt shocked us all. They have hardened our resolve
to face this menace unitedly. Bangladesh condemns
terrorism in all its forms. We have acceded to all anti-
terrorism conventions of the United Nations and
relevant regional organizations. We support the early
conclusion of a comprehensive United Nations
convention on terrorism. I would like to underscore our
conviction that terrorists do not belong to any one
country or religion.
In Bangladesh, sustained efforts are being made
to pursue the twin objectives of responsibility at home
and a contribution abroad. Despite enormous
constraints, we have made good progress to advance
democracy, development and human rights. We
recognize that those goals are linked with one another.
We have moved slowly but surely to shore up a
democratic ethos. The late President Ziaur Rahman led
Bangladesh out of the morass of a failed democracy in
1975. He introduced a multi-party system, freed the
press and opened up the economy. In 1990, a popular
uprising against an entrenched military dictatorship
brought the first real push towards sustained
democracy. We have not looked back. Three
consecutive free and fair elections have been held
under a neutral caretaker Government. That unique
constitutional innovation has ensured the peaceful
transfer of power on an alternating basis. Democracy
has become firmly rooted in Bangladesh. A key
element of the last election, in 2001, was the
participation of more than 70 per cent of the electorate.
Women voters outnumbered men. They voted not for
symbols but for issues.
32

A quiet revolution is under way in Bangladesh in
the field of development. The progress is visible on six
key fronts: stable growth of the gross domestic product
(GDP) at a rate of 5 per cent or more for over two
decades; higher per capita income; food security;
increased resilience in the face of natural disasters;
improvement of the human development index; and
better social and health outcomes. Our performance in
those areas compares favourably with the results in our
own region and elsewhere. A set of pragmatic, targeted
policy approaches have made that progress possible.
We have completed a full-fledged poverty reduction
strategy paper through an extended consultative
process. It sets out a road map to meet country-specific
MDGs. The fundamental principle of the poverty
reduction strategy paper is to promote employment-
generating economic growth and to invest significantly
in priority sectors such as education, health and social
safety-net programmes. It is a matter of some
satisfaction that Bangladesh has achieved two of the
MDGs: the elimination of gender disparity in primary
and secondary schools and access to safe drinking
water. We are close to achieving two more goals: the
reduction of extreme poverty and under-five child
mortality rates.
Bangladesh is committed to upholding the dignity
of individuals and promoting human rights. Bangladesh
is a party to all United Nations human rights
conventions. We are moving steadily to strengthen
good governance through strong democratic
institutions, establish the rule of law and eliminate
intolerance in our society.
Deeply entrenched pockets of poverty continue to
exist around the world. The most vulnerable are the
least developed countries. Their products should be
granted immediate duty-free and quota-free access
globally. As reaffirmed at Monterrey, the specific
allocation of 0.15 to 0.2 per cent of the GDP of
developed countries must be earmarked for official
development assistance to least developed countries.
Financing for development is a critical issue.
Innovative initiatives in that regard, which have been
the subject of discussion, need to be pursued in earnest.
The devastation caused by natural disasters
affects all countries, rich and poor alike. How can we
meet the challenge of effective relief, rehabilitation and
reconstruction, as well as pre-disaster warning and
preparations? That continues to the responsibility of
the United Nations.
We are profoundly shocked at the huge toll of
damage caused by Hurricane Katrina on the Gulf coast
of the United States. Natural disasters do not
distinguish between rich and poor countries, and the
human misery and suffering caused are the same. We,
in Bangladesh, have weathered many severe floods and
cyclones, and the toll in terms of life and property has
been huge. We can therefore feel the torment that the
affected people have undergone, and we offer our
heartfelt sympathies. We know that the American
people can overcome the disaster and move on with
their lives.
All countries, including Bangladesh, must seek
ways and means to contribute effectively to the United
Nations, whether through peacemaking, peacekeeping
or peacebuilding. Active participation, innovative ideas
and best practices in shoring up development together
can enhance our combined capacity to address the
worldís problems, especially those that no one country
can tackle alone. We, in Bangladesh, are particularly
proud of our contribution to peacekeeping on many
simultaneous fronts across the globe. In all, we have
contributed more than 39,000 troops to 24 missions
and are currently among the largest contributors. Sixty-
seven of our blue-helmeted soldiers have died in that
cause. Our commitment to peacekeeping remains
unflinching. We also fully support the establishment of
the Peacebuilding Commission.
A priority concern for us is our close identity
with Africa. Through our peacekeeping efforts, we
have established special bonds of friendship. The New
Partnership for Africaís Development is particularly
encouraging. We believe that South-South cooperation
has specific relevance in that context.
Bangladesh reaffirms its support for the early
establishment of a sovereign independent State in
Palestine, in accordance with the relevant United
Nations resolutions. The road map for peace in the
Middle East needs to be implemented fully and
urgently.
With respect to Iraq, we believe that the present
situation should be resolved by preserving the interests
of the Iraqi people, in particular their territorial
integrity, and by ensuring the long-term peace, security
and stability of the region.
Bangladeshís constitutional commitment to
general and complete disarmament is the reason for our
progressive support of international and regional
33

treaties and agreements covering all the Atomic Bomb
Casualty Commission (ABCC) weapons. We are a
party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty. We give precedence to human over weapons
security.
Each year we come to the Assembly to reaffirm
our faith in the United Nations. This sixtieth
anniversary year is of profound significance. We must
provide a renewed mandate to the United Nations to
meet the challenges of the new millennium ó to rid
the world of poverty and injustice, to usher in the rule
of law, to promote the cause of development, to
eradicate terrorism and, above all, to promote peace
and security. We can prevail only if we act responsibly
and together. Support for the United Nations and its
legitimacy remains a paramount priority.


The
recently convened High-level Plenary Meeting at the
level of heads of State or Government can rightly be
referred to as the major historical event of the
beginning of the new millennium. It is important that,
at the summit, the international community not only
reiterated previously undertaken commitments but also
took new, concrete decisions for their practical
implementation. Most importantly, world leaders
clearly stated that there is no alternative to the United
Nations as an international Organization that can
coordinate efforts to address the challenges faced by
humankind.
Through the common political will of world
leaders, a unique opportunity has arisen to strengthen
joint efforts towards peaceful and sustainable social
23

and economic development and the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); to progress
towards the eradication of poverty and disease; to
overcome humanitarian crises; and to provide a better
world for present and future generations.
Further progress requires united, concerted and
consistent action on the part of the international
community as a whole. There is no doubt that the
United Nations must play a key role in mobilizing and
coordinating such efforts. We share the view that it is
necessary to strengthen the Organization and its
specialized agencies, including through the urgent
reform of the Secretariat and of other United Nations
bodies.
Tajikistan welcomes the outcome of the
September summit and is prepared to meet all the
commitments and implement all the decisions outlined
in its outcome document. We view them as a pledge by
the international community to devote the necessary
attention to human development challenges and, to that
end, to channel additional financial resources to
countries in extreme need, such as Tajikistan.
The Millennium Development Goals must remain
the focus of our efforts. There is no doubt that, at the
national level, the pace of, and priorities in, the
implementation of the MDGs must be adapted to the
conditions prevailing in particular countries, each of
which has its own way of doing things and its own
particular characteristics.
Tajikistan aims to achieve maximum progress in
the implementation of the Millennium Development
Goals. Despite the difficulties we face, we have made
real progress towards attaining them. According to the
World Bank, noticeable positive changes have occurred
in the area of poverty reduction: in recent years the
number of people living below the poverty line has
decreased by 16 per cent.
It is clear that progress has been made in ensuring
food security, which is among the key priorities in
Tajikistan. The Government’s objectives include the
development of agriculture and the creation within it of
a viable private sector, and, at a minimum, a threefold
increase in the income of rural households.
We fully agree with the conclusions reached in
the Millennium Development Goals Needs Assessment
report submitted to the Secretary-General by a team of
experts led by Jeffrey Sachs, which state that Tajikistan
has a unique opportunity to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals, in the context of their major
parameters, by 2015. Successful achievement of the
envisaged targets will allow Tajikistan to become, in
Central Asia, an example of an emerging democracy
characterized by equality and prosperity.
Tajikistan is currently at a turning point in its
development. The armed conflict was resolved within a
short period of time, and the complex peacebuilding
phase, which is being successfully implemented with
United Nations support, is approaching its conclusion.
Over the last five years, with the involvement of the
United Nations Office in Tajikistan, the country has
successfully travelled the difficult road of national
reconciliation, enhancing its stability, establishing
democratic institutions, promoting the rule of law and
ensuring respect for human rights.
Stability and the implementation of first-
generation reforms have brought about a speedy
increase in gross domestic product, with an annual
increase of 9.3 per cent over the past five years. The
rehabilitation of the country's economy is progressing.
At the same time, the Republic's authorities have a
clear idea of the scale and complexity of the problems
facing the country and are fully aware of their
responsibilities in addressing social and economic
problems, and they are undertaking every possible
measure for their resolution.
Tajikistan is one the first countries in the world to
have generated, with the assistance of the United
Nations, an estimate of the overall costs and resources
required for the implementation of the MDGs. The
Millennium Development Goals Needs Assessment
identified the fundamental structural and institutional
reforms needed in Tajikistan to create an enabling
environment for achieving the MDGs; policy priorities
in respective sectors; and financial schemes for funding
the development of rural areas, the educational and
health systems, the water supply and sanitation
infrastructures, and the environment.
According to The Millennium Development
Goals Needs Assessment, Tajikistan will need about
$13 billion over the next 10 years to achieve the
required progress in the implementation of the MDGs.
However, the Millennium Development Goals
Needs Assessment is only the first concrete measure.
Based on that document, a National Strategy for
Development for 2006-2008 and a more detailed
24

Strategy for Poverty Reduction for 2006-2008 are
currently being elaborated in Tajikistan. These
measures, undertaken by the Government of Tajikistan,
fully accord with the decisions of the summit on the
elaboration of national strategies for development.
Tajikistan's social and economic development
will depend largely on the international community's
approach to addressing existing challenges, including
poverty eradication; development financing; the
creation of an equitable system of world trade; the
alleviation of the consequences of natural disasters;
and the resolution of demographic problems. That is
why the summit's decisions on such a crucial issue as
development financing are of pivotal importance for
Tajikistan.
Allow me briefly to touch on some key issues.
I turn first to needs related to official assistance
for development. In cooperation with United Nations
experts, we assessed our needs in this area in a detailed
and transparent manner. Currently, our financial
requirements for sustainable development considerably
exceed the available federal and external resources. Of
the $930 million that international donors have
committed to allocate to Tajikistan during the period
2003-2005, only 40 per cent has actually been
provided. We call on the international community to
double, at a minimum, existing aid for the
implementation of the MDGs.
Reducing the burden of foreign debt is of special
importance for us, since the funds released can be
invested in development. Due to the efforts undertaken
by the Government to reduce the burden of servicing
foreign debt, some progress has been achieved in the
restructuring of bilateral debts in recent years.
However, in the near future, the debt burden will
remain heavy. According to estimates, this year debt
will equal more than 40 per cent of gross domestic
product, and it will continue to pose a threat to the
macro-economic stability of the country and to plans
for development.
The economy and trade in Tajikistan depend to a
large extent on favourable conditions in the world
market. Tajikistan hopes for the successful completion
of the Doha round of trade negotiations within the
World Trade Organization, in order that it may fully
realize its potential in the field of development and so
that progress can be made towards an open and
equitable system of world trade.
Lack of access to the sea and remoteness from
world markets significantly increase transit
transportation expenditures, make it harder for the
country to participate in world trade and directly affect
the poverty rate in the country. In that context, the
promotion of regional cooperation, primarily with
neighbouring countries, is a key factor for the
achievement of the MDGs in Tajikistan.
Our region faces specific problems, given that the
establishment of an environment conducive to
developing trade relations and the promotion of
economic relations as a whole depends, in many
respects, on the success of the stabilization and
peacebuilding processes in neighbouring Afghanistan.
With respect to the country's post-conflict
rehabilitation, it is clear that, at the regional level,
active involvement by the States of Central Asia
neighbouring Afghanistan in its development will be
key to the success of the efforts undertaken there.
In this connection, Tajikistan believes that it is
absolutely essential that Afghanistan share in the
multifaceted process of regional cooperation. We
expect our region's leading international partners to
provide appropriate support for that process. Indeed,
that issue could be considered by the new United
Nations Peacebuilding Commission.
Although we rely on international assistance, the
Government of Tajikistan is making increased efforts
to utilize the country's own capacity to the fullest
extent. Tajikistan's water resources offer enormous
advantages in terms of the implementation of the
MDGs. Unfortunately, less than 5 per cent of their
potential is currently being exploited.
Rational and fair management of water resources
will contribute directly to progress towards the MDGs
by helping to address challenges related to, inter alia,
food security, employment, sanitation, the reduction of
disease and increased school attendance. Our common
goal is to develop a qualitatively new pattern of
sustainable water resource management and to address
water economy challenges at the national, regional and
international levels by bringing together international
community support and national efforts, while ensuring
that the countries themselves and even subregions
facing water supply problems play the leading role.
We expect all countries and all of the specialized
agencies of the United Nations to take an active part in
events relating to the International Decade for Action
25

"Water for Life", the success of which will depend on
joint activities being undertaken. That should make a
common, tangible contribution to the future of
humankind.
As a country that has lived through civil conflict,
Tajikistan considers progress in the implementation of
the MDGs to be of special significance. The successful
social and economic development of the country is the
key to preventing a recurrence of such conflict. Our
experience teaches us that creating conditions that can
prevent the resumption of conflict and strengthen the
process of advancing social and economic development
in countries that have lived through such conflict must
be among the key goals of the international
community. In this connection, we fully share the
conviction that the United Nations must focus on
overcoming and preventing conflict and on post-
conflict rehabilitation and development. We hope that
the new United Nations Peacebuilding Commission
will expand the capacity of the international
community to respond to the needs of post-conflict
countries and allow a direct link to be made between
security and development. The Economic and Social
Council is called upon to play its role in that process.
Tajikistan, which suffered in its struggle for
independence, has resolutely set out on the democratic
road towards development, and will not turn back. The
international community, first and foremost the United
Nations, has made an enormous contribution in that
regard, and for many years we have benefited from its
generous assistance and selfless support.
We are convinced that the United Nations should
remain the key body for regulating international
relations in the new millennium. We are working on
the assumption that the consolidating function of the
United Nations should be enhanced. The reform of the
Organization should be rational, and the renewed
United Nations itself should be strong and capable of
responding to world events in a swift and proper
manner so that it can effectively counteract the many
global challenges and threats of a new generation.
Tajikistan will make its own contribution in that area
with a view to strengthening the United Nations and
enhancing its role in the modern world.


This is the
first time that a representative from the island of
Barbuda has had the honour to address the General
Assembly. For my country, the nation of Antigua and
Barbuda - and, more important, for my fellow
Barbudans - this is indeed a historic and significant
milestone.
The Government and the people of Antigua and
Barbuda have full confidence in the multilateral
system, and in the United Nations as the primary
instrument of multilateralism. Further, we believe that
only through cooperation at the international level can
micro-States like Antigua and Barbuda begin to
address the global threats and challenges that
jeopardize our existence, our way of life and our ability
to make progress.
Antigua and Barbuda attaches great importance to
the work of the United Nations and to the outcome of
the collective decisions of the family of nations. We
look forward to safeguards for small developing States
in all stages of multilateral processes, and specifically
in the outcome document of the 2005 world summit
(resolution 60/1).
Taking stock of the achievement of the objectives
of the outcome of major United Nations conferences
and summits is a task we approach with trepidation.
15

Antigua and Barbuda is attempting to achieve and
sustain a decent standard of living for our people and
for future generations. Our progress report is a mixed
one, tinged with both hope and frustration. We are
hopeful because we have achieved a lot with our
meagre resources. In the face of severe economic
hardship, we have managed to achieve a literacy rate of
over 90 per cent among young people aged 15 to 25
years. Access to primary and secondary education is
mandatory and is provided free of cost by the
Government to all students aged 5 to 16. All public
school students are provided with school uniforms and
the required textbooks free of cost. To accommodate
our expanding student population, only this week we
commissioned a new school on my island of Barbuda.
Poor people need access to the necessary
resources so that they can take charge of their own
development. That is why the Barbudan people are
extremely proud of what we consider to be a very
progressive land policy for the ownership of land on
our island. The Barbuda Lands Act, which is scheduled
to be introduced in Parliament shortly, stipulates that
all land on Barbuda be owned in common by the
Barbudan people.
In the area of health care, we in Antigua and
Barbuda have a national medical benefits programme
that provides low-cost access to health-care services
and prescription drugs. Our child mortality rate is
among the lowest in developing countries, and our
nutrition level for children aged 5 years and under is
among the highest.
The promotion of gender equality and the
empowerment of women has been a priority area for
Antigua and Barbuda. We signed and ratified the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women, and are currently
working on the ratification of the Convention's
Optional Protocol. With regard to the Millennium
Development Goal pertaining to the empowerment of
women, Antigua and Barbuda has made noteworthy
strides. Our first woman was elected to Parliament in
the last general elections. Our Speaker of Parliament
and our President of the Senate are women, and there
are two women in our Cabinet. Concerted efforts have
been made to promote women's political participation
at all levels.
In spite of such progress, however, we continue
to experience a high level of frustration with regard to
development. That is because the progress we have
made thus far is at risk of being wiped away. As a
middle-income small island developing State, we are
continually handed the sharp edge of the sword to hold
when it comes to a number of issues of international
development. It is as if we were being punished by the
international community for having achieved some
measure of progress with very meagre resources and
despite severe external challenges.
The Monterrey Consensus represents a pact
between developed and developing countries, the
objective of which is the scaling up of financing for
development. Yet there is nothing in the Monterrey
Consensus that so-called middle-income countries can
benefit from. We have fulfilled the responsibilities
accorded to Governments of developing countries as
stipulated in the Monterrey Consensus. We continue to
go beyond those responsibilities to consolidate the
principles of accountability, transparency and good
governance in laws we introduced in Parliament in the
seventh month of the first term of the incumbent
Government of Antigua and Barbuda.
All of that took place against a backdrop of a
declining trend in the flow of official development
assistance (ODA) to the Caribbean region. It is
necessary for international agreements on financing for
development, such as the Monterrey Consensus, to
include all developing countries, and not sideline those
that have achieved some measure of progress. Our
frustration with the Monterrey Consensus, and with
financing for development in general, would not be so
acute were it not been for the brutal challenges we face
in other areas that are potential engines for economic
growth and development.
We have been forced to ask ourselves if a pro-
development trade regime is something the
international community really wants. Our neighbours
in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) have been
dragged through brutal trade battles, struggling to keep
alive their agricultural sector, namely, the banana and
sugar industries. The Caribbean Community has for
years been lamenting the importance of those two
sectors to the livelihood of our people. A pro-
development trade regime would not amputate the feet
of such small vulnerable players and leave them to
haemorrhage. And that is exactly what has transpired
with regard to our banana- and sugar-producing
CARICOM neighbours.
16

As if that were not enough, we in Antigua and
Barbuda now find ourselves under attack in yet another
sector. Last week, during the 2005 world summit, the
Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda (see
A/60/PV.4) spoke of the need for us to seek the
intervention of the World Trade Organization in the
dispute with the United States over Internet gaming.
With trade in agriculture proving continually difficult
for developing States in general, and for small island
States in particular, the services sector is just about the
only option we currently have for diversification. For
Antigua and Barbuda, the tourism sector has been good
to us, but it is extremely volatile, and our high levels of
environmental and economic vulnerability necessitate
strategically identifying other options for economic
growth and development. One such option is Internet
gaming. But due to the unfair trade practices of highly
developed countries, notably the United States, we are
finding it increasingly difficult to realize development
benefits from Internet gaming.
In addition to that, the principle of special and
differential treatment for countries with special needs,
such as small island developing States, is under
perpetual assault by highly developed countries. After
careful consideration and evaluation, we are forced to
conclude that there is nothing tangible for small
developing States in the Monterrey Consensus. We are
losing the battle on the issue of trade, and so we
attempt to hitch our proverbial wagon to foreign direct
investment as a means of stimulating economic growth
and development. But once again, our efforts meet with
frustration. Why? Because of unsustainable debt.
Our experience has shown that highly indebted
countries find it extremely difficult to attract private
international finance. The international community
now realizes the importance of debt reduction and debt
forgiveness to development. We urge that the situation
of heavily indebted middle-income countries be given
serious attention by the international community. If
more is not done to address the debt problem of
middle-income countries, we risk reversing our
development gains. Instead of a reduction, the net
result may actually be increasing levels of poverty.
Antigua and Barbuda fully supports all efforts to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
With regard to environmental sustainability, small
islands like Antigua and Barbuda face the challenge of
very limited land space and fragile ecosystems, and are
highly vulnerable to natural disasters and the effects of
climate change. Compounding those challenges is our
heavy dependence on the natural environment to
support our tourism product, which accounts for almost
80 per cent of our gross national income. Two thirds of
the island of Barbuda is merely a few feet above sea
level. Threats to our natural environment are threats to
our very way of life and existence. We therefore
welcome paragraphs 51 to 53 in the 2005 world
summit outcome document on the issue of climate
change.
The devastation wrought by the increased
intensity of hurricanes has set us back years, even
decades, on the development scale. Antigua and
Barbuda stresses the need for policies to mitigate the
effects of hurricanes and other natural disasters on
small developing States, as well as the establishment of
an effective system of long-term support for countries
recovering from disasters.
International drug trafficking has major security
implications for our islands. Drug traffickers often use
our shores and surrounding waters as trans-shipment
points for their illegal cargo, resulting in an increase in
the criminal element within our fragile societies. Those
criminals operate within very sophisticated networks
that are beyond the reach and capacity of our
resources. It is a situation that puts the security of the
entire region at risk. This is one area that begs for
greater international attention.
Antigua and Barbuda is in agreement with many
of the recommendations to strengthen the United
Nations, as contained in the outcome document of the
2005 world summit. We support those reform
proposals, the objective of which is to make the United
Nations more democratic, increase its legitimacy and
enhance its work.
At a time when multilateralism is coming under
attack, we, as small developing States, remain ever
mindful of the need for the United Nations. We share
equally in the quest for peace and security and are
heartened by the growing recognition that there can be
no peace and security without development. We call for
further and unambiguous acknowledgement of the
security-development nexus and for the economic
development of all countries to be accorded equal
priority as international peace and security.


I bring warm
greetings, Sir, from the Government and people of
Solomon Islands, and I wish to congratulate the
President on his election to lead the General Assembly
at its sixtieth session. I would like to assure him of
Solomon Islands’ support and cooperation during his
term in office as he guides the work of the Assembly
over the next 12 months.
My delegation would also like to commend and
register its deep appreciation to his predecessor, our
colleague, the Honourable Jean Ping, Foreign Minister
of Gabon, for his invaluable contribution and able
leadership of the proceedings of fifty-ninth session of
the General Assembly.
28

Solomon Islands also extends its gratitude to
Secretary-General Kofi Annan for his vision,
dedication and leadership in making the United
Nations relevant and responsive to today’s threats.
This Organization rose out of the ashes of the
Second World War with the sole purpose of ensuring
that never again would the world allow crimes against
humanity to flourish. Sixty years on, genocide,
terrorism, HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and hunger
continue to claim millions of lives annually. According
to a recent World Health Organization report,
preventable disease, such as malaria, claims more lives
than today’s conflicts put together. Of 300 to 500
million clinical cases annually, 1.5 to 2.7 million lives
are lost. In this connection, Solomon Islands suffers
higher rates of malaria and maternal mortality than any
other country in the Pacific region. My delegation is
pleased to see the summit agree on the establishment
and implementation of “quick win” initiatives, such as
free distribution of treated bed nets and antimalarial
medicines. But more needs to be done; a
comprehensive malaria eradication programme on
public and environmental health must be initiated and
implemented simultaneously.
Despite these overwhelming facts, the world
continues to spend even more on military programmes
and equipment. The lack of progress on disarmament
and non-proliferation, with the continuing threat of
terrorism, begs the question as to whether the world
has indeed become safer, more stable and protected, as
the founders of the United Nations Charter envisioned.
It further raises the question whether international
frameworks and cooperation agreements have, in fact,
contained today’s threats.
Solomon Islands condemns terrorism in all its
forms. In this regard, we are embarking on a legislative
process, with New Zealand’s support, to increase our
national capacity in enhancing regional security
arrangements through the Nasonini Declaration on
Regional Security and the Honiara Declaration on Law
Enforcement Cooperation, particularly as concerns
threats posed by international terrorism and
transnational crimes.
In keeping with this year’s theme, “For a stronger
and more effective United Nations: the follow-up and
implementation of the High-level Plenary Meeting in
September 2005”, we are faced with the challenge of
continuing the reform process. As my Prime Minister
pointed out last week during the high-level summit, we
must not solve today’s problems with yesterday’s
solutions, but rather with a new vision that will build a
stronger multilateral system to confront threats and
challenges in the twenty-first century. Solomon Islands
notes and supports the Summit Outcome (resolution
60/1) as a starting point for change.
Current reforms to rejuvenate the multilateral
system must occur at three levels — international,
regional and national. The forthcoming Doha process,
beginning in December of this year, will provide
another opportunity for the international community to
equitably spread the fruits of globalization, take to task
the imbalance that exists within the economic
international system and address the challenges of
vulnerable and fragile States. The Doha development
agenda must accord stable and predictable market
access to all least developed countries’ products,
technology transfer and human resources development.
For Solomon Islands to share the fruits of the
multilateral trading system in a meaningful way, it
must first address the domestic bottlenecks that impede
its full participation, such as supply-side restraints and
other “behind-the-door” complementary policies that
are not conducive to a business-friendly environment.
The Brussels Declaration and the Programme for
Action for the Least Developed Countries will be
reviewed beginning next year. The lack of
implementation of the Brussels Programme speaks of
the international community’s commitment to 700
million of the world’s most vulnerable persons.
Solomon Islands is off track in terms of meeting its
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) obligation;
however, as a least developed country in the Asia/
Pacific region, it is committed to meeting its MDGs
and seeks international support and attention in this
endeavour. Poverty has no boundaries, and we
acknowledge and support the Jakarta Declaration. For
the MDGs and other benefits to be realized and
sustained, Solomon Islands will need to grow its
economy. Solomon Islands also calls for a greater in-
country presence on the part of the United Nations to
work in partnership with us to meet the Goals.
Solomon Islands supports the proposal to
establish the Peacebuilding Commission. The
Commission will play a difficult and important role in
assisting countries that are emerging from conflict
situations to reintegrate, reconstruct and rebuild State
institutions in order to maintain peace, security and
29

economic stability. In that light, the Regional
Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) is
a shining example from which the Commission could
draw lessons. It has demonstrated that, with courage
and determination, the principles and institutions of
democracy and human rights can be safeguarded and
protected. A two-pronged approach of law and order
complemented by economic security and carried out in
the spirit of true partnership will create an opportunity
for peace to prosper. Solomon Islands also welcomes
the Assembly’s endorsement of the concept of the
responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war
crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, as
contained in the summit’s outcome document.
Solomon Islands would like to express its deep
appreciation to Australia, New Zealand and our good
friends and neighbours, the Pacific Island countries for
their continued support and contribution to Regional
Assistance Mission. We could not have done it without
them, and I thank them.
Solomon Islands needs to progress beyond the
initial crisis of law and order, but the challenge
remains to nurture the country and build an economy to
sustain it. Per capita income in Solomon Islands has
currently dropped to more than 20 per cent below the
1995 level. To repair that situation, Solomon Islands
must address harmful past policies of economic
mismanagement, a lack of fiscal discipline, faulty
governance and capacity constraints at all levels.
Solomon Islands is well endowed with natural
resources and a young population that can form the
basis of a good labour supply, but it lacks both human
capital and physical capital, with poor infrastructure to
lift productivity and deliver sustainable growth that is
broad-based, rurally focused and people-centred.
That is why the Government is initiating a
strategy to attract and build capital. The strategy hinges
on establishing a stable macroeconomic environment,
creating simple business-friendly tax and regulatory
regimes and improving infrastructure and good
governance. With respect to establishing a credible
fiscal policy, we have returned the budget to surpluses.
Revenues have been enhanced. Expenditures have been
tightened and prioritized. Monetary policies are being
fine-tuned and aligned. State-owned enterprises
continue to be reformed, with steps taken to remove
barriers and improve efficient shipping networks,
which are critical for island nations. Those initiatives
will be coupled with a new draft investment law, a
credible budget for 2006 and the introduction of a fair
and simple tax reform bill, which will be submitted to
the Parliament at its next sitting.
Debt levels remain crippling, amounting to more
than 100 per cent of the gross domestic product of the
Solomon Islands. Talks with creditors have begun to
establish a workable debt strategy. The innovative
approach advocated by the Philippines of a debt-for-
equity swap to finance MDG projects is worth looking
into.
Capacity-building in governance that is free from
corruption is vital for rural development, health and
education. Leadership and governance, which are
critical for stability and economic development, are
being improved by clarifying rules and expectations
and by adopting an outcome-oriented approach. That
will improve the transparency of public processes and
the effectiveness of institutions.
Solomon Islands acknowledges the contributions
of Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Japan,
the European Union, Taiwan, the Asian Development
Bank and the World Bank, among other donor partners,
in support of Government initiatives to rebuild our
fragile and shattered State. Solomon Islands must
consolidate the gains achieved in the past two years on
the security and economic fronts and move forward
constructively. Much is yet to be done.
On climate change, the world continues to
experience changing weather patterns and has seen an
increase in the frequency and intensity of natural
disasters. Small island developing States (SIDS), such
as Solomon Islands, are more vulnerable and
susceptible to natural disasters, and we call for the
international community to renew its focus on, and
concrete commitment to, the issue of climate change,
in line with the summit’s outcome document. My
delegation welcomes the entry into force of the Kyoto
Protocol in February this year and calls on those
countries that have not yet ratified the Protocol to do
so at their earliest convenience.
In the light of the Asian tsunami of last
December, it would be cost-effective for the world to
invest in mitigation measures, in particular renewable
energy resources. The Hyogo strategy of the Kobe
Conference and the Mauritius Strategy of January this
year provide an excellent starting point. Sadly,
however, the Group of Eight meeting on climate
30

change did not take decisive action. For that reason,
Solomon Islands, as a member of the Alliance of Small
Island States, urges the Group of Eight to reconsider
the issue, because the environment has an impact on
the physical survival of small island developing States.
Closer to home, Solomon Islands wishes to
acknowledge the completion of the United Nations
Observer Mission in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea,
with the successful election in Papua New Guinea’s
newly autonomous province of Bougainville. We wish
our closest Melanesian neighbour every success in
building on the political gains made so far, and we
assure Bougainville of our commitment to all bilateral
cooperative arrangements. Solomon Islands also
acknowledges Papua New Guinea’s ongoing bilateral
assistance to Solomon Islands.
With respect to Security Council reform,
Solomon Islands believes that the membership of the
Council should reflect the political and economic
realities of our time. In that regard, Solomon Islands
supports the expansion of the Security Council and
feels that a country such as Japan, which has strong
bilateral links with Solomon Islands, should be
accorded a permanent seat on the Council. Japan’s
inclusion will contribute to bridging the divide between
the multilateral institutions and Member States.
This year marks the tenth anniversary of the
Beijing Platform for Action. The results have been
mixed. Solomon Islands believes that improving the
welfare of women is an indispensable requirement for
sustainable security. At the regional level, issues
relating to the empowerment of women are being
incorporated into the Pacific Plan, which will be
discussed by Pacific Islands Forum leaders in October
this year.
The United Nations was founded on the principle
of maintaining international peace and security. Over
the years, some threats continue to receive more
attention than others. The Anti-Secession Law enacted
by the People’s Republic of China in March this year
has threatened peace and security on the Taiwan Strait.
The situation creates a security vacuum that, if left
unattended, will continue to fester and will put in
question the credibility of this premier multilateral
institution. There is no mechanism to address such threats
within the parameters of the United Nations Charter.
Solomon Islands therefore renews its call to have
the issue debated in the General Assembly. The time
has now come for this body to allow Taiwan, a major
player in the international economic system, to take its
rightful place in the United Nations. The Assembly
cannot continue to ignore the plight of the 23 million
people of Taiwan. Solomon Islands regrets the manner
in which the Assembly has dealt with the issue,
allowing certain countries to dictate the agenda.
With respect to the reform of the Secretariat,
Solomon Islands would like to see the Secretariat
reflect the diversity of its membership. The current
recruitment process of having external, rather than in-
country, examinations has deterred potential applicants
from small island developing States from applying,
given the associated expenses.
In conclusion, Solomon Islands supports
multilateralism, and I assure the President of our
ongoing support for United Nations reform.


I should
like at the outset to sincerely congratulate you, Sir, on
your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at the present session. That election is a sign
of confidence in your qualities as a statesman and a
recognition of your country, Sweden, which reminds us
of its illustrious son Dag Hammarskjld, the second
Secretary-General of the Organization, who sacrificed
his life for the cause of humanity. I should also like to
express to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jean
Ping, Minister of State, Minister for Foreign Affairs of
the Gabonese Republic, our heartfelt congratulations
on the skill and wisdom with which he guided the work
of the fifty-ninth session and successfully led the
difficult negotiations that produced the document
recently adopted at the World Summit (resolution
60/1). Finally, we commend the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his courageous and tireless
initiatives to renew and revitalize the United Nations
system.
The sixtieth session of the General Assembly is
taking place in an international situation characterized
not only by recurrent wars but also by the resurgence
of terrorist acts that spare no region in the world and
by natural disasters that have plunged many families
into mourning. We wish to express to the Government
and the people of the United States of America our
sincerest condolences following Hurricane Katrina.
Combating terrorism, like preserving our
environment, calls for greater solidarity. The United
Nations, whose sixtieth anniversary we are celebrating,
remains the essential tool for expressing that solidarity.
It is only the United Nations that will enable us to face
the formidable challenges of the future.
The Congo therefore welcomes the adoption of
the outcome document of the High-level Plenary
Meeting, which sets out the main course of action to be
taken. The outcome document gives us reasons for
hope about ways in which to meet the challenges
facing our world. At the same time, it gives rise to
some questions.
The Congo welcomes the clear reaffirmation by
all heads of State or Government of their commitment
to continue to discuss and seek solutions to the worldís
main concerns: issues of development, collective peace
and security, human rights and the rule of law, and
strengthening the United Nations.
We welcome the consensus regarding the need to
create a Peacebuilding Commission and a Human
Rights Council. A Human Rights Council would,
together with the International Criminal Court, enhance
the effectiveness of mechanisms to promote and defend
human rights.
Institutional reform of the United Nations -
encompassing, of course, all its principal organs,
including the General Assembly, the Security Council,
the Economic and Social Council and the
Secretariat - like reform of the internal management
of our Organization, is both a political and a moral
imperative that would enable the United Nations to
move with the times and to prepare more effectively to
face the coming decades.
The Congo regrets, however, that the serious
issue of disarmament was not even mentioned in the
outcome document because of a lack of consensus,
even though nuclear weapons, weapons of mass
destruction and the illicit trade in small arms and light
weapons are the greatest threats to humanity. The
Congo reaffirms its full support for the objective of
general and complete disarmament and the total
elimination of weapons of mass destruction.
Africa has always been a source of concern for
the United Nations, and the Security Council with good
reason spends most of its time on Africa. We have
reason to be pleased that some degree of progress has
been made in several countries.
In Burundi, we welcome the efforts of the
international community, which a month ago led to the
successful completion of the electoral process in that
country. We welcome the Central African Republicís
return to constitutional order after several years of
crisis and instability. These countries deserve increased
support from the international community so as to
consolidate situations that are still fragile.
13

In the Sudan, we welcome the reconciliation
between the Sudan People's Liberation Movement
(SPLM), the central Government and the new
Government of national unity, which has just been
established. But the reconciliation between the north
and the south in Sudan should not lead us to forget the
tragedy that has for two years been affecting another
segment of the population in the west of the country,
namely, Darfur. We call for greater mobilization on the
part of the international community in support of the
African Union's efforts to bring an immediate end to
that political and humanitarian crisis.
In Cote d'Ivoire, because of the differences
between the parties to the conflict and despite the
tireless efforts on the part of the United Nations and
the African Union, the holding of elections, initially set
for October 2005, has now been brought into question.
We urge our Ivorian brothers to rise above their
differences in the higher interest of their country and of
peace and stability in the subregion.
Peace and stability in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo determine the stability and development of
the whole of Central Africa and the Great Lakes
region. We applaud the efforts by the international
community in support of the electoral process leading
to a successful transition in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo.
Our subregion was very much involved in those
efforts. As current chairman of the Economic
Community of Central African States, the President of
the Republic of the Congo, Mr. Denis Sassou-Nguesso,
was assigned by his peers, following the twelfth
Conference of Heads of State and Government held in
June 2005 at Brazzaville, the task of promoting
successful transition. Pursuant to that mandate,
together with my colleagues from Angola, Gabon and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we met with
the international partners of the Democratic Republic
of the Congo, namely Belgium, the European Union
and, of course, the United Nations.
Concerning the Great Lakes region, the first
summit meeting of the International Conference on the
Great Lakes, which was held in November 2004 at
Dar es Salaam, aroused great hopes for a return to
peace, stability and development in that subregion.
In a few months, the second summit meeting of
the International Conference will be held at Nairobi
and will adopt a security, stability and development
pact, under which our countries intend to implement
action programmes and protocols in order to make a
reality of their desire for a shared future of peace,
security and development.
The International Conference on the Great Lakes
Region is a unique experience of regional
peacebuilding. We very much hope that this subregion
will be the first to implement the reforms proposed by
the Secretary-General concerning peacebuilding.
We would like to take this opportunity to reiterate
the appeal made by the President of the Republic of the
Congo to the international community in general and to
the development partners in particular to make the
Great Lakes region a special development area.
Nine of the eleven countries that make up our
subregion of Central Africa are now in a post-conflict
situation. This subject was discussed at length at the
twenty-third meeting of the United Nations Standing
Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central
Africa, which was held at Brazzaville from 29 August
to 2 September 2005.
We welcome the existence and work of that
committee, of which my country is now chair, and at
the same time we ask the United Nations to act on the
outcome of the committeeís multidisciplinary mission
to Central Africa in June 2003.
In the Middle East, notwithstanding the
persistence of the Israel-Palestine conflict, we welcome
and encourage the efforts made over the past several
months by the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Ariel
Sharon, and the President of the Palestinian Authority,
Mr. Mahmoud Abbas, which reflect a common desire
to bring about a fair and lasting solution.
Consolidation of peace, restoration of
macroeconomic balances and combating pandemics
such as HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, these
are the top priorities of my Government.
Our Government intends to expand its activities
to deal with other scourges. We organized in
Brazzaville in June 2005 a conference on
trypanosomiasis, during which a resolution declaring
trypanosomiasis the number-one priority for public
health, like HIV/AIDS and malaria, was adopted. We
request that special attention be given to this disease.
Concerned about preserving the environment, the
Congo and other countries of the subregion entered
14

into a partnership agreement with the international
community in 2002 within the framework of the Congo
River Basin Initiative.
The second summit meeting of heads of State and
Government on conservation and sustainable
management of forest ecosystems in Central Africa
was held at Brazzaville in February 2005, and adopted
a long-term strategy for the preservation of the forest,
fauna and biodiversity in the greater Congo basin.
I wish to thank the European Union, the United
States of America, France and Germany for their
support of this initiative.
In conclusion, I wish to thank the African Group
for having endorsed the candidacy of the Congo for a
non-permanent seat on the Security Council for 2006 to
2007. I would like to reassure you that we are fully
determined to work resolutely for peace, freedom and
justice throughout the world.


We Austrians unfailingly
keep the United Nations in high esteem. Let me try to
explain why.
Austria became a Member of the United Nations
in December 1955. That was only half a year after our
full sovereignty had been restored through a treaty
concluded with the United States, the Soviet Union, the
United Kingdom and France, called the Austrian State
Treaty.
Fifty years ago, becoming part of the family of
nations was a powerful motive for us. We could build
on your trust. We could rely on your help. We later
solved complex problems such as the question of
Südtirol with you, our partners in the United Nations.
And we have since been eager to return to others in
need the help extended to us.
More than anything else, it is our own experience
that nurtures our confidence in the potential of the
United Nations as a promoter of peace and a beacon of
hope for so many who face the dire challenges and
threats to our societies — be they armed conflict or
hunger, terrorism or environmental disaster. We need
the United Nations to be relevant, responsive and
reliable — today and in the years to come.
The reform process initiated by Secretary-
General Kofi Annan and reflected in the World Summit
Outcome document will further enhance that potential.
We may not have achieved all we were striving for, but
let us not disregard the progress made, for it will — if
acted upon — make a difference to people in need of
our support, in need of our protection.
Promoting peace is the United Nations very
raison d’être. Since Austria joined the United Nations,
some 54,000 Austrian peacekeepers have participated
in more than 50 missions all over the world. Currently,
1,200 of them are deployed in missions from Kosovo
to the Golan Heights and from Afghanistan to Aceh
and the Sudan.
It is also in the light of their practical experience
that we welcome the new peacebuilding commission. It
will provide specific support to people having to cope
with the manifold challenges along the path from war
to real peace. I wish to say one word on women in that
context. Creating confidence in post-conflict societies
requires the active participation and deliberate
involvement of women. They must become key
partners in our peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts.
2

The European Union, as the major donor to post-conflict
reconstruction and development, will substantially
contribute to the peacebuilding commission’s work. It
should therefore have a place in the commission.
For us and many people all over the world, the
most serious failure of the present reform effort was
the lack of agreement on effective and verifiable
measures against nuclear proliferation and for
disarmament. We must strengthen the multilateral
verification mechanisms and enable the International
Atomic Energy Agency to make best use of its
capacity. We must not abandon our efforts to find
common ground on those most challenging tasks.
In this vulnerable world, we need to foster trust
between communities and peoples and help to identify
shared values. Austria thus strongly supports every
form of dialogue among civilizations, religions and
cultures. In particular, we need to reach out to the
Islamic world, both internationally and inside our
societies. As a concrete contribution, Austria will host
an international conference in November on Islam in a
pluralistic world.
Anywhere in the world, individuals will be able
to live and unfold in larger freedom only when their
fundamental needs of development, security and
human rights are met. We need to address those
requirements in a comprehensive and integrated manner.
We are grateful to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who
so remarkably raised awareness on that matter.
The Millennium Development Goals contain
specific promises of solidarity. Austria therefore
welcomes our continued common commitments, in
particular to poverty eradication and the global
partnership for sustainable development. In
contributing to the funding effort, we will raise our
official development assistance to 0.51 per cent of our
gross national income by 2010.
Promoting human security is an ever more
demanding task. Our decisions on the “responsibility to
protect” are a courageous step forward in international
relations, but more importantly, they are an offer of
hope to those most vulnerable to genocide, war crimes,
ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. We must
not let them down. In the words of Simon Wiesenthal,
who sadly passed away last night in Vienna, what
connects 2,000 years of genocide is “too much power
in too few hands”. Ten years ago, at this Assembly,
Simon Wiesenthal proposed to organize a worldwide
conference aimed at reducing hate. He said that
“technology without hatred can be so beneficial for
mankind, but in conjunction with hatred it leads to
disaster” (A/50/PV.66, p. 9). Reality has since
illustrated the profound relevance of that proposal.
In our globalized world, the concept of
neighbourhood has taken on a new meaning. In the eye
of disaster, we are all neighbours, no matter how far or
close. As the tsunami and recent hurricanes have taught
us, there is an emerging sense of shared destiny and
responsibility no longer limited to geographical
vicinity. Let me on this occasion express our gratitude
to all those private donors who set a mark of living
solidarity.
Austria’s clear commitment to effective
multilateralism is at the very heart of our work in the
European Union and the United Nations. It is in that
spirit that we are a candidate for Security Council
membership in 2009-2010.
Promoting the rule of law is the key to an
environment of trust within our societies. It enables
individuals to enjoy a self-determined life. For many,
the rule of law is synonymous with normality and
predictability in their private and professional lives.
We therefore welcome the proposed establishment of a
rule of law assistance unit in the Secretariat to advise
States in their efforts towards the rule of law.
One of the main achievements of the summit was
the decision to establish a human rights council, even if
the concrete set-up remains to be defined. In our view,
we need a standing body with the ability to address
urgent human rights issues swiftly and efficiently. That
is no mere management question. What is at stake is
the new Council’s capacity to make a difference for
those in need. It is now crucial that negotiations start
without delay in order to seize the momentum of the
reform.
Human rights are also a matter of education. In
the framework of the Human Security Network,
Austria has therefore developed a human rights manual
that has been translated into all United Nations
languages. It is used in training programmes in Austria
and abroad and we encourage our partners to make use
of that instrument.
Strengthening human rights and the rule of law
will increase security. That is true for societies at large,
but it is also true for the smallest communities and
3

individual households. Full respect for the rights of
women and children is therefore indispensable in the
world of increased justice and equality we strive for.
Too many women are victims of violence. We therefore
welcome the study currently being prepared by the
Secretary-General on all forms of violence against
women.
Much remains to be done. The Doha Development
Round has to promote improved market access. In our
efforts to protect the environment, we have to enhance
the use of renewable energy and reduce the emission of
greenhouse gases. We also need to finalize the
comprehensive anti-terrorism convention, as agreed at the
world summit, and adopt and implement the counter-
terrorism strategy proposed by the Secretary-General.
Real freedom is within reach if we, through the
United Nations, join our forces to promote peace,
security and justice — not only freedom from want and
freedom from fear, but eventually freedom to live in
dignity for both women and men across the globe.


We live in an age of
unpredictable threats, against which there may be no
airtight security measures. Tragedy could strike in the
form of a deadly epidemic. It could be the handiwork
of terrorists, like the attacks against New York City on
11 September 2001 or the Bali bombings of 2002. It
could be a convulsion of nature, like the tsunami that
demolished the Indonesian province of Aceh and
nearby Indian Ocean Rim areas, or the storm tide that
drowned New Orleans and much of Louisiana recently.
On the tragedy of New Orleans, we extend our
deepest condolences to the American people.
We Indonesians know too well the enormous
suffering that a natural catastrophe can bring. In Aceh
alone, the tsunami of 26 December 2004 killed outright
some 130,000 individuals. It destroyed 220,000 homes
and displaced 572,000 individuals. Some 100,000
persons are still missing and presumed dead. The death
toll would have been higher were it not for the quick
and vigorous response of the international community
and the United Nations. For that, the Indonesian people
29

are deeply grateful. The outpouring of sympathy and
solidarity, as well as humanitarian assistance from all
over the world, deeply touched us.
Eleven days after the tragedy, we hosted in
Jakarta a special summit of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on the aftermath of
the earthquake and tsunami. At that summit, world
leaders and the United Nations Secretary-General, as
well as representatives of multilateral institutions,
worked out a system of coordination and division of
labour in attending to the stricken countries. Pledges
were made of urgently needed assistance. A decision
was reached to develop a multi-nodal early warning
system covering the Indian Ocean Rim countries.
Within ASEAN, an agreement to establish stand-by
arrangements to mitigate natural disasters was
concluded last July. Those efforts were reflected in
General Assembly resolution 59/233, initiated by
ASEAN and sponsored by more than 130 United
Nations Members.
The reconstruction and rehabilitation of Aceh got
off to an early start as the emergency relief phase was
completed ahead of schedule. A master plan for
reconstruction and rehabilitation was then devised. An
agency for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of
Aceh was established and given broad powers.
Through the World Bank’s Multi-Donor Trust Fund
and bilateral mechanisms with donors, we have
instituted a strict system that guarantees transparency
and accountability in the disbursement of funds.
Rehabilitation and development, however, cannot
run smoothly without peace. And for many years there
has been no peace. Before the tsunami, Aceh saw three
decades of armed conflict caused by perceived
economic injustices. Many Acehnese felt that they
were not being given a fair deal by the central
Government. As the conflict raged and took a heavy
toll on human life, a vicious cycle was at work:
violence impoverished the people, and in their poverty
many resorted to violence.
In the spirit of reform and in a democratic
environment, efforts to address the problem of Aceh
through dialogue and reconciliation were initiated in
2000. Those efforts led to the signing of a final
agreement in Helsinki last month. That was the silver
lining in the cloud of 26 December; it opened the eyes
of both sides to the hopelessness of the situation
without peace.
It helps that there is international support for the
peace process. At our invitation, the European Union
and ASEAN contributing countries have provided
monitors for the implementation of the peace
agreement. In a way, it has created a precedent for the
collaboration of two regional organizations in
peacebuilding.
The decommissioning and destruction of rebel
weapons are working according to the peace
agreement. The former rebels are back in the fold of
the unitary Republic of Indonesia and are fighting on
the same side as the Government in the struggle against
poverty.
Peace and development in Aceh are the fruits of
reform and democratization, which are pervading all of
Indonesia. Starting this year, all local officials,
governors, regents and mayors are directly elected by
the people. Whereas the former rebel leaders once
sought power through the bullet, they can now seek
their legitimate aspirations through the ballot.
Since 1998, we have enhanced our political
institutions through constitutional amendments. We
have overhauled our legal system, and we are adopting
high standards of good governance in the corporate and
public sector. We have pursued vigorous campaigns
against corruption.
We are now pursuing an economic strategy that is
pro-growth, pro-poor and pro-job. We are
strengthening the export sector, promoting investments
to create jobs and speeding up rural economic
development. In a few weeks, we will put in place a
social safety net that will cushion the impact of high
oil prices on the poor. We are on target with our
Millennium Development Goals on poverty reduction.
Wherever there is social unrest in Indonesia, we
bring justice and foster dialogue and reconciliation, as
we did in Aceh.
In the same spirit of reconciliation, Indonesia and
neighbouring Timor-Leste have reached out to each
other so that both nations might together close a
painful chapter in our shared history. Together, we
have established a commission of truth and friendship,
tasked to bring about exposure of the truth and
acknowledgement of responsibility for the human
rights violations committed prior to and immediately
after the popular consultations held in Timor-Leste in
1999. The commission started its work last August.
30

The fledgling democracies of the two countries stand a
better of chance of succeeding if they work together in
a spirit of reconciliation, friendship and cooperation,
complementing the prosecutorial justice that has been
carried out in Indonesia and Timor-Leste.
With our other closest neighbours in South-East
Asia, we are striving hard to become an ASEAN
community that is at peace with itself and all others —
a prosperous ASEAN living in harmony within the
community of caring societies that we have long
envisioned. We hope to see ASEAN play a pivotal role
in the evolution of a new equilibrium in the Asia-
Pacific region that will consolidate the peaceful
engagement of regional Powers with one another.
Today, ASEAN already serves as the driving force
towards the development of an East Asian economic
community.
We Indonesians love to build bridges. Last April,
we served as host to the representatives of 106 Asian
and African countries, many of them heads of State or
Government, for the Asian-African Summit of 2005.
During that historic Summit, we put in place the
cornerstone for a bridge of cooperation across the
Indian Ocean — the New Asian-African Strategic
Partnership — on behalf of the 4.6 billion people of the
two continents. Through the Partnership, both
continents will intensify their political solidarity,
economic cooperation and socio-cultural relations,
including technical cooperation and human resources
development.
The establishment of the Partnership was the
most meaningful way in which we could observe the
Golden Jubilee of the 1955 Asian-African Conference
held in Bandung, which heralded the emergence of
many new sovereign nations from the shadow of
colonialism. In those formative years of ours, we
sought to reform international relations through the
United Nations.
Today, we feel called upon to seek reform of the
United Nations itself, for we are faced with the
formidable challenges of development, security and
human rights — three challenges that are interlinked
and interdependent and that cannot be addressed
separately. We therefore need a United Nations that is
more effective and efficient and more democratic and
accountable to its Members — an Organization with a
balanced focus on those three challenges.
We need a reformed Security Council that is more
democratically representative. As the Asia-Pacific
region is home to more than half of the human race and
is the cradle of ancient civilizations and religions, we
in Indonesia feel that it should have more seats on the
Council. Moreover, we must do away with the right of
the veto.
We cannot afford to exclude global disarmament
and non-proliferation from our agenda. We are not rid
of the danger of nuclear annihilation. At the same time,
developing countries must be allowed to engage in the
peaceful use of nuclear energy to hasten their
development.
We need a Peacebuilding Commission to help
countries in conflict make the transition from war to
durable peace. The Commission must work in
coordination with the Security Council and the
Economic and Social Council, under the mandate of
the General Assembly.
With regard to the fight against terrorism, we
hope that a comprehensive convention can be
concluded soon. International cooperation to address
this problem should include efforts to deal with its root
causes. We also hold that no human right may be
sacrificed and that no international law may be violated
in the fight against terrorism.
We in Indonesia believe that interfaith dialogue
and cooperation to empower moderate voices can
significantly reduce violent radicalism. That is why we
have sponsored and hosted Asia-Pacific and Asian-
European dialogues on interfaith cooperation.
We urge that the Economic and Social Council be
empowered to effectively review and coordinate
international cooperation for development.
The envisaged Human Rights Council must
uphold human rights as universal, indivisible and
interdependent. It should be free from politicization
and double standards; instead, it should promote
dialogue as well as concrete cooperation. It should be a
subsidiary body to the General Assembly.
Finally, no effort aimed at United Nations reform
can be complete unless it affirms and makes a reality
the central role of the General Assembly as the main
deliberative body of the United Nations.
It may not be realistic to hope that these reforms
will be realized this week or in the months to come. We
31

the Members of the United Nations are not sufficiently
in concert to achieve an early breakthrough. But we
who desire reform must keep faith and persevere.
For three decades, armed conflict smouldered in
Aceh, until it became clear to both sides that the only
way out of a tragic situation was the way of peace. For
more than three decades, Indonesian reformists
struggled against the crushing weight of an
authoritarian regime, until it became clear that our only
way out of the Asian crisis was through democratic
reform.
We do not know when the moment of truth will
come for the United Nations. We hope that it will
come, not in the wake of a crisis, but at the dawning of
a more enlightened time. Above all, we must never
lose hope in the Organization’s capacity for reform, its
perfectibility. We must keep on working — even harder
than before. Then, when the moment of truth comes,
we will be ready to seize the opportunity.