Mr. President, I have the honour to convey, through you Sir, to all the representatives the good wishes of His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, King of Bhutan, for the success of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly in its efforts to promote international peace and stability and the economic well-being of all peoples.
298.	On behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom of Bhutan, I wish to express our heartfelt congratulations to Ambassador Salim on his unanimous election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. This is not only a well deserved tribute to him but is a fitting tribute to the United Republic of Tanzania and the continent of Africa.
299.	I should like to express my delegation's deep appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Lievano of Colombia, for the excellent manner in which he guided us during the thirty-third session.
300.	At this thirty-fourth session we are happy to welcome Saint Lucia, the newest Member from the Caribbean and the region of Latin America. The admission of Saint Lucia adds to the growing universality of our Organization. We believe it is the validity of the principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations which has seen our membership increase year after year and which has put an end to the era of colonialism. Among the many visible successes of the United Nations, the efforts of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples will form an important chapter.
301.	We wish to put on record our appreciation to Mr. Waldheim, the Secretary-General, for his active and faithful stewardship of our Organization and the useful initiatives that he has taken towards making the United Nations more effective. We support the Secretary- General's suggestions for improving the work of the United Nations, and we agree with him that a perfectly logical and functional institutional system is probably not within our reach and that we must make the existing one function better.
302.	The Kingdom of Bhutan adheres to the principles and objectives of the United Nations Charter and those of the non-aligned movement. We are fully committed to eradicating colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, racism, apartheid, power politics and all manifestations of foreign occupation, domination and hegemony. We believe that the quintessence of the United Nations and the non-aligned movement is to safeguard each country's right to independence and self-determination, so as to enable each country and people to determine freely its own destiny without outside interference, pressures or threats of any kind. We seek the opportunity as free people to build a world order based upon justice, sovereign equality, peaceful coexistence and mutually beneficial co-operation.
303.	In this spirit Bhutan contributes to promoting peaceful conditions in every region and subregion of this world. In our own area, the countries of South Asia, especially India, have taken encouraging initiatives to establish understanding and co-operation based on the principles of peaceful coexistence and sovereign equality. This has enabled the countries of our subregion to resolve some of the major issues which stood in the way of forging closer relations in a climate of trust and confidence.
304.	The international community is engaged once again by the serious threat to peace and stability in South-East Asia. The developments in the area challenge the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. They have also resulted in tragic human sufferings. We in Bhutan, a Buddhist country, look at the humanitarian problems with sorrow and compassion. We commend the efforts made by the Secretary- General and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to alleviate the immediate sufferings of the hapless people.
305.	Recently in Havana, His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, the King of Bhutan, while addressing the Heads of State and Government of the non-aligned countries, said:
"We are concerned with the increasing tensions and conflicts in South-East Asia which jeopardize peace and stability in the region. It is our firm belief and conviction that intervention in the internal affairs of States cannot be justified under any circumstances whatsoever, as it goes counter to the sovereign inalienable right of every State to determine its own social, economic and political system, and to manage its own affairs.
"Furthermore, as the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States lies at the very heart of non-alignment, any such interference would be all the more reprehensible if committed by a member of our movement. We hope that the aspirations of the countries of the region for peace and stability will be realized on the basis of non-alignment principles of respect for sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs, non-use of force and non-aggression."
306.	The present political and economic situation in the world makes it apparent that no efforts towards relaxation of tension can succeed through the pursuit of a policy of balance of power and spheres of influence. Such a policy only created the competitive arms race between the power blocs and increased the present threat to international peace and security. There is indeed a pressing need to work towards finding ways and means for establishing lasting security for all States without exception. In view of this, we welcome the signing of the second SALT Treaty between the United States and the USSR. We hope it will lead to a third SALT agreement and will also encourage further measures towards real disarmament.
307.	Developments in the area of the Middle East continue to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. A comprehensive and durable solution for peace continues to elude the parties concerned. The resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council remain unimplemented. Lebanon continues to suffer frequent violation of its territorial integrity. We have supported all the relevant resolutions of the United Nations on the problems of the Middle East in the hope that they will be taken into account in any serious negotiations.
308.	While we respect the right of every State to enter into agreements in exercise of inalienable sovereign rights, we believe that the rights and aspirations of other peoples or States must not be jeopardized in the process. In our opinion, the problem of Palestine remains at the very heart of the situation in the Middle East. If there is to be a comprehensive and lasting solution of the problem, all parties concerned must be involved in the negotiations. We fully support the rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self- determination and to establish an independent State. At the same time, we respect the right of every State in the area to live within secure and recognized boundaries.
309.	The United Nations Charter reaffirms "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person", but the apartheid regime in Pretoria contemptuously continues to flout all United Nations resolutions promoting this concept. The United Nations must make consistent and concerted efforts to eradicate the obnoxious practices of apartheid. The programmes outlined in resolution 33/183 adopted by the General Assembly must be implemented by all, including the multinational corporations.
310.	In Namibia, the rights of the people to self- determination are still being denied, despite the efforts of all concerned. Under the circumstances, we must halt further bantustanization in the area and respect the resolutions of the General Assembly by recognizing SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Namibia.
311.	While the situation in Zimbabwe is no better, we hope that the current peaceful negotiations will bring acceptable majority rule and peace to the people of Zimbabwe in the near future.
312.	I share with many delegations the view that the world economy continues to suffer serious crises. These crises are symptomatic of underlying structural imbalances inherent in our global economic relations.
313.	Economic developments since the Second World War have been characterized by rapid progress in the economies of the developed nations. Deprived of capital and technical know-how and also burdened with the colonial legacies of the past, the developing countries have barely managed to move away from the serious problems of under-development. The result has been widening polarization between the rich developed and the poor developing countries. These fundamental imbalances cannot be removed unless there is a profound restructuring of the global economic system. It seems even more true today that there can be no real or lasting peace unless an over-all development of all countries creates the conditions for the well-being of all peoples.
314.	The negotiations between the North and South brought us limited results. We now realize that efforts towards establishing a new international economic order are moving at a slower pace than expected. The unwillingness, particularly of the rich nations, to face the problems together, is quite apparent from the results of the fifth session of UNCTAD held in Manila and in the recent meetings of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/ 174 and that of the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy.
315.	At present, the world economy in both developed and developing countries is characterized by rising inflation, accelerating unemployment and a marked reduction in economic growth. We believe that economic progress everywhere requires more resources and more equitable distribution of those resources at the national and international levels. We are all aware that the widening disparities between the rich and poor nations cannot be reduced and that justice, equality and the genuine independence of all countries cannot be secured, unless there is a fundamental restructuring of international economic relations. If suitable measures are not taken immediately, the economies of the developing countries will continue to be weakened at an even more rapid rate than in the past.
316.	This already complicated situation is further aggravated by the present energy-related problems. The dark shadow over the economies of the non-oil- producing developing countries, is a precursor of an even darker future.
317.	The situation is at its worst in the least developed and land-locked developing countries as they are faced with paying increasing transportation costs as well as inflation transferred to their imports. The problem is even more critical as inflation and unstable exchange rates have already eroded the value of their multilateral and bilateral assistance. There is, however, a glimmer of hope presented by the decision taken at the fifth session of UNCTAD in Manila to launch a comprehensive and substantially expanded immediate action programme in favour of the least developed countries. The international community will have to find ways and means of implementing the action programme so as to help those geographically disadvantaged and most seriously affected developing countries.
318.	The Kingdom of Bhutan is a land-locked country. In our efforts to achieve economic development, trade and transit facilities are vital for the well-being of our people and for the success of our development programmes. Fortunately, so far, we have received much understanding and assistance in this regard from our neighbour, India. The importance of transit facilities for us, however, cannot be overemphasized. We hope this unique problem of all land-locked countries will be viewed with sympathy by the entire international community.
319.	In Bhutan, as elsewhere during this International Year of the Child, the welfare of young people is uppermost in our minds. Our hope for the future lies in our commitment to improving the lot of our children. Under the leadership of His Majesty the King, a national commission in Bhutan has drawn up a plan of action. By implementing this high-priority programme we hope to ensure that the younger generation will be able to realize its potential for a full and enriched life.
320.	Our objective is to strive for self-reliance while assuming responsibility for the well-being of our people. In dealing with national and international issues we base our relationships with all countries on self- respect and respect for others, however diverse their views. We believe in peaceful coexistence and in furthering beneficial co-operation based on the principles of sovereign equality, respect for territorial integrity and non-interference in internal affairs. We set aside destructive competition in favour of productive cooperation. Finally, we oppose injustice in favour of creating a new, more just and equitable world order, so that the peoples of the world can live together in peace and prosperity.


Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. During the many years you have spent at the United Nations as the Permanent Representative of your country, you have built for yourself the reputation of a most dynamic and respected diplomat, and it gives us special pleasure to see you presiding over this session of the General Assembly.
177.	I should also like to express to the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the great appreciation of my Government for his tireless efforts on behalf of the cause of peace all around the world.
178.	During the past year the international situation has been marked by uncertainty, tension and conflict. The problems facing us have never been more difficult or complex. This is in essence the serious message that the Secretary-General has conveyed to us in his report on the work of the Organization. And he has raised the question of whether we are capable of managing the course of world events. We have to admit that the answer to this question is uncertain, not least when we observe how a series of international negotiating processes are at an impasse. For instance, the North- South dialogue has so far not yielded any decisive break-through in the endeavours towards a New International Economic Order; we have not succeeded in making any substantial progress in the work for international disarmament; the international protection of human rights is still not sufficiently developed; the Middle East and southern Africa are still dangerous areas of conflict; and a critical situation has arisen in South-East Asia.
179.	A period of sustained growth in the economy of the industrialized countries has come to an end. These countries are now going through a period of uncertainty and recession. This has, in turn, led to a worsening of the already very difficult situation of the developing countries. We have yet to develop methods of international co-operation capable of solving problems in the fields of energy, inflation and unemployment.
180.	The world economic crisis is a serious obstacle to progress towards the solution of international economic and social problems. In the prevailing situation, it is more difficult to gain acceptance for the demands for increased transfer of resources to the developing countries and for the access of their products to the markets of the industrialized countries. The complexity and urgency of these demands are, however, too important to be brushed aside with a reference to existing economic difficulties.
181.	The current economic crisis cannot be solved through protectionism or unilateral measures by individual countries or groups of countries. The response should be a strengthening of global economic cooperation. We have therefore noted with positive interest the proposal referred to the General Assembly by the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, We support the idea of a new global round of negotiations on energy and monetary, financial development and trade questions.
182.	We also support the principle that such global negotiations should be conducted within the framework of the United Nations and should be open to all countries. We must make use of already existing organs of co-operation and avoid disrupting ongoing negotiations. It is important that these negotiations should be thoroughly prepared and should be given an appropriate institutional framework. We share the view of the Group of 77 that the Committee of the Whole has a major role to play in this regard.
183.	The negotiations during the eighth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea resulted in encouraging progress, inter alia, by setting a definite deadline for the adoption of a new convention on the law of the sea. The presentation of a new revised negotiating text11 has raised hopes that the efforts to reach agreement on a fair and broadly acceptable compromise treaty will prove successful.
184.	Norway will continue its active endeavours to contribute to the solution of outstanding issues, including the establishment of an international regime for the utilization of the mineral resources on the deep-ocean floor. These problems are closely linked to important negotiations going on in various other United Nations forums for the establishment of a New International Economic Order.
185.	If the concept of the "common heritage of mankind" is to have any real meaning, the international sea-bed authority must be rendered capable of functioning effectively. To a considerable degree, this depends upon the will of the industrialized countries to transfer technology and capital to the sea-bed authority and the developing countries.
186.	The coming year's discussions will show whether the necessary political will really exists. A new convention on the law of the sea is the best assurance that there will be stability and order in the use and management of ocean resources.
187.	The Norwegian Government has supported the Camp David agreements and the Treaty of Peace between Egypt and Israel as representing an important first step towards an over-all solution in the Middle East. One positive result in the peace process now under way is the withdrawal of Israeli forces from occupied areas in Sinai.
188.	In order to further the peace process, it is necessary to clarify the question of the rights of the Palestinians and their participation in the negotiations. We have lately observed some encouraging indications of contact and dialogue between the parties concerned. It is only through such contacts that it will be possible to come closer to a solution that will safeguard the right of all States in the area to exist in peace within secure and recognized boundaries and ensure for the Palestinians their legitimate rights. A peace settlement must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). It is therefore important that all parties accept these resolutions.
189.	As a member of the Security Council and a troop- contributing country to UNIFIL, Norway follows with great concern the developments in southern Lebanon. We denounce all acts of violence and we have repeatedly appealed to the parties concerned not to obstruct UNIFIL in carrying out its mandate. A continued deterioration of the situation in southern Lebanon could compel the United Nations and the troop- contributing countries to question whether they can justify maintaining the United Nations Force in the area. On behalf of my Government, I would therefore repeat our appeal to all parties concerned to refrain from further violence and to co-operate with UNIFIL. We endorse the view of the Secretary-General that the United Nations Force is performing a vital peacekeeping task in southern Lebanon and that it represents a stabilizing factor in the entire area.
190.	My Government welcomes and supports the decision of the Commonwealth Meeting in Lusaka on Zimbabwe, as well as the ongoing negotiations in London. It is important that all parties have now been brought into the negotiating process. We would strongly urge the parties concerned to make full use of the opportunity which now exists to reach a negotiated settlement. The alternative is a continuation of the armed struggle and an increased risk of the internationalization of the conflict.
191.	Despite the attitude of South Africa, we believe it is essential to continue the efforts to implement the United Nations plan for Namibia. We therefore support the efforts being made to that end by the five Western countries and the front-line States. However, one cannot expect that the momentum of the negotiations can be maintained indefinitely. If South Africa continues to refuse to co-operate with the United Nations on an internationally acceptable solution in Namibia, that would inevitably lead to new international measures against that country.
192.	As a consequence of South Africa's apartheid policy, Norway has, in co-operation with the other Nordic countries, introduced a number of measures against South Africa. We intend to proceed with this policy. We are also prepared to contribute to increased international pressure being brought to bear on South Africa.
193.	The Geneva Meeting in July on the question of the "boat" refugees from Viet Nam was characterized by a marked will to co-operate and made an important contribution to the solution of the problem. I would like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General and to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees for their initiative and the way in which the Conference was prepared and carried out. We hope that the results achieved in Geneva will be followed up by all parties.
194.	The fate of the "boat" refugees must not, however, make us forget the humanitarian problems in Kampuchea. It is important that all parties to this conflict do not make the emergency relief operation dependent on political conditions.
195.	At the same time we must not overlook the serious refugee problems in other parts of the world. We, for our part, are prepared to consider new proposals which may contribute to the solution of these problems.
196.	In the field of human rights the greatest challenge now consists in securing greater harmony between norms and behaviour. At this General Assembly we must therefore focus attention on the question of improving the machinery and the procedures for the protection of human rights all over the world. An immediate and realistic step would be to strengthen regional co-operation arrangements in this field.
197.	Better co-ordination and a more rational division of labour between the many bodies is called for in the field of human rights. The establishment of a post of High Commissioner for Human Rights continues to be a question of importance in that connexion.
198.	In our opinion, increased attention should also be given to particularly vulnerable groups such as the indigenous peoples of the world.
199.	The World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women will take place in 1980. The situation of women in the family, in society and in employment must be given more attention, both in our efforts to strengthen the protection of human rights, and in bringing about economic and social development. In our view it is therefore important that "Employment, Health and Education" have been chosen as the sub- theme of the Conference.
200.	Progress in the field of disarmament depends primarily on the relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union. It has been a matter of encouragement to us, that in spite of existing problems between them, they have been able to conclude the SALT negotiations through the agreement signed in Vienna.
201.	This negotiating process should be continued. It is vital not only because of its impact on arms control, but also because of its contribution to detente between East and West and to improved relations between the two Super-Powers.
202.	Another major task consists of preventing the proliferation of nuclear arms to more States. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is to be reviewed by an international conference in August 1980. We will work at that conference towards a strengthening of that Treaty.
203.	A comprehensive treaty on banning nuclear test explosions would also be of the greatest importance in ensuring a successful outcome of the forthcoming conference on the non-proliferation Treaty.
204.	Norway will continue its efforts to obtain international support for an idea we launched at the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament.  I am referring to the idea of an arms-control impact analysis in connexion with the decision-making process on procurements of larger arms. The impact analysis will provide a basis for identifying areas where restraint should be shown in the perspective of arms control and disarmament. They will thus contribute to increased consciousness of the scope and implications of the individual country's decisions in regard to arms procurements,
205.	I share the view of the Secretary-General that the United Nations can play a more active role in solving international problems and conflicts. The prerequisite, however, is that the Member States themselves make better use of the opportunities offered by the United Nations. This will strengthen confidence in the Organization.
206.	Norway's membership in the Security Council this year has left us with the impression that more countries are prepared, to a greater extent than before, to use the United Nations as an instrument for peace-making and peace-keeping. This is a positive development which will enable the Security Council better to discharge its responsibilities under the Charter of the United Nations. This will be particularly important for the smaller countries like my own. Norway considers it an important task to contribute to such a development through our work on the Council.
207.	This brings me, however, to a broader question, Is the United Nations system today in a position to contribute effectively to the solution of the problems confronting the international community?
208.	The response of the 1970s to that question was characterized primarily by the large special conferences held under the auspices of the United Nations. These conferences have been important, because they have focused attention on major problems of our times. They have helped to form public opinion and have created a sense of awareness in the various individual countries. Moreover, the conferences have adopted declarations of principle and programmes of action which have formed the basis for further work on these questions. The task of the 1980s must be to transform these programmes and declarations into practical measures. This task demands different working methods: it demands the necessary political will and adequate institutional machinery.
209.	I think that the Geneva Meeting this summer on the refugee situation in Indo-China is a good example of what can be achieved at ad hoc conferences which take up concrete and limited issues, where participation can be restricted to the countries most interested, and the meetings, as at Geneva, can be completed in the course of a few days. Thus we should consider whether the time is not ripe for more conferences of this kind, more subject-oriented negotiations, limited in time and scope.
210.	In this process, both regional and global organizations have a significant role to play. If such conferences are to be successful, a high degree of coordination is needed and we must avoid a duplication of effort in the different organs involved.
211.	The present situation may also call for another look at some of the recommendations of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System. We have in mind, in particular, strengthening the role of UNDP in the development activities of the United Nations system, and the necessity of improving communications between the United Nations proper and the specialized agencies.
212.	The Secretary-General pointed out in his report on organizational questions that the working methods of these organizations have not been adapted to meet the increased level of activity. The machinery is overburdened, efficiency is reduced and the ability to act has been weakened. I would like to associate myself with the Secretary-General's assessment, and also to support his request that we give priority during this session of the General Assembly to rationalizing the work of the United Nations and to making it more effective.
213.	Most of the problems of the United Nations of course can be traced back to political disagreement between Member States. It is not a simple matter, therefore, to make proposals which can strengthen the organization in the short term. However, in his report, the Secretary General suggests solutions to some of the most urgent practical problems. I should in particular like to mention the proposals to strengthen the role of the General Committee, to streamline the Assembly's agenda, to reduce documentation and to increase the efficiency of the Main Committees.
214. It is in our interest—the interest of the Member States—that the United Nations should become a vigorous and effective organization. We should all make our contribution to this end.


The delegation of Tunisia is happy at Mr. Salim's election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. We feel sure that his wide experience and high efficiency are the best guarantee for the success of the work of the current session of the Assembly, which is meeting at a time when international relations are passing through critical circumstances. We are also sure that he, as one of the great sons of the African continent will contribute to solving the problems that face the international community in general and the peoples and countries which are still suffering under the yoke of colonial hegemony and foreign occupation, in particular. This is not surprising, because he, like his great country, has always been in the vanguard of those who have served the cause of these peoples inside and outside Africa and, in particular, the cause of the Palestinian people. I would like to assure him that the delegation of Tunisia will exert every effort and make every fraternal endeavour to assist him in carrying out the great tasks that he will assume during this session.
115.	Allow me also to express my appreciation to his great predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano Aguirre, who presided over the work of the previous session with great dedication and efficiency.
116.	It is with great pleasure that we reiterate out-expression of appreciation and thanks to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, who, with constant enthusiasm and great intelligence, has restored to the United Nations its natural role in dealing with international causes and managing them.
117.	However much we try to have hope we cannot consider that the international situation justifies even the most cautious optimism. In fact, the major problems that we face, far from finding a solution, are becoming more complicated because of unfavourable developments which have diverted them from, rather than drawn them closer to, their correct solution.
118.	This is the case in the Middle East where tension has been maximized, threatening international peace and security more and more directly and continually. Though the Arab countries have affirmed their desire for peace and have exerted every effort to that end, Israel continues, without fear, to carry out its policy which is based on occupation, aggression and expansion, without any heed to right and justice and the resolutions of the United Nations. In addition to its acts of aggression and repression against the Palestinian people, and to the measures that Israel takes to entrench its roots in Palestine and to Judaize Jerusalem, it continues also, in spite of general reprobation, to set up settlements in the occupied territories prior to their total annexation by means of a tested method, that of the fait accompli.
119.	Israeli leaders have given their unjust ambitions free rein and do not even trouble anymore to camouflage their deliberate intentions, overtly declaring that they are entitled to claim sovereignty over the West Bank and deciding that the Holy City of Jerusalem will remain the "Eternal Capital of the State of Israel". Thus the whole world can see that Israel is asking for much more than its right to exist. In addition to the fact that it can conceive of its existence only in the denial of that of others, it claims in fact and in particular the alleged right to continue to carry out its Zionist strategy of total and systematic occupation and expansion according to a plan that was prepared a long time ago.
120.	Obviously, the behaviour of Israeli leaders, whether in the occupied territories, in the south of Lebanon or in other areas, aims at nothing less than breaking the determination of the Palestinian people to exist, and thus annihilating it morally and physically.
121.	The injustice imposed on the Palestinian people has been perpetrated for over 30 years now, giving rise to wars, bloodshed and continued conflicts and problems in a particularly sensitive spot of the world which, because of its strategic position and economic resources, may become the starting-point of a world explosion, the consequences of which can hardly be measured.
122.	In response to this intransigent defiance, the latest initiatives taken and the partial treaties which followed are but a ridiculous and superficial answer to the question. So those who had believed that the Camp David agreements might be a potential starting-point for the progressive restoration of peace have been compelled to face the reality and retreat from the illusion they harboured. Indeed, the obvious position taken by the Government of Tel Aviv and the clear statements made by official Israeli authorities leave no doubt as to their intention to pursue and reinforce their aggressive policy against the neighbouring Arab States and their total denial of the rights of the Palestinian people to exist and exercise its sovereignty.
123.	In fact, I have several unavoidable questions in mind. To what extent can we trust such an unequal negotiation in which one party offers to disarm, whereas the other party strongly persists in its preparation for war? What may be the result of a negotiation in which the possibility of contact with the official representatives of the Palestinian people is denied and repressed? And, finally, how effective can such a negotiation be if it is applied to the outer shell with no heed to the core of the dispute, which is, above all, an Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
124.	Tunisia believes that this initiative was an error resulting from a confusion and an erroneous analysis.
125.	As early as 1965, President Habib Bourguiba, in an historic speech delivered in Jericho before Palestinians, drew attention to the core of the Palestinian issue and to the necessity of a settlement on the basis of a return to international legitimacy and the recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to their homeland and to independence.
126.	Following the defeat of 1967, the President of the Republic of Tunisia repeated his condemnation of the confusion that was prevailing and that tended to make of the Palestinian problem a marginal issue.
127.	Events and developments that followed the signing of the Camp David agreements have proved once again that any endeavour for peace in the Middle East which did not tackle the core of the problem, that is the recognition of the PLO as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and of the right of that people to self-determination and to live in sovereignty and dignity within an independent State— was doomed to failure because it ignored the reality and true nature of the facts.
128.	Speaking of avoiding crisis, tension and aggression, I should say that Africa has not been more fortunate in this respect. Still dragging the heavy heritage of the colonial era, entangled sometimes in serious problems issuing from the chaos of the post-colonial period, it has not always succeeded in overcoming the major handicaps which hampered its stability and its development, with a view to severing once and for all the bonds of external dependence. Those bonds have become stronger over the years and throughout the successive crises, aggravating the fragility and the vulnerability of the African States.
129.	While we witness in the south a type of virulent and hard-to-beat colonialism that is alien to our age, and where racism, and its most hideous manifestation, apartheid, are imposed with unprecedented violence and persistence, the African continent is shaken from north to south and from east to west by the tremor of instability and tension which dangerously threatens its security and world peace.
130.	The numerous conflicts among African nations offer favourable ground for external intervention. Unfortunately, Africa, already the victim of rivalries stirred up by foreign interests, has become the arena where foreign influence and greed abound.
131.	In South Africa, the Pretoria Government is reinforcing its policy of oppression and exploitation, with its racist laws, and is trying to extend its apartheid policies to Namibia, which it continues to occupy illegally. Supported by its relations with certain countries and by the secret assistance it continually receives, it is increasing its military and nuclear potential and planning a long-term strategy, by launching a so-called southern community with a view to making its domination of the region irreversible and killing the aspiration of the people to dignity and freedom.
132.	In Zimbabwe, Ian Smith continues with his manoeuvres in order to maintain illegal power and the privileges of the white minority through an alleged internal settlement, a biracial, fake Government and sham elections. We believe that these manoeuvres seriously impede the normal process of decolonization and the assumption of power by the black majority. The so-called legitimacy, to which the colonialist system has often tried to give credit by bestowing the seal of legitimacy on worthless attempts, cannot be misleading when the repressive war continues to be so cruelly waged against the people of Zimbabwe, together with aggressive actions against neighbouring countries.
133.	After long hesitation, and as a result of the pressures put upon it by the African and Asian countries of the Commonwealth, the United Kingdom Government, it seems, has now decided to recognize the Patriotic Front, as the sole party qualified to discuss the future of Zimbabwe and the fate of its people. By accepting the London assignments, the leaders of the Patriotic Front have once more affirmed their will to settle the problem by the most peaceful means. It is now for the United Kingdom Government to live up to the responsibilities vested in it as the Administering Authority.
134.	The United Nations cannot proclaim the termination of the British Mandate over Zimbabwe until that country is given the real attributes of national sovereignty according to international law and in line with the legitimate aspirations of its people,
135.	In Namibia, the settlement that was arranged under the supervision of the United Nations, with a view to putting to an end the illegal administration of that Territory by South Africa and enabling the Namibian people to achieve independence, is at an impasse as a result of the changing manoeuvres of the Government of Pretoria, whose delays and hesitations unmask its true intentions. It is regrettable that the five Western countries do not seem eager to impose the settlement plans, though they were its initiators. However, the decisive contribution the Security Council ought to bring to the solution of this problem should not divert anyone from the urgent obligation to support the resistance of the Namibian people and its heroic liberation movement, SWAPO.
136.	Generally speaking, faced with the deteriorating situation in the southern part of the African continent, and with such negative developments, the international community and the United Nations have the duty to affirm their solidarity with the peoples of the area with a view to strengthening the heroic struggle those peoples continue to wage under the leadership of their respective national liberation movements and to enabling them to realize their legitimate aspirations to freedom, dignity and sovereignty.
137.	Our concern for and attention to international economic affairs are not less serious than those we pay to political matters. In this field, too, the present outlook does not leave much room for optimism. The current year has not yet witnessed any noticeable improvement in the international economic situation.
138.	The advanced countries continue to be troubled by their problems, which have now become common matters, such as the slackening of the growth rate, unemployment, and the persistence of sky-rocketing inflation, with all the resulting consequences for the economies of developing countries.
139.	The third world has often tried to call the attention of the developed countries to the real reasons for the crisis: the fact that the developed countries, which are unable to control their internal imbalances, refuse to recognize that such imbalances are, above all, the symptom of a defective adjustment of their economic structures and of a basic imbalance in international economic relations.
L40, No measure imposed by circumstances, and adopted by the developed countries under the pressure of present events, even at the highest levels, will be sufficient to bring the long-term solutions the world needs, The real solution still lies in a fundamental restructuring of world economic relations, in line with the objectives and principles of the new international economic order, which would at the same time take into account the legitimate interests of a(l the parties concerned. especially the developing countries.
141,	The third world, for its part, has spared no effort to see that this restructuring is carried out within the framework of an open and constructive dialogue. Since the convening of the sixth special session of the General Assembly in 1974, the third world has intensified its efforts to this end, proposing clear and reasonable objectives, according to new principles recognized by the General Assembly as being necessary if a meaningful content is to be given to the concept of interdependence.
142.	Since that date, many developed countries have undergone an undoubted evolution; they no longer consider the establishment of a new international economic order a threat to their economies or their economic and social systems. However, those countries with the greatest economic influence still continue to oppose any change.
143.	This opposition has resulted in the failure of most of the attempts at making the dialogue between the North and the South succeed. We still remember the failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD, held at Manila some months ago, to find acceptable solutions for the major problems on its agenda.
144.	The Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, Following three sessions held in New York, has adopted some recommendations concerning the transfer of resources and agricultural development in the developing countries. However, these recommendations, though encouraging in some ways, are still clearly insufficient. In addition, the refusal of the major developed countries to help the Committee of the Whole to achieve any success regarding the question of industrialization has been another source of concern and disappointment.
145.	The United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, recently held in Vienna, achieved an agreement by all parties on some important issues, in particular those relating to procedural matters and to the financing of the Programme of Action, and we acknowledge those good results with satisfaction, However, there are other essential problems, such as that of the transfer of technology, which have not found a satisfactory solution, and have been referred to other negotiating forums.
146.	These are examples that we have drawn from the many meetings and conferences that were held during the past year to activate development and international co-operation. All these examples confirm that the dialogue continues, but that its continuance is the result solely of the efforts exerted by the Group of 77, assisted by a small number of developed countries which share their faith and determination. These examples also indicate that the dialogue faces difficulties which have become well known and are identified. These are related to the basic aspects of the new international economic order that we are all trying to establish.
147.	For us, a developing country, these difficulties consist in an absence of a transfer of resources from developed countries, in the refusal of these countries to allow some of their industries to develop in our countries, in the lack of access to technology and technological information, in the fact that our industrial and agricultural products are prevented from entering the markets of the developed countries and in the instability of the prices of our essential products.
148.	We should also like to play our full part as responsible and sovereign States in the process of decision-making on world economic problems, in particular those relating to the international monetary system and the rules governing world trade.
149.	To our repeated appeals for a serious examination of these difficulties, the developed countries have often responded by stressing their own problems which, they allege, are the result of the price of energy imposed by the oil-producing developing countries.
150.	While it may be easy to refute that allegation with regard to the effect of the price of petroleum on the current economic crisis and on inflation, we feel that it would be better to affirm that it is time to adopt a new approach to the North-South dialogue, a comprehensive one which would permit viable negotiations on the most important obstacles in the way of one or the other party, including those relating to the field of energy, and allow us to reach acceptable solutions, always bearing keenly in mind the problems of the developing countries, especially since these have become increasingly acute.
151.	In order to ensure that such comprehensive negotiations have every chance to succeed, we consider that it is necessary that they take place within the framework of the United Nations with the full and complete participation of all countries concerned. It is, above all, necessary that all countries should display real political will, in particular the developed countries, which have so far adopted a reserved and negative attitude towards many of the attempts to give full scope to the North-South dialogue.
152.	Acting in its geographical context, Tunisia believes that the States bordering on the Mediterranean constitute a group that is united by a common destiny and that, therefore, it is most important for them to work towards a policy of security aimed particularly at turning that interior sea into a peaceful lake.
153.	This process, which culminated in Helsinki, and was discussed again in Belgrade and in Malta, and which will also be dealt with soon in Madrid, contains the seeds of a new relationship based on security and co-operation and the search for complementarity rather than antagonism.
154.	However, there is still a long way to go before we can establish an atmosphere of real trust and draw up a charter among the littoral States of the Mediterranean Sea for a unified policy in the fields of investment, energy, the marketing of products, employment and maritime law, in addition to full cultural co-operation. Such a model of international relations will be the best example and will ensure the security of the area and the prosperity of its people. This is not a fairy-tale desire, remote from reality or difficult to achieve.
155.	We are satisfied with the initiative that was adopted by the Sixth Conference of Heads of State of Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Havana, which called for the holding of negotiations between the North and the South, and also the practical proposals which the Group of 77 formally presented at the last meeting of the Committee of the Whole. That Committee affirmed the importance of this initiative and submitted a draft resolution to the General Assembly to give them the priority commensurate with their importance and to examine them during the current session in order to adopt a resolution thereon.
156.	We believe that an important stage has been begun in this regard and we hope that the hesitation which the advanced countries have shown will be abandoned after serious examination of the real possibilities that such an initiative provides to activate such negotiations and to give them a new impetus in which the interests of all can be taken into consideration. Thus, the new development decade which the United Nations is about to enter may become one of economic upsurge for all developing countries and one of harmony in international economic relations.
157.	The problem of information was also a topic of concern as a result of the Committee that was set up last year to review the policies of the United Nations and its activities in this field. This Committee has not yet carried out the task entrusted to it in the best possible manner, for reasons beyond its control, but it has at least drawn up a frame of action, which we must carry out. A working group was also able to examine the problems of the Department of Public Information attached to the United Nations. That Committee was set up as a result of recognition by the international community of the need to establish a new world information system. Therefore we should affirm the need for the Committee to continue its work and we should renew our trust in it, strengthen its mission and open it to all Member countries. We hope that the General Assembly will unanimously adopt a resolution on that topic.
158.	The last Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Havana, although it did not achieve all the aspirations and hopes pinned on it, nevertheless reached just and durable solutions to the most important topics of interest to the international community. We refer to its resolutions on the Middle East, the southern part of the continent of Africa, disarmament and international economic relations, The Tunisian delegation is sure that at this session the General Assembly will take into consideration all the positive elements to which we have referred and which represent an important contribution by the non-aligned countries. This movement will remain, in spite of all the transient storms, because it represents a balance in a world divided around the two major Powers. Any consolidation of the unity of these non-aligned countries will be of benefit to the international community as a whole.
159.	We hope that the General Assembly under your supervision, Mr. President, will pave the way for adequate and durable solutions to the most important problems before us, particularly since there is obvious international concern about problems such as the Middle East and the south of the African continent. This is affirmed clearly by the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council on these topics. The only obstacle that has prevented the return of peace to those two areas, in spite of the recognition by all of their strategic importance, is the intransigence of some groups of people whose feelings and actions are dominated by racial supremacy and hatred. It is feared that such tensions in these areas will lead to explosions threatening world peace and security. The United Nations can, through the good intentions which we hope all its Member States will show, force these minorities, however strong they may be, to return to the correct path in the interests of the international community and their own interests.
160.	We wish the General Assembly every success in imposing peaceful solutions to all the problems facing the international community through international consensus.


Mr. President, it is a unique privilege for me to be here at this rostrum from which outstanding personalities, Heads of Government and State from all parts of the world, have spoken.
81.	I am pleased to be the spokesman for the constitutional President of Bolivia, Mr. Walter Guevara Arze, one of the Bolivians most closely linked with the United Nations and therefore well aware of what this institution means for the maintenance of peace.
82.	The presence of Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim as President of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly has a dual and special meaning. First, as a worthy representative of Africa, he confirms the vigorous participation of that continent in the destiny of the United Nations. His country, the United Republic of Tanzania, has been acting with its own personality at the regional level. Secondly, Mr. Salim has been one of the outstanding factors in the struggle for decolonization as well as in the struggle to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination. As we welcome in your person the revitalizing action of the African continent, I should like to express to you, together with the full solidarity of the Government and people of Bolivia with the struggle being waged by the African countries, our satisfaction at seeing you occupy this high post. We must recognize, however, that in your case it is no more than an act of justice, the consequence of a long struggle lasting more than 10 years in favour of all the noble causes defended by our Organization.
83.	My delegation also wishes to pay a tribute of appreciation to the former President, Mr. Indalecio Lievano Aguirre, who guided the work of the General Assembly with the skill, sagacity and distinction typical of an outstanding politician and diplomat.
84.	The selfless work of the Secretary-General, Mr, Kurt Waldheim, in the delicate tasks entrusted to his responsibility, has won for him our most sincere gratitude.
85.	The delegation of Bolivia, on its own behalf and on behalf of the nations of Latin America, has already welcomed the most recent State Member of the United Nations. Now that Saint Lucia occupies its seat in the General Assembly, I should like to repeat my congratulations on its admission to membership. I am sure that Saint Lucia will finally be able to overcome the dead weight of its feudal past and join the efforts of the third world in trying to achieve a better destiny for its people.
86.	The year 1979 is a special year in the history of ray country. It is now 100 years that it has been geographically land-locked and the country has returned to constitutional rule after 10 years of de facto governments. On these matters there is a genuine national consensus which is expressed in the unswerving will to recover our sovereign access to the sea and to consolidate freedom and democracy in our country.
87.	One hundred years ago today, 8 October, on the bridge of the warship Huascar the Peruvian Admiral Miguel Grau made history in the battle waged in the Bolivian waters off Angamos during the Pacific war. In a respectful tribute to Eduardo Abaroa and the heroes who defended the countries victims of aggression, I should like to express a few thoughts on the consequences for the continent left by that unjust and unjustified conflict.
88.	Upon leaving Bolivia, Marshal Antonio Jose de Sucre, Bolivia's chief deputy, and one of the founding fathers of the American countries, left a written message which anticipated what would be the main task of the fledgling Republic. He said:
"I shall ask from the nation yet another recompense—to keep up the work I have started and maintain the integrity and independence of Bolivia against all dangers."
89.	The difficulties that were encountered in the implementation of that message and the consolidation of the national State of Bolivia will be better understood if we look at its geographical position at the centre of the continent, where the Amazon, Plata and Pacific basins join. It is a point of continental fulcrum, which accordingly takes up and absorbs the tensions resulting from the conjunction of those powerful forces. Its problems will be understood more clearly if we recall that the original territory of the Republic was twice its present size and that various military and diplomatic actions redrew the map of South America at my country's expense.
90.	All that is part of history, and I mention it here only to highlight Bolivia's difficult struggle and its role as a State of regional balance. All that is part of history, except one point: the geographical land-enclosed status of my country. And when in this lofty forum I raise this matter and present it seriously and forcefully, I am aware that it is a present reality, a permanent factor of concern.
91.	Indeed, the seizure of my country's extensive coastline was not only the result of an unjust war of conquest but also an immense and fatal historical mistake. It is true that it solved the economic problems of the aggressor country, which for a century exploited the nitrate and mining wealth of Bolivian soil, but it is also true that it destroyed the regional balance, which has still not been restored, giving rise to a state of tension demonstrated by the arms race taking place in the region. What is more, it limited the possibilities for co-operation and understanding among our nations by affecting the role of link and bridge which my country must play in the region.
92.	By nature and compulsion Bolivia gravitates towards the Pacific Ocean, and this found expression geographically and physically in its undisputed possession of an extensive coastline on that ocean. The act of aggression which destroyed that natural relationship must be corrected as soon as possible. This is not only a requirement of Bolivia; it is a genuine continental need. It is an act of international justice, but it is also a precautionary yardstick for measuring regional peace and security. In a word, it is an American cause.
93.	Furthermore, the complete solidarity of the countries of America and the world is being expressed in ever more categorical terms not only as to the justice of our claim but also as to the urgency of settling it. To mention the most recent demonstration of this, there is the declaration of two thirds of mankind. At the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held in Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979, the following text, whose clarity dispenses me from further comments, was adopted:
"The Heads of State or Government, meeting in Havana, gave their backing to the Republic of Bolivia's just and legitimate claim to recover its outlet to the Pacific Ocean with full sovereignty and invited the member States of the international community to declare their solidarity with this inalienable right of the Bolivian people. They also reaffirmed that constructive and fruitful security and peace in America demand a solution to the problem and accordingly supported all efforts to achieve that noble aim and the peaceful procedures set forth in the Charter of the United Nations."
94.	Furthermore, the entry into force of the Torrijos- Carter Treaties on the Panama Canal,  which we had the honour and joy of witnessing a few days ago in Panama, proves that in the end justice does prevail over force, that victory does not confer right, that recourse to violence cannot consolidate territorial annexations, and that there is a way for the peaceful settlement of disputes when international public opinion supports and promotes just causes.
95.	Bolivia has recovered its status as a democratic country respectful of human rights, freedom of expression, freedom of political organization and freedom of trade-union movements. We have set up a Government reflecting the will of the people expressed in free elections. There are no political detainees, nor has any Bolivian been expelled from his country.
96.	What is said here in a few words is the result of a long and painful process. It is a national victory, to which civilians, the military, intellectuals and workers have contributed. It is, as I have said, the result of a national consensus, which, nevertheless, faces very difficult challenges before it can be finally consolidated.
97.	Foremost among these obstacles are economic problems, which are aggravated by external factors. Among these factors, I am bound to mention the bill now before the United States Congress authorizing the placing on the international market of 35,000 tons of tin from its non-commercial strategic reserves. If such a measure were to be adopted—a measure which would constitute an act of real economic aggression—Bolivia would suffer a most serious blow at a time when we are studying corrective measures to stimulate our economy, which is based essentially on the working of this mineral, representing more than 60 per cent of the total value of our exports.
98.	The background of this problem will help place it in its proper perspective. During the Second World War Bolivia contributed to the defence and consolidation of democracy by supplying tin at prices subsidized by its people. At the end of the war much of the tin ac-cumulated by the United States of America was designated as a “strategic reserve ", which by public law was intended to meet civilian and military needs in case of war. It is curious and paradoxical to note that the very tin which should be used in case of war is in time of peace being used to upset the conditions of the market for that scarce material and threaten the stability of the democratic process recently initiated in Bolivia.
99.	The effects of a drop in the price of tin in the economy and social structure of Bolivia would be profound and irreparable. I shall mention only a few. It is estimated that the per capita income would fall by $30 from a current figure of approximately $600 a year and that there would be a decrease in private and public investment in mining and a further decline in the productivity of that sector. It would be more difficult to develop and introduce more appropriate technologies for the operation of existing mines. Finally, production costs would continue to rise because of price inflation for imported goods and there would be more intensive exploitation of internal production factors, especially cheap labour.
100.	What would the United States stand to gain in exchange? Nothing. The economic and trade advantages of such a decision are imperceptible for a powerful country and bear no relation to what the political cost would be. It would only result in building up resentment and discredit for a political opening which in its time aroused hopes among the nations of the third world.
101.	Such practices, such manipulation of markets obviously do not contribute to the full enjoyment of human rights. They are not a forward step in the construction of a new international economic order. The countries members of the Latin American Economic System understand this. This was expressed by the tin- producing countries at their meeting at Djakarta in July of this year.  This is the conviction expressed by the Presidents of the Andean group of States, who have now in Panama approved a stance of active solidarity with the just claim of Bolivia.
102.	Because of such precedents, I should like to appeal for the understanding of all delegations here present in order that they may continue to give their firmest support to the position adopted by Bolivia and the tin-producing countries in the defence of their legitimate interests.
103.	I wish to confirm Bolivia's resolute participation in all actions designed to establish a new international economic order. This explains our recent adherence to the non-aligned movement as a full member. Bolivia's foreign policy is in accord with the purposes and objectives of the movement, and this has led us finally to join actively in the struggle to democratize international relations and to ensure the real participation of the developing countries in decisions that are vital to the destiny of mankind.
104.	We cannot sufficiently reiterate the need to consolidate co-operation among developing countries as a necessary requirement for the construction of a new international system. Agreements among the countries of the third world will always be ad hoc and transitory as long as no set of shared interests has been established. That is the transcendental meaning of integration and co-operation among developing countries. On the one hand, it is a matter of making use of the immense natural, technological, financial and human resources our nations possess for our own benefit, and, on the other, of laying the foundations for a joint external policy on ever firmer ground.
105.	As demonstrated by the frustrating negotiations that have taken place in various world forums, the existing order will not change merely because right is on our side. It will be changed when there is a change in effective power relationships between North and South. Indeed, the resolutions of international gatherings give formal recognition to changes that have already occurred in fact. The logical conclusion to be drawn from this is that we must not limit ourselves to calling for the establishment of a new international economic and political order; we must build it. The tool for accomplishing this task is co-operation among developing countries. Let us not ask others to do what we are able to do on our own.
106.	This is the experience the Andean Group can contribute to the cause of the third world. Ten years ago, the Cartagena Agreement was signed, initiating one of the most advanced processes of integration in the world. Once a solid structure of co-operative relations has been established, the Andean Presidents decided to promote that group's joint participation in continental political problems, beginning with a discussion of the case of Nicaragua within the framework of the Organization of American States [OAS]—with positive results that are a matter of public knowledge.
107.	On the occasion of the Sixth Conference of non- aligned countries in Havana, the countries members of the Andean group again stated their joint position on matters of world concern.
108.	On 2 October of this year, at Panama, the Andean Presidents signed a document recording further common action, including joint participation in the ninth regular session of the General Assembly of the OAS to be held at La Paz on 22 October of this year, a meeting intended to present a new image and set forth planning for the inter-American system in the forthcoming decade.
109.	The Andean group is confident that democratic systems of government will be established in Latin America in which the exercise of power will derive from the legitimate and free expression of the will of the people and a better situation will be created to promote measures for the political normalization of the continent and the enjoyment of human rights with the greatest respect for the principle of non-intervention. This does not mean, obviously, that the Andean Group is an association directed against anyone else. On the contrary, precisely because it is democratic, its international conduct is guided by ideological pluralism. It is a movement designed to unite, not to divide.
110.	We also wish to express our concern at the tensions existing in some areas of the continent and our confidence that the countries of those regions will be able freely to choose their own paths to well-being free from outside pressures or attempts designed to involve them in the play of alien economic, strategic or hegemonistic interests.
111.	For the second year, my country is serving as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. This is the second time we have occupied this lofty position in the most important United Nations organ for the maintenance of peace. Our presence in the Security Council has enabled us to practise genuine non- alignment, that is, to act from a position equally removed from the poles of world power and to serve the cause of detente and peace in a positive manner.
112.	Bolivia, as a country that practises ideological pluralism, has been able to act in complete independence and with no commitment other than to justice, with the intention of making a firm contribution to peaceful solutions. We have supported the actions of liberation movements and will continue to do so as long as the desire to perpetuate colonialist systems or to create new forms of exploitation under different names exits.
113.	If there are no further acts of violence against the front-line States and if there is compliance with the resolutions approved by the Security Council and the General Assembly with regard to the problem of Zimbabwe, we are prepared to co-operate in any peace negotiation that takes into account the legitimate interests of the peoples of Africa and their right to self- government free from any tutelage. The same applies to Namibia and the constant threats and attacks against Zambia, Angola and Mozambique.
114.	We are following with particular attention the complex problem of Cyprus. We are pained to see that heroic island divided and occupied militarily. We believe that negotiations between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots must be resumed as soon as possible. We sincerely hope that after five long years of waiting, reason and justice will prevail, and that both communities will return to peaceful coexistence under the government of their own authorities.
115.	Another of the major problems the Security Council has had to consider is the occupation of Lebanon by foreign forces. My delegation has supported all measures recommended by the Secretary-General to alleviate, at least in part, the suffering of that heroic and victimized people. Bolivia, together with the other members of the Security Council, has striven by its support to contribute to the Lebanese Government's recovery of authority over its territory. Bringing about the withdrawal of the forces that have made that country an arena for confrontation and achieving the recovery and consolidation of the national Government with full authority over the territory has been and will continue to be an arduous task. We fervently hope that it will be accomplished successfully.
116.	Bolivia has followed with particular attention the development of events in the Middle East. We have given our complete and unwavering support to Security Council resolution 242 (1967), whose balance we consider to be equitable and just. On the one hand, it consolidates the existence of the State of Israel and, on the other, it clearly condemns the occupation of Arab territories by force and demands their prompt return. We support the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to a homeland of their own where they can establish a sovereign State. Similarly, we support the State of Israel's right to exist within secure and recognized boundaries, and recommend to the parties that they approach this pressing and explosive situation realistically and comprehensively.
117.	The delegation of Bolivia was pleased to see the inclusion of the item proposed by Romania entitled "Settlement by peaceful means of disputes among States". We consider that such a bold initiative merits attentive and positive analysis by this Assembly, since it is a significant contribution to the applicability of the procedures established under Article 33 of the Charter.
118.	As a developing country beset by social and economic problems, Bolivia could hardly remain impassive at the arms race taking place throughout the world. The horrifying statistics on the arms race among the large and medium-sized Powers are all too well known for me to repeat them here, as are the astronomical amounts devoted to increasing their military arsenals but we can hardly be impassive observers. All countries that wish to live in peace must adopt a positive attitude towards general and complete disarmament. The arms race among the countries of the region and of the world blatantly flouts the majority will of the international community. The allocation of voluminous resources to so censurable an end when they could be used for the economic and social development of peoples is absolutely intolerable.
119.	As a country with a profound desire for peace, we add our voice to those of all the delegations in this Assembly that have advocated approval of the treaty resulting from the second round of SALT and the early convening of the World Disarmament Conference, whose very title is a warning in the face of the risk of a tragic nuclear holocaust.
120.	In conclusion, I wish to express the earnest intent of the delegation of Bolivia to continue to lend its firmest support to the solution of the grave problems afflicting mankind, by sharing responsibilities and efforts with all nations represented within this international conclave.