Permit me
at the outset to express to Assembly President Julian
Hunte the congratulations of my country, Gabon, on his
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
this session. Indeed, his election has symbolic value,
since, through him, Saint Lucia has become — as he
himself said — the smallest country ever to have
occupied that high office. Is that not a perfect
illustration of the universal vocation of the
Organization, which recognizes the equality and rights
of all its Members, small and large, but also their
common responsibility in the conduct of the world’s
affairs? Gabon expresses to him its wishes for success
in leading this session, and we assure him of our full
cooperation. We also congratulate Mr. Jan Kavan, who
preceded Mr. Hunte in his office, on the work that he
accomplished. In addition, we thank the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the self-sacrifice and
25

courage with which he is leading the Organization at
this time of grave world turbulence.
The extreme seriousness of the situation facing
the world today sometimes leads the United Nations,
when States are unable to carry out responsibilities that
in principle devolve to them, to assume those
responsibilities.
As the United Nations carries out its difficult
mission, its authority, unfortunately, is quite often
sorely tested, and the very lives of its personnel are
threatened. The tragic death of Sergio Vieira de Mello,
one of the torch-bearers of the ideals of the United
Nations, and other staff members in Baghdad on 19
August is a dreadful reminder of just how fragile
international peace and security are. Nevertheless,
despite the delicate nature of the situation, the
activities of the United Nations must be pursued in Iraq
to assist in the reconstruction of the country.
Beyond Iraq, the future of the entire Middle East
region must be at the centre of all our attention. The
road map remains, despite current threats to its
enforcement, the sole hope to restore peace between
the parties to the conflict and sustainable regional
balance to the Middle East. Gabon urges the two
parties to end the violence and resume their dialogue.
Despite the persistence of some hotbeds of
tension, the overall situation in Africa has witnessed
positive changes. In the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, the peace process has begun to be implemented
with the creation in June 2003 of a Transitional
Government, whose chief mission is the establishment
of new democratic institutions and preparations for
elections.
It goes without saying that the security and
stability of the country continues to depend on that of
the entire Great Lakes region. This is why Gabon
ardently desires the completion of the Arusha process
in Burundi. After a period of uncertainty, the Central
African Republic is also restoring peace, particularly
thanks to specific pacification measures taken by the
country’s new authorities.
To complement their efforts, the Central African
Economic and Monetary Community, which met in
Libreville in June 2003, decided to make an ad hoc
contribution of 5 billion francs CFA to the Central
African Republic.
For its part, Gabon has always actively worked
for peacekeeping and peace-building in Africa. This
was recently demonstrated again in Sâo Tomé and
Principe, where the good offices of President Bongo and
his African peers, particularly those from the Economic
Community of Central African States, contributed to the
restoration of constitutional order in the country.
Unfortunately, these welcome events are at
variance with our inability to react promptly to some
crisis situations that jeopardize collective security and
cause gross violations of human rights. We must
assume a two-fold duty today: to strengthen our
collective means of conflict prevention and, when
those efforts do not obtain results, to have the capacity
to react swiftly to contain armed conflicts before their
escalation brings about new humanitarian disasters, as
was recently the case in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and Liberia.
African countries have shown their ability to
manage crises on many occasions. But their will is
most often impeded by the scarcity of human resources
and lack of appropriate logistical means. To facilitate
the prompt deployment of peacekeeping forces in these
regions, should we not establish, under the auspices of
the United Nation, a partnership between African
countries and the developed countries that provide
logistical support.
Because many conflicts are rooted in poverty, any
effort to resolve them must be based on the quest for
efficient solutions to the problems inherent in
underdevelopment. The Monterrey Consensus, reaffirmed
during the Johannesburg Summit, is based on the
recognition that financing for development is a crucial
element for an international strategy for sustainable
development. The drop in private international
investment in developing countries is liable to hinder
them from truly recovering. Moreover, many of these
countries, in particular those known as medium-income
countries like Gabon, continue to devote huge
resources to repay external debt. Gabon remains
convinced that only a courageous strategy to defer or
cancel debt would enable the economic recovery of the
countries involved.
The HIV/AIDS pandemic, which has become a
development problem, also deserves our attention. The
disease is now the leading cause of death among
women and the young in Africa. In other words, its
main victims are our nations’ hope. We welcome the
26

fact that the high-level plenary debate that took place
last week at United Nations Headquarters itself
reaffirmed the commitment of the international
community to combat this horrifying disease.
The ills that the world is facing should prompt us
to identify the structural causes and find the best way
to respond. This is particularly true with respect to the
fight against international terrorism. One vital stage in
this process is the establishment of a legal framework
conducive to effective international cooperation.
We must finalize without delay the negotiations
to adopt a universal convention against international
terrorism in all its forms, including the issue of the
acquisition of arsenals of weapons of mass destruction
by terrorist groups.
The positive forces that drive our world towards
greater integration and solidarity are increasingly
jeopardized by growing threats. Because the new
challenges of our world have a global impact, we must
respond collectively. Only close coordination and
active multilateral cooperation will enable us to meet
them. It is within the United Nations, a high-level
forum for dialogue and cooperation, that we can
achieve this objective.
To do so, as we have stressed during the previous
session, we must strengthen our Organization,
particularly by restoring the role of the General
Assembly and reforming the Security Council. We
agree on the principle. May we thus have the courage
and will to harmonize our views to attain this ideal of
change and strengthen the multilateral dimension of
our Organization.


Allow me, first of all,
to express once again to the Secretary-General and to
all United Nations personnel the condolences of my
Government and the people of Botswana for the
terrorist attack on United Nations headquarters in
Baghdad on 19 August. We are outraged that an attack
of that magnitude was carried out against international
civil servants, whose sole mission in that country is to
help Iraqis rebuild their country. The death of Special
Representative Sergio Vieira de Mello and a number of
his staff is indeed a loss to the United Nations family
that we shall all feel for a long time to come.
May I now pay my respects to you, Mr. President,
and congratulate you on your election as President of
the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. I
pledge to you the full support of my delegation. Let me
also pay tribute to our illustrious Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his dynamic leadership of the
Organization, in particular for his unshakeable
commitment to the reform of the United Nations. I
assure him of the unwavering support of Botswana in
the discharge of his onerous responsibilities.
The fifty-eighth session is beginning at a time
when we are faced with formidable challenges to the
cohesion of the international community and to the role
of the United Nations in maintaining international
peace and security. We have just witnessed the war in
Iraq, which caused deep divisions and recrimination
among the Member States of the United Nations. It is
important that the Member States set aside their
differences and promote the Organization as a force
that can rally nations, both big and small, around
common causes. For the United Nations to succeed in
its mission, it is important that all Member States
respect the Charter.
Although now fewer in number, conflicts
continue to bedevil the African continent. Fighting is
still going on in many parts of Liberia, although there
is a semblance of peace in the capital, Monrovia. It is a
welcome development that the Security Council has
decided to send a peacekeeping mission to that war-
torn country. The peace process in CÙte d'Ivoire,
though holding, is still fragile. Only recently, a military
coup took place in Guinea-Bissau. Botswana strongly
condemns the coup, which further tarnishes the image
of Africa. We welcome the news that, through the
mediation of the Economic Community of West
African States(ECOWAS) and the African Union, the
military in Guinea-Bissau has agreed to hand over
power to a civilian interim administration until
elections are held, in two years' time.
Those conflicts continue to drain Africa's energies
and to undermine the continent's capacity to focus on the
equally challenging tasks of development and poverty
eradication. The vicious cycle of war, poverty, hunger
and disease has left African people in despair. They
wonder whether in this new millennium the dawn of
peace and tranquillity that they so aspire to will ever
come. The inability of the international community
thus far to act resolutely to address those conflicts will
no doubt make it more difficult for the continent to
implement its major programmes, such as the New
Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD).
The conflict in the Middle East continues to be a
matter of grave concern. All initiatives towards a
peaceful settlement, including the road map promoted
by the Quartet, have so far failed. The decision by
Israel and others to insist on determining who in the
leadership of the Palestinians they will do business with is
an unacceptable precondition for genuine negotiations.
Worse still, the threat to expel the democratically elected
leader of the Palestinians, Mr. Arafat, is a recipe for
further strife that could result in more loss of life on both
sides. That development should be condemned by all
who want to see peace in that land.
In Iraq, despite formal pronouncements that
hostilities have ended, the country is still not at peace.
Instead we see an escalation of violence, with many
people, including coalition troops, being killed every
day. The situation clearly calls for an intervention by
the Security Council to ensure that the Iraqi people are
29

given the mandate to govern themselves and that the
United Nations is given a bigger role to play in the
reconstruction of the country.
Botswana firmly believes that the various
challenges that the international community faces today
can best be tackled under a multilateral framework. The
United Nations remains the foremost body for promoting
the Agenda for Peace. Small States such as my own
place great hope in multilateral partnership and
cooperation, for on their own or in their small regional
groupings the challenges they face are formidable. We
therefore call upon Member States to rededicate
themselves to the noble ideals of the Organization.
As we direct our energies towards peace and
security, we must also remain focused on the twin
challenges of development and poverty eradication.
Those are global challenges requiring global solutions
and the active participation of all nations.
Our performance in efforts to eradicate poverty
cannot be considered successful by any measure.
Poverty still remains a blemish on humankind's
attempts at socio-economic upliftment. The policies,
strategies and programmes to address the situation have
not had the desired effect. It is estimated that about 1.2
billion people around the world still live in poverty,
and a large proportion of them live in Africa. It is
unacceptable that in this day and age, when billions of
dollars are spent on armaments, space technology and
other advances in human endeavour, such a large
number of people are still poor and marginalized.
We should bear in mind that there is a clearly
established link between poverty, on the one hand, and
the political instability and insecurity that the world is
witnessing today, on the other. Poverty breeds
resentment, anger and despair. People condemned to
the margins of society feel that they have nothing to
gain by participating in the democratic process of
governance. Instead they believe that they have nothing
to lose by using violent means in expressing their
grievances, for in their perception, the international
community is indifferent to their suffering.
Three years after the Millennium Declaration was
adopted by our heads of State, the General Assembly
should take full stock of the progress achieved towards
the fulfilment of the commitments contained in it.
Botswana welcomes the report of the Secretary-
General on the implementation of the Millennium
Declaration. It is the intention of my delegation to
participate actively in the debate on this matter.
We need to measure in concrete terms whether there
has been an increase in the flow of official development
assistance. We need to measure whether we have been
able to mobilize enough domestic and international
resources for development, including foreign direct
investment and private capital flows. We need to measure
whether we have resolved the external debt crisis. We
need to measure how far we have gone towards
establishing fair and equitable international monetary
and trading systems. Above all, we need to measure
how much we have achieved in the global fight against
the HIV/AIDS pandemic. In that context, it is regrettable
that the recent talks in Cancun on trade, a key factor in
poverty reduction and development, collapsed.
Earlier, I referred to the need for the international
community to address the problem of poverty with all
the resources at its disposal; for the failure to do so will
only increase the level of frustration and anger and
feelings of powerlessness among the poor, which will
in turn will provide fertile ground for radicalism and
extremism.
Botswana strongly condemns international
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. Terrorism,
like poverty, is now the biggest threat to civilized
norms of international discourse. The recent senseless
and deliberate attack on the United Nations office in
Baghdad is a stark reminder that even the United
Nations servants of peace and humankind are not
immune from acts of terror. We must support the
appeal by the Secretary-General for the adoption of
urgent measures to provide protection and security to
United Nations staff wherever they serve. We believe
that the United Nations must be empowered to play a
pivotal role in mobilizing international consensus
around measures to curb the scourge of terrorism. In
that respect, Botswana remains ready to cooperate in
any way possible with the relevant United Nations
agencies.
My delegation was most pleased that a high-level
meeting of the General Assembly was convened on 22
September this year to focus on sharing best practices
and the lessons learned in the fight against the
HIV/AIDS pandemic. As one of the countries most
affected by that scourge, my Government accords the
highest priority to tackling HIV/AIDS. My delegation
fully supports the conclusions reached by the high-
30

level interactive panel on the critical issues that must
now be addressed, namely, political leadership; stigma
and discrimination against people living with HIV/
AIDS; the importance of broad-based partnerships; and
resource mobilization on a very large scale. We call
upon our development partners, both in Government
and in the private sector, to dig deeper into their
pockets to support the efforts of developing countries
struggling so hard to meet their obligations to control
that scourge.
Turning to the Secretary-General's reform
proposals, while progress has been made in respect of
the rationalization of the functions of the Secretariat,
especially in the economic and social fields, formidable
hurdles still remain in connection with the reform of
the Security Council. The Open-ended Working Group
on the Question of Equitable Representation on and
Increase in the Membership of the Security Council
has, in our view, done all that is humanly possible to
solicit a wide range of views and to try to bridge the
differences that have emerged. But, regrettably, little
progress has been made. It is clear to us that this
matter, which is of vital importance to the whole
Organization, will only move forward if there is political
will on the part of some key Member States. This issue
cannot continue to defy our collective wisdom after 10
years of deliberation. A compromise solution must
emerge soon or history will judge us harshly.
We welcome what now seems to be an emerging
consensus towards the revitalization of the General
Assembly. The speeches delivered in the Assembly
have been correctly observed by the Secretary-General
in his report as being repetitive and sterile. The agenda
tends to be too long, and often results in a duplication
of issues. We share the proposal to keep the agenda
short and focused, with a number of issues clustered.
Long speeches should be replaced by more focused
debates and interactive dialogue. We strongly believe
that those modest reforms would make the
deliberations of the General Assembly more interesting
to our stakeholders. They would also enable issues of
vital importance to be fully debated, and thus make it
easier to implement the decisions reached.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate Botswana's
commitment to the United Nations and its agenda. To
us the United Nations is the embodiment of our
collective will to accomplish the Millennium
Development Goals.


Allow me, at the outset, to
join previous speakers in congratulating you, Sir, on
your election as President of the fifty-eighth session of
the General Assembly. We would also like to commend
your predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, for the manner in
which he guided the proceedings of the Assembly
during the previous session. I would likewise like to
commend the Secretary-General for his relentless
efforts to turn the United Nations into an effective
instrument for international cooperation in the search
for, and the preservation of, peace and security.
The United Nations family has recently lost some
of its best servants. We mourn, in particular, the tragic
death of Sergio Vieira de Mello, a dedicated servant of
our Organization. We would like to reiterate our
deepest condolences to the United Nations, the
Government of Brazil and Sergio’s family.
We also mourn the passing away of Anna Lindh,
Sweden’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, who was an
outstanding diplomat and defender of the United
Nations. Her departure is a major loss for humankind,
as she fought for a world order in which every nation
could live in peace, harmony and prosperity. We wish
to reiterate our heartfelt condolences to the people and
Government of Sweden, as well as to her bereaved
family.
2

I have come to this session of the General
Assembly as a messenger of the peoples of
Mozambique, and of Africa as a whole — a messenger
of peoples who are engaged in consolidating political,
economic and social reforms. Today more than ever
before, the peoples of Africa believe in the strength of
their will, cohesion and unity. They believe in realizing
the potential of their human and natural resources and
capacities. They believe in learning from past
experiences, good and bad, to restore peace and
stability and to generate wealth and prosperity
throughout the continent. The peoples of Africa are
emulating the experiences of countries like my own,
Mozambique, where after years of armed conflict a
new era of peace and gradual, but steady, development
has been taking place during the past 11 years. During
those 11 years, we have made continuous progress in
consolidating peace and democracy. We are now
engaged in the process of preparing for our second
municipal elections, which will be held on 19
November 2003. In 2004 Mozambique will hold its
third general and multiparty elections to elect the
President as well as members of Parliament. The peace
and socio-economic stability that prevail in our country
have created an enabling environment for domestic and
foreign investment, which are pivotal for the
generation of employment and for the reduction of
poverty.
The gross domestic product of Mozambique’s
economy grew at an encouraging rate of 7.7 per cent
last year, which has resulted in increased social-service
allocations in the national budget. That is all the more
important given the fact that Mozambique, like many
other countries in southern Africa, is still facing a
humanitarian crisis that is the result of continuing
unfavourable weather patterns that have stricken the
entire region for several years. We urge the
international community to respond favourably to the
recently launched appeal for humanitarian assistance
for southern Africa.
As part of its efforts to fight poverty, the
Government is implementing a plan of action for the
eradication of absolute poverty, which aims to maintain
the current average economic growth rate of 8 per cent
and to reduce absolute poverty to below 50 per cent by
2010. With the objective of creating a national vision
for development in the next 25 years, the Government
of Mozambique has launched its Agenda 2025, a
national strategy for the future of the country based on
a constructive dialogue with all political parties and
stakeholders.
Last July, Mozambique had the honour of hosting
the Second Assembly of the Heads of State and
Government of the African Union. During that
Assembly, we took important decisions that laid down
the foundations of the African Union and that will
contribute to the effective implementation of the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). As
expressed in the Maputo Declaration, the commitment
and political will of African countries to take effective
and concrete measures towards the implementation of
NEPAD reflects the recognition of the fact that the
primary responsibility for the implementation of that
initiative rests with the peoples and Governments of
Africa.
In the course of the past two years, in order to
give coherence to NEPAD matters within African
Governments, we have emphasized the creation of an
institutional framework to oversee the implementation
of NEPAD at the regional level so as to integrate
NEPAD priorities into our national development
programmes and create institutions to manage those
priorities. In that connection, we must also highlight
the fact that NEPAD includes an African Peer Review
Mechanism, whose objective is to foster the adoption
of policies, standards and practices conducive to
political stability, high economic growth, sustainable
development and accelerated regional and continental
integration. We have already assembled a “panel of
wise persons” to lend its assistance to the review
process that will soon be under way.
International support for the implementation of
NEPAD is essential. NEPAD should be the framework
within which the international community, including
the United Nations system, concentrates its efforts on
Africa’s development. In that connection, Africa’s
development partners are urged to continue to lend
their assistance, with a view to translating into reality
their pledges of support to NEPAD.
That is the main agenda of the African Union,
which seeks to build a strong foundation for
democracy, good governance, peace, stability and
sustainable development, as well as to create better
living conditions for all of Africa’s peoples. We
recognize that that represents a colossal challenge for
present and future generations of African leaders, as it
was when we created the Organization of African
3

Unity (OAU) 40 years ago and committed ourselves to
liberating Africa as our main goal.
In Maputo we have also dealt with the issues of
peace and security, for they continue to be the major
challenge in Africa. It is for that reason that we have
reiterated the importance of the entry into force of the
Peace and Security Council, which will be an important
body of the African Union that will deal with issues
related to conflict prevention, management and
resolution.
Step by step, and with the continued support of
the international community, Africa is steadily
discharging its responsibilities for the maintenance of
peace and stability in the continent.
In keeping with the OAU Algiers Summit
decision of 1999 on unconstitutional change of
Government, the coordinated action of the African
Union, the Community of the Portuguese-Speaking
Countries, the Economic Community of Central
African States, Nigeria, South Africa and other key
players, enabled President Fradique de Menezes of Sao
Tome and Principe to return to power, foiling an
attempted unconstitutional change of Government.
The recent positive developments in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the
formation of the Transitional Government and the
Parliament, the appointment of army command
structures and the deployment of the forces of the
United Nations Organization Mission in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) in
Bunia, have lent new momentum to the peace process
in that country. We must not allow that process to be
derailed. All of us, including neighbouring countries,
have an obligation to support the Congolese people and
its Government in their long struggle for peace and
stability.
Following the departure of President Taylor from
Liberia, on 18 August 2003, we witnessed the signing
at Accra, Ghana, of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement. That Agreement covers a wide range of
issues, including the cessation of hostilities. More
importantly, it provides for the establishment of a
transitional Government that will assume its
responsibilities on 14 October 2003 until the holding of
credible general elections in October 2005.
Allow me pay well-deserved tribute to President
Kufuor of Ghana and President Obasanjo of Nigeria,
and indeed to all the member States of the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), for
their critical role in that process. Regional leadership
and international support for the peace process in
Liberia will be meaningless if Liberians themselves fail
to meet their obligations regarding peace and stability
in their country. We would also like to commend the
Security Council for its action on Liberia in support of
ECOWAS efforts. We welcome the adoption of
resolution 1509 (2003), which established the United
Nations Mission in Liberia.
With respect to Burundi, we Africans have
discharged our responsibilities by establishing an
African mission in Burundi. In that context, I am happy
to inform the General Assembly that, prior to my
departure from Maputo, I bid farewell to the
Mozambican contingent of peacekeepers to be
deployed to Burundi. They are joining South African
and Ethiopian forces in a clear demonstration of our
commitment to peace and stability in Burundi and in
the subregion. In that regard, I would like to take this
opportunity to express our gratitude to the British
Government for the assistance it has extended to us.
We appeal to the Security Council to adopt a
resolution formally endorsing that mission, and to take
the necessary measures to provide political, financial
and logistical support to it. Failure to act decisively
will lead to a deterioration of the situation, with serious
implications for the stability of Burundi and the
subregion.
The African Union and ECOWAS took prompt
measures after the recent coup d’état in Guinea-Bissau
to help the people of that country to return to
constitutional legality. We are pleased to inform the
Assembly that they have already selected by consensus
a President and Prime Minister, who are going to lead a
transitional Government. They have also developed
other bodies to prepare the country for elections, which
are to be held soon. We appeal to the international
community to render its valuable assistance to Guinea-
Bissau so that it will be able to overcome its dramatic
social and economic situation as soon as possible.
In the Horn of Africa, we must continue to
encourage Ethiopia and Eritrea to work together, with
the support of the United Nations, to strengthen peace,
stability and good neighbourliness and to overcome the
difficulties that continue to exist. The ongoing peace
4

processes in Sudan and Somalia raise our hopes that
lasting peace will soon be achieved in the region.
We welcome the lifting of sanctions against Libya
and the settlement reached between all parties
concerned, which will enable us to bring that issue to a
close.
The stabilization of the situation in Angola,
Comoros and Sierra Leone are clear signs that, despite
the difficulties, Africa is making strides towards the
attainment of lasting peace, stability and socio-
economic development.
The peoples of Africa are fully engaged in
building a continent of hope. The African Union, along
with the regional economic communities, is committed
to addressing the challenges faced by the continent.
Africa is endowed with human and natural resources
that can contribute decisively to African development.
What we need is an opportunity to integrate ourselves
into the world economy; an opportunity to benefit from
globalization and increased interdependence; an
opportunity to benefit from liberalized trade, finance
and investment, instead of suffering from
marginalization and exclusion; and an opportunity for
access to science and technology, in particular
information technology.
That will be possible if, among other things, the
international community continues to seek viable and
effective ways and means to address the debt burden,
the low levels of official development assistance and
foreign direct investment and the issue of market
access for African products in developed countries.
With regard to the latter, we are disappointed that the
Cancún conference failed to produce positive results.
The recent tragic events that have claimed so
many innocent lives are a painful reminder of the fact
that international terrorism continues to represent a
serious threat to peace and security in the world. Those
events have also further demonstrated that no country
is immune from the scourge of terror and that we will
have to take concerted action to effectively address that
issue. The United Nations remains the most appropriate
forum to find the best ways and means to combat
terrorism.
In recent times, some sceptical people have
wondered whether the United Nations has lost its
credibility and relevance. The answer is clear: the role
of the United Nations as the main instrument for the
maintenance of international peace and security has
today been vindicated more than ever before. As the
Secretary-General has correctly pointed out, it is
through the United Nations that we can all find the
much-sought legitimacy of action in tackling issues of
common concern, including threats to peace and
security, and in addressing the challenges of
sustainable development and HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis,
malaria and other infectious diseases.
The Millennium Development Goals remain the
most significant targets agreed by the international
community, as they cover the major areas of concern to
the peoples of the world.
Since the adoption of the Millennium
Declaration, experience has shown that attaining its
goals requires greater international solidarity and
cooperation.
By virtue of its universality, the United Nations
has shown that it has the political and moral authority
to tackle not only the issues I have outlined, but also all
other issues of concern to mankind. The Organization
must therefore be strengthened, safeguarded and
adequately funded. It is for those reasons that we must
continue to support the Secretary-General and the
United Nations as they shoulder their responsibilities in
laying the foundations for a just and lasting peace and
for socio-economic development worldwide. We in
Africa reiterate our firm commitment to make our
contribution to the United Nations.


I should
like to begin my statement with a quotation from the
Koran:
“O mankind! We created
You from a single (pair)
Of a male and a female,
And made you into
Nations and tribes, that
Ye may know each other
(Not that ye may despise
(Each other). Verily
The most honoured of you in the sight of Allah
Is (he who is) the most
Righteous of you.” (The Holy Koran, XLIX:13)
Peace be upon you.
I should like at the outset to congratulate Mr.
Julian Hunte on his well-deserved election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at this session. I
should also like to express the gratitude of my
delegation to his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan.
We would like to express our appreciation for the
important role that the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, continues to play in revitalizing the
work of the Organization. In this connection, we
welcome his ideas regarding the institutional reform of
the Organization. I would also like to take this
opportunity to express to the United Nations our
heartfelt condolences for the untimely deaths of Mr.
Sergio Vieira de Mello and his colleagues.
When I addressed the Assembly from this
rostrum last year, I made clear that my Government
and my country were eager to achieve peace in the
Sudan. I am very pleased, therefore, to inform the
23

Assembly that our words have been matched with
deeds, and peace is now on the horizon — peace that
will put an end to an armed conflict that has
squandered the human and natural resources of the
country and hindered the development of the Sudanese
people.
My country has continuously reiterated its desire
for dialogue and negotiation with the Sudan People’s
Liberation Army Movement (SPLM). Our efforts,
together with those of the mediators, have been
continuing for more than 10 years and have recently
been crowned with success in the form of an agreement
by both parties as a result of an initiative put forward
by the countries of the Inter-Governmental Authority
on Development, under the patronage of the sisterly
country, Kenya, and with much appreciated positive
support by the IGAD partners.
At the most recent round of negotiations, His
Excellency Mr. Ali Osman Mohamed Taha, First Vice-
President, led the Government delegation, and Mr. John
Garang led the SPLM delegation. Four days ago, it
resulted in an agreement on security arrangements and
the extension of a ceasefire. It is expected that that
agreement will pave the way for a final round of
negotiations that will lead to just and lasting peace
throughout the Sudan as soon as possible.
I would like to take this opportunity to express
our gratitude to the IGAD member countries for the
role they played in the Sudan peace process, under the
stewardship of the President of Kenya and his special
envoy. Our thanks and appreciation also go to IGAD
partners, namely the United States of America, the
United Kingdom, Italy and Norway. We would like to
express particular gratitude for the positive
intervention of the Government of the United States of
America at the most critical juncture in the negotiation
process. We also appreciate the considerable efforts
that Egypt and Libya have continued to make in the
interests of peace in the Sudan, as well as those of the
Arab League and the African Union.
We are confident that Members will understand
how important the ceasefire agreement is for the
humanitarian situation. The report of the Secretary-
General on the humanitarian situation in the Sudan
demonstrates the extent of the progress made in this
area. Next month will mark the one-year anniversary of
the cessation of hostilities. Peace remains a basic
requirement for the rehabilitation of the areas affected
by war and will allow for the transition from
humanitarian relief to comprehensive sustainable
development.
We would like to reiterate our full conviction that
the peace, security and stability of the countries of the
region are directly linked with peace in the Sudan. That
is why my country has endeavoured to heal the wounds
of the past in its relations with neighbouring countries,
in particular Egypt and Ethiopia. Our relationship with
those two countries has moved beyond the
reconciliation stage; we now have exemplary strategic
security ties with them, thereby protecting the interests
of our peoples and consolidating peace and security in
the entire region.
We would like to express gratitude to our friends
and brothers and to the United Nations in general for
their humanitarian assistance during the conflict. We
call upon the international community to help in the
post-conflict reconstruction of our country and the
rehabilitation of internally displaced persons and
refugees, and to assist in the achievement of
sustainable development in support of the fledgling
peace.
It gives me great pleasure to tell the Assembly
that we have made appreciable constitutional
achievements that will open the door wide for
participation by all the Sudanese people in all areas of
political life. Economic plans and policies adopted by
the Government have started to bear fruit, whether in
the form of reduced levels of inflation, high rates of
growth or the stabilization of exchange rates. We will
continue to enhance those policies with a view to
reducing poverty and achieving sustainable
development within the framework of the 25-year
comprehensive development strategy for the period
2003-2027.
In his report on the work of the Organization, the
Secretary-General reminded us that, as the challenges
facing us change, so must we alter our methods of
dealing with them. It is high time, therefore, that we
summon the political will to reform the Security
Council by dealing with the double issues of
membership and the right of veto so as to make it more
representative and democratic in its membership and in
its decision-making. While touching on Security
Council reform, we warmly welcome Council
24

resolution 1506 (2003), which lifted the sanctions
imposed against fraternal Libya. In that connection, we
wish to stress the need to lift all unilateral sanctions,
used as a means for the political and economic
coercion of States. We urge the Security Council not to
be quick to impose sanctions on countries, particularly
the developing countries, because of their adverse
impact on their people.
The high-level participation at this session to
discuss various international issues is clear evidence of
the General Assembly’s importance. We strongly
support its efforts to rearrange its priorities and agenda
items, in order to improve the administrative and
procedural aspects of its work, to enhance its relations
with the Security Council, the highest organ in the
United Nations, to contribute to the maintenance of
international peace and security and to face ongoing
challenges.
Another challenge of great concern to us lately is
the increasing acts of terrorism. Terrorist acts that
occurred in various parts of the world last year clearly
prove that no country is immune to terrorism. All of us,
regardless of our religion or beliefs, could be the
victims of such crimes. As I mentioned earlier,
terrorism has no religion or country. Hence, in order to
face this grave threat, we need to reach an international
consensus on its definition, root causes and means to
combat it, under the auspices of our international
Organization.
In that context, we express our support for the
call of His Excellency Mohamed Hosni Mubarak,
President of the Arab Republic of Egypt, to convene an
international conference, under the auspices of the
United Nations, to address the issue of terrorism. In the
context of its international and regional role, the Sudan
will have the honour next year to host the Non-Aligned
Movement ministerial conference. We hope that the
conference will consider issues of collective security
and challenges.
The deteriorating socio-economic situation of the
least developed countries requires the international
community to make every effort to extricate them from
the labyrinth of poverty, hunger and disease. Our
experience in the Sudan has proved that, regardless of
their endeavours, the least developed countries cannot
achieve the objectives of the Brussels Programme of
Action without substantial assistance from their
development partners. I commend the tireless efforts of
the High Representative of the Secretary-General for
the Least Developed Countries in mobilizing
international support for initiatives on the subject. We
join the appeal to the international community by His
Excellency Joaquim Alberto Chissano, President of
Mozambique, as Chairman of the African Union, to
extend support and assistance to the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), the framework
adopted by the African continent and endorsed by the
United Nations and donor countries as a tool for coping
with development challenges in the continent.
I am pleased to inform members that the Sudan,
as Chairman of the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD) and Common Market for Eastern
and Southern Africa (COMESA), has tried its best to
formulate policies and take steps that will further
consolidate and promote links of cooperation between
EGAD and COMESA member States. Such efforts are
in line with the NEPAD initiative aimed at achieving
peace, development and prosperity for the peoples of
the entire African continent. To that end, a number of
specialized conferences have been convened in the
Sudan to address issues of economic cooperation,
disarmament and combating terrorism, as well as issues
of internally displaced persons and refugees, all with
the aim of attaining the NEPAD goals.
Another agenda item subject that we think will
negatively impact the future of humankind if not
properly addressed is that of human cloning, which is
now at the centre of a heated scientific, religious, legal
and ethical debate. The Sudan strongly supports the
call for an international convention against the
reproductive cloning of human beings. We also
condemn all medical ventures that disdain human
dignity and the sanctity of the Creator.
Statements over the past few days clearly
demonstrate the keen interest of the international
community in maintaining international peace and
security. While adding our voice to those calling for the
revitalization of multilateral diplomacy, we also call
for the prompt handling of the critical security and
humanitarian situation in Iraq. Furthermore, we call for
the empowerment of our Iraqi brothers so that they
may exercise their right to sovereignty, as guaranteed
to them by international law, and live in peace and
harmony with their neighbours. It gives me pleasure to
remind the Assembly of the important resolution
adopted a few weeks ago by the Council of Ministers
of the League of Arab States, which recognized the
25

transitional Governing Council of Iraq. Such
recognition is a significant step that will, hopefully,
enable Iraq to regain its sovereignty and to play its
regional and international role.
The question of Palestine has been a deep
concern to the human conscience. For more than five
decades, it has been a major threat to international
peace and security. We have been firmly convinced that
Israel’s maintenance of a huge military presence, its
aggression and its killing and suppression of the
Palestinian people, will only aggravate a situation that
is already deteriorating. The only viable way to achieve
peace is to adhere to the relevant resolutions of
international legitimacy and international law. The
international community, particularly the influential
parties in the peace process, are urged to exert pressure
on Israel.
The conflict in Somalia has been a bleeding
wound in the Horn of Africa and the time has come to
stop that painful bleeding. We call upon the leaders of
all Somali factions to join hands to preserve the unity
and stability of their country, and to achieve
development and prosperity for their people, in order to
protect them from the scourge of war and fighting. We
remain confident that the neighbouring and other
interested countries will spare no effort to help reach
an agreement that will preserve the unity, security and
stability of Somalia.
The Sudan is now a genuine partner in the
international efforts aimed at the prohibition of
chemical weapons. One of the significant roles played
by the Sudan in that regard was its hosting last August
of the First Conference of the African National
Authorities of the Chemical Weapons Convention
States Parties. We are committed to implementing the
recommendations adopted at the conference,
particularly to creating a chemical-weapon-free zone in
Africa and to enhancing international cooperation in
the peaceful use of chemical materials.
I call upon the international community to make
renewed efforts to declare the Middle East a zone free
of nuclear weapons and of all other weapons of mass
destruction. That inflamed region must abide by
international agreements banning nuclear weapons. The
nuclear facilities of all States, without exception and
with complete fairness, must be subjected to the
comprehensive safeguards of the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA).
Here we recall, shortly after its fifth anniversary,
the unjust bombing of the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical and
veterinary factory by the former United States
Administration which claimed that it was used to
manufacture weapons. It was a baseless accusation, as
Members are aware, that has been refuted by American
scientific and academic institutions before relevant
international organizations. The Sudan’s complaint is
still alive in the Security Council. In that connection, I
call upon the current United States Administration to
rectify the serious mistake that it inherited from its
predecessor, by compensating the Sudan morally and
financially.
I hope that before the end of this session my
country will finally bid farewell to the longest African
conflict, an achievement that would enable the Sudan
to play its role at the regional level and to contribute to
the stability and sustainable development of the
African continent.
In conclusion, I reaffirm our deep conviction that
the United Nations is the sole, irreplaceable mechanism
for administering and promoting international
cooperation in all fields. Therefore, we should distance
the United Nations from serving narrow interests and
from attempts to exploit it to pursue special agendas. In
that connection, we express our readiness and our
commitment to assist the United Nations system in
achieving the lofty goals enshrined in the Charter.


I
come before this parliament of humankind to present
my final report as a Head of State who believes in
interdependence and for whom sovereignty is not a
closed door separating nations, but rather an open
window affording a glimpse into the identity of each
one, furthering the respectful interchange of
experiences and the quest for understanding and
solidarity among peoples.
My presence here reflects Guatemala’s
commitment to the United Nations, whose presence in
my country has been crucial to the implementation of
the Peace Agreements concluded in 1996. It also gives
me the opportunity to participate in the debate
concerning the main subjects that make up the
international agenda, while at the same time allowing
me once again to express our solidarity with the
inhabitants of the great city of New York over the
tragic events of two years ago.
I wish to reiterate our energetic repudiation of the
treacherous attack against United Nations headquarters
in Baghdad that took place just a few weeks ago. We
especially regret the loss of valuable officials of the
Organization, including the esteemed Sergio Vieira de
Mello.
I also wish to express our gratitude to Mr. Jan
Kavan, of the Czech Republic, for his enlightened
leadership of the previous session. At the same time, I
would like very sincerely to congratulate Mr. Julian
Hunte on having assumed the presidency of the
General Assembly at this session. We are pleased to see
a distinguished representative of our own region
occupy such an important post. We have no doubt that,
with his proven abilities and his well-known
experience, he will be quite successful in conducting
our deliberations.
Guatemala, just like its brotherly countries in
Latin America, has experienced a dramatic period at
the close of the twentieth century. That time has been
characterized by a complex agenda involving various
challenges, including those of entering into the
globalization process, building peace with justice and
consolidating democracy in a way that includes good
governance.
13

In that regard, during the last four years we have
sought to make progress in opening up Guatemala to
the world and in making it part of globalization’s
technological, financial and cultural currents. We
promoted the democratization of institutions,
mechanisms, practices and values capable of
commingling freedom with authority and effectiveness
with equality. We have also nurtured the concept of
peace based on justice and respect for human rights.
Guatemala is a country where several historical
tasks remain to be completed or have been permanently
postponed. When I assumed the presidency, in January
2000, I resolved to thoroughly address some of those
pending issues. We have freed our country from its
captivity by powerful economic interests. There are no
longer tax exemptions that favour individuals. Trade
policy is no longer manipulated to the detriment of the
production of small farmers. Economic policy is now
seen as an instrument of social development. After a
century of captive markets, local monopolies are now
exposed to competition.
The Peace Agreements bestowed on Guatemala a
programme for democratization. With an eye towards
the twenty-first century, the Agreements constitute a
proposal for a wide-ranging reinvigoration of
coexistence between Guatemalans. But the Agreements
have also presented us with the challenge of
simultaneously completing various tasks pertaining to
different historical processes that other societies have
carried out in stages.
I am pleased to say that we have made progress in
various substantive areas. However, I must also admit
that we have fallen short, or inadequately addressed,
other areas.
Against the opposition of powerful interests, we
made a determined effort to increase the tax rate. We
achieved a historical level in the collection of taxes,
but without attaining the goal that had been set.
We carried out the most significant financial
reform since 1945 in order to modernize the banking
system, reduce the risks of speculation and restore to
the system its true mediation function.
We modernized the labour law, which since 1944
had suffered a series of setbacks. We consistently
raised the minimum wage in real terms at an
unprecedented pace. On average, workers in the
countryside now earn 50 per cent more than they did
four years ago.
Our illiteracy rate has historically been shameful.
We therefore adopted plans that made it possible to
reduce that rate by almost half. Special attention has
been devoted to young girls. Through scholarships and
school feeding programmes, we have removed tens of
thousands of children from child labour. We have also
reformed curricula to include the philosophy of the
Peace Agreements. And we have considerably
increased school enrolment.
With regard to basic health care, we have
confronted structural weaknesses in the critical areas of
child and maternal mortality rates and nutrition.
However, much more remains to be done. We are
in an unfavourable economic environment. The
traditional engines of growth and employment have
weakened, and the necessary changes in production are
taking place slowly. We have therefore undertaken a
massive effort to stabilize the economy and have
implemented emergency measures, such as providing
small farmers with agricultural supplies so that they
can sustain their productive capacity.
The issue of transforming the production process
is so sensitive that it was a contributing factor in the
civil war that raged for almost 40 years during the last
century. Recognizing the urgency of the issue, I
introduced reconciliation mechanisms in which all
sectors participate in an effort to define the country’s
strategic policies, including in the areas of economic
and rural development.
Our people have made significant advances in the
area of participation in the past three years. We have
carried out the country’s most significant reform by
decentralizing our institutions, strengthening local
development councils and granting greater powers and
functions to municipal governments. Indigenous
peoples are now recognized as such and are able to
participate in defining a new institutional landscape
grounded in their own cultures. Women also have an
increased public role and are developing innovative
ways of organizing.
All those efforts are aimed at reweaving our
social fabric, which had been torn apart by the war.
Reconciliation is an essential task in that regard, and
the Government must foster a favourable climate for it
to take place. That is why I assumed international
14

commitments to counter violations of human rights.
That is also why we have begun a national
compensation programme that includes reparations for
the families of the more than 200,000 victims of the
war, most of whom were indigenous persons. We also
trust that the High Commissioner for Human Rights
will establish an Office in Guatemala.
Nevertheless, impunity continues to be a difficult
issue to overcome. Judicial bodies continue to be weak,
which is what led me to put forward an unprecedented
temporary measure to strengthen local institutional
capacity. I asked for the support of the United Nations
in immediately establishing a commission to
investigate illegal groups and clandestine security
mechanisms, as several repressive groups of the past
that are now in league with organized crime are
threatening and intimidating human rights activists,
judges and journalists.
Civilian authority must be strengthened if we are
to restore all aspects of democracy. Our efforts in that
regard have been clear. We have established a civilian
national intelligence agency, as well as a civilian body
responsible for presidential security. We now have a
defence policy in keeping with the principles of
democratic security that was the product of an open
debate among the members of our society. We have
designed laws to provide for free access to information,
the declassification of secret State archives and the
establishment of civilian controls over security
functions, which includes an advisory council on
security. Those efforts are well under way and should
be fully implemented during the next few years.
Promoting a culture of peace has not been easy.
The trauma of war continues to hamper trust in our
society. Political polarization also exists, as a result of
powerful economic and military groups defending their
privileges. However, human life is less endangered and
the democratization process continues to move
forward.
I will fulfil two other basic commitments in the
remaining 114 days of my presidency. One of them will
be to ensure that Guatemalans are able to take part in a
free and transparent electoral process that is closely
monitored by the international community and in
which all political forces participate without exception.
Such an event will be taking place for only the second
time in our history during the past century.
The second commitment involves carrying out an
orderly transition of power that safeguards the reforms
begun in the context of the Peace Agreements. To that
end, I have worked with my Government team to come
up with a basic transition agenda that includes
providing for continuity in programmes and policies
and the strengthening of institutions involved in the
peace process.
I would now like to turn briefly to some of the
issues we will be dealing with during this session. In
particular, I would like to respond to the challenge that
the Secretary-General put before us this morning,
namely, how to rethink the United Nations in these
times of fundamental changes.
As I have already said, we fully support the
United Nations as the highest proponent of
multilateralism. We also firmly support the stewardship
of Secretary-General Kofi Annan. We concur with his
view that it is imperative that we adapt the
Organization to the exigencies of globalization. We
will also support efforts aimed at improving the
managerial capacities of the Secretariat and at
promoting the reform of intergovernmental bodies.
We therefore believe that we should not delay our
efforts to make the Security Council more
representative, and its procedures more transparent.
Moreover, we think that it is necessary to strengthen
the General Assembly and the Economic and Social
Council in order that the three principal organs of our
Organization mutually support one another.
We reiterate our opposition to all forms of
terrorism and we support the collective efforts of the
international community to combat that scourge.
We believe that the United Nations should
continue to give priority to the essential issue of
development. Along with multilateral financial
organizations, our Organization should dedicate itself
to the task of ensuring that the benefits of globalization
are widely shared among all the inhabitants of the
world. We also stress the singular importance of the
Monterrey Consensus and the Johannesburg Plan of
Action.
We express our disappointment at the lack of
progress made at the recent meeting of trade ministers
held in Cancún. As part of the G-21, we commit
ourselves to working constructively to bring together
the positions of all parties to produce a more open and
15

transparent international trade regime that provides
more opportunities for developing countries.
We also underscore the need to give greater
importance in the international agenda to the situation
of immigrants and migrant workers while focusing on
undocumented immigrants, who constitute a vulnerable
group vis-à-vis the need to protect human rights.
I would especially like to refer to the subject of
children and to the obligation of States to guarantee
their rights and protection. A case in point is the effort
that is taking place in the context of the Convention on
the Rights of the Child to re-establish links between
three Guatemalan children and their mother, Gabriela
Arias.
We support all efforts to put an end to the tragic
spiral of violence afflicting the Middle East and to
achieve a just and lasting peace in that long-suffering
region.
We associate ourselves with efforts aimed at
restoring peace, security and the rule of law in Iraq, as
well as to reinstate that country’s sovereignty. We share
the view that the United Nations should play a
significant role in that undertaking.
We support the heartfelt aspiration of the 23
million citizens of the Republic of China on Taiwan to
be represented in international organizations such as
the United Nations. Guatemala, like all of Central
America, believes those aspirations to be a positive
force for peace and democracy in the world.
We are making our best effort to strengthen the
bonds of friendship and neighbourliness with Belize,
without prejudice to the search for ways to peacefully,
honourably, equitably and permanently resolve our
territorial dispute. We express our complete willingness
to continue to seek a negotiated solution to that dispute
within the framework of the Organization of American
States.
We reiterate our devotion to, and support for,
Central American integration, as well as our solidarity
with, and commitment to, all of Latin America and the
Caribbean.
We live in exceptional times that affect each and
every one of our countries, as well as the United
Nations as a whole. Such critical moments create
opportunities for re-evaluation and change. I hope that
God will grant us the wisdom to take advantage of
those opportunities, thereby making it possible for us
to overcome the obstacles that have served to distract
humankind from a future of solidarity and common
welfare.


May I congratulate you, Sir,
for assuming the mantle of the presidency for this
session of the Assembly and thank the outgoing
President, Mr. Jan Kavan. I would also like to echo
what other speakers have said about the death of the
dedicated United Nations workers who lost their lives
in the bombing of the United Nations headquarters in
Baghdad last month, including Sergio Vieira de Mello,
an outstanding international civil servant.
When we met here last year, we were all
concerned about what would happen in Iraq. At the
same time, we were concerned about what role the
United Nations would play in the resolution of the Iraq
affair. Dramatic events since then have provided
answers to those questions. However, those dramatic
events have raised important and disturbing questions
about the very future of the United Nations. Central
among them is the question, does the United Nations
have a future as a strong and effective multilateral
organization enjoying the confidence of the peoples of
the world and capable of addressing the matters that
are of concern to all humanity?
Quite correctly, as we meet here this time, while
still preoccupied by the issue of the future of Iraq, I am
certain that none of us wants to rehash the debate that
took place on this matter in the period following the
last general debate in the General Assembly. While for
some time after that general debate we were concerned
to provide answers to questions about the role of the
United Nations in Iraq, today we have to answer
questions about the impact of the Iraq affair on the
future of the United Nations. Matters have evolved in
such a manner that to our limited understanding it
seems extremely difficult to resolve the issue of the
role of the United Nations in Iraq, unless we answer
the question about the future of the United Nations as a
legitimate expression of the collective will of the
peoples of the world and the principal guarantor of
international peace and security, among other global
issues.
Put differently, we could say that what is decided
about the role of the United Nations in Iraq will at the
same time decide what will become of the United
Nations in the context of its Charter and of the
important global objectives that have been set since the
Charter was adopted.
This is not a case of the tail wagging the dog;
rather, history has placed at our feet an urgent and
practical test case that obliges us to answer the
question: what do we, collectively, want the United
Nations to be? What do we do to distinguish the trees
from the forest? In that regard we must make the point
directly, that as South Africans, we are partners and
activists who campaign in favour of a strong and
effective United Nations. We do so because of the
place our country and people occupy in the
contemporary world.
We believe that everything that has happened
places an obligation on the United Nations to reflect on
a number of fundamental issues that are of critical
importance to the evolution of human society. We are
convinced that this General Assembly would
disappoint the expectations of the peoples of the world
and put itself in jeopardy if, for any reason whatsoever,
it did not address these issues.
We speak as we do because we represent the
people who are more sensitive to the imperatives of
what the world decides, given our experience during a
period when apartheid South Africa was correctly a
matter of focused and sustained interest by the United
Nations and the peoples of the world, including
ordinary folk, even in the most marginalized areas of
our globe.
This Organization, and all of us singly and
collectively, has spoken and frequently speaks about
the phenomenon of globalization. Correctly, we speak
of a global village driven by recognition of the fact of
the integration of all peoples within a common and
interdependent global society.
24

Certainly, humanity is more integrated today than
it was when the United Nations was established more
than fifty years ago. However, many have drawn
attention to the fact that, whereas objective social
processes have led to the emergence of the global
village, all of our political collectives have not yet
succeeded in designing the institutions of governance
made necessary by the reality of the birth of this global
village.
Correct observations have also been made that the
use of the image and concept of the village does not
imply that the residents of this village are equal. The
reality is that the same processes that bring all of us
closer together in a global village are simultaneously
placing the residents of the global village in different
positions. Some have emerged as dominant, and the
rest as the dominated, with the dominant being the
decision makers and the dominated being the recipients
and implementers of those decisions.
To the same extent that our political collectives
have not designed the institutions responsive to the
evolution of the global village, so have they failed to
respond to the imbalance in the distribution of power
inherent in contemporary global human society. We
speak here of power in all fields of human activity. Left
to its internal and autonomous impulses, the process of
globalization will inevitably result in the further
enhancement of the domination of the dominant and
the entrenchment of the subservience of the dominated,
however much the latter might resent such domination.
This will include the perpetuation of the
dominant positions by those who are dominant to
ensure the sustenance of their capacity to set the
agenda of the global village in the interest of their own
neighbourhoods within that village. Inherent within
this is, necessarily, reliance on the use of superior
power, of which the dominant dispose, to achieve the
objective of the perpetuation of the situation of an
unequal distribution of power.
In this situation, it is inevitable that the pursuit of
power in itself will assert itself as a unique legitimate
objective, apparently detached from any need to define
the uses of such power. This also signifies the
deification of force in all its forms as the final arbiter
in the ordering of human affairs.
However, from the point of view of the
disempowered, the struggle to ensure the use of such
power to address their own interests becomes a
strategic objective they cannot avoid. Necessarily this
means that power would have to be redistributed. That
would be done to empower the disempowered and to
regulate the use of power by those who are powerful.
Thus we come back to what I said earlier.
Because we are poor, we are partisan activists for a
strong, effective and popularly accepted United
Nations. We take those positions because there is no
way in which we could advance the interests of the
people, the majority of whom are poor, outside the
context of a strong, effective and popularly accepted
United Nations. An autonomous process of
globalization, driven by its own internal regularities,
can only result in the determination of our future
within the parameters set by those who enjoy the
superiority of power. The powerful will do this in their
own interests, which might not coincide with ours.
When this Organization was established 58 years
ago, its objectives and institutions necessarily reflected
both the collective global concerns as then perceived
and the then balance of power.
Among other things, our esteemed Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, has drawn attention to the
fact that the United Nations started off as an
Organization of 51 States and is now composed of 191
States. Undoubtedly, the perceived and real collective
global concerns of our day are, to some extent at least,
different from those that prevailed more than 50 years
ago, when the Organization was about a quarter of its
present size.
For more than a decade, this Organization has
been involved in discussions about its transformation.
Once more, the Secretary-General has reflected on this
challenge. The truth is that our discussions have gone
nowhere. Earlier this morning the Secretary-General
announced steps he will take to facilitate the adoption
of decisions that will help all of us to effect the
necessary and inevitable transformation of the United
Nations. We support the decisions he announced.
The global resolve to defeat such organizations as
al Qaeda has emerged out of our understanding that
international aggression should not necessarily be
expected to come from formal and recognized State
institutions. We have all come to understand that such a
threat coming from non-State institutions would
express itself as the most inhumane and despicable
terrorism, as was most painfully demonstrated on 11
September 2001.
25

Our collective experience   stretching from New
York and elsewhere in the United States on 11
September 2001; and reaching back to Nairobi and
Dar es Salaam, in Africa, earlier still; and, more
recently, to Bali, Indonesia; to Morocco; to the conflict
between Israel and Palestine; to Algeria, India, Russia
and elsewhere; and even our own country   tells us
that the United Nations, working in defence of the
collective interests of the peoples of the world, must
ensure that we act together to defeat the threat of
terrorism, collectively defined.
At the same time, we have to take on board the
conviction among some of our Member States that they
constitute special and particular targets of global
terrorism. Understandably, the argument is advanced
that it would be unreasonable and irrational to expect
such States not to act to deter such terrorist actions
against themselves. None of us can defend
international rules that prescribe that any one of us
should wait to be attacked knowing in specific ways
that we were going to be attacked by identified
terrorists, and then act against those who had attacked
us, with such horrendous costs as were experienced by
the United States during the 11 September attacks. I do
not imagine that any one of us would seek to impose
such a costly and unsustainable burden on any of our
Member States, which would also violate the self-
defence provisions of Article 51 of the Charter of the
United Nations.
We also have no choice but to deal with the brute
reality that the reform process of the United Nations
and all its bodies, and other multilateral organizations,
has got to recognize the reality of the imbalance of
power, as represented by different countries and
regions. At the same time, we must proceed from the
position that such distribution of power is not
necessarily in the interests of the peoples of the world,
or even in the interests of those who today have the
power to determine what happens to our common
world. That includes acceptance of the fact that,
depending on the place we occupy in the global
community, we have different priorities. Among other
things, the rich are concerned about ways and means to
maintain the status quo, from which they benefit. In
practical terms that means that all matters that threaten
to destabilize the status quo must necessarily be
anathema to such people. Such matters will therefore
be an issue of principal concern to them. Necessarily
and understandably, they will then seek to get the rest
of the world to accept their assertion that the
maintenance of the status quo must be a universal
human preoccupation, precisely the kind of issue on
which the United Nations must take a united position.
On the other hand, the poor are interested in
changing their conditions for the better. Accordingly,
they will not accept the maintenance of the status quo,
which perpetuates their poverty. Accordingly, among
other things, the poor billions of the world will argue
for action by the United Nations to ensure the transfer
of resources to themselves, which will enable them to
extricate themselves from their condition of poverty
and underdevelopment, consistent with the
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals,
the objectives of the Johannesburg World Summit on
Sustainable Development and other international
agreements. Inevitably, that will run counter to the
propositions of those who are more powerful than the
poor, namely, the Governments, peoples and countries
that keep them afloat with development assistance.
That will require   whether it is stated or not   that
the recipients of that assistance understand that such
assistance can dry up.
Important shifts in the global balance of power
and global objectives have taken place since the United
Nations was established, 58 years ago. The
Organization has not substantially changed, in terms of
its structures and mode of functioning, to reflect those
changes. That has served as a recipe for an inevitable
crisis, a disaster waiting to occur. And so as we meet
today we are confronted by global challenges that the
global Organization cannot solve. Impelled by the
urgent issues of the day, some of the powerful will not
wait for all of us to respond to the problems we have
raised, and which they face. They will act to solve
those problems; their actions will make the statement
that they do not need the United Nations to find
solutions to those problems. Simultaneously, that will
make the practical statement that the United Nations is
irrelevant to the solution of the most pending problems
of our day. The disempowered will continue to look to
the Organization, understanding, correctly, that they are
too weak to advance their interests singly outside the
collective voice of the United Nations. In that regard,
they expect that the United Nations will be informed by
its founding documents and other solemn decisions it
has taken since it was established, all of which have
been approved by successive sessions of the General
Assembly.
26

Global poverty and underdevelopment are the
principal problems that face the United Nations.
Billions across the world expect that the General
Assembly will address that challenge in a meaningful
manner. The masses of people of our world expect that
the statements we will make at this session of the
General Assembly as representatives of various
Governments will indicate a serious commitment to
implement what we say. The poor of the world expect
an end to violence and war everywhere. They want an
end to the killing that is taking too many Israeli and
Palestinian lives. They want Africans to stop killing
one another, continuing to convey the message that we
are incapable of living in peace among ourselves. They
desire the realization of the democratic objective
universally: that the people shall govern. They believe
that we are seriously committed to the objective of the
eradication of poverty and the provision of a better life
for all. They think that we mean it when we say that we
will not allow the process of globalization to result in
the further enrichment of the rich and the
impoverishment of the poor within and between
countries. They believe us when we say that our
collective future is one of hope, and not despair. They
are keenly interested to know whether our gathering,
the United Nations General Assembly, will produce
those results.
To collectively meet those requirements will
require that each and every one of us   both rich and
poor, the powerful and the disempowered   commit
ourselves practically to act in all circumstances in a
manner that recognizes and respects the fact that none
of us is an island sufficient unto ourselves. That
includes the most powerful. The latter face the
interesting challenge, important to themselves in their
national interests, that the poverty and
disempowerment of the billions will no longer serve as
a condition for their success and their possibility to
prosper in conditions of peace.
What we have said today may not be heard,
because we do not have the strength to have our voice
heard. Tomorrow we may be obliged to say, No more
water; the fire next time. As the fires burn, the United
Nations will die, consumed by the flames. So will the
hopes of the poor of the world die, as they did at
Cancun, Mexico, not so long ago. We must act together
to say in our words and in our actions, as countries and
as the United Nations, that there will be water next
time, and not fire.


I am honoured to
address the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth
session, on behalf of His Excellency President Kessai
H. Note and the people of the Republic of the Marshall
Islands.
Allow me to extend my sincere congratulations to
you, Mr. President, on your election to your high
office. At the outset, I would like to take this
opportunity to express our deepest condolences to the
bereaved families that lost loved ones in the recent
bombing attack on the United Nations offices in
Baghdad. That tragic event was also a great loss to the
international community. Such horrific acts of
terrorism are utterly condemnable, and those
responsible should be swiftly brought to justice.
My delegation is especially pleased that this
session of the General Assembly will be presided over
by the representative of a fellow member of the
Alliance of Small Island States, and we wish you well,
Sir, in your endeavours throughout the session. We are
hopeful that your presidency will help to highlight the
special needs of small island developing States. It has
long been recognized that such States suffer particular
disadvantages in terms of both environment and
development. This was recently reaffirmed by the
World Summit on Sustainable Development, which
called for a full and comprehensive review of the
Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States.
The coming year will be a particularly important
one for the Marshall Islands and for all small island
developing States as we prepare for the 2004
International Meeting in Mauritius to review the
implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action.
In preparation for that Meeting, the Marshall Islands is
currently completing an assessment of the
implementation of the Programme of Action at the
national level. I would like to take this opportunity to
encourage the international donor and development
community to engage with the small island developing
States in the preparatory process and to actively
participate in the International Meeting so that it can
produce successful and practical outcomes for all such
States.
The Marshall Islands is faced with challenges
shared by many small island States. Our land
comprises small, scattered islands and atolls, spread
over vast areas of ocean. Our unique environment is
fragile and highly vulnerable to the threats posed by
global warming and environmental pollution and
degradation. Our natural resource base is extremely
narrow, our economy very small and we are
disadvantaged by our remoteness from world markets.
Given these factors, in our interactions within the
international community, the Marshall Islands is
particularly concerned about the following issues. The
first issue is sustainable development. Pursuing the
three pillars of sustainable development — economic,
social and environmental — poses many challenges for
small island States. During last year’s general debate,
we introduced our national blueprint for sustainable
development. This document forms the basis of our
long-term sustainable development plans, which we are
currently working hard to implement.
In this context, and in the follow-up to the World
Summit on Sustainable Development, we continue to
seek opportunities to form partnerships that will assist
us in the practical implementation of projects under the
Pacific’s 14 Type II Umbrella Initiatives. Areas of
particular importance for our people include the need
for greater access to fresh water, the availability of
affordable, renewable and environmentally sound
energy sources and the development of waste
management systems that minimize hazardous impacts
on society and the environment.
Also in this regard, we welcome the new work
programme of the Commission on Sustainable
Development. We are particularly pleased that small
island developing countries will be considered as a
cross-cutting issue in relation to the themes of each
two-year work cycle, and that the theme of the 2014-
2015 work cycle will focus on small island developing
States issues.
Our second main area of concern is the
environment, and in particular the threats posed by
global climate change and sea level rise. These threats
23

are felt most acutely by low-lying island and atoll
countries such as the Marshall Islands and many of our
Pacific neighbours.
I am pleased to announce that the Marshall
Islands has recently completed its ratification process
for the Kyoto Protocol. I take this opportunity to
commend those States that have ratified the Protocol,
and I urge remaining States to do so without delay.
This matter is surely the most urgent facing the
international community today. If we fail to act now,
the future will see the complete disappearance of many
small island nations.
In relation to environmental matters, the Marshall
Islands is particularly concerned about the state of the
world’s oceans and fisheries. As a nation whose very
livelihood depends on the resources of the sea, the
Marshall Islands Government reaffirms its unwavering
support for the regime established under the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. I am also
pleased to state that the Marshall Islands is now a party
to the United Nations Fish Stocks Agreement.
The Marshall Islands is seriously concerned about
instances of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing
within its exclusive economic zone. Such fishing
gravely undermines the livelihood of our people that
depend on these resources as their primary means of
survival. Regional and international cooperation must
focus on addressing this issue.
Within our region, we are pleased to note the
recent progress of the Convention on the Conservation
and Management of Highly Migratory Fish Stocks in
the Western and Central Pacific Ocean. We are also
particularly pleased with the development of the
Pacific Islands Regional Ocean Policy and we look
forward to broad participation in the upcoming Pacific
Islands Regional Ocean Forum.
An ongoing issue of major concern for the
Marshall Islands is that of nuclear weapons testing.
The people and the environment of the Marshall
Islands continue to suffer as a consequence of the
nuclear weapons tests that were conducted in our
territory between 1946 and 1958.
As we continue to seek resolution of this issue
our people continue to suffer from ongoing health
effects, the food chain still contains dangerously high
radiation levels and our development capacity is
restrained by an inability to use contaminated islands
and atolls.
I have briefly addressed a few issues of major
concern to the Marshall Islands. There are, of course,
many other significant issues to be addressed during
the upcoming session.
One of the most important challenges facing the
international community is the need for a
comprehensive, unified response to combat acts of
international terrorism. I am pleased to be able to say
that the Marshall Islands has ratified all 12 of the core
Conventions against terrorism. We are continually
working to implement the provisions of Security
Council resolution 1373 (2001), and we have taken
many steps at the national level to combat money
laundering and terrorist financing. We reiterate our
solidarity with all Member States that are working to
eliminate terrorism in all its forms.
Another important issue facing this body is the
continued exclusion of the Republic of China on
Taiwan from the United Nations. The Marshall Islands
Government reiterates its concern that the exclusion of
a nation of peaceful and law-abiding citizens is not
consistent with the inclusive ideal of the United
Nations. I therefore strongly urge every Member State
to reconsider this matter.
The Marshall Islands welcomes the progress
achieved by the International Criminal Court over the
past year. Many positive developments have taken
place, not the least of these being the election of a
prominent panel of judges and the chief prosecutor. We
look forward to the Court becoming fully operational
and we are confident that the Court will prove to be a
valuable mechanism in the administration of justice at
the international level.
Finally, in terms of the need for further United
Nations reform, the Marshall Islands Government
wishes to reiterate its support for the expansion of the
Security Council. We believe that the number of both
permanent and non-permanent members should be
increased, and that such expansion should include
members from both developed and developing
countries. This expansion is urgently needed to
increase the representative base of the Council and to
enhance its legitimacy in the light of the geographic
and political realities of the world today. We also wish
to emphasize the need for further streamlining of the
work of the General Assembly and its six Main
24

Committees in order to enhance the efficiency and
effectiveness of the Organization.


I would like first of all to congratulate you,
Sir, on being unanimously elected to chair the fifty-
eighth session of the United Nations General
Assembly. On behalf of the Kingdom of Morocco and
of the Group of 77 and China, I wish to assure you of
our full support for making a success of this important
session.
Realizing what a delicate phase our Organization
is going through, many heads of State and Government
have accepted the invitation extended to them by
Mr. Kofi Annan, the United Nations Secretary-General.
I should like to take this opportunity to express my
appreciation to him, once again, for the relentless
efforts he is making to shore up the efficiency of the
Organization.
This is an emotionally charged moment for me, as
I stand on this prestigious rostrum and recall the appeal
and initiatives launched by my late grandfather and
father, Their Majesties King Mohammed V and King
Hassan II, urging concerted action by the international
community to speed up decolonization, especially in
the Arab Maghreb and on the African continent, and to
uphold the principles of peace, coexistence, openness
and tolerance.
What we have done, at the international level, has
always been guided by the same ideals that inspired the
founders of our Organization. It seeks to contribute to
the significant cultural accomplishments made by
mankind thanks to this institution, to preserve human
dignity, and to ensure equality in rights and
obligations, not only between men and women, but also
among nations, large and small, in full respect of
international legality, and in a spirit of freedom and
solidarity.
30

We certainly value the positive and concrete
achievements of the Organization. However, in keeping
with our firm commitment to its noble mission, we ask
ourselves: to what extent has the Organization
managed to make peace prevail and to contribute
significantly to sustainable development and to the
settlement of conflicts arising, more often than not,
from colonization, which tore apart entire peoples and
nations, especially across our African continent?
Moreover, I should like to assure our brothers and
sisters from African States of Morocco's constant and
unwavering solidarity as well as of its determination to
further expand cooperation with them on political,
economic, social and security matters and to support
constructive African initiatives. In that context, the
international community is called upon to provide
tangible support to the African strategy, the New
Partnership for Africa's Development, which targets
the sustainable development of the African continent,
mostly through interaction on the part of its
subregional entities.
The Millennium Declaration marked a turning
point in carrying out the mission unanimously
entrusted to the United Nations in the area of
sustainable development. Indeed, for the first time,
heads of State and Government agreed on specific
objectives and targets in the social, economic and
educational fields up to the year 2015. As early as
January this year, I made a point of assigning to the
Chair of the Group of 77 and China the priority task of
ensuring follow-up to those commitments and
monitoring their integrated implementation. On our
Group's initiative, the General Assembly unanimously
adopted a resolution to that effect last June, pending a
global assessment in 2005.
Although the Group of 77 and China has sought
to keep development issues high on the Organization's
agenda, one must admit that the main thrust of our
efforts has focused on the serious threats posed to
world peace in the Middle East region. Despite the
efforts undertaken for the settlement of the Palestinian
question   whether by the United Nations or by the
international Quartet, through the road map   the
logic of violence and intransigence continues to
hamper the restoration of peace. The sufferings,
deprivations and injustices endured daily by the
brotherly Palestinian people call for stronger
commitment on the part of the international community
to achieving irreversible implementation of the road
map.
As Chairman of the al-Quds Committee, I wish to
say that I am fully prepared to help to find a just and
final solution leading to the establishment of a viable
Palestinian State with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital,
living side by side with the State of Israel, in a just,
comprehensive and lasting peace. With the settlement
of that issue   which is contingent upon the
withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab
territories   the region will regain its original status as
a land of religious and cultural coexistence.
Similarly, Morocco calls for concerted
international action that would enable the brotherly
Iraqi people to live in security, stability and freedom
and to rebuild their country, while ensuring that their
choices are fully respected and that their State's
sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity are
preserved.
The Mediterranean region is particularly affected
by the crises I have just mentioned. We therefore
believe that the Euro-Mediterranean dialogue is an
element that is key for the region's stability, security
and development. In that context, the Kingdom of
Morocco has made the strategic choice of opting for
the construction of the Arab Maghreb as a region
where peace and development may be fostered for the
benefit of its members, where there must be no
tendency towards balkanization and where the
fundamental national attributes of each Member State
are fully respected.
The Kingdom of Morocco, guided by that
Maghreban ideal and committed to safeguarding its
good-neighbourly relations, has agreed to ease the
tension fomented on its borders and is endeavouring in
all good faith to find an international consensus on the
issue of the Moroccan Sahara. The attempts that have
been made thus far to reach a solution show that the
only way to resolve the issue once and for all is to
come up with a realistic and final political solution in
keeping with democratic principles, while fully
respecting the Kingdom of Morocco's sovereignty and
territorial integrity, as the United Nations itself
recommended in June 2001. In that connection, I
should like once more to officially proclaim Morocco's
pledge to cooperate with the United Nations to bring
about such a political solution.
31

Ever since the tragic events of 11 September, the
international community has been involved in a
resolute fight against international terrorism, which
poses a threat to mankind's most sacred values. Last
May, the Moroccan nation was itself the target of the
odious plague of terrorism in a desperate attempt to
challenge the democratic model that Morocco has
chosen and to undermine its strong commitment to the
values of freedom, tolerance and openness. We should
therefore like to insist on the need for intensified
international cooperation to eradicate this scourge.
Here, I should like to strongly denounce the
confusion deliberately created by those who
persistently associate terrorism with Islam, thus
choosing to ignore the fact that Islam advocates peace
and respect for human life and flatly rejects injustice
and aggression.
The United Nations system is now confronted
with a deeply troubled international environment and
faces new and major challenges. If the United Nations
is to play its role as the sole regulator of relations
between and among States, it is imperative that we
restore to the concept of universalism its original
meaning: the obligation shared by all to comply with
the same ethics and rules of law and with effective
solidarity among all peoples and nations. To attain that
objective, mankind must find new reasons to rekindle
hope. We must also have faith and confidence in the
United Nations to help it recover its standing and its
effectiveness. Let us therefore make a common pledge
to build up its resources and to strengthen its action.
The Assembly may count on the help and support of
the King of Morocco so that, together, we may build a
safer, more equitable and more humane world.