 I am very pleased, Sir, to congratulate you on your election to the presidency
of the thirty-eighth session of the Lenora Assembly. I
am confident that under your competent guidance the
work of the session will proceed fruitfully and successfully. I should also like to extend my gratitude to your
predecessor, Mr. Hollai, for his skilful performance in
occupying that position during the thirty-seventh session.
I avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate the
Secretary General.
52.	On behalf of my country I cordially welcome the
new Member of the United Nations, the State of Saint
Christopher and Nevis.
53.	Today more than ever before the attention of all
peoples is focused on the activities of the General Assembly. This is so because the major problems of our time,
and particularity the problem of how to prevent war and
preserve peace; have acquired truly vital significance for
the destiny of each and every individual every nation and
the whole of mankind. This is so because the present
international situation has given rise to extremely serious
grounds for alarm. Since the Second World War there
has hardly been another such complicated and tense a
period of history as the one we are living in today.
54.	All this is the result of the course pursued by the
United States and certain countries of NATO, the aim
of which is to gain military-strategic superiority over the
Soviet Union and the other countries of the socialist
community. That course has led to an unchecked escalation of the arms race, has dangerously exacerbated tensions in various regions of the world and has kindled new
hotbeds of crisis.
55. An integral part of this policy is total confrontation,
which has also been reflected in certain attempts to interfere in the Internal affairs of the socialist countries and
to orchestrate slanderous campaigns.
56.	The latest example in this respect has been the
campaign against the Soviet Union in connection with the
incident involving the South Korean aircraft. While expressing our most sincere regret at the loss of human life,
we at the same time are convinced that the entire responsibility for this tragedy rests With those forces which cold-bloodedly masterminded and carried out this criminal and
provocative act. Those forces have gone so far in their
insinuations as to deny elementary normal conditions for
the arrival of the head of the delegation of the Soviet
Union for the General Assembly session.
57.	This course in international affairs has in fact no
future and no chance of success either in the political or
in that, military feted. Because of the extremely dangerous
risks which it poses for the fate of the people, it has
naturally met with the resistance of the overwhelming
majority of States, which are profoundly interested in
maintaining peace and promoting equitable and mutuality
advantageous international co-operation. This was eloquently reaffirmed by the decisions of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned
Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983
which, as is well known,
constitute an important positive factor in the international
arena. At the same time, the policy of rearmament and
confrontation has aroused protests by the broadest strata
of the international community.
58.	Never before have there been on Earth so many and
such terrifying weapons capable of destroying life, and
that is why mankind has never been in so much need of
the most energetic efforts to preserve peace and to eliminate the possibility that a nuclear war may become a
horrendous reality. The cardinal risk of our times is to
preserve life on Earth and to save human civilization.
59. The People's Republic of Bulgaria is convinced that
the way out ivies it renouncing the policy of confrontation
and the arms race and in proceeding towards genuine
disarmament, particularly in the nuclear field. A sound
and realistic basis on which we can rely in the attempts
to attain this objective is the existing military-strategic
balance of forces. The whole war development of
the world indicates that any effort to obtain military
superiority is futile and only increases the threat of a total
nuclear conflict. Action to ensure the security of every
State and of the world as a whole necessarily entails
curbing military confrontation through disarmament. The
only alternative to mutual annihilation is the policy of
disarmament and detente.
 At present this irrefutable truth has acquired exceedingly topical significance to Europe. An issue of vita
importance for European as wet as for other peoples of
the world is being dealt with in Europe today. The choice
before our continent once again demands that, white
rejecting the propaganda smokescreen, the facts are reconsidered most responsibly and a sober and realistic appraisal be made of the consequences. The truth is that
the planned deployment of new United States medium range nuclear missiles in certain Western European
NATO countries is designed to ensure unilateral military
superiority and represents deliberate preparation for a
nuclear first strike against the socials countries. The
argument that the deployment of those missiles would
facilitate the conclusion of an arms reduction agreement
is totally unfounded. Naturally, our countries would be
compelled to take counter-measures for their legitimate
defence. The only tangible result of the deployment of
the new missies in Western Europe would be to increase
the level of nuclear confrontation and the risk of turning
the continent into an area of nuclear conflict. n our
nuclear age the security of some States cannot be achieved
at the expense of the security of others. It is incumbent
upon all States and political leaders to take all this into
consideration.
61.	The Geneva talks between the Soviet Union and
the United States have entered their crucial stage. The
stepped-up preparations for the deployment of the new
United States missiles, however, which are proceeding
side by side with the talks, cause most serious concern.
In our opinion, it is still not too late to choose to reach
a fair agreement based on the principle of equality and
equal security. This historic opportunity should act be
missed. A substantial step forward In this respect is
represented by the latest constructive proposal put
forward by the Soviet Union.
62.	As a European county, the People's Republic of
Bulgaria maintains the position that our responsibility to
present and future generations entail the elimination of
the nuclear danger in Europe, thus giving impetus
to detente so that Europe can become a continent of
peace, free of weapons of mass destruction, where all
States could maintain relations of co-operation on the
basis of fuel equally and mutual respect, in the interest
of the progress and prosperity of nations.
63.	A hopeful sign in this respect is the successful concision of the Madrid meeting. It confirms once again
that, given good political will, it is possible even in the
present complex international situation to pursue a dialogue leading to mutually acceptable agreements. In our
opinion, it it’s vitally important for the process which
began at Helsinki, to continue and to advance, and to
develop in conformity with the spirit
of the Conference on Security and Co-operation. In view of the most topical and urgent
problems facing our continent, we emphasize as particularly significant and promising the decision to convene a Conference on Confidence- and Security-building
Measures and Disarmament in Europe.
64.	The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in
various regions of Europe and the world is of major
importance for the maintenance of peace. For this reason
the People's Republic of Bulgaria not only supports the
realistic proposals put forward to this effect but is actively
working in this direction.
65.	Situated as it is in the Balkan peninsula, the People's
Republic of Bulgaria has a vital stake in the realization
of the idea of turning this region into a nuclear-weapon-
free acne. The concrete proposals of my country for
stepping up efforts to this end are also wall known. They
are fully consonant with the policy based on the principles
of peace, understanding and co-operation in the Balkans
which the People's Republic of Bulgaria has been consistently pursuing.
In this respect, I should like to recall our proposal for the signing of a
code of good-neighbourly relations among countries in
that part of Europe. This policy of principle is in the best
interest of all the Balkan and European peoples and is
a genuine contribution to the strengthening of peace and
security in the world.
66.	Situated in close proximity to the Mediterranean,
the People's Republic of Bulgaria Is interested in fostering
peace and co-operation in that region and regards with
great interest all constructive proposals directed to this
end.
67.	For the People's Republic of Bulgaria and the other
countries of the socialist community as well, the desire
for peace stems from the very nature of the socialist
system. A society which is entirely devoted to work and
construction for the benefit of all Its members cannot
desire war. Such a society does not need any war. War
Is alien to its very nature. Such a society needs peace as
well as mutually beneficial and equitable international
co-operation. It is precisely for this reason that the States
of the socialist community have unswervingly pursued,
and wilt continue to pursue, a constructive policy of
principle directed to defending peace, strengthening international security and promoting confidence and cooperation among peoples. In the present-day world there
Is no other road open but that of peaceful coexistence
of States with different social systems and the building
of International relations on the basis of strict observance
of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations
and the rules of international law.
68.	In the present particularly Important—and I would
even say fatefully—moment for the future of mankind, the
peace-loving policy of the countries of the socialist community was once again reaffirmed in the Politician Declaration at Prague on 5 January 1983.
 These documents contain detailed assessments of the current international situation as well
as constructive and realistic initiatives and proposals for
easing tensions and for solving the cardinal problems of
the present day: first and foremost, the elimination of
the danger of nuclear war, the cessation of the arms
race and the pursuance of disarmament on the basis of
equality and equal security.
69.	Unfortunately these concrete proposals and initiatives for reducing the military threat in Europe and in
the world have not reached all adequate answer from the
States members of NATO.
70.	The proposal for concluding a treaty on the mutual
non-use of force and on the maintenance of peaceful
rotations Is still without a concrete answer.
71.	The clearly expressed will of the majority of countries in the world that all nuclear-weapon States should
factor the example of the Soviet Union and assume the
obligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons
continues to be ignored.
72.	Nor has there been a positive reaction to the Soviet
proposal that alt nuclear-weapon States should declare
a quantitative and qualitative freeze of the existing level
of their nuclear weapons.
73.	Just before the opening of this session, the Soviet
Union came forward with an Important and timely proposal for the conclusion of a treaty on the prohibition
of the use of force in outer space and from space against
the Earth. We welcome and support this
proposal. It is fully in conformity with the perennial
efforts of the world Organization to forestall the launching of the arms race into space.
74.	The proposal of the States parties of the Warsaw
Treaty to open negotiations on limiting naval activities,
on curtailing and reducing naval armaments and on
extending confidence-building measures to Include the
seas and oceans are also well known. The question has been
acquiring ever greater significance as a substantial part
of the efforts to prevent nuclear war.
75.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria is deeply concerned over the lack of real progress In the efforts to
eliminate existing hotbeds of tension.
76.	The situation in the Middle East continues to be
extremity dangerous, as the region Is being increasingly
turned into a front tine of the aggressive global policy
of certain imperialist States. With the encouragement and
support of the latter, Israel continues Its aggression
against the Lebanese and Palestinian peoples. We categorically condemn these actions and insist on Israel's
complete withdrawal from Lebanon as well as from all
the Arab territories occupied in 1967 and since. We
demand the recognition of the legitimate and Inalienable
rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including its right
to self-determination and the creation of Its own State.
77.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria is convinced that
the only correct avenue for reaching a comprehensive,
just and lasting settlement of the Middle East problem,
as emphasized In the Geneva Declaration on Palestine,
Is convening an international peace conference on the
Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned, Including the indispensable participation on an
equal footing of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine.
78.	We support the efforts to reach a peaceful and just
solution of the problem of Cyprus, guaranteeing the
independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, with the total
demilitarization of the island and respect for the interests
of the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots.
79.	As a result of the illegal occupation of Namibia by
the racist regime of Pretoria and its policy of apartheid
and aggression against the independent African States of
the region, the situation in southern Africa continues to
be tense and dangerous. The People's Republic of Bulgaria fully supports the legitimate struggle for self-determination and independence waged by the Namibian
people under the leadership of its sole authentic representative, SWAPO. Our position is fully in harmony with
that of the majority of States in the world, which has
been most categorically expressed in the decisions of the
United Nations, as well as by the international Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People
for Independence, held in Paris from 25 to 29 April 1983.
80.	The military presence in, and direct intervention of,
the imperialist States in the internal affairs of a number
of countries pose a threat not only to the security of
individual countries and regions, but also to world peace
and security. We resolutely call for a habit to the campaign
of threats and provocations against Cuba, to the foreign
intervention in Nicaragua, to any interference in the
internal affairs of these and other countries of Central
America. We are hopeful that the efforts of the countries
of the Contadora Group to find a peaceful solution to
the problems will be successful.
81.	I reiterate that the People's Republic of Bulgaria
wholeheartedly supports the proposals put forward by
the Governments of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, the People's Republic of
Kampuchea and the Democratic People's Republic of
Korea to remove the tensions around these countries and
soave disputes through negotiations in order to ensure
peace and tranquillity for their peoples. The elimination
of the imperialist intervention in Afghanistan, the establishment of a zone of peace and stability in South-East
Asia and the peaceful reunification of Korea will contribute enormously to the strengthening of peace and
security in Asia and throughout the world.
82.	The United Nations has a great role to play in
solving the key problems of the present day, which affect?
the interests of all States and peoples.
The maintenance of peace and ending the arms race
are the most important prerequisites for the successful?
solution of the pressing socio-economic and other problems upon which mankind's prosperity depends.
84.	We devote particular attention to the problems of
development. As a country with a dynamic and stable
economy, we are interested in the removal of artificial
obstacles and barriers and in the promotion of equitable
and mutually beneficial co-operation, a guarantee for
which would be the restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis and the
establishment of a new international economic order. In
this connection, we support the demand for a speedy
beginning of global negotiations, and we are ready to
study any constructive proposal in this important area.
85.	In conclusion, I return to the underlying theme of
my statement—how to preserve peace and save the planet
from a nuclear catastrophe. For us Bulgarians, there is
only one answer. As Tudor Zhukov, General Secretary
of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist
Party and President of the State Council of the People's
Republic of Bulgaria, has said:
"The question today is as follows: either we live
Peacefully with each other or we annihilate each other.
Therefore, the main conclusion we must draw cannot
be but the following: to build step by step, consistency
and decisively, new international relations, relations of
peaceful co-existence between States of different social
systems."
86.	Now, as in the past, we are ready to co-operate with
all who are rally for peace, international understanding
and mutually beneficial co-operation. We shall continue
to work to strengthen the role of the United Nations, in
strict compliance with the principles and objectives enshrined in its Charter. These principles and objectives
correspond to the interests of all peoples. The People's
Republic of Bulgaria will continue to make an active
contribution to their realization.


150.	 Mr. President, may I begin by joining other speakers in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. You have my best wishes for the difficult task which lies ahead of you. May I also express my thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Hollai, who has so ably fulfilled his role on behalf of the Assembly.
151.	It gives me particular pleasure to pay a tribute also to the Secretary-General. We owe a great deal already to his careful authority and leadership. His report to last year's session' brought out in a striking way the gravity of the problems facing us in the United Nations. His report this year has again underlined the crucial problem of trust. He has also drawn our attention to the need for the Secretary-General, in the interests of all, to exercise tighter control over the administration of the Organization. It is now up to us to do something about these problems. As my predecessor said last year, the blame for the state of the world does not lie with the United Nations system or with the Charter, but with us, the Member States. I endorse that conclusion wholeheartedly, but I see absolutely no evidence that it has sunk in.
152.	This is my first year as a foreign minister. But it is a reflection of today's increasingly complex and interdependent world that this year has not by any means been my first taste as a minister of international affairs.
153.	My own particular experience has been in international economic and financial affairs, and I have learned from that one very clear lesson: the problems which face us can effectively be tackled only through close international co-operation and, of course, with the necessary determination and patience. If that is true, as it is, of economic and social questions, it must be even more so in the political field, where major questions of peace and security are at stake.
154.	Economic and political problems are, of course, often interlinked. Indeed, the former can cause, or exacerbate, the latter. That is why foreign ministers, even if they were so minded, cannot fail to concern themselves with economic questions. These are, of course, questions which require effective action at the national level, and national determination to solve, but the need for action on the international plane is no less clear.
155.	So, as a foreign minister, I remain very interested in what is happening—and what is not happening—in the world economy. There are signs of recovery in my country and in others, but complacency and over-confidence would be equally damaging to the prospects of sustained non-inflationary growth: complacency because there will not be much growth if we rest on the laurels of our achievements so far; and over-confidence because growth will not be sustained if we abandon the fight against inflation. The consequences of inflation, of inflated expectations and of over-ambitious and over-promising governments, are still very much with us, in particular, the problems of debt and the pressures to resort to quick and wrong solutions, like protectionism. It will take patience as well as energy to ensure that they are safely overcome.
156.	On the whole, I am optimistic. While vast problems remain, there have been encouraging signs that many members of the international community recognize that we are all affected by the same economic conditions and are ready to respond to the challenge of joint action. For example, the Interim Committee of the International Monetary Fund was able to reach agreement in February on an increase in quotas and a parallel enlargement of the General Arrangements to Borrow—an agreement which would not have been possible if all parties had not been willing to show considerable flexibility. It remains vitally important for countries to take legislative action necessary to implement their increased quotas so that IMF can be more effective.
157.	Some of these problems are technical, or perhaps it is just that they are made to sound that way by the economists who propose solutions in a language which does not always make for easy understanding. But the underlying reality shines through any amount of jargon: we need to restore the balance and vitality of the world economy in order to provide a rising standard of living, and above all to meet the basic human needs of the people of the world for food, shelter and a decent standard of life.
158.	For the last decade, the world has been proving Malthus wrong, but only just—world agricultural production has kept slightly ahead of population increase. But this conceals the fact that in many countries agricultural production per capita has stagnated or declined. Experience shows that the opposite can be achieved where policy is directed to encouraging individual enterprise and more widespread use of appropriate technology.
159.	Population policy must be part of the answer, and progress has already been made. But much more needs to be done. We should give a high priority to this since it is the poorest people who will benefit most. Aid too has a vital part to play, but food aid is only first aid. The main requirement is for aid to increase production where it is most needed, and it is on this that the international community should concentrate.
160.	Production alone is not enough. We cannot afford not to make the best use of the resources at our disposal, and therefore we cannot afford to relent in the fight against protectionism. Barriers to trade are barriers to economic efficiency and the creation of wealth. We all need to fight more resolutely against them. There must be no new upward twist to the spiral of protection. Instead, I should like to see a vigorous programme of commercial disarmament.
161.	I have mentioned the word' 'disarmament'' in an unusual context. That is not because I underrate its importance in the more normal one. Indeed, nothing could illustrate more vividly the link between the economic and the political world.
162.	Without security there can be no lasting prosperity; arms control and disarmament can contribute to both by reducing at the same time the risks of war and the burden of defence costs.
163.	It would, of course, be madness to turn our backs on such a prospect, or to reduce our efforts to achieve so obviously beneficial a result. In theory, there is no doubt that agreements can be reached which will bring lasting economic and military benefit to both sides.
164.	Over the last two decades there have been practical examples of successful agreements between East and West, which should encourage us to persevere in our efforts. But history shows also that the road is not an easy one: confidence is hard to build up and all too easy to destroy; secrecy inevitably breeds suspicion; and the stake: are high enough to underline the need for caution.
165.	But caution should not prevent movement, and on the Western side, at least, it has not. President Reagan has proposed major cuts in strategic missiles and the elimination of a whole class of intermediate range missiles. Speaking from this podium only two days ago he revealed a further package of steps designed to advance the negotiations as rapidly as possible. These are radical measures by any standards, and they have our support. So do the Western proposals to reduce the forces facing each other in central Europe to a common ending. We have put forward proposals of our own trying nearer a ban on chemical weapons. It is dear that the West means business over disarmament. It is now up to the Russians to respond.
166.	Our objective in these and other negotiations is simple: we want realistic, balanced and verifiable measures of arms control and disarmament which will enhance peace and security—not just for ourselves, but for all participants. We do not seek unilateral advantage, nor shall we give in to those who seek it at our expense.
167.	That, for the moment, is what the Soviet Union is trying to do by claiming that British and French systems should be included in the intermediate-range nuclear force negotiations. The two participants in the negotiations, the United States and the Soviet Union, have agreed that their own strategic systems should be excluded. There can be no reason in equity or logic why the strategic systems of non-participants should be included. The Soviet attempt to suggest otherwise should perhaps be dismissed as a smokescreen designed to hide what I hope is only a temporary unwillingness to negotiate seriously.
168.	Taken literally, what the Soviet leaders are asking for is either the unilateral strategic disarmament of Britain and France or a monopoly of intermediate-range missiles in Europe at the expense of the United States and its allies. These demands are unacceptable and will remain so— not because British weapon systems would be affected, but because what is proposed is unbalanced and inequitable and would benefit one side at the expense of the other.
169.	When it comes to arms control and disarmament, we in Britain claim no special privileges and no sanctuary. The record makes this clear, and we remain ready to play a full part in the arms control and disarmament process.
170.	As far as the British deterrent is concerned, we must naturally take into account that our force is a strategic one and that it represents less than 3 per cent of the strategic nuclear forces available to the United States or to the Soviet Union. It would be absurd as things stand for us to seek to trade reductions with a superpower. But we have never said "never". On the contrary, we have made it clear that, if Soviet and United States strategic arsenals were to be very substantially reduced and if no significant changes had occurred in Soviet defensive capabilities, Britain would want to review its position and to consider how best it could contribute to arms control in the light of the reduced threat. That remains our position.
171.	I have spent some time on the subject of arms control and disarmament because it is one which is rightly at the centre of the international stage and rightly of concern to the United Nations and its Member States. But, as Mrs. Thatcher made clear when she addressed the twelfth special session of the General Assembly in June 1982 the causes of war do not lie in the existence of particular weapons, whether nuclear or conventional, or even in particular numbers of weapons. They lie in the disposition of States to ignore international law and to seek to impose change on others by resort to force.
172.	We in Britain had direct experience of this last year, when Argentina invaded the Falklands in flagrant violation of one of the most fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. That invasion has not faded into history. We, for our part, have upheld and will continue to uphold the principles of the Charter. We will defend the Falkland Islands and their inhabitants against the possibility of renewed attack; our military dispositions are designed solely for this purpose. We will continue to defend the right—the inalienable right—of the people of the Falkland Islands to self-determination, a right to which they are no less entitled than other small island peoples, and we will carry forward economic and constitutional development in close consultation with the islanders.
173.	At the same time, we shall continue to seek a more normal relationship with Argentina and a reduction of tension in the South Atlantic. We have played a constructive part in international efforts to help with the problem of Argentine debt. It was very much at our initiative that progress has been achieved in the removal of bilateral financial restrictions. We look to Argentina to honour the agreement that has been reached. We would like to do the same in the commercial and economic fields and have supported the initiative of the European Community to this effect. We have also taken other initiatives intended to promote the development of a more normal bilateral relationship.
174.	The return for these efforts, I regret to say, has not been encouraging. The Argentine authorities have shown no regret at their resort to the use of force, no interest in reducing tension and no response to these various initiatives from the British side aimed at restoring a better relationship between our two countries. They continue to see negotiations purely as a means for transferring sovereignty without regard for the wishes of the islanders. A radical change of approach is required in Buenos Aires.
175.	The lengthy passage on the Falklands in the statement of the Foreign Minister of Argentina consisted of rhetoric which is as unhelpful as it is tendentious. His reference to respecting the existing cessation of hostilities has yet to be translated into a convincing and dependable renunciation of the use of force. The whole world knows who stands rightly convicted of deception and of dangerous military adventures. The Argentine invasion, launched without warning when we were negotiating in good faith, cannot be wished away. I can understand why the Argentine representative found it too embarrassing to mention. To accuse us of threatening the security of the Latin American region is lurid nonsense; we have done and will do no more than is necessary to protect the Islands and their population against a threat which recent history has shown to be all too real and which the current pattern of Argentine arms purchases seems designed to keep alive.
176.	As for the charge of colonialism, the answer can be seen by looking round this chamber. Britain's record speaks for itself. Only a few days ago, in response to the freely expressed wishes of the people exercising their right to self-determination, we gave independence to the Federation of Saint Christopher and Nevis. I congratulate Saint Christopher and Nevis on becoming, last week, the 158th Member of this Organization and the 48th member of that unique association of nations, the Commonwealth. The strength of the Commonwealth will once again be reaffirmed when its heads of Government meet in November at New Delhi.
177.	It is sad that so many of the political problems which confronted us last year are no less acute now. The Middle East is a prime example. Violence and the rule of force are the order of the day. There is not much time left for peaceful change. The United Kingdom was greatly disappointed, especially after the initial response from the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez on 25 November 1981 and 9 September 1982, that the proposals put forward by President Reagan on 1 September 1982' were not taken up by the parties. They offered a realistic starting point for negotiations aimed at reconciling the right of Israel to live within secure and recognized borders with the right of the Palestinian people to determine their own future.
178.	Only through negotiation will there be a just and lasting solution to the Arab-Israel dispute. But we are a long way from a negotiation, and we shall stay a long way as long as the parties do not take the first steps to build mutual confidence and trust. On each side there is a long-canvassed step which could transform the picture: for Israel, to halt its policy of building illegal settlements in occupied territory; for the Arabs, including the Palestinians, to show that they are ready to accept Israel's right to live in peace and security.
179.	Efforts to tackle the central issue of the future of the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza have been diverted by events in Lebanon. This is a tragedy for Middle East peace, but it is a greater tragedy for the people of Lebanon. Let us be honest about this: Lebanon has internal problems which would be difficult enough to solve in conditions of peace. It has no chance of solving them as long as it is at the mercy of foreign forces. That is why we shall continue to support all efforts to restore Lebanon's sovereignty and independence and to secure the withdrawal of all foreign forces from that country. The presence of a small contingent of British troops in Beirut is a symbol of that support.
180.	Israel's invasion of Lebanon last year has, predictably enough, solved nothing. On the contrary, it has led only to more suffering, while making even more difficult the essential process of national reunification. Meanwhile, the Syrian refusal to withdraw, despite the clear wishes of the Lebanese Government, only prolongs the agony and increases the risk of partition. I warmly welcome the declaration of a cease-fire and the intention of all parties to pursue a dialogue aimed at reconciliation of the various communities. The important thing now is for this to be implemented fully and faithfully by all concerned.
181.	Sadly, conflict in the Middle East is not an isolated phenomenon. In the Gulf we shall support all efforts to end the bloody war between Iran and Iraq. The work of the Secretary-General's mission of inquiry provides a starting-point for a consensus. Meanwhile, members of the international community should avoid any action which could extend or increase the level of conflict in the area.
182.	This is an appropriate place to mention also two other issues with which the United Nations remains closely concerned: Korea and Cyprus. The best prospect of peaceful reunification in Korea lies in direct talks between the two sides. The Republic of Korea has made clear its positive approach. It is high time that it received a constructive response from Pyongyang. In this context let me repeat my Government's total condemnation of the shooting down by the Soviet Union of a South Korean civilian airliner. What is essential now is full redress and effective arrangements to avoid such incidents in future. We will work strenuously to this end in ICAO.
183.	In Cyprus the United Nations has been tireless in its efforts to promote a settlement. The Secretary-General has this year increased his personal involvement. My Government welcomes this and stands ready to help in every appropriate way. Despite some limited progress in the intercommunal talks held under United Nations auspices, a peaceful and lasting settlement regrettably still seems to be a long way off. I cannot believe that it is in the interests of any of the parties that the current situation should become frozen, still less that it should deteriorate.
184.	That conclusion applies overwhelmingly also in southern Africa. Violence cannot be the solution. Human rights must not be trampled upon or ignored. South Africa will not succeed in the end in coercing its neighbours into a change of heart through the use of military force or subversion. Nor, on the other hand, will bomb attacks against innocent people incline the South African Government to change its course.
185.	The only hope for a peaceful future in southern Africa lies in political change and the creation of greater trust through regional co operation and international support. We believe these can be achieved and achieved peacefully. The independence agreement for Zimbabwe was an important first step. A settlement in Namibia has still to be reached, but I am confident that, with so many of the difficult issues now settled, it can be reached, and on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). My country is committed to such a settlement and will continue to use its weight and influence to help bring it about, both through our own efforts and in conjunction with the other members of the Western contact group. We have no doubt that the front-line States will be using their influence in the same direction.
186.	We do not see or seek to present all the problems and conflicts in the world in terms of East against West. It would be factually wrong to do so wrong also in terms of policy. Problems like those in southern Africa and the Middle East are quite hard enough to deal with as it is. To introduce an element of East-West rivalry, or to add to it where it already exists, could only make things worse. And it is indeed the case that problems are worse where tension is exploited from outside and where international efforts to promote peaceful change are thwarted.
187.	In Afghanistan the Soviet Union continues to use military force to suppress a small and non-aligned people. But after nearly four years of brutal military occupation in support of an unpopular and unrepresentative regime, the struggle of the Afghan people for national liberation continues to inspire widespread admiration. Only a complete and prompt Soviet withdrawal can open the way to the return of the Afghan refugees and to the establishment of an independent Government, in accordance with the true wishes of the people and with the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly.
188.	The Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia is another example of a situation in which foreign military force is being used to deny the right to self-determination of a neighbour. We shall continue our full support for the efforts of the United Nations and the neighbouring countries of ASEAN to find a comprehensive political solution based on self-determination.
189.	In Central America there is no doubt that many problems stem from social, economic and political injustice. But there is no doubt also that these problems have been and are being exploited by those who seek, not to solve them for the good of the people of those countries, but rather to use them to bring about violent revolution. Our own position is clear. On the one hand we support all efforts to correct injustice by peaceful and democratic means, and we welcome efforts such as those of the Contadora Group to reduce tension and encourage dialogue. On the other hand, we condemn the action of all who use force to block the path to peaceful reform and evolutionary change.
190.	The conduct of the Soviet Union in these regional problems has contributed to the present state of strain in East-West relations. The Soviet military build-up, the situation in Poland and the disregard of human rights in the East have also played a part. The brutal destruction of the Korean Air Lines airliner and the murder of its passengers only a few weeks ago were a reminder of how far Soviet international behaviour can fall short of civilized standards. Britain has made plain to the new Soviet leadership that these are matters of grave and continuing international concern to the entire world. But together with our partners we have also said—and said repeatedly —that we are ready for a more constructive relationship, provided that the Soviet Union is prepared to adopt a new approach. What we are calling for is willingness by the Soviet Union to base its actions and its policies on respect for internationally accepted standards of behaviour. If the Soviet Union were ready to take real steps in this direction, I have no doubt that the international response would be overwhelming.
191.	I have already had occasion to mention human rights when speaking of southern Africa and East-West relations. I could equally have done so in relation to the Middle East, Afghanistan and elsewhere. This year is the thirty-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Yet human rights continue to be widely disregarded in many parts of the world. It is an appealing comment on the failure of the international community to implement the commitments that its Members so readily proclaim.
192.	Personal freedom and individual rights are the foundation of national and international order. If they are absent, both national and international edifices, however imposing and monolithic, are a betrayal of those they serve and must ultimately crumble away. Where they are encouraged, international co-operation—and thus international security and prosperity—will grow on firm foundations. Let each country look honestly at its own performance in this field and resolve to do better. That, rather than speeches, will produce the improvements the people of the world demand.
193.	I have ranged widely in my speech and yet left many important subjects untouched. The challenge before us is indeed formidable, but it can be faced successfully if we are prepared to work effectively together. International co-operation is the key: it has worked in Antarctica and it can surely be made to work also nearer hope. We need to think more about our neighbours and to co-operate more with them. We need to take more seriously our international obligations, including respect for individual rights and freedoms and the need to settle problems by peaceful means.
194.	Confrontation is easy. Pursuit of national interest appears to be. But neither confrontation nor blind nationalism can provide the conditions of stability essential for peace to break out and the world economy to flourish. That is what our people want, and we owe it to them to make a reality of international co-operation under the Charter.


I should like to begin by congratulating the President, the representative of a country of the Group of Latin American States, with which we have traditional ties of friendship, on his election. I wish also to present my compliments to the former President and to welcome the admission of a new Member State, the republic of Saint Christopher and Nevis. It is with a sense of responsibility and deep concern that once again I see the Assembly starting its work at a time when in several parts of the world there are more situations of violence and tension, brought about in clear disregard of the norms and principles established in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Such disregard leads to a general climate of suspicion which makes it more difficult to achieve understanding among the peoples of the world. Despite the fact that Europe is not exempt from periods of greater or lesser tension, we must recognize that, in the midst of a world afflicted by hotbeds of tension and violence, Europe is the one place where efforts to find peaceful solutions have been relatively lasting and fruitful and where there is a climate of confidence and co-operation among the peoples. The just-concluded Madrid meeting on security and co-operation in Europe, held as the follow-up to the Helsinki Conference, deserves mention, not only because of the work actually accomplished and the indications that the way has been opened to the implementation of the Helsinki Final Act/ but also because it will make possible more serious and sincere co-operation and understanding. Two aspects of paramount political importance must be stressed in particular. At the Madrid meeting, 33 European countries as well as the United States and Canada confirmed the agreements reached in the 1975 Helsinki Final Act. The meeting was also able to strengthen and broaden the determination and the spirit of the Helsinki document, to evaluate the present situation and lay down ways of improving it by establishing principles and formulating rules intended to regulate various national policies so as to make possible unrestricted practical co-operation among participating countries and to ensure within those countries the exercise by their respective citizens of their political and civil rights. Furthermore, and of no less importance, the meeting proved that dialogue is possible between States with differing political and social structures so long as the political will and mutual credibility exist. Within the context of the dialogue established and the political will shown, I should like to emphasize the decision to organize at Stockholm the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. That conference will take place soon and will be a step towards mutual trust and disarmament in Europe. Arms control is a decisive factor—on both the regional and the world level—in the attainment of the climate of security and trust essential for the development of stable and fruitful international relations and thus for the cultural, social and economic progress of peoples. As we approach the end of 1983, arms control takes on special relevance in terms of the security of Europe and the development of closer East-West relations. We are thinking of the need for a minimal balance in the European theatre. The nuclear escalation is a cause of special and profound concern. We believe that nuclear weapons can and must be dispensed with, but on the basis of equitable agreements which would maintain an adequate balance of power at the regional and world levels, and not on the basis of unilateral options. Decreased dependence on nuclear force is imperative for the existence of a constructive peace policy. Recent developments in the strategic arms reduction talks and in the Vienna negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions lead us to believe that the possibility of achieving significant results remains open. If these two processes and the negotiations on intermediate- range nuclear forces are not obstructed, the prospects for the success of the Stockholm Conference, arranged in the context of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, will certainly be increased. Portugal affirms the need to arrive at an acceptable compromise at Geneva which will result in military balance and the reduction of arms and armed forces to the lowest possible levels, while guaranteeing the objectives of peace and security in Europe. The recent inexplicable destruction of an airborne Korean aircraft, which resulted in the death of 269 innocent people, did not help to persuade the world public of the existence of goodwill or inclination to engage in dialogue. In perpetrating that act the Soviet Union committed a crime against humanity without precedent in the history of commercial civil aviation and jeopardized the cause of detente. It is therefore urgently necessary that it give a satisfactory explanation to the international community. Portugal will endorse all measures leading to the strengthening of commercial aviation security and to the introduction into the Chicago Convention s of norms which will prevent military aircraft from attacking civilian airplanes carrying defenseless passengers. The vitally necessary reactivation of the principle of collective action by full use of the mechanisms provided for in the Charter of the United Nations presupposes the contribution of all Member States to the search for compromises and solutions which will eliminate the various hotbeds of tension. It was precisely the desire to participate in international efforts likely to give the United Nations the active role it should have in the preservation of international peace and security that led Portugal to attend this year's International Conference on the Question of Palestine and the International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence. In both cases my country's presence reflected its commitment to co-operate in the clarification of possible means of negotiation which could contribute to the achievement of one of the main purposes of this Organization. My country advocates the accession of Namibia to independence on a just and realistic basis. Portugal has on many occasions expressed its unequivocal opposition to all acts which could slow down the process intended to assure the Namibian people that it will be able to determine its own future in a sovereign and free manner. Therefore, we cannot but feel apprehensive at the delays in the practical implementation of the plan set out in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), to promote the rapid implementation of which the Council unanimously adopted its resolution 532 (1983) of 31 May 1983. The delay in carrying out the political decisions which resulted from a previously achieved international consensus intensifies the danger of the outbreak of new confrontations, with unforeseeable consequences for international stability. The Namibian people and the countries of the area cannot go on paying the price, in human lives and in the resources necessary for their development, of the perpetuation of situations which are a clear violation of the most fundamental human rights. The Portuguese Government and Portuguese public opinion are particularly sensitive to the suffering resulting from the repeated acts of aggression and from the illegal occupation of a part of the territory of Angola and Mozambique, countries with which we have the deepest sympathy in their efforts to resist any policy of repression and intimidation. Respect for the national identity and for the right to development of those countries, which are so deeply threatened by the situation prevailing in the area, is a priority objective of the co-operation which Portugal has offered them, an offer which extends also to the other States of the area. Such co-operation covers all areas, bilateral and multilateral—in the latter case, with particular relevance to the objectives set out at the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference. Our initiatives are not aimed against any country; they are in the interest of peace and development in the area. The centuries-old relations of my country with the African continent justify the attention which we devote to its political, social and economic development. It was particularly gratifying for us to follow the recent efforts of the Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa in June, the results of which reaffirmed the traditional African ability to seek solutions to common problems through collective dialogue. The proposed agreement on the Western Sahara problem is most encouraging for the attainment of peace in other areas of the continent where the use of force jeopardizes the viability of the peaceful co-operation essential to the advancement of African peoples. Therefore we hope that the same spirit of conciliation and solidarity will prevail in the present conflict in Chad, bringing about African solutions for African problems. The Palestinian problem is at the core of the Middle East crisis, and its solution is a pre-condition in the search for a global, just and comprehensive solution that will guarantee the right of all peoples in the region to live in peace within universally recognized and respected boundaries. It is urgently necessary that the situation created for the Palestinian people be brought to an end and that they be guaranteed the effective exercise of their right to self-determination. My Government has tried to encourage all formulas that might lead to understanding and conciliation and open up prospects which will make it possible to break the vicious circle of violence and overcome the psychological barriers of mistrust and intransigence. It is in this context that the participation of Portugal in the recent International Conference on the Question of Palestine must be considered. In our opinion, the results of the Conference represent another significant step towards a global solution of the problem that will, within the United Nations and in the context of the international legitimacy frequently recognized by the international community, make possible a basic understanding that will lead to serious and concrete negotiations among all parties involved in the conflict, with due respect for the security of all countries of the area. The condemnation of the use of force, so often used in this area, entails Israel's withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied since 1967 and the breaking up of settlements established in those territories, as well as the departure from Lebanese soil of the foreign forces not entrusted with an international role. The international community of States has a duty to restore to Lebanon the legitimate and universal right to territorial integrity and to the free exercise of national sovereignty. Portugal will continue to support all diplomatic activities and efforts aimed at the full implementation of all pertinent resolutions of the Security Council, in the conviction that only peaceful and negotiated solutions of the problems afflicting the region can stop the present escalation of violence and avert the implicit danger to international security, namely, that resulting from a disproportionate involvement by the super-Powers. My Government has followed with concern the tensions created in Central America by the peculiarities of a political evolution determined by a large number of factors, in particular the extremely unfavorable social and economic conditions. The need to avoid in this part of the world also the extreme recourse to the threat or use of force makes the search for political solutions urgent. These will have to take into account the social and cultural realities of the Latin American peoples and their yearning for pluralist models of society and must also respect the principles of non-interference, the inviolability of the frontiers of the countries in the region, and the reduction of the accumulation of conventional weapons. Portugal therefore supports the efforts of the Contadora Group and all initiatives aimed at the establishment of a climate of mutual trust, dialogue and non-confrontation which will allow all interested parties to safeguard their legitimate interests by means of active negotiation. The elementary norms of international law enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, which ought to be respected by all Member States, continue to be infringed on in countries such as Afghanistan and Kampuchea, where the continued intervention of foreign military groups hinders the free exercise of the sovereign will of their respective peoples. The oppression unleashed in those countries to stifle their legitimate aspiration to freedom and national independence has provoked the flight of refugees to neighbouring countries, with dire consequences for their social and cultural balance and an ever-increasing risk of the armed conflict spreading. We sincerely hope that the signs already perceived of a political solution to these problems will find concrete expression, and we support the efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General to that end, not forgetting the positive participation of the neighbouring countries, especially those giving shelter to refugees, in their attempts to promote the cause of peace. The cause of peace has not yet found an echo in Iran and Iraq, which are still locked in armed conflict. I renew here my appeal to them to cease hostilities and search for a settlement of their differences by peaceful means. My country's firm devotion to the principle of the peaceful and negotiated resolution of conflicts using all the mechanisms provided for in the Charter of the United Nations led Portugal to be a sponsor last year of a resolution adopted by the Assembly requesting the Secretary- General's intervention in the question of East Timor. Portugal continues to believe that the framework outlined in resolution 37/30 of 23 November 1982 is suitable and therefore respects the Secretary-General's decision to defer to the next session of the General Assembly the effective fulfilment of the mandate he received to find a solution to the problem. The international community, whatever its interests, cannot suppress the right of a people to its cultural, social and political identity or violate decisions of the United Nations. The General Committee, when deferring the debate to the thirty- ninth session of the General Assembly and keeping the subject on its agenda, was offered no opposition, a fact which cannot but be considered as a clear reinforcement of the role of the United Nations in the treatment of the item and of the mandate of the Secretary-General, who has now substantially broadened his basis of legitimacy and his effective possibilities of actions. We hope that next year the Secretary-General will be able to take the appropriate action and that it will not meet with uncalled-for resistance by any Member State. Portugal will continue to have an open mind and will give its total support to the Secretary-General's actions. Recent news of the increase of military operations in East Timor and of the difficulties raised concerning the intervention of the International Red Cross justify a growing concern on the part of Portugal and of the world public. Indonesia, because of its past role in the process of decolonization and in the creation of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, should cease immediately all activities which are not in accordance with international law and should adopt a position consistent with the principle of self-determination enshrined in the Charter. Portugal, which undertook a vast task of decolonization, would wish, as administering Power and in co-operation with the Secretary-General, to see the process completed in relation to East Timor, for the greater prestige of the United Nations and the universal heritage of decolonization. The dramatic situation of a people whose right to existence is unequivocally threatened cannot be met with silence or with hypocrisy. The coherence of principles and not mechanism of powers must guide the conduct of Member States in judging this question. The thirty-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is being celebrated this year, a fitting occasion on which to remember that the Organization is above all an institution at the service of mankind. Thirty-five years is a short period of time in terms of history, but the experience acquired with regard to the need to protect fundamental human rights is of the utmost importance. The passing of time has conclusively confirmed what the Universal Declaration already anticipated, that is, that such basic matters as the peace, security and prosperity of the world are strictly related to the recognition, protection and advancement of human rights and fundamental freedoms. In the field of human rights such a perspective lays on the Organization a dual responsibility: the definition of principles and the enunciation of a code of conduct on the one hand, and the supervision of their effective implementation on the other. With regard to human rights in particular, the law that we would wish to see become the rule must be universal. All States are called upon to play a role in the establishment of that law. The Government of Portugal has already shown in practice its deep commitment to the achievement of that goal, as Portugal has become a party to the main international instruments concerning human rights. The work of the United Nations in the creation of a code of conduct in the Held of human rights, while of the utmost importance, is not sufficient. We believe that there are still several gaps to be filled. I am thinking of the right to life, enshrined in article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and of the possibility of elaborating in the framework of this Organization a second optional protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights with a view to abolishing the death penalty. As a pioneer in this matter, Portugal has very actively supported this initiative and will continue to do so. The conference held this year in the context of the Decade to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination is undoubtedly an event of great significance to the international community and deserves from us a twofold evaluation. On the one hand, our participation in the conference and our favorable vote on the documents indicate Portugal's support for its traditional conviction with regard to all international efforts to eliminate racism and racial discrimination, On the other hand, we regret that the introduction of elements extraneous to the goals initially agreed upon for the Decade made it impossible to take advantage of this opportunity to create a consensus of the international community on the abolition of apartheid. Even though we wish, in the name of values of co-existence historically acquired and defended, to see the apartheid system completely eradicated, we cannot support formulations in the Programme of Action adopted it the conference which do not aim primarily at favoring and stimulating the necessary changes in South African society. Divided, we shall not serve the elimination of racism or the abolition of racial discrimination. As for the preparatory activities for the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women, the international community has wisely taken the path of consensus. When speaking of international activities to eliminate discrimination based on sex, I cannot fail to mention the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which enshrines as international law the principle of equality between men and women. The Portuguese Government follows with the greatest interest the evolution of this important international instrument and expresses its satisfaction at seeing a Portuguese woman among the experts members of the committee which controls its implementation. The world economic situation and its political repercussions are also a cause of concern to my Government. The complex picture of the world economy reveals contradictory signals. There are signs of recovery in some industrialized economies, but unfortunately the main features of the world's worst economic crisis since the Second World War persist. The interdependency of the global economy has today become a clear reality, which is finally beginning to be recognized at the highest political level. The recession in the industrialized countries led to the stagnation of international trade and the reduction of the flow of capital to the developing countries. Those negative effects in turn caused the increase of unemployment and the worsening of the crisis in the? more developed economies. Whilst it spares no country, the recession has affected the least developed countries more dramatically. The global problems affecting us urgently demand a global approach and global solutions. From the outset Portugal has supported the holding of global negotiations which would allow comprehensive and integrated discussion of the various questions. We continue to support this project, and we hope that the results of the important meetings which took place this year, such as the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, at New Delhi, the Summit of Industrialized Nations at Williamsburg and the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development will be translated into concrete results, paving the way to a real improvement in the world economic situation. My Government believes in joint, concerted action aimed at restoring economic growth and full employment in a more just world economy and at revitalizing the North-South dialogue. It is necessary to create conditions for a healthy and lasting expansion based on awareness of mutual interest and interdependence. The harmonization of economic policies must be carried out so as to reconcile the efforts of each country and to ensure their real effectiveness in trying to achieve a revitalization of the global economy, promotion of employment, increased production, stabilization of the financial market, strengthening of the financial system in general, maintenance of open trade relations and the normalization and increase of the flow of capital and transfer of resources to support and improve the development process. My country, which is at an intermediate stage of economic and technological development, has striven for recognition of the existence of different real levels of development. Such recognition is essential and would be beneficial. Portugal is simultaneously donor and recipient of assistance essential to national development. We therefore understand not only the difficulties affecting the more developed economies, but the needs of the developing world. The problem of energy, which has extremely adverse consequences for my country's balance of payments, the need for investment and technology, the effect of certain protectionist measures and the difficulties of the international financial system constitute limitations to which Portugal is particularly sensitive and which hamper the implementation of measures necessary to our development process. Portugal's adherence to the European Communities is one of the first objectives of my Government's policy and is actively supported by the Portuguese people. But whilst it is true that political, economic and geographic ties closely bind my country to Europe and make our integration entirely valid, Portugal also believes that" its presence and active participation in the European Communities will give a new dimension to its relations with countries and peoples from other continents to which we are no less bound by indestructible historic and cultural ties. I stress our relationship with Africa, which we consider especially important—in particular, with the Portuguese-speaking African countries. The horizons opened up to us are vast, and we congratulate ourselves that the existing potential is being translated into solid reality. This co-operation has had a predominantly bilateral basis, but, given the economic dimensions of our country, we have also tried to resort to and increase the means of trilateral co-operation, not just with third donor countries but also with international institutions on the basis of previous agreements between the recipient countries and Portugal. Taking into consideration the fact that in an interdependent world information is a decisive factor in the economic, social, cultural, moral and spiritual development of societies and States, it is vital that the international community create conditions which permit an increasing free exchange of information and an improvement in the world system of communications without any hegemony leading to loss of character. The Portuguese Government understands, and cannot but support, the collective yearning, many times voiced in international forums, for a new world order of information and communication based on the development of a human and technical infrastructure favoring constructive dialogue and co-operation between Governments, regions, local communities and citizens. Portugal considers that freedom of opinion and freedom of expression constitute the basis of all democratic societies, inasmuch as they are the guarantors of respect for other fundamental rights of man. It is the duty of States to provide the institutional conditions which will permit freedom while respecting plurality of opinions. After being values and objectives which Portugal defends and, indeed, implements, my Government would like to have them shared by a larger number of States, since their affirmation, enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, is one of the fundamental duties of the Organization.  The persistence of situations of conflict, in violation of universally accepted international law, confers particular importance on the collective efforts at objective evaluation of hotbeds of tension in the present international scene. That is why I do not want to end this intervention without referring to the heavy responsibility resting on the United Nations; precisely because it is the most universal of all international organizations, and especially on its Secretary-General, whose report is once again proof of the distinguished and well-balanced way in which he has carried out his mandate. 233. The efforts made here we determine the real possibilities of co-operation among nations, co-operation which, given the increasing ties of interdependence, is ever more essential for international security and prosperity and for a corresponding climate of justice, peace and harmony between people. Let us be more loyal to the United Nations. Let us fight for the establishment of a world order of law, which is a permanent aspiration of all peoples of the earth. Let us make of this institution a real instrument of harmony, and not a systematic stage for confrontation. Let us be faithful to the Charter of the United Nations.


202.	Allow me first of all to offer the warm congratulations of my delegation to Mr. Illueca, Vice- President of Panama, on his election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. His country, Panama, belongs to a part of the world which, together with my continent, is suffering the blows and repercussions of disastrous policies conceived elsewhere. Thus a real solidarity unites us and compels me to express the hope that Panama, like Upper Volta, will work to establish more just international relations that will be more in accord with the profound desire for peace of the peoples of the world.
203.	Our thanks go to Mr. Hollai, who so successfully directed our work at the thirty-seventh session.
204.	We also wish to congratulate the Secretary-General, whose devotion to the ideals of the Charter and whose efforts in the service of the Organization we highly appreciate. His latest report again bears the marks of a clear and constructive commitment.
205.	We bid a special welcome to Saint Christopher and Nevis, which has just joined us, and we are convinced that it will make a noticeable contribution to the cause of justice and peace.
206.	It is against the background of a tormented world that the present session is opening. Although the world has always been tormented, it has never shown so many signs of instability and possible destruction. Sufficient proof of this is the tragedy of the South Korean aircraft.

which illustrates the absurd, criminal and extreme nature of the rivalry between the two super-Powers.
207.	It is 38 years since we defined principles and objectives to accord with the will of peoples to live in peace and in justice for a harmonious development. Today, a survey of the international situation raises many questions and leads us to believe that the profession of faith of the United Nations 38 years ago has now become an unattainable dream. The desire for domination of various parties has made more remote the advent of that world which was to mark, as the Charter prescribed,  faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small .
208.	It was that faith that inspired the change that took place in Upper Volta on 4 August 1983. It is because we have faith in man, it is because we demand dignity and respect, it is because under the weight of extraneous difficulties we were very close to losing all hope, that we resolutely took the road laid down by the National Revolutionary Council.
209.	As a sovereign State profoundly attached to the ideals of non-alignment, Upper Volta affirms the right of its people to choose its own path to progress freely and without any tutelage. Upper Volta affirms its right to choose its friends in the world freely on the basis of their specific attitude towards the profound and legitimate aspirations of its people.
210.	The revolution in Upper Volta is not directed against any country, any State or any people. At the national level it signifies an affirmation of our identity, the restoration of our dignity and, at the international level, a reaching out towards other peoples and a sincere desire for true co-operation for a more just world. Our vision of the world is the result of that attitude and makes it our duty to identify and to condemn anything that may hamper the forward progress of mankind towards its fulfilment.
211.	In our world, a prey to many upheavals, the constant quest for peace remains the major imperative of the Organization, for without peace none of the objectives we pursue can be achieved.
212.	In this regard we must note that South Africa has this year again made its contribution of horror and injustice, strengthened in its wrongdoing by the complicity of Western States and multinational corporations. The racist clique of Pretoria continues its evil deeds against our brothers of South Africa and the region. In murdering the patriots of the African National Congress, South Africa is once again signing in blood its refusal to heed and to satisfy the just and legitimate claims of a people that has been tortured, trampled underfoot and humiliated merely because of the colour of its skin, a skin colour that has been the basis for the establishment of the most shameful contemporary system of economic exploitation:	For over and above the overt racism of which it is the supreme expression, apartheid is the monstrous product of imperialism and capitalism in their unbridled and immoral quest for profit. On that altar the blacks of South Africa and all whose colour resembles theirs are sacrificed.
213.	Not content with that indignity, the racists of Pretoria and their accomplices have added Namibia to their sinister list of prey—Namibia, fighting under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, SWAPO; Namibia, fighting for its independence, its freedom and its dignity; Namibia, fighting to make its contribution to justice and peace in the world; Namibia, which the United Nations should, with the active, diligent and responsible support of the permanent members of the Security Council and within the framework of Council resolution 435 (1978), have brought to total independence.
214.	The ambiguous activities of and lack of results from the contact group can be explained by that group's failure to respect the terms of resolution 435 (1978) and by the horse-trading spirit of some of its members. The independence of Namibia cannot be linked with the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. The Cuban troops are in Angola by the sovereign decision of a sovereign State confronted by destabilizing acts carried out by South Africa on its territory and in neighbouring countries, but the presence of South Africa's troops in Namibia is illegal and has been unanimously condemned by the international community. We hope that the States that persist in linking those two questions will recognize that South Africa continually violates fundamental freedoms and human rights and the principles of international law, yet they refuse to apply against South Africa the sanctions provided for in the Charter.
215.	The reason for this iniquity is that the system of apartheid is based on a military, economic and political strategy whose logic is to destroy the struggle of our brothers in South Africa, to prevent Namibia's accession to real independence and to sow trouble, terror and desolation in all the front-line States to prevent them from giving their support to the liberation struggle of our brothers in South Africa and Namibia. Such a policy is, in fact, sanctioned, buttressed and protected by States which, for the sake of their economy and their interests, care little or nothing for the purposes and principles proclaimed by the Charter. Yet certain of those States, as permanent members of the Security Council, have a special responsibility as regards the international community and its rules. This bitter truth is the result of the desire of one country or group of countries to govern the world in accordance with its interests and its interests alone.
216.	The total rejection of this state of affairs has led us in Upper Volta to adopt the anti-imperialist struggle as the keystone of our foreign policy. Our anti-imperialism is the tenacious determination to govern our own fate despite the immense weight and gigantic stature of that implacable enemy, visible or invisible, with all its tentacles—namely, imperialism. Imperialism is the vice of the man who wants everything for himself and nothing for his neighbour but alienation or annihilation. We are unwilling to be either alienated or annihilated. We wish to live in freedom; we wish to live with dignity; we want to be able to satisfy our needs; and, above all, we want and we demand a just, brotherly and peaceful world. In that spirit we extend a hand to all peoples in the struggle for a world in which the choice will no longer be alienation or annihilation for any of us. Annihilation is what lies in wait for Chad, bloodied by war for more than a decade. There, foreign weapons are killing and the people of Chad are dying.
217.	For its part, the National Revolutionary Council strongly denounces the return to a gunboat policy and the internationalization of the conflict in Chad. It condemns the colonial expedition organized to stifle the just and legitimate aspirations of the people of Chad. That war is a matter of concern to the Government and people of Upper Volta because for nearly three months now it has been of such serious proportions as to give free rein to the ambitions of the imperialist and neo-colonialist forces of aggression and enemies of our peoples.
218.	Upper Volta will not tolerate such imperialist, hegemonist military interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State. It believes that every effort must be
made, under the auspices of the OAU, to bring about the unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces from Chad, to oppose all the imperialist and neo-colonialist enemies of Africa that advocate or encourage foreign intervention, in Chad, to assist Chad to recover its national unity, territorial integrity and national sovereignty, and to strive to unite all the vital forces of Chad for national reconstruction and economic and social development.
219.	The fate of a people, we are firmly convinced, must be decided solely by that people. In this vein, and in accordance with the resolution adopted last June at the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [see
we hope that a referendum for the purpose of general and free self-determination will speedily be prepared and held in Western Sahara so that the Saharan people may decide their fate and peace may return to that region.
220.	We deplore the failure to achieve specific results because of Morocco's refusal to agree to direct negotiations with POLISARIO.2 Morocco is thus responsible for the failure of the Implementation Committee meeting called for at the nineteenth session of the OAU Assembly on the basis of a consensus resolution. We note the solemn declaration made before the internal Assembly on 27 September by His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco. Upper Volta, for its part, urges all parties to ensure that the OAU resolution is implemented within the deadline fixed.
221.	With regard to the brother people of the Comoros, we express to them our active solidarity in the legitimate efforts they are exerting to preserve the independence, unity and territorial integrity of the Comoros through reintegration of the island of Mayotte. We appeal to France to act in accordance with its constitutional traditions and consider the overall results of the referendum held on 22 December 1974 as applying to the whole of the Comorian territory.
222.	Peace and justice in the Middle East are victims of the desire for power. We see Lebanon fragmented and broken up, its territorial integrity, its sovereignty and its national unity continually compromised. Israel, which is evil incarnate—and this is a sad state of affairs for a people that has suffered so much—has by its unbridles pursuit of a policy of force and arbitrary action created instability and trouble in the region. Israel, again, has not hesitated to exacerbate the wounds of the past in Lebanon and to aggravate the tensions created by foreign occupation—and all this in the name of the policy of might makes right. Israel has abandoned all decent conduct and refuses to accept the evidence before it.
223.	The question of Palestine is at the heart of the Middle East problem. The question of Palestine is at the origin of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The Palestinian people has been plundered and deprived of its inalienable rights. Its struggle is a just one, and its sole legitimate representative, the PLO, must participate in any solution that is drawn up. Israel is not entitled to speak on behalf of the Palestinians and must abandon its policy of aggression and annexation of Arab territories.
224.	Some weeks ago the International Conference on the Question of Palestine was held at Geneva, and Upper Volta participated in it. Here we express again our total support for the conclusions of that Conference, and we associate ourselves with Chairman Yasser Arafat in calling for the holding of an international conference with the effective participation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United States of America, the PLO and all the other parties concerned.
225.	Since the beginning of the conflict between Iraq and Iran, we have been deploring the immense loss of human life and the damage caused to the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Our position remains the same, and we condemn an obstinacy that is weakening the ranks of the Movement when we are called to more urgent, more constructive and more noble tasks. We renew the Movement's appeal and hope it will be heeded.
226.	With regard to Afghanistan and Kampuchea, faithful to our commitments and our convictions we call for the withdrawal of all the foreign troops and for a solution in conformity with the right of peoples to self-determination and independence.
227.	We are in favour of the peaceful reunification of Korea without any foreign interference.
228.	In Latin America, Upper Volta supports the efforts by Mexico, Venezuela, Panama and Colombia in the Contadora Group. Upper Volta believes that any initiatives in the area should contribute to a just and peaceful solution, rather than fanning the flames of violence and war. The sound of boots marching through the region will never be able to break the will and determination of peoples to free themselves from the present sad conditions that afflict us and are aimed—in vain—at paralysing our peoples' efforts on the path to their salvation.
229.	As I speak of salvation I cannot but refer to the terror we feel at the unbridled arms race. Need I recall the astronomical sums that man, in his destructive folly, is expending each year on the construction of arsenals and deadly weapons that are ever more sophisticated, more monstrous and more capable of suddenly halting mankind's forward march and annihilating us all. And meanwhile thousands of children throughout the world suffer and die of malnutrition and millions of human beings suffer from hunger and illiteracy and are vegetating in a state of absolute poverty. This complete lack of reason and sensibility is a blot on mankind's escutcheon.
230.	We must deplore the fact that at the very moment when we speak of the risks of a nuclear cataclysm the United States has granted racist South Africa a loan of $50 million to strengthen the apartheid regime's nuclear potential, thus increasing the threats to peace and security in the region.
231.	The failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development shows the degree to which the international community is now making sacrifices to valueless and meaningless rites. As if the disastrous consequences of the present economic crisis were not enough to awaken our conscience, that session at Belgrade once again demonstrated the industrialized countries' selfishness and determination to do nothing that could encourage better relations between the North and the South in a lasting and genuine way.
232.	Obsessed by short-term concerns, the industrialized countries pursue a policy of holding back and not giving an inch, a policy that threatens our common future. The status of the North-South dialogue is itself an eloquent indication of the state of mind of the industrialized countries. Our countries have for half a decade now been exhausting our resources and getting into debt to organize costly conferences or to attend them. Despite our good will and our readiness to co-operate, each of us in a responsible position must wonder what has changed as a result of our participation in these conferences.
233.	We must recognize that often the developing countries originate these meetings. Experience, however, teaches  that holding such meetings too frequently can in the long run amount to de facto complicity with the
industrialized countries, which merely take ad hoc measures and never decide to reply correctly to the fundamental question posed as long ago as 1973 during the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, at Algiers—that is, the promotion of the new economic order.
234.	Indeed, the promotion of a new international economic order is urgently required. The financial, trade and monetary institutions and policies have since 1945 led us to the present impasse, partly because even the rules of the game have not been respected and partly because those rules were based, more or less subtly, on economies that were already dominated or were to be dominated.
235.	The continued rise of the dollar is disturbing the exchanges and doing serious permanent harm to the economies of the developing countries. Thus, those countries' external debt is becoming increasingly burdensome. Moreover, their imports of capital goods increase the deficit in their balance of trade while, at the same time, protectionist measures are applied against their exports by the developed countries. One cannot but note that some of the countries with the largest indebtedness are among the largest producers of oil, which proves, if proof were needed, that the deep reasons for the present crisis have to do more with structures than with circumstances.
236.	Whatever may be the curves and projections, there is one fact that we cannot escape: the countries of the South are stagnating or, even worse, going backwards. The picture is all the more disturbing when we see the gloomy prospects for the year 2000 in regard to agriculture, the basis of the economic activity of most of the developing countries. The achievement of self-sufficiency in food remains difficult, both for climatic and for structural reasons.
237.	At Belgrade the industrialized countries were not willing to enter into any commitment on questions of assistance, eliminating indebtedness and increasing the liquidity of IMF and the International Development Association. It is clear that our economies are adrift because the world crisis has been imposed on us without our having any share of the responsibility for creating that crisis. Inflation and the crisis in the international monetary and financial system are evils that have been created elsewhere and from which we suffer through no fault of our own.
238.	The inequality in North-South relations is compounded by the breakdown in international solidarity. For example, to do away with the instability in export revenues, a Common Fund for Commodities was established in UNCTAD. The delegation of Upper Volta notes with bitterness that certain industrialized countries which could have played a considerable role in the implementation of the Agreement establishing that Fund have refused to sign or ratify it. Furthermore, some countries wish to give priority to the flow of private capital in market conditions. The enormous indebtedness of the developing countries proves the futility of a policy of progressively drying up the sources of public aid or multilateral assistance for the benefit of sources of private capital. Budgetary deficits, the chronic imbalance in the balance of payments and frequent recourse to borrowing are the concomitant elements of such a policy, which, while it benefits one side, totally exhausts the other. The combined effects of those phenomena explain the increasingly wide gap separating developed from developing countries. It is high time to put an end to this state of affairs, which can but lead mankind to ruin.
239.	The OAU, in adopting a plan of action for endogenous and self-maintained development of the continent, seeks to put an end to this chain of events. At the wider level of the Group of 77, a concern has been expressed to combine our efforts for true co-operation in integrated development. The Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi, has made what we consider to be realistic proposals intended to revive the global negotiations and the North-South dialogue. It seems to us that these three approaches offer us a glimmer of hope.
240.	What the facts we have just described actually mean for our peoples are continued hunger, thirst, malnutrition, poverty, ignorance and disease. The delegation of Upper Volta has come to this session of the General Assembly to make its contribution in the hard fight we must all wage against those scourges, so that, together with other nations, we can work for the well-being and happiness of our respective peoples.
241.	However, while the will to co-operate is for us a necessity, we shall not allow it to be weakened by docile acceptance of relations from which our concerns and our priorities are excluded.
242.	The picture is a gloomy one, but the magnitude of the task does not discourage us. Quite the contrary, it arouses and strengthens our determination always to struggle for a better world where there is a place for justice and solidarity. That is the price of international peace and security. United and determined, we shall overcome.