85.	Mr. President, your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly is both a tribute to you personally and a recognition of the important place which your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, occupies in the world today. In the 35 years since the end of the Second World War, the Federal Republic of Germany has rebuilt its economy into one of the most dynamic economies in the world. It has successfully imbibed the democratic form of government and faithfully adhered to its ideals and values. You, Mr. President, are known to your colleagues at the United Nations as a man of extraordinary intellect and charm, a person who always seeks to understand the other man's point of view and to reconcile the differences which exist among men and among nations.
86.	I should like to pay a deserved tribute to the President of the thirty-fourth session, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. Mr. Salim's fair and efficient management of our affairs during the past year has earned him universal acclaim and admiration. One of his more remarkable accomplishments which, I am glad to see you are trying your best to maintain, is that he has cured the United Nations of the disease of never starting its meetings on time. It is also my pleasant task, as a fellow member of the Commonwealth, to welcome Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership in this Organization.
87.	In his report on the work of this Organization during the past year, the Secretary General has correctly summed up that year as one which has provided us with some reasons for celebration and many for anxiety. The Secretary General pointed to the negotiated agreement which paved the way for the independence of Zimbabwe and the important breakthroughs which occurred at the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea as two of the silver linings in a sky full of dark clouds.
88.	Dark clouds still hang over southern Africa, the Middle East, Afghanistan and Kampuchea. In southern Africa very little progress has been achieved in the struggle for the freedom of Namibia and to dismantle the evil policy of apartheid. We pledge our support to our African brothers in their struggle to free Namibia from the illegal embrace of South Africa and in their campaign against racial discrimination in South Africa.
89.	In the Middle East, the peace process of the Camp David accords has made little progress for some time now. Singapore has always stated unequivocally that Israel has the right to exist. We agree that Israel is entitled to exist within safe and secure boundaries recognized and accepted by its neighbours. However, if there is to be peace between Israel and its Arab neighbours, Israel must be prepared to do three things. First, Israel must give back to the Arab countries the territories it occupied as a result of the June 1967 war. Secondly, Israel must be prepared to recognize the right of the Palestinians to self-determination and to a homeland of their own. Thirdly, Israel must rescind the illegal measures it has taken recently to alter the character and status of the city of Jerusalem.
90.	It is a matter of great concern to us that the Israeli Government has enacted legislation incorporating East Jerusalem into its territory and has proclaimed the city of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. While Israel, as the occupying Power, has the responsibility to protect and preserve the unique spiritual and religious character of Jerusalem, this unilateral action by Israel to transform the character and status of Jerusalem, pending a settlement of the Middle East problem, is tantamount to converting the spoils of war into national territory and does not help progress towards a solution to the Middle East and Palestinian problems.
91.	The majority of us here, Members of the United Nations, gained our independence from Western imperialist Powers in the last 35 years—the years since the end of the Second World War. Most of us were colonies or protectorates or subservient to imperial Powers in one way or another. Those who gained their independence early helped others to gain theirs. We sought and obtained help from many quarters in this struggle for independence and national dignity. We had the support of liberals within the imperial countries. We had the support of socialist States like the Soviet Union. The material and moral support. We received from those various forces will not be easily forgotten by us. It is natural that, because of our history, for most of us suspicion of and antagonism towards the Western imperial Powers are not far below the surface of the friendly and amicable relations we have established since independence with most of the colonial Powers.
92.	Singapore is a small country that gained its independence only 15 years ago. Since we are small, it is in our interest to be friendly, not only with our immediate neighbours but with all countries. It is not at all in our interest to be caught in the press of power contests, be they contests between superpowers or regional Powers. However, when the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of other small nations are violated by bigger nations we feel that our own security is endangered. This is why, for the past two years, Singapore has spoken out clearly against certain of the policies of the Soviet Union and Viet Nam. We are not anti-Soviet or anti-Viet Nam because they have chosen a system of government and economy that is different from ours. What internal policies they follow is entirely their business. But, when their external policies impinge on our security and set precedents which can be used against us, we have no alternative but to do all we can to cause them to change those policies.
93.	It is in this context that I ask this Assembly to consider our views on the events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. They arise from a deep concern for what those events portend for us who belong to the third world. Singapore is not alone in its concern. Many other countries, especially the small nonaligned nations, share this concern. Like Singapore, they too have been alarmed by the implications for themselves of these events. The 91 countries that voted in the United Nations General Assembly in November last year to call on Viet Nam to withdraw its forces from Kampuchea did so for this reason. Likewise, 104 countries voted in the United Nations General Assembly in January this year to call on the Soviet Union to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan.
94.	The Soviet Union and Viet Nam have dismissed those resolutions. They argue that those countries were pressured by the United States and China to support those resolutions. This is an argument which, in my opinion, does not warrant repetition. They must know it is simply not true. We hope that, in spite of such public postures, both the Soviet Union and Viet Nam will pay careful heed to the frank views which are expressed by many nonaligned nations on those issues in this Assembly. If they want to retain the confidence of the world community, especially that of the nonaligned nations, they must change their policies in Afghanistan and Kampuchea.
95.	The majority of us in the United Nations, especially those of us in the third world, have taken a clear and unequivocal position on the issues of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. We will continue to oppose the actions of the Soviet Union and Viet Nam in those two countries. If we show that we acquiesce in, compromise with or condone the actions of those two countries, we in the third world will surely pay the price, as the next victim will come from our ranks.
96.	The Soviet Union and Viet Nam claim that they were invited to send their military forces into Afghanistan and Kampuchea and that this is a sufficient and legitimate reason for them to intervene militarily. A brief review of the events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea will show that this was never the case.
97.	In Kampuchea, the formation of a group called the National United Front for the Salvation of Kampuchea was announced by Viet Nam on 2 December 1978. Three weeks later, on 25 December 1978, Vietnamese forces invaded Kampuchea. By 11 January 1979, the large Vietnamese forces had overrun the country. They then set up a puppet regime headed by one Heng Samrin. On 18 February 1979, nearly two months after the invasion, a so-called Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation was signed between Viet Nam and the puppet Heng Samrin regime. It was subsequently claimed that under the terms of this Treaty—a Treaty signed two months after the invasion—Vietnamese troops were invited into Kampuchea. Today, Vietnamese troops numbering more than 200,000 remain in Kampuchea.
98.	Similarly, in Afghanistan, Soviet airborne troops landed at Kabul on 25 and 26 December 1979. On 27 December, they attacked and captured governmental installations, killed Amin, the head of Government, and disarmed Afghan army units. They brought in one Babrak Karmal, who was not even in the country during the Soviet invasion. They installed him as head of a new Government and then announced that they had been invited under the Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighbourliness and Cooperation of 5 December 1978 between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union.
99.	While the ostensible reason advanced by the Soviet Union and Viet Nam is that they were invited by the Governments of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, the real reasons have since begun to emerge. One need only read the various publications of the Soviet Union and Viet Nam for evidence. Today they are increasingly admitting that their real reason for intervening militarily in those two countries is that events in the neighbouring States threatened their own security. In fact, one Soviet commentator, Alexander Bovin, went so far as to say that "We [the Soviet Union] knew that we would cease to be a great Power if we refrained from carrying the burden of taking unpopular but necessary decisions". In other words, an imperial Power would lose its credibility if any of its satellites or protectorates were allowed to pursue an independent policy.
100.	In Afghanistan, the Soviet Union considered that a revolt by the people of Afghanistan against their communist Government was a threat to the security of the Soviet Union. In Kampuchea, a Government that refused to accept the leadership of Viet Nam in an IndoChinese federation was considered to be a threat to Viet Nam's security. The pattern of invasion was the same in both countries. Having concluded that its security was involved, the aggressor nation first invaded its neighbour with massive military power, then established a puppet regime and then got the puppet regime to acknowledge subsequently that it had invited the foreign forces.
101.	Most of us have no wish to become partisans in the rivalry and contests between the big Powers. We wish to avoid the fate of becoming cannon fodder in the conflicts between the great Powers. This is why many of us chose to be nonaligned. For many years we have held the view that nonalignment is our best safeguard. For many years the Soviet Union supported the concept of nonalignment to such an extent that some members of the nonaligned movement even championed the Soviet Union as the natural ally of the movement. Today, events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea have shown that nonalignment by itself no longer offers us protection. Both Afghanistan and Kampuchea were nonaligned nations. Both professed the communist ideology. In both cases the national integrity has been violated, in the case of Afghanistan, directly by the Soviet Union and, in the case of Kampuchea, by Viet Nam with the aid and support of the Soviet Union.
102.	Did the Soviet Union support nonalignment all these years as a cover, to persuade countries to dissociate themselves from and weaken links with Western Powers until the Soviet Union was in a position to bring than within its orbit? That question is not as farfetched as it sounds. Today the Soviet Union already has allies and proxies in the nonaligned movement which are completely in support of its policies. Viet Nam, for example, declared on 15 July 1980 that "solidarity with the Soviet Union has always been the basis of our foreign policy". With such allies and proxies within the nonaligned movement, the Soviet Union can be assured that there will be no clear consensus among nonaligned countries to oppose its moves against a nonaligned nation.
103.	What is most distressing is that Viet Nam, a member of the movement, a nation that has suffered the ravages of war for 30 years, should have betrayed the nonaligned movement and the ideals for which it sacrificed so much. The Vietnamese underwent an heroic struggle for their independence. They should therefore understand how dearly their neighbours value their independence. For 15 years Viet Nam fought against the United States in a war which the United States claimed was aimed at containing China and preventing the rest of Southeast Asia from falling into communist hands. With that experience, the Vietnamese should know the fallacy of overrunning a small nation on the grounds that that is intended to counter the threat of China. They now advance the same reasons as did the United States in the past. They claim they are a dam containing the Chinese menace. How are they containing the Chinese menace? Not by confronting China. Today it is Kampucheans who are dying, not Chinese. Vietnamese troops are unwelcome guests in Laos, not in China. And on 23 June Vietnamese troops made incursions into Thailand, again allegedly to fight the Chinese menace.
104.	The events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea have great significance for us small nations. Precedents and principles are being established which have profound implications for us. Unless we resist and reject them now, one of us may become the next victim.
105.	In both Afghanistan and Kampuchea, we are being asked to accept a certain code of international relations. The elements of that code have been clearly expressed in numerous Soviet and Vietnamese publications and broadcasts, such as the Vietnamese commentary entitled "From Phnom Penh to Kabul" broadcast by Radio Hanoi on 31 January 1980, an article in the Soviet New Times in January 1970 and an article by one Alexander Bovin in the Soviet newspaper Izvestia of 22 April 1980. Those are only a few examples.
106.	What are the elements of this new code of conduct that we are asked to accept?
107.	First, we are asked to accept that a country has the right to invade another country and set up a puppet Government if the invading country considers its security threatened or if it disapproves of the internal policies of the neighbouring Government.
108.	Secondly, we are asked to accept that it is the internationalist duty of the Soviet Union and communist States to provide military aid to elements in other countries which seek to overthrow their Governments by force and establish communist and pro-Communist regimes.
109.	We are also asked to accept that if a people of a nonaligned country wants to change its Government from a communist or pro-Communist to some other type of Government, then it can be prevented from doing so by another communist Power under its internationalist obligation to safeguard the gains of revolution.
110.	We are asked to accept that communist Powers are not under an obligation to uphold the principles of independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty and that communist imperialism and interference in the internal affairs of other States are morally justifiable and acceptable since they promote socialism and not capitalism.
111.	To accept that code of conduct would be to spell our doom. We must reject those propositions and make it clear that we are against all forms of imperialism and domination.
112.	We must make it abundantly clear that, just as we fought to dismantle capitalist imperialism, we will resist communist imperialism or any other form of imperialism. We must make it clear that we reject the right of any nation to violate the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of another nation to impose or preserve communism, capitalism or any other form of government. We must reject the notion that either the communist or the capitalist State or any other type of State has a moral right to pursue an expansionist foreign policy.
113.	We have to reject all forms of imperialism for our own preservation. We are not anti-Soviet or anti-Vietnam. We wish those Governments well in whatever way they want to pursue the happiness and wellbeing of their own people, so long as their foreign policies do not endanger our security.
114.	How do we reject and oppose those moves? First, on Kampuchea we must resist any attempt to unseat Democratic Kampuchea from the United Nations. To allow Democratic Kampuchea to be unseated would be to endorse and encourage the policy of aggression by Viet Nam. We are not here to decide on the merits of the Democratic Kampuchean Government in its dealings with its c v people. We did not create the Government of Democrats Kampuchea nor did we sustain it. Vietnam nurtured and sustained it and defended its internal policies until 25 December 1978. It was only after Viet Nam invaded Kampuchea that it seemed to have suddenly discovered that the Government of Democratic Kampuchea was a barbaric and genocidal Government.
115.	Here in the United Nations we are faced with a simple question. Are we going to allow the legitimate Government of a country, which is fighting against a foreign invader, to be unseated just because the foreign invader has been successful in establishing a puppet regime in the capital city? Some are advancing the idea of leaving the seat of Kampuchea vacant here in the United Nations. That would only punish the victim and reward the aggressor because an empty seat is a prelude to the puppet regime's making a bid for the empty seat.
116.	Secondly, we must continue to insist that foreign occupation forces must be withdrawn from both Kampuchea and Afghanistan, and that the people of Kampuchea and Afghanistan be allowed to chart their own destiny. The root cause of the present problem in Afghanistan and Kampuchea is the occupation of those countries by foreign forces. Both the Soviet Union and Viet Nam would have us believe that the root cause of the problem is the resistance by the people of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. They would have us believe that the way to solve the problem is for resistance to cease. Are nationalists fighting against foreign invaders for their nationhood, their dignity and self-respect to be told by us that they are wrong? Does that not go against the very principles which united us Members of this Organization? The least we can do is to stand by the nationalists of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. No effort or great sacrifice is demanded of us. All we are asked to do is to vote for their just cause. The moral force of such a vote will mean a great deal to people fighting against the invaders at desperate odds. It is the least we can do for a just cause.
117.	Thirdly, through our stand here on those two issues we must show clearly to the superpowers that we will have no truck with the policies of their proxies. If we condone Vietnamese action in Kampuchea it will be a clear signal to the superpowers that they have our licence to canvass for proxies among the nonaligned nations to promote their interests.
118.	The events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea are not distant events that have no bearing on us. The security of small countries like mine is adversely affected whenever the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of other countries are violated. This is why we must speak out and defend the independence and integrity of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. There is another reason why we must continue to condemn the actions of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and of Viet Nam in Kampuchea. It is that, in trying to justify their actions the Soviet Union and Viet Nam have attempted to circumscribe the application of some of the most basic principles of the United Nations Charter, including the principle that every State is entitled to respect for its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and the principle of non-use of force in international relations. We must defend these principles against any attempt to revise or undermine them, for these Charter principles afford us, the small countries, some degree of protection in a world in which a few who have the military might may want to impose their will on the many.


Mr. President, at the outset I should like to express to you our congratulations on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your vast experience and the outstanding qualities that you have exhibited in the realm of multilateral diplomacy ensure your ability to keep a firm grasp on the helm of the Assembly during this stormy period.
53.	Al the opening of this session a new State joined the ranks of the United Nations: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. On behalf of the Government and people of Israel, I should like to welcome it to the Organization and wish it all prosperity and success as an independent and sovereign Stale.
54,	To my very grout regret, it is not possible to express satisfaction at the condition of the United Nations today, either in general or from the specific perspective of my country. Indeed, it is questionable whether there remains much similarity or correlation between the noble ideals, principles and purposes which guided the founding fathers of the United Nations and the reality prevailing in the Organization today. The founders of this Organization saw in their vision a forum and a framework for the achievement and maintenance of peace between nations after the horrific experience of the Second World War, a horror which they had experienced at first hand.
55.	Perhaps the most cynical expression of the gap between the original vision and the reality prevailing in the United Nations today has been the refusal of this Organization, ostensibly dedicated to the peaceful settlement of disputes, to adopt and encourage the Camp David accords' and the subsequent Peace Treaty, which brought to an end decades of hostilities between Israel and Egypt and raised the possibility of expanding the peace process to embrace all of Israel's neighbours. This Organization, whose principal purpose is the promotion of peace among nations, has thus betrayed its own raison d'etre by rejecting an historic step towards peace and by playing into the hands of the enemies of peace, the rejectionists and the warmongers.
56. This unhappy phenomenon is not confined to the General Assembly. Out of the 18 debates which have been conducted thus far during 1980 in the Security Council, nine were devoted to subjects involving my country. Is there anyone who seriously believes that half of the world's international problems today are connected with Israel? We need only glance at a map of our region, the Middle East—which is just one region of the world—to sec that it is riddled from length to breadth with countless conflicts between States, between ethnic minorities and between different religious groups. Virtually all those conflicts have a history and a dynamic of their own, totally divorced from the Arab-Israeli conflict.
57. By way of illustration. I need only mention the situation in Afghanistan and. of course, the full-scale war between Iran and Iraq—a worrying outbreak of hostilities which has wide-ranging implications. That war between two States ruled by extremist, irresponsible and trigger-happy regimes threatens both regional and international security by putting at risk much of the world's regular supply of oil, That war, a struggle between two Moslem States, demolishes, in our opinion, the naive and groundless belief that the world's oil supply is dependent on a pro-Arab solution to the dispute between Israel and its neighbours. It has become all too clear that the solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict will not provide any miracle cure for the region as a whole or eliminate the many other grave conflicts raging in it. The ability of the United Nations to work for an end to the bloodshed in Iraq and Iran will be a yardstick of the Organization's ability to continue to fulfil its role for the encouragement and maintenance of peace.
58.	Important tasks have been allotted to the United Nations. Besides its role in the preservation of international peace and security, it also has a vital role to play in other spheres which require our earnest attention, in particular through the specialized agencies established for various purposes. But even the specialized agencies have been gravely compromised by the plague of politicization. Business-like debates and deliberations in them have become increasingly difficult—if not all but impossible to conduct—to the grave detriment not only of the agencies themselves but also of those whom they were set up to serve.
59.	While I am bound to express deep regret at the condition of the United Nations today. I must also express the hope that all Members of the Organization which share our concern and feelings of responsibility for its future will intensify their efforts both to bring the United Nations back to the ideals of its founders and to channel the specialized agencies back to their specific areas of concern.
60.	Among the subjects which have rightly been given a prominent place in the agenda of the United Nations are the state of the world's economy and the relations between the industrialized and the developing nations. The convening of the recent eleventh special session of the General Assembly attests to this fact. Israel took part in that special session with the intention of making a constructive contribution to its work. We therefore share the disappointment over the results of that event, which were not adequate. We sincerely hope that in the near future the efforts to have a constructive dialogue rather than confrontation will be resumed, so that those whose needs are greatest will not suffer the most.
61.	Despite our small size and limited resources, we have for decades devoted far greater efforts than might have been expected to assisting nations of the third world in the development of their economies and societies. Israel has shared freely the know-how which it has developed, as well as its experience as a small State in an arid and subtropical region, which has enabled us to make great strides over a period of a few short years.
62.	The problems encountered by Israel in the course of its social and economic development are similar to the problems facing much of the developing world today. Many of the solutions worked out in Israel can be applied directly by others. Despite the disappointments which my country has experienced, Israel continues to have deep sympathy for the struggle of the developing countries to ameliorate and advance the condition of their peoples and economies. Israel stands ready to continue to give of its know-how and to take a vigorous and constructive part in the efforts of the international community in the spheres of health, social services, agriculture, development of new and renewable sources of energy, and in every other sphere to which we can contribute.
63.	From this rostrum I should like to give expression to the anguish of our Jewish brothers in various parts of the globe. There is, it would seem, no end to the pain of the Jew in history. The suffering and persecution continue even today. And we, the people of Israel, feel responsible for the lot of every Jew who suffers anywhere.
64.	In the last year additional harsh limitations have been imposed on Jews who seek to leave the Soviet Union and emigrate to the State of Israel. Those restrictions conflict with the most basic human and national rights of peoples, and we are in duty bound to echo the cries of the Jews in the Soviet Union and appeal to the Government of that country to remove the restrictions and facilitate the immigration of Jews to Israel.
65.	We must also express anxiety over the condition of the tortured Jewish community in Syria, whose human rights are severely curtailed, and many of whom have been imprisoned and have had their property impounded. I would thus also appeal to the Government of Syria to respect the basic-human rights of its Jewish community, which it holds as hostages and which it prevents from leaving.
66.	The Jews of Iran have suffered painfully in recent months, and their situation is deteriorating from day to day. Many Jews have been thrown in gaol; others have been given the death sentence, in most cases on "charges" of contact with Israel. We know of the difficulties in dealing with the present regime in Iran, to which fundamental concepts of human rights and the norms of international relations seem foreign. But we hope that sight will not be lost of the situation of the Jews there who are perhaps among the most vulnerable of the minorities in that troubled land.
67.	Two years ago a development took place in the Middle East—a breakthrough which can appropriately be called historic. After serious negotiations between the parties, with the active and important participation of the United States, the Camp David framework and the subsequent Israeli-Egyptian Peace Treaty were signed by the leaders of the two countries and witnessed by the President of the United States. Israel made major concessions and took considerable risks by signing those agreements, l.et me cite only our withdrawal from the oilfields in Sinai, for there is no need for me to waste words on the significance and implications of that step in this day and age. Similarly I need only point to the strategic depth in Sinai which Israel has relinquished, as well as to the advanced air bases located in Sinai, the evacuation of which will be implemented in due course in accordance with the terms of the Peace Treaty.
68.	Israel believed that its concessions and sacrifices would be met with appreciation and understanding by the world community and that a long-awaited breakthrough would be achieved on the international scene. Not only has that not come about, but many countries in the world have spared no effort to destroy that hard-won peace, and Israel continues to be the object of unending accusations and attacks.
69.	Nevertheless, the decision and determination of Israel remain firm to continue on the road to peace. Thus, in accordance with the Camp David framework, negotiations have taken place for the attainment of full autonomy for the Palestinian Arab inhabitants of Judaea. Samaria and the Gaza District.
70.	Substantial progress has been achieved in these talks in certain fields, but the talks have, it is true, had their tips and downs and have even been suspended a number of times by Egypt. There is nothing exceptional or extraordinary about the difficulties encountered thus far in the progress of the talks. They reflect the complexities inherent in the subjects under discussion. The difficulties are familiar to any country which, at one time or another, has been engaged in complex negotiations involving multifaceted and long-standing problems.
71.	One area in which progress has been achieved in the negotiations is the modalities of the free elections to be held in the territories concerned. These procedures would make the proposed autonomy into one of the few—all too few— examples of free democratic process in the Middle East. Progress has also been achieved in the area of powers and responsibilities of the autonomy covering many aspects of the everyday life of the inhabitants of the territories in question.
72.	We certainly believe that autonomy can and must be established. All the parties to the Camp David framework are convinced that the process set out in that framework is the only one which is within the realm of the possible. All alternative suggestions for the solution of the problem at hand—ideas such as the holding of an international conference or the like—are devoid of real prospect or purpose. No one can really believe that the various elements in the Middle East which arc so much at odds with each other would attend a peace conference and achieve a positive outcome that would lead to a solution acceptable to all. Thus too the ideas entertained by the European Community, which do not take Israel's position into account, are only likely to encourage those who are opposed to peace.
73.	Those who genuinely seek peace should encourage the progress which has been achieved through the Camp David process. Let them also bear in mind and give due regard to the fact that, by proposing the idea of autonomy in Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza District, Israel has taken on itself great risks for the sake of peace.
74.	We hope that the autonomy talks will be resumed in the near future. We also hope that the process of normalization of relations between Israel and Egypt will be intensified and will serve as the best possible proof and a living symbol of the fact that peace can and must take the place of war. The full significance of these peaceful relations should be grasped for what they are—and for what they may lead to—as the very corner-stone for peace in the region.
75. The leaders of Israel and Egypt have reiterated time and again their mutual commitment to the proposition that there will be no more war. Let us hope that the change which has come about in the Middle East with the signing of peace will be the opening for a positive and long-lasting transformation in the history of our conflict-ridden area. The strict adherence to the agreements by Israel, in accordance with their letter and spirit alike, is a guarantee of the continuation of the peace process. However, by itself it is not enough. We hope that all the others involved will act in the same way.
76. Much has been alleged against Israel in the name of the principle of self-determination for nations. We favour that concept, and we have proved that in the support that we extended to many States which have achieved their independence in our generation, in Africa, Asia and elsewhere. The Governments of those States and their peoples know that full well. But there is no connection between that principle and the perverted attempt to turn self-determination into the basis for the destruction of the Stale of Israel, as certain States are endeavouring to do. Anyone who is familiar with the ideology and the terminology of the murder organization that calls itself the PLO, as well as with the declarations of the various Arab rejectionist States, can see beyond all doubt that the term "self-determination", as they use it, is nothing more than a euphemism for the destruction of Israel.
77.	It should not be forgotten that the Palestinian Arabs have achieved their self-determination in Jordan, a State which is the Arab State in Palestine, by virtue of its history, territory, population, culture and all aspects of its national life. The establishment of a second Palestinian Arab Slate by distorting the principle of self-determination means the creation of an extremist and hostile base opposed to the very-existence of Israel. Hence we will not agree to a distorted form of self-determination, which in reality implies self-destruction for our ancient nation deeply rooted in its own land.
78.	The programme of autonomy which we have proposed for the Palestinian Arab inhabitants of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza District, as accepted in principle in the Camp David frameworks, is the first practical proposal to be advanced to provide a dignified solution for the needs of the Arab population of those areas. It comes in place of all the empty declarations with which the Palestinian Arabs concerned have deluded themselves and have been deluded by other States and organizations over the years.
79.	One of the most vivid expressions of the rejection of all peace proposals by the Arab rejectionist States is to be seen in their unprecedented military build-up and in the armaments which they have received in recent years from the Soviet bloc or purchased from the United States and Western Europe. In the course of the last three years, orders for arms purchases by the larger Arab States have reached astronomic sums. The quantities of arms that were actually supplied have been equally staggering. There is no precedent for the amassing of arms on this scale in our region. Those arms are designated first and foremost for use against Israel. But the implications of that vast array of armaments are not confined to my country alone. It also serves to inject war into the area at large.
80.	We call upon the United Nations to take due note of the military build-up by the Arab rejectionist States and to urge them to decrease their armament. For our part, we are prepared to lend a hand in any joint effort to bring about the limitation of arms in our region which is poised on top of a volcano.
81. I should like to address myself to another crucial aspect of disarmament. Israel has consistently supported resolutions of the General Assembly aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons. This global problem, we believe, can best be solved by means of negotiated regional arrangements. Hence, since 1975, Israel has consistently advocated the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East on the Tlatelolco model. Israel believes that an international conference of all the Slates in the region and adjacent to our region should be held, leading to the conclusion of a formal, contractual, multilateral convention among all States of the region.
82.	We hope that in the course of this General Assembly, we shall find a suitable opportunity to give concrete expression to our views on this matter. In the meantime, I should like to reiterate my Government's position, which is that Israel will not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons into the Arab-Israeli dispute.
83.	In the last months, Jerusalem has been the object of attacks on Israel in various international forums. There has been much hypocrisy and cynicism in those attacks, For, truth to tell, never has the situation of the various religions represented in Jerusalem been better than that prevailing since the unification of the city by Israel in 1967. For 19 years, between 1948 and 1967, the eastern part of the city was under Jordanian occupation and barbed wire divided it in two. Places holy to the Jews were maliciously desecrated. Ancient synagogues and cemeteries were destroyed in a barbaric manner, and Jews were denied access to the Holy Places which are the spiritual life-blood of the Jewish people. It is not out of place to remark that the Moslem Arab citizens of Israel were also denied access to their Holy Places during that ignoble period. And where, I am bound to ask, was the voice of this Organization during that period".' Not once was it raised in condemnation of those illegal acts.
84.	On the other hand, since 1967. all—irrespective of religion and nationality—have been accorded free access to the city of Jerusalem and the possibility of worshipping at the Holy Places and shrines revered by them. Israel has assured the free and unfettered observance of the religious rites of all members of all faiths, who also administer their religious lives and their Holy Places without any outside interference. That is the truth well known to everyone who lives in Jerusalem and to everyone who has visited the city. There is no substance or basis to any claim to the contrary.
85.	There is no need for me to dwell at length on the bond between the Jewish people and Jerusalem. The Jewish people is the only people which has made Jerusalem its capital since it appeared as a nation on the stage of human history. Throughout the many years of exile inflicted on it. The Jewish people prayed three times a day, every day, for its restoration to Jerusalem.
86. For the last 150 years there has been a Jewish majority in Jerusalem. Whoever seeks to sever Jerusalem from Israel seeks to decapitate the Jewish people. We hope that nations that seek peace and know the reality which prevails in Jerusalem today will respect the city as the sovereign capital of Israel; a city which will not be divided again, in the same way as Israel respects the Holy Places of all religions and their freedoms in the city.
87.	I wish to conclude with a call in the spirit of the Prophets of Israel, who were a light and an inspiration for much of mankind. My call is for peace—peace which is at the very basis of the existence of the United Nations.
88.	We in Israel yearn for peace. We have done so since the first day of the restoration of our national sovereignty—in our Declaration of Independence, which was issued on the very day that the State of Israel was founded in 1948. In that Declaration, we extend the hand of peace and good neighbourliness to all the States around us and all their peoples. We have taken far-reaching steps and have made huge sacrifices for the sake of peace. But peace with Israel does not mean peace without Israel, or peace at its expense. Nor does it mean peace with a weak Israel deprived of its capital and with its wings clipped from the security and geostrategic viewpoints. With such an Israel peace will not be attained, because a weak Israel will be an object of unceasing attacks and destructive designs.
89.	I wish to call upon the Arab States which are our neighbours, and also upon the Palestinian Arabs living in Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza District, to follow the dictates of reason and to join the peace process. I wish to call upon the other nations of the world to support this course and to prevail upon the Arab States to adopt it. The world at large, and not merely our region alone, will benefit from this.


It had been planned that our Foreign Minister would address the Assembly. However, given the great concern that has been caused by the conflict between Iran and Iraq and the obvious desire of the countries of the non-aligned movement—a desire shared by many other countries—to see an end to that serious incident, the current Chairman of the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, Fidel Castro, decided to send Foreign Minister Malmierca to the countries involved, as his representative, in order to initiate a mission of good offices, which is now proceeding.
2.	We earnestly hope that a peaceful negotiated settlement will speedily put an end to that conflict which divides two members of the non-aligned movement and which entails serious consequences for both those countries, the countries of the third world and the interests of international peace and security.
3.	On behalf of the Government of Cuba and its Minister for Foreign Affairs, I should like to extend our cordial congratulations to Mr. von Wechmar on his unanimous election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and to pledge our determined co-operation in the discharge of his important functions.
4.	We should also like to express our great admiration for the exemplary manner in which his predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, conducted the proceedings of the thirty- fourth session of the General Assembly and those of the three special sessions over which he presided. His performance in presiding over the meetings of this body does honour to his country, the United Republic of Tanzania, and the entire African continent.
5.	We wish also to express our appreciation for the outstanding work which the Secretary-General has done on behalf of international peace and security.
6.	I come to this rostrum on a day of special significance for Cubans. Today we commemorate the one hundred and twelfth anniversary of the beginning of our heroic struggle for independence. We are also celebrating the return to our land of the first cosmonaut of Cuba and of Latin America. A few hours ago, the people in the capital, Havana, on behalf of all Cubans, extended to Colonel Tamayo and his companion pilot: the special welcome which that event deserves. That sums up the achievements of 20 years of our revolution and it is our modest contribution to the efforts being made for the development of science and technology in the service of peace and progress for mankind.
7.	Today we are completing the general debate of this session of the General Assembly. If anyone could give a precise definition of the nature of our deliberations, it would unquestionably be that the overwhelming majority of those who have preceded me to this rostrum have expressed great concern over the ominous turn of events in the international situation during the last few months.
8.	There has not been a greater threat to the peace and security of the world since the time of the so-called cold war and the "policy of brinkmanship". Mankind's aspiration to move towards detente, general and complete disarmament— especially nuclear disarmament—development and international economic co-operation has been frustrated time and again by the re-emergence of a policy of war, the replacement of dialogue by confrontation, the stagnation of negotiations to limit strategic weapons and the non-ratification of the SALT II agreement,  as well as by the failure of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to economic questions and the constant deterioration of the economies of the developing countries.
9.	To those factors which have a negative effect on the world situation must be added the emergence of new sources of tension and discord in various parts of the world, the aggravation of problems in the Middle East as a result of the expansionist and colonialist policies of Israel, the increased tension in the Indian Ocean, the Arab Gulf and the Caribbean and Central American region as a result of the escalation of the war-like policies of the United States and the establishment of new bases and imperialist facilities in those areas. Also there has been as increase of interventionism in South-East Asia, encouraged by the hegemonists in Beijing and their new allies in the United States, and in El Salvador and the formation of a reactionary "holy alliance" against the revolutionary peoples and countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America.
10.	When we speak of peace we must necessarily refer to the one and indivisible peace which the peoples of the world want—a peace with responsibilities and benefits for all, and not a limited peace, one which is of interest only to some Powers. Peace must be universal and must be based on respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, within secure and recognized boundaries. There can be no peace without detente and disarmament. That is why it is necessary for us to concentrate our efforts on achieving an effective relaxation of international tension and continuing negotiations on the limitation of nuclear weapons and general and complete disarmament. Also, there can be no peace without development.
11.	The need to establish a just and equitable international economic order, to eliminate unequal exchanges and barriers to the expansion of trade with the developed countries; the need to transform the world monetary system so as to reflect the requirements of our countries; the need to ensure, during this decade, a massive flow of financial and material resources for development; the need to transfer technology in assailable and un-burdensome conditions; and the urgent need to give assistance to the relatively less developed countries and to promote economic, scientific and technological co-operation among our countries—all these constitute sine qua non conditions for a just and lasting peace.
12.	This is not mere rhetoric. The legitimate interests of each of the 154 States Members of the United Nations must be recognized now and no one must be guided solely by narrow national interests, no matter how justified those interests may be. The world will not be capable of tackling or, of course, resolving the grave economic problems which have arisen during the last fifth of the century without broad and deep international co-operation.
13.	Cuba hopes that the obstacles and difficulties which we recently encountered when we discussed the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, and especially the next round of global negotiations, arising from the intransigence and narrow-mindedness of a few developed capitalist countries, will be overcome in the coming months so that we can lay the groundwork for the necessary co-operation which our peoples demand.
14.	Twenty years ago the United Nations took a step of historic importance when it adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. In the years since then the political map of the world has changed radically with the attainment of an independent sovereign life by dozens of countries.
15.	Today we welcome the entry of the Republic of Zimbabwe into the Organization as a full-fledged Member, following its historic victory over the forces of racism, oppression and colonialism. We also welcome the emergence of the Republic of Vanuatu and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as new independent States.
16.	The disgrace of colonialism and the monstrous outgrowth of the racist mentality that is known as apartheid still prey on the peoples of southern Africa. After years of unfruitful negotiations, which in various delaying tactics have reflected the twisted intentions of South Africa and its Western allies, and despite the firm resistance of the Namibian patriots under the leadership of their legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], Namibia continues to be occupied and the will of the international community has been brutally stifled by the racist regime of Pretoria and the handful of imperialist countries which support it to the hilt by preventing the implementation of the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter.
17.	In the year of the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration against colonialism, Cuba reiterates its unswerving solidarity with the people of Namibia, with its vanguard, SWAPO, and with the cause of its independence and sovereignty throughout the entire Territory, including Wallis Bay. Our support also goes to the black people of South Africa and to their liberation movement, the African National Congress [ANC] in their just struggle against apartheid and for a majority government of the people.
18.	The remnants of colonialism are not limited, however, to southern Africa. Once again we proclaim the right of the Latin American people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence; the right of Belize to complete the process of decolonization and accede to independence without further delay and to preserve the integrity of its territory; the right of the Sahraoui people to establish a sovereign, free republic in its ancestral home; the right of Madagascar to recover its sovereignty over the islands of Juan de Nova, Bassas da India, Europa and Glorieuses; and, finally the right of all subjected peoples to emancipate themselves finally from colonial domination.
19.	Similarly, Cuba supports the unconditional withdrawal of United States troops from the south of the territory of Korea and the peaceful reunification of the Korean people without foreign interference.
20.	We support the right of the peoples of Indo-China and of the whole of South-East Asia to live in peace and security and we reject any interference in their internal affairs. We also condemn the usurpation of the legitimate rights of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the Assembly by the genocidal Pol Pot clique.
21.	The question of Palestine, the core of the Middle East conflict, has today won the support of all progressive mankind. For more than 30 years the Palestinian people, under the courageous and staunch leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], it sole legitimate representative, has been waging a battle against the Zionist State of Israel, which has been trying to trample upon its inalienable national rights.
22.	It must be repeated that a just and lasting peace in that crucial part of the world can be achieved only by the unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the Arab and Palestinian territory occupied since June 1967; by the effective exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable rights, including its right to return to its home, to receive compensation for the losses caused by the illegal occupiers and to establish its own State in Palestine; and by the participation of the PLO, on an equal footing in all negotiations which may take place to resolve the question of the Middle East. In that context, Cuba reiterates its vigorous condemnation of the so-called Camp David accords, in so far as they claim to provide a solution of the Palestinian question without the PLO, of the unilateral decision by Israel to modify the international status of Jerusalem and to establish its capital there, and of the bandit-like policy of settlements in the occupied territories.
23.	In accordance with the decisions of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979, Cuba considers that the international community must demand the implementation of the most severe sanctions provided for in the Charter of the United Nations against the Zionist regime of Israel.
24.	The situation in the Indian Ocean requires the most rapid possible implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace and to that end we support the convening at Colombo of the Conference on the Indian Ocean in accordance with General Assembly resolution 34/80 B, and, as a complement thereto, the summit meeting proposed by the President of Madagascar, Didier Ratsiraka.
25.	The irrational forces which pull against the tide of history are attempting to return us to the world of barbarism and fascism that existed before the birth of logic. The creation of interventionist "special rapid deployment forces" is compounded by the installation of 500 missiles with nuclear warheads in Western Europe, the interruption of negotiations on disarmament and the threat of non-ratification of the SALT II agreement; as well as the attempt by the United States Congress unilaterally to revise the Panama Canal Treaties, signed only after an historic battle by the people and Government of Panama; and the creation of new alliances and military installations, in this and other continents, with obvious expansionist and counterrevolutionary purposes.
26.	Invoking arguments which have been rejected by our peoples, they are attempting to convert the Caribbean into a Yankee lake and plotting all kinds of conspiracies against the revolutionary countries of the area. To their plans to destabilize the Governments of Jamaica and Grenada, we can now add their open support for the Fascist military- Christian Democratic junta in El Salvador through the supply of the weapons and technology of genocide and the repetition of the shameful stages of their collusion with the regimes of Trujillo, Somoza and Batista. The Monroe Doctrine has been resuscitated with the abject complicity of certain Latin American regimes which, betraying the legacy of the liberators, have colluded in the extermination and persecution of the Salvadorian patriots. Our peoples will punish such base cowardice.
27.	Cuba condemns the brutal repression of the Fascist military against our brothers in El Salvador, as well as the attempts to intervene, directly or indirectly, in that country, with a view to undermining the inevitable victory of the people, Cuba restates its support for the heroic resistance of the Bolivian people against the military coup, fomented and supported by outside forces, which cancelled out the electoral victory of the People's Democratic Union and has subjected the country to a shady and corrupt tyranny, headed by a group of international traffickers.
28.	The policy of harassment against the Cuban revolution is continuing: the blockade persists and new imperialist threats are voiced; fresh terrorist attacks have been made upon our diplomatic missions abroad, such as the attack against a staff member of the Cuban Mission to the United Nations, our unforgettable comrade Felix Garcia.
29.	In Latin America some still claim to be defenders of human rights while trampling under foot the memory of Bolivar and taking part in the genocide of the Salvadorian people. In a recent, unprecedented step, they proposed the acquittal of the group of convicted assassins who, in 1976, to the horror of the world, blew up an airborne plane full of Cuban passengers over Barbados, causing the death of 73 persons. The inconceivable actions of the Venezuelan authorities can only encourage in future the carrying out of new and cowardly terrorist acts.
30.	Those who once again believe that they can encircle and isolate the Cuban revolution arc mistaken. Today, as yesterday, the acts of aggression and plots of the imperialists and their lackeys will come up against the courage and determination of our people. The voice of Cuba will never be intimidated or silenced. No reactionary force can stand in the way of the victory of the peoples of Latin America.
31.	For the peoples of the third world, the existence and strengthening of the United Nations system has acquired growing importance. Created to safeguard peace and to prevent the recurrence of war, the Organization has become an indispensable driving force behind initiatives in support of detente, general and complete disarmament, decolonization and international co-operation. Its universal character must be reaffirmed, as must its primary role in the creation of a new international order that is just and equitable and as an instrument to produce peaceful solutions to conflicts which have convulsed the world in its present phase of upheaval and transformation.
32.	The policies and principles of the movement of non- aligned countries have always been primarily aimed at the conservation of the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of our peoples; the elimination of interference and foreign intervention in the internal and external affairs of States and of the use or threat of the use of force; the elimination of colonialism and neo-colonialism, apartheid, racism, including Zionism; the prevention of the division of the world into blocs; the halting of the arms race, especially of nuclear arms and achievement of general and complete disarmament under effective international control; the promotion of solidarity and co-operation among the non-aligned countries; the speedy establishment of the new international economic order with a view to speeding up the development of developing countries, eliminating inequality, hunger, sickness and illiteracy; the establishment of a democratic system of international relations based on the equality of States; respect for and preservation of human rights and fundamental freedoms, If these objectives are to be attained, our movement considers that it is necessary to strengthen our world Organization. We pledged our support of these goals at the Havana Conference and we will spare no effort to achieve them.
33.	In the capitalist world undermined by the economic, political and moral crisis which characterizes those societies that are no longer in step with history, the forces that would bring us back to the past may be heard, the dark forces of fascism, expansionism and war may still be found. Let no one be mistaken, the outlook in the next 20 years is discernible. Either the international community will be capable of placing the fabulous resources of the scientific and technological revolution at the service of mankind through cooperation and through the building of a new system of world relations, or mankind's hopes for a world free of the scourge of war, oppression and poverty will be frustrated once again.
34.	As revolutionaries we arc not frightened by the idea of future social change being produced through violent means, But if we are not to be remiss, we must realize that tomorrow's world will come about peacefully only if our generation is capable of exchanging weapons for tools of labour; confrontation for dialogue; and pursuit of narrow national interests for fruitful and just collaboration among all nations.
35.	Cuba will always be ready to help to achieve these lofty ideals, contained in the Charter of the United Nations.


I should like first of all to extend to Ambassador von Wechmar my sincerest congratulations on his election to the high office of President of this important regular session, the thirty-fifth since the General Assembly first convened more than three decades ago. His election coincides with a momentous period in the history of the United Nations and, indeed, of humanity, when the dangers and challenges facing nations, individually and collectively, are unprecedented in the second half of the twentieth century. However, with his brilliant record and experience in international affairs, and his country's exemplary record in the field of development assistance to developing countries like the Gambia and its contribution to world peace, we are confident that the momentum of progress generated at the preceding session will continue and even accelerate at this session.
208.	At this juncture, I should like to pay a tribute to the outgoing President, Ambassador Salim, whose brilliant performance and enlightened leadership at the thirty-fourth session have enhanced the image of Africa, the third world and the United Nations as a whole.
209.	We also thank the Secretary-General for the excellent services he has continued to give the Organization and for his deep understanding of current international problems, particularly, the special problems of the poorer members of our family of nations.
210.	Many, if not all, the speakers who preceded me have, as a previous sessions, brilliantly dilated on the current international situation and, as the debate continues, such questions will receive the close attention of representatives at various levels. The significance of this coincidence of thought and approach in so diverse a group is that it demonstrates and underscores the common concern of all States, big or small, powerful or weak, to sensitize mankind to the urgent need for peace as the only alternative to conflicts. It also brings into sharp focus the fact that we are not lacking in ideas and that what we need is action and the firm will to act before it is too late.
211.	It was 35 years ago that the nations of the world, horrified at the devastation of a war that had never been equalled in dimension and intensity, committed themselves, through the Charter, to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". Yet, as we meet today, we know that the legacy from the old to the new generation is an estate of insecurity, conflicts and stagnation. Indeed, as the year 2000 approaches faster than we realize, the earlier expectations of a better life are eluding humanity, which is caught in a web of escalating tension and conflict, economic dislocations, food crises, energy problems and the contagion of inflation.
212.	The history of the United Nations has shown that its first two decades were significantly dominated by political issues which represented residual problems for which peace in 1945 did not adequately provide. Today, it is very clear that the greatest threat to world peace is caused by economic problems affecting, on the one hand, the internal stability, especially of developing nations and, on the other hand, aggravating the already inequitable relations between the industrialized countries of the North and the third world countries of the South. It is natural, therefore, that at this session the Assembly will need to focus attention on the current economic issues that underlie the more visible and explosive political crises.
213.	In this regard, it is important to stress the need for a general awakening to the evolved state of international economic relations. Today, we live in a world in which there is no room for domination and power. Rather, there is growing interdependence in which global interests must be decided by consensus. It is inevitable from this mutual dependence that new economic arrangements and relationships must be forged to consolidate that kind of interdependence between the industrialized and developing countries that will be based on the sharing of power and responsibilities. This new situation is born out of the fact that since 1945, over 100 new countries, mainly from the third world, with over one billion people, have become involved in international life. This calls for new dimensions of international thinking and action. Indeed, we are in an era of negotiations.
214.	What is Africa's position in this evolving and complex economic framework? The problems and preoccupations of Africa in this regard, and indeed in every sphere of international relations, have been eloquently stated by the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, Mr. Siaka Stevens of Sierra Leone, in his keynote address at this session. I can only, therefore, modestly give complementary support to that eminent spokesman for our continent.
215.	While we do not ignore the universality of contemporary economic problems, it is equally incumbent upon the community of nations to recognize the special plight of the developing countries in general, and Africa in particular. The case of Africa is illustrated by the stark fact that our continent is the least developed, with gross domestic product stagnating at 2.7 per cent of the world level, and per capita income averaging $166. Perhaps these economic indicators are the ominous reflections of the fact that 20 out of the 31 least developed countries of the world are African countries. Yet the picture should not have been so bleak for Africa, for the continent has immense human and natural resources that should ensure its development. This was eloquently highlighted in the report of the Secretary- General of the OAU at the second extraordinary session of the OAU Assembly, devoted to economic matters, in which it is stated that
"In addition to its reservoir of human resources, our continent has 97 per cent of world reserves of chrome, 85 per cent of platinum, 64 per cent of manganese, 25 per cent of uranium and 13 per cent of copper; 20 per cent of hydro-electrical potential, 20 per cent of traded oil,... 70 per cent of cocoa production, one third of world coffee production, 50 per cent of palm produce."'7
216.	Is it therefore not a paradox that with all this wealth, Africa remains the most underdeveloped region of the world, despite all the efforts made by its leaders to emerge from such a state of underdevelopment? It was in search of an answer to this question that African leaders met at the first OAU economic summit at Lagos on 28 and 29 April 1980 and adopted the Lagos Plan of Action. As stated by the current OAU Assembly Chairman, the plan is a "priority action programme" and is born out of the frustrations and unfulfilled promises and expectations of successive global strategies over the last 20 years, more sharply felt in Africa than in any other continent.
217.	The Plan of Action is an African option for collective self-reliance that must have primacy over other protracted negotiations which have not made any significant progress. It can be called an African order based on horizontal cooperation leading to the establishment of an African Economic Community by the year 2000. We believe that it is only through our combined economic strength that it will be possible to establish a new universal economic order in which domination and power will give place to equality, justice and solidarity.
218.	It is no less ironic that the preceding two development decades have witnessed a marked aggravation of the world food situation, especially in Africa, where it has been accentuated by drought and other natural disasters. The food crisis in the Sahel is one of the most serious effects of drought in Africa in recent times. This problem was eloquently brought into the limelight when our head of State, Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, addressed the thirty- third session of the General Assembly in his capacity as Chairman of the Conference of the Heads of State and Government of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel. The Assembly, as well as the entire international community, was sensitized to the drought and its long-lasting effects on the Sahel. It is my duty, therefore, to remind the international community that despite national efforts and international intervention, the situation in the Sahel has not improved significantly. This year, the rains came very late, and most Sahelian countries have been hit by drought. Consequently, by mid-August, the Sahel had an estimated deficit of 800,000 tons of cereal grains needed to feed its populations. We therefore call upon the international community to rally to the timely appeal made by the current Chairman of the Inter-State Committee, President Moussa Traore of the sister Republic of Mali.
219.	Apart from the direct effects the shortage of food has on the populations of our agrarian economies, food insecurity is a major constraint on the development of our countries. It causes increased food imports, resulting in a loss of much-needed foreign exchange earnings. The magnitude of the problem is illustrated by the disclosure by FAO that Africa's grain imports will increase from 11 million metric tons in 1978 to 15 million metric tons in 1985. Imports had already risen from 4.2 million metric tons in 1970 to the 1978 level. Thus, our foreign exchange earnings, already eroded in real terms by the increased worsening of the terms of trade, are consequently being consumed by this rising import bill, instead of being augmented through domestic investments for economic development.
220.	Because we recognize that the primary responsibility for increasing food production is ours, our aim is an immediate improvement in the food situation and to lay the foundations for the attainment of self-sufficiency. To this end, we in the Gambia continue to pursue, as a matter of priority, the execution of the Trans-Gambia Barrage Project within the framework of the Gambia River Basin Authority, an organization that brings together Guinea, Senegal and the Gambia in a collective effort to develop the entire basin of the River Gambia. As President Jawara said here in 1978, we see the development of our entire water resources as the solution in the matter of increased food and cash crops in the region.
221.	Our own efforts, however, need to be complemented by international assistance on a scale that will induce a real breakthrough in this important matter of human need and economic development. That is why we appreciate food aid only in the context of emergency relief. What we really need in the Gambia and in the Sahel in general is greater financial participation in infrastructural projects such as dams which, once operational, will reduce and perhaps eliminate total dependence on the weather. Indeed, by enabling us to harness our water resources for agricultural self-sufficiency objectives and for our energy needs, food aid will significantly decline or even disappear and thereby make available scarce resources for more development projects.
222.	While food and armaments occupy the opposite extremes in the international spectrum, their relationship was brought out in staggering clarity in the Brandt Commission report.  The Commission found that one modern tank costs $1 million, an amount that could provide storage facilities for 100,000 tons of rice, and that 1 Vi per cent of one year's world military expenditure could pay for all the farm equipment needed to increase food production and approach self-sufficiency in food-deficient low-income countries within a decade. These facts call for a halt in the arms race so that the resultant savings could be channelled to productive economic activities in the more disadvantaged regions of the world.
223.	It is against this unfavourable economic background that the eleventh special session of the General Assembly convened here just a few weeks ago. I recall that on the eve of that much-heralded session the ministers of the Group of 77 expressed the hope that, in a spirit of co-operation, interdependence and mutual benefit, the industrialized countries would approach the negotiations with a new sense of purpose and with the political will indispensable to the success of the special session. The appeal was not heeded and, as we all know, the eleventh special session did not achieve its objectives. It only confirmed that the main impediment towards progress in the establishment of the new international economic order is the opposition of many developed and industrialized countries to measures for the restructuring of the international economic system in a way that will ensure equity, justice and stability in global economic relations. The failure of the session is not only a great disappointment but also a matter of serious concern, as it has far-reaching adverse implications for international cooperation, world peace and security.
224.	Despite this unexpected setback and the present stale-mate, new efforts should be deployed during the current session for the resumption of meaningful negotiations in January 1981, which will, significantly, coincide with the coming into operation of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. Already our expectations have been raised by the consensus that emerged from the eleventh special session of the General Assembly in regard to measures to meet the critical situation in the least developed countries. We trust that the measures called for in General Assembly resolution S-11/4 will be accorded the speedy implementation which they deserve and that concrete steps will be taken in the current session to ensure the success of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which will launch the substantial new programme of action for the 1980s.
225.	In this regard we must stress again that only a massive flow of official development assistance, in real terms, as untied grams to least developed countries, will help the least developed countries to surmount their structural problems and achieve the desired levels of socio-economic development. The proposed establishment of an international development fund, through which substantial disbursements of official development assistance resources for the least developed countries will be channelled, should significantly facilitate the successful implementation of the substantial new programme of action called for in UNCTAD resolution 122 (V).
226.	This is the bleak economic climate in which the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session is debating world issues. I now turn to political matters.
227.	While economic questions have dominated the world scene in the last decade, serious political problems continue to threaten world peace. The international situation in the past few years has been characterized by widespread unrest, conflicts and crises which have threatened the survival of some States and the very foundation of our community of nations. Even as we meet now to discuss world problems, many of our populations, especially in the third world, are living in fear and insecurity and under the spectre of war. In Africa, the Middle East and Asia particularly, the evil forces of militarism and war have already been unleashed to the detriment of our peoples and our development objectives.
228.	The African scene has already been effectively represented by Africa's spokesman, the current Chairman of the OAU Assembly, Mr. Siaka Stevens of Sierra Leone. Permit me, however, to refer briefly to some of these burning issues.
229.	Against the gloomy political climate that prevailed in parts of Africa, we have scored a major success in southern Africa. The date 18 April 1980 will long be remembered in Africa'^ long struggle for freedom as the date on which Zimbabwe was born out of the blood of its martyrs and the indomitable character of its valiant people. We hail the independence of the fiftieth member State of the OAU under the enlightened leadership of that great statesman and son of Africa, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe. Indeed, the victory of the Patriotic Front over the forces of colonialism and racism is a great triumph for Africa and a major step towards the total decolonization of our continent, an objective that is entrenched in the OAU Charter. It is also a victory that demonstrates the iron will of the people of Africa to be free, and an inspiration for the oppressed peoples of the rest of southern Africa to continue, with our support, their legitimate struggle for freedom, justice and human dignity.
230.	Zimbabwe is a lesson that demonstrates the magnanimity, generosity and virtue of the African who, in the hour of victory and glory, can forgive the defeated oppressor and extend the hand of co-operation to a minority in the task of national reconstruction. That is the essence of the African struggle: love of freedom in fraternity and equality for the good of all. It is also a lesson to South Africa's friends.
231.	As we celebrate the birth of the one hundred and fifty-third Member of the United Nations, let us not be led into complacency and the consequent relenting of the momentum and intensity of the struggle in Namibia and South Africa. Our steadfast aim must be the attainment of independence by Namibia at the earliest opportunity. To this end we urge the Security Council to take effective action to terminate South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia so that our brothers and sisters there, led by SWAPO, their true and authentic representative, may exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. At this juncture I must remind the international community that, as long as any portion of African territory, even as little as a square metre, remains under foreign domination, the independence of Africa will be incomplete and insecure. The struggle will therefore continue.
232.	With regard to inter-African problems in Western Sahara, Chad and the Horn of Africa, we, especially in the Gambia, are satisfied that OAU is the only machinery that can effectively resolve them. Extra-African interests must therefore desist from interfering, in any manner, in the process of mediation and reconciliation already started by the OAU.
233.	Another success that marked the African calendar this year is the significant progress made in the important area of human rights. When African leaders meeting at Monrovia in 1979 decided to have an African charter on human and people's rights, many were the cynics outside Africa who doubted our will, our seriousness and even our ability to implement decision 115 (XVI) adopted at the sixteenth session of the Assembly of the OAU.  Yet by December 1979 African legal experts had met and elaborated at Dakar a draft charter, to the surprise of the enemies of Africa. This was the context in which, together with our firm commitment in the Gambia to respect for and promotion and protection of human rights, we were privileged to act as host to the first OAU Ministerial Meeting to study the draft African Charter on Human and People's Rights.
234.	Although the Banjul conference of June 1980 did not complete its work, much progress was made, given the magnitude and importance of the task and the expeditious manner in which the Monrovia decision was implemented. Furthermore, we must recall that, while the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted by the United Nations in 1948, it was only recently that the very important International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights were adopted and brought into operation. But Africa is not going to delay the adoption of the draft Charter, and already the OAU Ministerial Meeting will reconvene in Banjul in the coming months with the mandate of the Council of Ministers of the OAU at Freetown to finalize the draft for submission at the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU.
235.	The significance of this development is that it shows the importance that Africa attaches to human rights. We in the Gambia are firmly committed, under the leadership of our great son and humanist, President Jawara, to the protection of and respect for human rights. It is a commitment that is built upon the solid foundation of our domestic laws and that is the major determinant of our foreign policy. Respect for fundamental human rights being the cornerstone of Gambian democracy, it is also the catalyst for our socioeconomic development, for we firmly believe that it is only in an atmosphere of freedom and security that the individual can effectively contribute to the collective good of all. Indeed, the struggle against colonialism, oppression and racism is one for human dignity.
236.	The situation in the Middle East has deteriorated since we assembled here a year ago. Contrary to the expectations of peace through dialogue, Israel has now escalated its expansionist and oppressive policies. In total disregard of and contempt for international law and morality, the Zionist regime of Tel Aviv has not only been establishing settlements in occupied territories, but has decided to make Jerusalem the undivided eternal capital of Israel.
237.	On the fundamental question of Palestine, we must reiterate that only the PLO, the sole representative of the Palestinian people, can negotiate on behalf of that people for their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. If a durable peace is to come about in the Middle East, there must be an independent Palestinian State established through the restitution of their ancestral lands usurped by Israel. We therefore feel that there should be a negotiated peace between the parties directly concerned, that is to say, the PLO must be involved at all stages as an equal partner.
238.	But if we, especially in the Islamic Conference, are to attain our objective of reversing the status quo in the Middle East so that lasting peace may return to the region, we cannot afford to dissipate our efforts on fratricidal conflicts. Such armed confrontations will merely weaken our collective action and strengthen the enemies of Islam. I therefore add my own voice to the appeal made to Iran and Iraq, especially by the Islamic Conference and generally by the United Nations and all peace-loving nations, to normalize their relations.
239.	This is the background against which the thirty-fifth session is being held. It is a period unprecedented by economic uncertainty, in which the gap between the rich and poor is not narrowing. It is a time of political crises when the peace, however fragile, that has prevailed since 1945 is now seriously threatened. Yet there is hope of overcoming these difficulties, since those who genuinely want peace outnumber the forces of evil. And as I said at the beginning, we have the United Nations, whose machinery can be strengthened and better used, together with our regional organizations, to translate ideas inspired by the quest for development and peace into action for the common good of humanity.