In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. As Muslims, we always begin everything by invoking the name of God, our Lord, and in praising the Lord we seek to draw closer to Him, Whom we praise even in times of distress.
I offer you, Mr. President, in my own name and on behalf of the people of Kuwait, sincere congratulations on your election as President of the forty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly. You represent, Sir, a friendly country that has very close ties with Kuwait. Both our countries, as well as all other States, draw strength and effectiveness from the principles of justice and international law. We are confident, Mr. President, that under your stewardship, the Assembly will be able to fulfil the aspirations of the international community at this point in time against an extremely complex international backdrop.
I wish also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your predecessor. Ambassador Garba, for the skill and prudence he demonstrated in addressing the concerns of the world community.
In the same vein, special thanks and gratitude go to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, for his persistent and outstanding efforts in the interest of international peace and security as well as his keen interest in enhancing the role and effectiveness of the world Organization with a view to attaining the noble goals set by the founding fathers.
Since Liechtenstein has now joined the United Nations, it is our pleasure to extend a warm welcome to the new Member and to wish its friendly people every success in their new status. We trust that Liechtenstein's presence here will promote multilateralism in all its aspects.
I speak from this rostrum today as my peaceful country is passing through extremely harsh circumstances that have given rise to an unprecedented crisis in the history of the United Nations, which, since its inception, has sought to uphold justice on the basis of international law. Indeed, the Security Council has demonstrated that role by recently adopting a series of firm resolutions in the face of naked and brutal aggression against the State of Kuwait.
There is no doubt that the key role played by the Security Council is indeed a propitious one under the prevailing grave circumstances in Kuwait and, in fact, in the world at large. It is our earnest hope that this role will continue to grow without waning and gain momentum without setbacks in order to consolidate the rule of international law.
Today, I bring to you the message of a peace-loving nation, a nation that has consistently worked for peace, a nation that reached out with a helping hand to all those who truly needed help, a nation that sought mediation and reconciliation among adversaries. It is this very nation whose security and stability have been trampled upon as a result of its abiding belief in the lofty principles inspired by our true Muslim faith and echoed in universal charters, pacts and codes of morality.
Today, I plead before you the cause of a people whose land, until so recently, was a beacon for peaceful co-existence and genuine brotherhood among the family of nations, a people whose national territory was a gathering place for individuals from various peaceful nations who sought a decent and dignified life through constructive work. Some of these people have now been made homeless, wanderers living only on hope in their banishment, while others have become prisoners or fighters refusing, even at the risk of their own lives, to surrender or yield to occupation regardless of its violence and brutality.
The crisis of Kuwait is a manifold tragedy, whose dire consequences affect not only Kuwaitis, but also other peoples. In fact, it has jeopardized stability in the world, especially in the Gulf region.
And so, I come to this forum, which is the helm of international action, in order to acknowledge the overwhelming global solidarity that has been shown to us in a multitude of Security Council resolutions that have been passed in an unprecedented fashion. This demonstrates rock-solid international rejection of the assassination of the norms of international law, rules of good neighbourly relations and established customs and practices by armed military invaders, whose tanks rolled over and crushed all those concepts. Indeed, this is what makes the Iraqi aggression against the State of Kuwait quite a peculiar case, for we have never seen in contemporary, post-Second World War history a country that overran a sovereign independent State, a member of the United Nations, and then sought not only to annex it by brutal force, but also to erase its name and entire entity from the world political map and wipe out the parameters of its national identity as defined by its institutions and its political, economic and social structures. All of this has taken place as we approach the end of the twentieth century!
I came here to tell you of the horrors and suffering we are enduring both inside and outside our occupied homeland, and to put before you our just case. Now, the fate of a people, of a nation, is in your hands. Expecting you to act in good conscience, we are confident that the only measure that will win your endorsement is support for our legitimate right to liberate our land. Furthermore, we trust that you will not waver in deciding on the measures needed to compel the invading aggressors to restore the legitimate authority and to put an end to their barbaric acts and deviations.
The aggression by the Iraqi regime against the State of Kuwait, which resulted in occupation, and the vicious Iraqi attempts to annex Kuwait in flagrant violation of all charters, norms of conduct and treaties, including those legal instruments concluded between the two countries and deposited right here with the United Nations, is not an ordinary conflict between two States over a piece of land. Rather, the Iraqi aggression was the culmination of a pre-meditated scheme to occupy and seize the entire State by force of arms. This aggression, alas, was perpetrated by a country with which we had several internationally recognized treaties and agreements within the frameworks of the League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the United Nations and other international organizations.
This Iraqi regime has invented false pretexts and untenable claims against my peaceful and peace-loving country. In response to them, and despite our firm conviction that those claims were totally unfounded, we proposed the setting up of a mutually acceptable, neutral Arab arbitration panel, to which both parties would submit their differences. However, Iraq turned down that offer out of hand. Our last attempt at a peaceful resolution of our problems with Iraq was the bilateral round of talks in Jeddah, in our sister Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, in the course of which Kuwait stressed the need to resolve its outstanding problems with Iraq within an Arab context. But Iraq's plans were not anchored in any legal framework or based on any formal legal instruments. In fact, Iraq was bent on sweeping through the entire territory of Kuwait, violating its sovereignty and violating the sanctity of Kuwaiti citizens' lives and property. As a consequence, rape, destruction, terror and torture are now the rule of the day in the once peaceful and tranquil land of Kuwait. Hundreds of thousands of Kuwaiti citizens, along with the nationals of various other countries who were our guests, have been made homeless and many of them have had their life savings robbed. Hundreds have lost their lives. Others have been held hostage. Indeed, at this very moment, an intense campaign of terror, torture and humiliation continues unabated in that dear land. We receive daily reports of massacres and continuing systematic armed looting and destruction of State assets and individual property.
This has prompted the forces of right, justice and peace in the world to try to acquaint themselves with the calamity of those innocents. In accordance with its responsibilities derived from the fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, the International Committee of the Red Cross has attempted to dispatch a team that would have reported on their conditions. But the aggressor, persisting in its inhumane conduct, declined to allow this international committee to send representatives to Kuwait in order to carry out their tasks. It also refused to let envoys of the Secretary-General of the United Nations visit Kuwait to verify the conditions of its population.
Such conduct constitutes yet another violation by the aggressor of international and humanitarian covenants, thus demanding a resolute stand against it.	.
Against all these odds, an enormous source of solace to us has been the position taken by virtually all the countries of the world in support of Kuwait's rights. Hence, the League of Arab States, the Conference of Foreign Ministers of the Islamic countries and the Security Council of the United Nations all took appropriate decisions condemning the Iraqi aggression and calling for the annulment of the annexation act and the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the invading Iraqi forces to the border that existed prior to the aggression. Thus, the legitimate Government of Kuwait would be able to exercise its functions and responsibilities as it used to before the invasion. It is with a deep sense of pride and honour that we hail the stand taken by the proud people of Kuwait in defence of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of their State against the usurper, whose forces are armed to the teeth with weapons of destruction.
Two years have now elapsed since I took an initiative from this rostrum calling for the cancellation of foreign debts under the burden of which numerous countries suffer enormously. In point of fact, those countries have fallen victim to a host of factors that not only thwarted any prospect for their economic prosperity but also generated mounting pressure on them. Though some measure of progress has indeed been made in this area, the magnitude and scope of the problem continue to pose a grave threat to the lives of millions of human beings, a threat that in all likelihood may undermine world peace and stability. The long-standing academic argument that economic stability and political stability are closely interlinked is perhaps as valid and timely now as it has ever been. Along these lines, it would be advisable for us all to review the conclusions of the United Nations-sponsored Conference on the Problems of the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris earlier this month, in order to appreciate better the weight of the problem and the urgency it has assumed with a view to making tangible headway towards an effective remedy in the interest of all mankind. In this spirit, Kuwait, for its part, has decided, in line with our previous proposal regarding this issue, to write off all interests on its loans. In addition, Kuwait will consider with the poorest nations arrangements regarding the principal of its loans with a view to easing the burden of their debts.
From the early years of independence, my country has been privileged to be in the forefront of States that gave development aid to other countries. Kuwait's contributions represent the highest rate in the world in terms of gross national product, amounting to 8.3 per cent of its gross national product. This highlights Kuwait's genuine desire to contribute towards raising the standard of living in the developing nations. It also proves that Kuwait has been a leader in the efforts to improve the economic infrastructure of other countries. The devastating consequences of the aggression against Kuwait and its civilian population, with its repercussions on the stability and security of the entire Gulf region, together with its ripple effects on world stability, as we have clearly seen, have been far-reaching indeed. They have already had adverse effects on long-standing crucial issues we had always hoped the world community would eventually resolve satisfactorily. I have in mind the problem of the Palestinian people and the tragedy of the occupation of the southern part of our sister State, Lebanon.
The State of Kuwait will remain, as always, faithful to its principles, true to its system of values, close to its friends and faithful of its obligations and commitments.
In closing, may I take this opportunity to address a few words to my people, my kinsfolk, the loyal sons and daughters of Kuwait, from this forum, a forum for justice and fairness, a forum for guidance and hope, to assure each and every one of them that Allah, the Almighty, will ultimately secure triumph for us, thanks to their struggle and resolve, thanks to the gracious role of the United Nations, thanks to the support lent to us by our brethren and friends along with all people of good conscience throughout the world. The withdrawal of the invaders is, God willing, undoubtedly imminent. We shall return to our Kuwait, the oasis of safety and peace, which embraces all Kuwaitis and foreigners living in our midst as brothers. Together, we shall join hands in concert and harmony to secure our development and progress. This will be a fulfilment of God's promise as rendered in the following verse:
"O ye who believe!
If ye will aid (The cause of) Allah,
We will aid you.
And plant your feet firmly." (The Holy Koran. XLVII:7)
And whose word can be truer than Allah's?
Thank you and may Allah, our Lord, bring you all peace and grace.


Sir, you are presiding over the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session, a time of momentous change and a crucial moment in history. In offering you warm and sincere congratulations, we are particularly pleased that someone with such skill and experience from an island nation that has played such an important part in international affairs is guiding our deliberations.
I also wish to express Jamaica's profound gratitude to outgoing President Joseph Garba of Nigeria for his dynamic and resourceful contribution to the success of the forty-fourth session. The 12-month period that has elapsed since the start of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly has been a remarkable one in the history of the world and has witnessed a number of critical initiatives being taken by this Organisation.
The transformation of the political landscape of Eastern Europe is now almost complete, and the reunification of the German nation is an accomplished fact.
In Central America the promise of free and fair elections in Nicaragua has been honourably fulfilled and the people of that country can now turn their attention to dealing with their admittedly formidable economic and social problems.
In Panama there has been the restoration of a Government that: can claim the legitimacy of popular support, even though that restoration took place in circumstances which many of us could not condone.
In Haiti there is renewed hope that before the end of this year the Haitian people will exercise their long-deferred right to select their Government through a process of free and fair elections. My country, Jamaica, in collaboration with our partners in the Caribbean Community (CABICOM), has been assisting and stands ready to assist and to give what further help we can. Other Governments have also helped on a bilateral basis. However, more is needed and the government of Haiti has requested assistance from this Organisation by way of financial and other support. We strongly support that request, which we believe should elicit a positive and prompt response, and we urge that every effort be made to overcome whatever procedural obstacles may exist so that the modest assistance requested by the Government of Haiti can be put in place right away.
In a number of other countries in this hemisphere, peaceful transfers of power have taken place and there is a refreshing absence of military dictatorships and the welcome presence of a growing spirit of co-operation among the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean, all of which augurs well for the future. The announcement by the President of the United States of a commitment to a far-reaching initiative designed to deal comprehensively and in a co-operative way with the grave economic and social problems of Latin America and the Caribbean opens up an exciting vista of positive challenges and opportunities.
In respect of the situation in southern Africa, at its sixteenth special session, devoted to apartheid and its destructive consequences in southern Africa, this General Assembly adopted by consensus a historic Declaration listing the measures required for establishing a climate conducive to negotiations.
I am sure that we all note with satisfaction that the administration of President de Klerk has begun a process of positive change and that initial steps have been taken by the regime to improve the internal political atmosphere. These steps include the release of Nelson Mandela from prison, an occurrence of major political significance and importance; the unbanning of the African National Congress of South Africa (AMC), the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) and other political organizations, and preliminary discussions with the AHC under the leadership of Mr. Mandela to establish the prerequisites for embarking on negotiations designed to achieve a peaceful end to the evil system of apartheid. Progress is being made in complying with the measures outlined in the Declaration adopted at the sixteenth special session and, indeed, the parties have now agreed in the Pretoria Minute of 6 August 1990 that the way is now open to proceed towards negotiation of a new Constitution.
All of this is most welcome but, of course, despite the progress that has been made, the main pillars of apartheid still remain in place. As indicated by Mr. Nelson Mandela in his historic and moving address to the Special Committee against Apartheid on 22 June this year, sanctions should remain in force until clear and irrefutable evidence emerges of profound and irreversible change.
Jamaica hopes that, despite the obstacles that exist within both the black and the white communities, the initial steps that have been taken will lead to the commencement %^ negotiations in earnest and will bring an end in peaceful fashion to the abominable system and practice of apartheid and to the establishment of a just, democratic and non-racial society in South Africa.
On the continent of Asia we note with satisfaction that important, though admittedly still limited, steps are being taken to end the division of the Korean peninsula, which represents one of the few remaining legacies of the cold war. The United Nations, the whole international community and those individual countries with strong bilateral ties with North and South Korea should do everything possible to assist in the successful evolution of that process.
This past year has also witnessed a number of important initiatives that have been launched by the Organisation in areas of universal concern.
The seventeenth special session of the General Assembly, on the subject of drugs, which was held earlier this year, provided an opportunity for countries to state clearly their commitment to take co-ordinated action to combat drug abuse and illicit trafficking and culminated in the adoption of a Political Declaration and Global Progress of Action.
We have for some time now recognized the need to enhance the efficiency of the United Nations structure for drug abuse control. Therefore, Jamaica was very pleased to have had the opportunity to be represented on the Group of Experts which had been mandated to assist the Secretary-General in examining the modalities for more effective action within the United Nations system.
The recommendations of that Expert Group are now before the Secretary-General for consideration. We anticipate the very early conclusion of deliberations on the matter and the proper establishment of an integrated structure through which Member States can more effectively co-ordinate their efforts on all aspects of the drug problem.
In coping with the global phenomenon of drugs, it is becoming increasingly evident that demand reduction is a key element and that this is an essential part of any serious drug eradication programme. We therefore express special satisfaction at the growing international recognition of the importance of drug demand reduction as a means of controlling both production and abuse. We of course participated fully in the World Ministerial Summit to Reduce Demand for Drugs and to Combat the Cocaine Threat, which was held in the United Kingdom in April this year, and we note with satisfaction the successful outcomes of the meeting.
In the area of economic co-operation, a fresh, although admittedly modest start, was made at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, which adopted by consensus a Declaration on International Economic Co-operation, in particular the Revitalisation of Economic Growth and Development of the Developing Countries. We must now seek to build on this consensus. We hope that international economic co-operation will be further stimulated by current events in view of the need to overcoat the negative effects of the crisis in the Gulf, particularly on oil-importing developing countries already staggering under a burden of debt and numerous other problems.
It is widely acknowledged that the consensus reached at the special session was an important first step in the economic cooperation that the international community has to undertake in the process of carrying cut the agreed commitments and policies. These commitments and policies must of course in the first instance be implemented at the national level. Many developing countries including my own country, are in fact already endeavouring to implement policies aimed at keeping control over inflationary tendencies promoting domestic savings achieving favourable conditions for domestic and foreign investments, modernising the economy and increasing international competitiveness. However, the success of those policies will depend crucially on the support of the international community in areas such as enlarged market access; transfer of resources and above all a durable and broad solution of the external debt problems of the developing countries.
On the critical issue of external debt, we welcomed the Secretary-General's appointment of the distinguished statesman Bettino Craxi to examine the current debt question in all its aspects. We trust that his several recommendations which include debt-servicing forgiveness the conversion of interest payments into indexed local currency funds to finance development projects, the strengthening of regional banks, and debt-equity swaps, will be fully discussed both nationally and internationally and that some workable consensus on the way forward will be found. In particular we continue to insist that mechanism must be devised to deal with the special situation of those countries, like ay own, that find themselves in the position of being net transfers of resources to the multilateral lending institutions.
The World Summit for Children held here last weekend provided a timely opportunity to focus international attention on the pressing questions related to the protection and development of the world's children. The countries participating in the Summit demonstrated a high degree of political solidarity in agreeing to а number of comprehensive policies and strategies designed to ensure the future well-being, survival and growth of children all over the world. The government of Jamaica has already made children a priority in its recently developed "Five-Year National Development Plan" and will continue to seek ways and find the resources to fulfil its commitment to these important goals.
Those positive developments on the political scene and the initiatives undertaken in relation to international co-operation in respect of narcotic trafficking, economic development and social concern might well have led us at this session of the General Assembly to look with optimism towards the continuing evolution of a more peaceful, harmonious, humane and caring international environment in which the struggle for a world order based on social justice and individual freedom could proceed with confidence. Unfortunately, any such optimism has been severely dampened by the crisis in the Persian Gulf region brought on by the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. This act of totally unjustified aggression has rightly been condemned by virtually the entire world community of nations and has rightly been met with an uncompromising demand for unconditional withdrawal of the invading forces, and sanctions have rightly been visited on the aggressor.
Most international disputes, and even some unilateral acts of aggression, when dispassionately examined will usually be found to contain elements of moral ambiguity or legal doubt. The invasion of Kuwait by Iraq is an exception to this general experience. It is an act of naked, unrelieved aggression without any semblance of conceivable justification or excuse. Kuwait did not present any conceivable threat to the security of Iraq, nor was there any call from elements within the country for relief or assistance against an oppressive or illegal Government. It is a sovereign State and a Member of this Organisation that has been recognised as such by all other Members, including Iraq. In these circumstances, for the United Nations to fail to take action or to settle for anything less than the withdrawal of the invading forces, so as to permit the Kuwaiti people to continue to decide their own destiny, would be to condemn this Organisation for ever to impotence and futility.
The attempt will undoubtedly be made, as indeed to some extent it has been made, to portray the impasse in the Gulf region as a confrontation between the United States and Iraq. It is important for everyone to recognize that, while the United States inevitably has the responsibility of playing a leading role, what is really involved is a confrontation between Iraq and the United Nations. Neither is the issue at stake one that is important only because the region is a major producer of oil. The principle involved is one of fundamental importance to every country, particularly to those developing countries which do not have the military strength to defend themselves against aggression or a take-over by more powerful neighbours. For such countries the only hope of lasting security lies in the unequivocal acceptance by the international community of the sanctity of a sovereign nation's right to determine its own destiny and the willingness of the nation States that constitute this Organisation to enforce that principle on their behalf. What is at stake, therefore, is the fundamental basis on which a peaceful and secure world order must rest.
My country joins with the overwhelming majority of all mankind in its unequivocal support of the resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the actions that have been taken pursuant thereto. We do so in the full realisation of the severe economic hardships that have befallen and will continue to befall non-oil-producing developing countries like ours as c result of the dramatic escalation of oil prices that has taken place over the past two months. We are not, of course, the only sufferers. Nor is our plight the most dramatic. That melancholic distinction belongs to the people of Kuwait, to neighbouring countries whose trade has been devastated and security threatened, and to the tens of thousands of refugees whose livelihood, and in many cases basic possessions, have been lost overnight, Urgent help must continue to be mobilised on their behalf. Nevertheless, the drastic inflation of oil prices will, if continued much longer, affect the entire world economy. The developed industrialised countries will suffer some decline in growth rates, but, as happened in 1973 and 1979, they have room for manoeuvre to take defensive action and to cushion themselves against the worst effects. Few, if any, such options are open to the oil-importing developing countries, already burdened with debt and just beginning to emerge from a decade of painful adjustment which was, in large measure, brought on by the oil-price shocks of 1973 and 1979. Such countries are hit a double blow. The first immediate damage is caused by the pre-emption of scarce foreign exchange to meet the increased cost of importing the oil necessary to keep their production machines going and satisfy their basic needs for electricity and transportation. The second blow comes from the reduction of world trade due to the defensive deflationary and conservation measures taken by the developed industrialised nations, which will reduce the demand for their exports and further depress the prices of most of the other commodities on which they rely for export earnings. It should be noted, moreover, that for the oil-producing developing countries the short-term gains is likely to prove, as experience has shown, both illusory and dangerous.
The defence mechanisms of contraction and conservation adopted by their main customers sooner or later produce the inevitable effect of a fall in oil prices every bit as precipitous as the artificially induced escalation. The fact is that the permanent interests of the oil-producing countries too are best served by a stable and orderly market in which prices move in a predictable way and in conformity with the requirements of growing and expanding world trade and a secure world economy.
We urge the industrialised nations, the international financial institutions and the oil-producing countries to decide on and implement without delay an emergency programme to assist non-oil-producing developing countries, whose economies are facing disastrous stresses, not nest year or in the long run but right now. To many such countries, assistance delayed is tantamount to assistance denied. We strongly support the view, expressed by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, that the United Nations should take the lead in promoting and co-ordinating such a programme and should do so as a matter of extreme urgency.
Already we have seen some welcome evidence of both an acceptance of the need for action and the willingness to take it. In this regard, we applaud the decision of the Government of Saudi Arabia to increase its oil production and the offer by Mexico and Venezuela to introduce temporary modifications in the San Jose Accord which will assist in providing some relief to the countries of Central America and the Caribbean. The decision by the United States to release some of its strategic reserves is also most welcome. The Soviet Union, the largest oil producer in the world, has expressed its willingness to co-operate in a global programme of action. At the recently concluded meeting of the Board of Governors of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, the need for those institutions to provide some immediate financial relief, particularly to the poorest and most indebted countries, was also explicitly recognized.
Clearly, therefore, the will exists. What is needed now is effective and co-ordinated action. Let us hope that it comes soon.
However, even as we grapple with the immediate economic effects of the present crisis, we must begin to direct our minds to the more fundamental and long-term issue of world energy supplies.
Given the present structure of the world economy and the existing state of technology, there is no escaping the fact that oil is a unique commodity - unique in the sense that its availability and cost play a decisive role in the orderly functioning of the world economy and, therefore, of the prospects for a world order of peace, stability and economic growth that will make possible a better life for all mankind.
In the light of this, the world community must ask itself whether the availability and cost of this commodity can continue to be left to the vagaries of an unregulated market that has shown itself to be so easily destabilized.
Moreover, one cannot escape the suspicion that it is a market which in a time of crisis or uncertainty is readily susceptible to manipulation. I say this because the present escalation of oil prices does not reflect either a corresponding and proportionate shortage of actual supply or an increased demand. It is speculative and artificial. The day will eventually come when the technology of alternative sources of energy has developed to the point where oil is no longer a unique commodity, but that day is still some distance away. In the meanwhile, is it acceptable for the world economy to remain in continued danger of the roller-coaster ride in oil prices which we witnessed in the recent past and which now threatens us again?
It has been said that those who forget history are condemned to repeat it. He cannot afford to miss once again, as we did in the 1970s, the opportunity to establish a mechanism which would enable both the oil producers and the oil consumers to enjoy the benefits of a stable market in this commodity. By this I mean a market which will be fair to both producers and consumers, a market which will move in an orderly and predictable way as the world economy and world trade develop and which will, as far as practicable, be insulated from the effects of random political events and speculative manipulation.
The establishment of such a mechanism will obviously require a high degree of agreement, co-operation and co-ordination on a global scale. It will be difficult and will not be accomplished overnight. Nevertheless, I suggest that this is a task which the Organisation, representing as it does all the nations and peoples involved, needs to put on its agenda for urgent and serious consideration.
The Secretary-General and his staff continue to do a remarkable job, for which they deserve not only our profound gratitude but our unstinting support as they tackle the formidable agenda that lies ahead. My country pledges such support and reaffirms its commitment to this great Organization, which more than ever today is the repository and guarantor of our hopes for a world of peace, security and justice.


On behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I should like to extend to you, Sir, most sincere felicitations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. Feel confident that under your able leadership and wise guidance, which stem from your rich and varied experience in your country's public life and international diplomacy, we can look forward to the smooth and efficient conduct and successful outcome of the work of this session of the General Assembly. I would like to assure you of my delegation's unstinting co-operation in the achievement of these objectives.
I also take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the outstanding stewardship of your predecessor and our brother from Africa, Major-General Joseph Garba, who contributed to the successful outcome of the forty-fourth session of this body, including its sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth special sessions.
We pay our tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, for his untiring efforts in making the United Nations an effective instrument for the promotion of world peace, security and development. It is with profound satisfaction that we welcome the emergence of a united Germany as a sovereign, independent State. The goal of German unification has been achieved through a peaceful democratic process and in exercise of the right of self-determination of the German people as a whole. Somalia extends heartfelt congratulations to the new State and look forward to close and fruitful co-operation in the years ahead.
On behalf of my delegation, I also congratulate the Principality of Liechtenstein on its admission to membership of the United Nations.
Since our last session, Namibia has taken its rightful place in the comity of the world's free and independent nations. While we justly rejoice at that happy elimination of the long and arduous struggle of the brave Namibian people against an oppressive racist regime, we cannot forget that the basic structure of the system of apartheid still remains in place in South Africa. However, a number of positive developments in recent months provide hopeful signs. Most important among these developments are the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela and some other political leaders, and the lifting of the ban on the African National Congress of South Africa, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, and other political parties and organisations.
Therefore, while there is reason for cautious optimism, especially in the context of the ongoing negotiations between the ANC, led by Mr. Nelson Mandela, and President F.H. de Klerk, the international community has a duty to continue to bring pressure to bear on the Pretoria regime until the latter brings about genuine reforms leading to the dismantling of apartheid and the establishment of a truly multiracial democratic society in South Africa. Until this happens, international sanctions against South Africa must continue to be maintained.
We are concerned about the large-scale violence and conflict within the black community in some of the townships in South Africa. We sincerely hope that the spirit of good will and understanding, which currently prevails in that country, will bring peace, tranquillity and harmony among the people in the affected areas.
The world today is passing through a period which is full of promise and, at the same time, has a potential for conflicts and confrontation. The end of the cold war era, dominated by ideological conflict, has ushered in a new era of understanding and co-operation. The recent spirit of conciliation and compromise among the major Powers would have been unthinkable only a short time ago. Today, it is clearly reflected in the near-unanimity of approach and action among the permanent members of the Security Council towards the peaceful resolution of global conflict situations.
In Europe, dramatic changes have taken place in the political and economic fields. The most vivid manifestation of this historic phenomenon is the rebirth of a single German State cut of the two separate German entities, which until recently had divergent political ideologies. It also marks an important milestone in the history of Europe.
But this spirit of solidarity and unity is not manifested in Europe alone. In the Arabian peninsula, my delegation welcomes the unification of the two former States of Yemen, in the new Republic of Yemen. We congratulate the brotherly people of Yemen and wish them peace and prosperity. In the Korean peninsula, the Prime Ministers of the two Koreas have recently begun contacts with a view to initiating a climate of friendship and understanding, which could eventually lead to the realisation of the shared aspirations of the peoples of the two countries for their peaceful reunification. The desire for unification cannot be regarded as being in contradiction with the membership of this universal body, as is clearly proven by the unification of the two Germanys and the two Yemens. In accordance with the principle of universality, Somalia supports the admission of both Koreas to the United Nations as full Members.
In South-East Asia, too, there is a gentle breeze of change. The recent breakthrough in the ongoing negotiations on the long and tragic conflict in Kampuchea provides new hope for peace in the region. We fervently hope that it will now be possible to achieve a comprehensive political settlement, satisfactory to all concerned, which will bring to an end the sufferings of the people of Kampuchea and enable them to rebuild their lives and their nation. We hope that the potential threat to peace and security in the region that this conflict has posed would thus be removed.
Hearer home, in the contest of the progress which is being made in Western Sahara, my delegation feels confident that before long the efforts of the Secretary-General of the Organisation of African Unity and those of the Secretary-General of the United Nations will bear fruit in arriving at a satisfactory political solution to this question.
Despite these favourable developments, it is regrettable that many conflicts still continue to rage, many injustices still remain to be corrected and many problems still remain to be resolved before we can confidently proclaim that mankind has overcome its primordial instinct and is now mature enough to achieve lasting peace based on justice. In the Middle East, in Afghanistan and in Cyprus, people continue to suffer the ravages of injustice and war. In Cyprus, only inter-communal talks and a genuine dialogue can show the way towards a just solution by peaceful means. It is our sincere hope that the parties involved will take advantage of the Secretary-General's mediation offer to find a solution, taking into account the fundamental rights of both the communities.
As to Afghanistan, the withdrawal of foreign troops had heightened expectations for an early resolution of the conflict. We are, however, concerned that the situation in the country continues to be marked by violence, bringing widespread suffering to the people of Afghanistan. Millions of Afghans, particularly women and children, are still in refugee camps, unable to return to their homes. We urge all the parties concerned to make every effort to resolve their differences and get on with the task of reconstruction of that territory, which has gone through years of destruction and devastation.
The most persistent and the most intransigent problem is that in the Middle East. For forty years, the situation in the Middle East has been the cause of tension resulting in several wars. It has destabilised countries, caused devastation to the people of the region and destroyed their lives by denying them their basic human rights. The root cause of this situation is clear and well-known: the denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to their homeland. The situation has been further exacerbated by the continued Israeli occupation of Arab lands in defiance of the United Nations resolutions and in violation of international law. The courageous uprising, intifadah, of the Palestinian people in the West Bank and Gaza is an eloquent reminder that peace cannot be attained in the region unless the rights of the Palestinian people are fully restored.
Somalia has consistently maintained that the only solution to this problem lies in the return of all Arab territories and the exercise of the inalienable right to self-determination by the Palestinian people. We have always extended our unequivocal support to our Palestinian brothers in their legitimate struggle. We continue to support the convening of the international conference on the Middle East with the participation of Palestine on an equal footing with other parties. We believe that such a conference will provide a unique opportunity for negotiations on the basis of the General Assembly resolutions on the Middle East.
Since last August, there has been a new and dangerous threat to international peace and security. Favourable political developments have been overshadowed by the grave developments in the Gulf. The invasion and annexation of Kuwait by Iraq has generated a global political and economic crisis. Our proximity to the conflict area and our fraternal ties with both Iraq and Kuwait make this situation all the more tragic and painful for us. For are we unaware of the political and economic consequences of this situation. The Gulf crisis has generated world-wide repercussions, causing military build-up and economic dislocation. However, the consequences of war would be much more dangerous and far-reaching. Somalia, therefore, is fully supportive of all efforts aimed at finding a political solution to the problem.
Somalia considers Iraq's action to be in violation of international law and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. We believe that a solution to the conflict can be achieved only on the basis of the following central elements, first, immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all Iraqi forces from Kuwait and the restoration of sovereignty and legitimacy in Kuwait; secondly, subsequent to the attainment of the aforementioned objective, negotiations should be undertaken in the search for a political solution to the differences between Kuwait and Iraq.
For Somalia, the situation in the Gulf is particularly painful, for it involves two fellow members of the Arab League, the Islamic Conference and the Movement of Hon-Aligned Countries with both of whom Somalia has close fraternal ties. We therefore wish to see an early resolution of this serious crisis in the interests of the peace and stability of the region.
I would now like to touch briefly upon the steps my Government has recently taken in the direction of the ongoing democratization process which it had initiated last year. On the recommendations of the Government, the People's Assembly has recently adopted the new amended Constitution which, inter alia, provides for a multiparty democracy, a free market economic system and the protection of fundamental human rights. Efforts are also under way to open meaningful dialogue with the opposition groups to promote peace and national reconciliation. The significant initiatives taken by my Government will no doubt contribute to the restoration of stability in the country and to the improvement of the economic and social conditions of our people.
Earlier in my address, I made a reference to the new and welcome changes that were sweeping the world. The end of the ideological confrontation between the super-Powers has helped to create new hopes for global peace and improvement in the human condition. These developments have brought about a trend towards conciliation and understanding on the part of the major Powers, and have opened up new possibilities for substantial progress on disarmament and arms reduction.
However, the improvement in the East-West political climate has failed to make any impact, has done nothing to ameliorate the rapidly deteriorating economic conditions in such of the developing world. Deeply rooted inequities and imbalances continue to afflict inter-State relations, especially between the industrial and the developing countries. Many third-world countries continue to experience economic stagnation, increased poverty and an overall deterioration in the social progress of their peoples. In many of these countries the number of people living in poverty is increasing at an alarming pace. Today more than 1 billion people live in conditions of abject poverty. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation and the World Health Organisation, the number of people who now lack food is estimated to be over 900 million and the number of people with serious health risks because of caloric deficiencies is above to reach the 400 million mark.
The debt problem, which emerged in almost all developing countries in the early 1980s, has since grown out of proportion and is now threatening to disrupt the social order and political stability of many third-world countries. Despite the endless and strenuous adjustment efforts and debt rescheduling by these countries, the prevailing international financial and monetary system makes it virtually impossible for the affected developing countries to cope with the burden. In his annual report on the work of the Organisation for 1990, the Secretary-General points out that in 1989 alone $26 billion was transferred from the developing to the developed countries. This alone is a serious impediment to the efforts of the developing countries and must be stopped and reversed.
A number of new initiatives are in place, but what is required is a new, vigorous and dynamic debt strategy. Such a strategy must include debt cancellation as well as substantially increased resources.
The problem of debt rescheduling and the net transfer of resources from developing to developed countries are closely linked to the problem facing the developing countries in the field of international trade, a viable and effective debt strategy would also need to provide for sustainable growth in developing countries, including in-depth measures designed to increase their export earning capacity.
The serious economic situation of the least developed countries should be a cause, for grave concern. Increasing poverty, widespread hunger and malnutrition have become painful daily occurrences in many of these economies, we welcome the results of the recently concluded second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris. The Conference recognised the importance of national policies and their links to the international environment. Unfortunately, however, it was unable to reach an agreement on increased financial flows and on new measures to alleviate the debt burden of the least developed countries.
Speaking about my own country, Somalia is today faced with serious economic problems. Like some of the other least developed countries in Africa, Somalia has to cope with the grave problem of the influx of a large number of refugees. This has caused shortages of food, and the Government is compelled to bear the heavy burden of these costs to the detriment of the country's economic growth and development.
We are grateful to the international agencies, and in particular to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, for their assistance in trying to mitigate the situation. We would, however, like to urge them not only to continue the assistance but to redouble their efforts without allowing extraneous political considerations to interfere with the humanitarian cause.
Let me refer to some positive developments on the economic scene. First, of course, is the positive outcome of the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to international economic co-operation and in particular to the revitalisation of the economic growth and development of the developing countries. The consensus arrived at in the Declaration augurs well for strengthened international economic co-operation. In this context we have also noted the calls from the Secretary-General as well as from other important world leaders for more orderly management of the world economy. We fully support the call for initiating a world-wide comprehensive dialogue on all complex economic issues to create a better future for mankind.
The start of the decade of the i99Qs has witnessed the beginning of the end of the cold war and confrontation, especially between the super-Powers, which has, among other things, brought about a resemblance of international security. None the less, our world remains at a cross-roads.
While the rivalry of the major-Powers in their race for the acquisition and stockpiling of deadly weapons has receded to a large extent, making the threat of the possible annihilation of mankind - if not of our planet itself - unlikely, a different kind of threat looms large before us and it is imperative that we take immediate preventive measures.
As I said earlier, deeply rooted inequities and imbalances continue to plague inter-State relations. These have inevitably given rise to wealth and prosperity for a few while the majority of the world's population is compelled to lead an existence of perennial poverty, hunger and disease. Such wide disparities in the world's living standards are like a volcano which is bound to erupt at any moment, nullifying all the gains achieved at the political level.
It should be apparent that such a dangerous situation cannot be met effectively without sustained and sincere efforts aimed at international co-operation and understanding. In the fountainhead of such a co-operative effort the United Nations will have to play an active role not only in trying to ameliorate the miserable plight of the world's poor, but also in bringing about a just and equitable world order as stipulated in the Charter.
My delegation has no doubt that the Member nations, big and small, will rise to the occasion and extend their unstinted co-operation to the Organization in the fulfilment of this onerous task.


It gives me great pleasure to extend to the President our warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency of this session. I am confident that thanks to his wisdom and great abilities, he will lead this session to success, thus proving that the confidence we have in him is well placed. This confidence can also be attributed to the high esteem in which his friendly country, Malta, is held in the international community.
I would like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation of the previous President, Mr. Joseph Garba, for his efforts in the wise conduct of the previous session.
He would like to renew our support for the Secretary-General,
Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, and his consistent efforts aimed at realising the principles of the Charter.
I would also like to take this opportunity to express our gratification at seeing among us the delegation of the independent State of Namibia, which has achieved its independence after a long struggle by its valiant people. I welcome Liechtenstein as a new Member of the United Nations, and congratulate the people of Germany on their great achievement, unity.
I would like also to express our happiness at seeing the African leader. Nelson Mandela, free at last, pursuing his struggle, along with his people, for the complete elimination of the racist regime in South Africa.
The most outstanding characteristic of this session is that it represents a rebirth of the United Nations, and ushers in a new era in the life and history of this international Organisation after 45 years of its existence and the end of the cold and the ideological war between the world's two principal blocs. It also marks the beginning of the end of the military alliances in East and Hest.
This important historic development is characterized by the shift from confrontation to co-operation, the emergence of a new world order and a new system of international relations. This has taken the form of laws and frameworks which aim at consolidating co-operation between States pursuant to the Charter in a context of respect for the rule of law and the principles of the Charter.
Foremost among those principles is the settlement of disputes between States by peaceful means, respect for international law as the basis of relations between States, and expansion of co-operation between States on the basis of the most fundamental of principles, such as the respect for sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs and the non-use of force. It is only natural that this most important, positive characteristic augurs well for peace.
Previously, the Security Council was a mere paralysed organ that was made unable to perform its main duty under the Charter, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security. Its activities were limited to mitigating the consequences of armed conflicts by dispatching peace-keeping forces. This had become its most outstanding function. Previously, then, the Security Council was a mere organ, not for resolving political and military conflicts, but rather for deepening the political conflict between the two major blocs. Indeed, it had turned into an arena for record breaking in the use, or rather the abuse, of veto.
Previously, too, the Security Council succeeded only in formulating a framework for resolving conflicts without being able to put an end to such conflicts. Thus, its resolutions became inapplicable theoretical formulae. The world lost interest in the Security Council's resolutions. Due to the paralysis of its decision-making mechanism and its inability to enforce its resolutions in line with the Charter, there grew a feeling that the Council did not have any real moral authority or political clout.
That situation has changed now, and so has the General Assembly. It has changed from an arena of ideological conflict and propaganda to an important international forum where the intractable questions that interest mankind are thrashed out in a spirit of co-operation and with the purpose of finding practical solutions to such issues as disarmament, problems of socio-economic and the environment, and problems relating to the fight against drugs and terrorism, as well as problems of democratisation and the consolidation of human rights without discrimination or narrow interpretation.
Notwithstanding, and in the teeth of all such international changes, the most important and complex problems of humanity, namely, the world's economic problems and, more specifically, the problems besetting the developing and the least developed countries, continue to worsen from one day to the next. The economic gap between the rich countries and the poor countries, on the one hand, and between the industrialised countries and the developing countries, on the other, continues to widen in a mind-boggling manner that threatens millions of people with poverty, famine and deprivation of the most basic necessities of subsistence. It has also threatened the political stability of many States. These problems pose threats which may immerse our world in a catastrophic situation whose dimensions and effects on international peace and security cannot be imagined.
The situation has also changed with respect to the Security Council. We feel that we have reason for optimism when we see the beginning of the implementation of some of the resolutions adopted by the Security Council on Namibia, Central America, the Iran-Iraq conflict, Cambodia and Afghanistan. Yet, this positive picture remains incomplete as long as the Arab-Israeli conflict continues to be the only exception to the rule followed by the Security Council. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which constitute the framework for the political settlement in the Middle East, have not been affected by international changes up to this very moment, especially with the world having discovered the true ability of the Security Council to deal with matters which threaten international peace and security, and its ability to guarantee international commitment to its resolutions.
In this regard, the Republic of Yemen calls for a solution to the complex, chronic problems of interest to the Arab region, foremost among which is the question of the Palestinian Arab people, through the same perspective and through the application of the same criteria which affirm the principles of inadmissibility of the occupation of territory by force, the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories including Jerusalem, the Syrian Golan Heights and southern Lebanon, to ensure the independence and sovereignty of Lebanon and to establish the independent Palestinian State, as well as the adoption of immediate steps to halt Jewish immigration to the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories.
While Chapter VII of the Charter was like a jammed weapon, the world suddenly discovered the standing of the Security Council as an international authority that can impose its resolutions with many effective manners, In less than two months, the Security Council adopted nine decisive resolutions to face the most important crisis that erupted during this year in the Gulf region. If the United Nations is the mirror of our world, then what we see in it, whether in the Security Council or in the General Assembly, faithfully reflects the tremendous developments which have led the world from confrontation to co-operation and led to the collapse of all walls, be they physical like the Berlin Hall or mere psychological and ideological walls that used to divide the world. The criteria and the rules of the Charter of the United Nations have thus become dominant, and have taken precedence over all other criteria.
This generation is entitled to welcome the transition from one stage to another in international relations. All have contributed to this transition to varying degrees, and our people in Yemen has made its contribution on the national level in Yemen. The wall which had separated the two parts of the Yemeni homeland came down before the collapse of the Berlin Hall. Thus, our people has given expression to the spirit of our time, not only through the collapse of the psychological and political walls between the sons of the same homeland, but also through the achievement of the dearest wish to the hearts of the Yemeni people, that is, the unity of the Yemeni homeland and the establishment of the Republic of Yemen, which were achieved on 22 May 1990. The establishment of Yemeni unity is, in itself, a great landmark in our contemporary history, yet the value of this historic development is all the greater in view of the manner in which it was achieved. It was achieved by peaceful means and on a solid democratic basis. Its main pillar is the Constitution of the unified State, which is the fruit of 20 years of constructive debate among the finest jurists, scientists, clergymen and other groups in Yemeni society. Thus, the Constitution of the unified State emphasises the finest elements of the Shura heritage of Yemeni history and the totality of human experience in democratic rule. Therefore, with the establishment of a unified State, our people had two celebrations, to celebrate the restoration of the unity of the homeland and the establishment of the unified State and the inauguration of democratic practice enshrined in the Constitution, based on the rule of the people, respect for human dignity and the guarantee of equal political rights to all citizens of Yemen, men and women, the old and the young, without any discrimination. It guarantees the enjoyment by all the citizens of Yemen of all the principal freedoms, including the freedom of expression, the freedom of the press, the freedom to establish political parties and the freedom of political opposition, in addition to the separation of powers, the independence of the judiciary, regular elections for the change of Government and political and economic pluralism in an atmosphere of entente and the rule of law.
I would like to take this opportunity to express our sincere thanks and appreciation to all the heads of delegations who have congratulated us on the achievement of Yemeni unity and the establishment of the Republic of Yemen. While the world was proceeding towards the definition of the new international order, after only three Months of the establishment of the unified State of Yemen, the crisis in the Gulf erupted. It has confronted the Republic of Yemen as well as the emerging international order with a difficult test that will determine the nature and development of the new international order and international relations.
The storming of the State of Kuwait by Iraqi troops on 2 August 1990 was at direct violation with the principles governing relations between States, such as the non-use of force for the settlement of disputes, the inadmissibility of the violation of the sovereignty of an independent State and the illegitimacy of the annexation of the territories of others by force.
From the very first moment, the Republic of Yemen, due to its awareness of the gravity of the crisis, and by virtue of its adherence to Arab nationalism and its geographical importance on the Arab peninsula, the Gulf and the Red Sae spared no effort in trying to contain the crisis between the two brotherly countries within an Arab framework and to search for a solution by peaceful, fraternal means.
We had hoped that those Arab efforts would result in a speedy solution to the crisis. But, most regrettably, other Powers moved in to derail any Arab attempt to solve the crisis and nip it in the bud. Heavy concentrations of foreign troops began to head towards the region, further complicating and escalating the crisis until it reached its current high degree of gravity, which threatens the security and stability of the region and jeopardises international peace and security.
In a statement on the occasion of the 28th anniversary of the revolution of 26 September, General Ali Abdulla Salah, Chairman of the Presidential Council, reaffirmed our country's position. He said:
"Our position vis-à-vis the crisis in the Gulf has been based on the need to respect the sovereignty and independence of all Arab countries, and on the inadmissibility of occupying the territory of others or resorting to the use of force to solve problems. We have proceeded from the assumption that the principles governing relations between all States of the world must be equally respected and guaranteed between the countries of the Arab nation. That makes it necessary for problems between Arab countries to be resolved within the one Arab family. Therefore, we have insisted and will continue to insist that the peaceful solution acceptable to both parties must be an Arab one, without foreign intervention."
I should like to make the following points in summary of our view of the settlement of the Gulf crisis and the restoration of peace, security and stability there.
First, Yemen has not and will not approve the occupation of the land of others by fore·. It did not support Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. Secondly, the Republic of Yemen will continue to search for an Arab solution to the crisis that takes into account the causes that led to it and would lead to the withdrawal of Iraqi troops and guarantee the independence and sovereignty of Kuwait. Thirdly, the Republic of Yemen calls for allowing all foreign civilians in Iraq and Kuwait to leave the region. Fourthly, our country does not condone sending of foreign forces to the region end calls for their withdrawal. Fifthly, the Republic of Yemen reaffirms its commitment to Security Council resolution 661 (1990). It has supported Security Council resolution 670 (1990) as an expression of its support for a peaceful solution of the crisis between Iraq and Kuwait and in order to avert the option of war that is being advocated by certain Powers. Mar is an option fraught with dangers and destruction, and would lead to a veritable catastrophe that will do grave damage to the States and peoples of the region and spill over into other parts of that world.
While the Republic of Yemen reaffirms its adherence to the embargo against Iraq and Kuwait, it calls upon the international community to provide it with immediate compensation for the direct effects of its adherence to resolution 661 (1990). Those effects are estimated at no least 11,384 million through the loss of remittances by Yemen ex-patriots, in addition to the loss of 2.5 million tons of crude oil. There are also indirect effects that reflect on the performance of our national economy, as well as the grave difficulties faced by Yemen's balance of payments during this critical stage of our history.
In conclusion, it must be recognized that the future of the new international order, which constitutes our hope for the future, is contingent upon the choice between war and peace in our region and throughout the world. If successive speakers have insisted on the need to opt for peace, our collective task is to promote a peaceful search for the desired results of restoring normalcy, security and stability to the region. To that sad, we must adopt and develop all available positive initiatives, among which is that made by the President of France, Mr. François Mitterrand.
It was an auspicious coincidence that Yemen should contribute to the transition towards a new international order at an important juncture of its history, culminating in the achievement of Yemen’s unification by peaceful, democratic means. Yemen assures the international community that, through its membership in the Security Council, it will continue to work with the other members of the Council for the maintenance of international peace and security. To that end, Yemen will spare no effort in faithfully reflecting all questions of interest to Arab countries and peoples.


It is indeed an honour for me personally and on behalf of the Maltese delegation to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. For Malta and its people it is a matter of great pride and satisfaction to see one of its eminent personalities occupy the highest seat of our Organization and preside over its deliberations at this critical juncture when we are witnessing the evolution of a new world order.
I wish to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to your distinguished predecessor, Major-General Joseph M. Garba, for the excellent manner in which he guided the work of the forty-fourth session of this Assembly.
Malta also wishes to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General for his unstinting efforts in guiding this world body through the many difficult tasks assigned to him by our Organization. We owe him our deep appreciation and assure him of Malta's full-co-operation and support in his endeavours.
My government extends warm congratulations to the Principality of Liechtenstein, a small and friendly European country like Malta, on its admission as a sovereign and equal member of the United Nations.
We are on the eve of witnessing another momentous event in world history. Tomorrow, the process of change in Europe will further be accomplished by the German unification. Malta joins other delegations in congratulating the people and Government of Germany on this historic occasion.
When we look at the political changes taking place not only in Europe but also in other parts of the world, we are encouraged that the future of our children eon be built on strong foundations of security and co-operation. In this respect the United Nations role is paramount in reshaping the destinies of our countries peoples.
The end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s have recorded an upheaval in international politics ushering in a search for accommodation, conciliation and co-operation, a relaxation of global tensions and genuine efforts for the resolution of global and regional questions. The global community is moving forward towards a situation which truly upholds the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. Malta is more than proud to be a party to this collective effort. The reaction to the current crisis in the Gulf is proof of the determination and ability of this Organization to face up to new challenges and to forge ahead in maintaining peace and security.
Last year, the Prime Minister of Malta began his address to the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly by remarking that perhaps for the first time it could reasonably be done with a heart-felt smile of contentment at the progress achieved over the past year, rather than with clenched teeth in response to mounting international tensions. This year, however, while it would be unwarrantedly too pessimistic to say all spiritual good humour had been wiped out and twisted into a grimace of dismay, any smile we can manage to muster can only be at best ambivalent and suffused with an overlay of anguish.
The present moment is one of paradox. We must still rejoice that perhaps the most painful through which for many years had lain in the flesh of this Assembly and in many ways had handicapped its functioning with full effectiveness as a means of global growth, is in the final stages of being removed. The unified approach of the Security Council on the Gulf crisis has given an unprecedented dimension to world security and the peaceful settlement of disputes. The overwhelming condemnation of the invasion and annexation of Kuwait by Iraq reflects the political willingness of nations small and large, poor and rich, to stand firm and united in the face of threats to international peace and security.
But this moment of fulfilment is also a moment of anguish. The threat of a terrible war hangs ominously in front of us. The Government of Malta is fully aware of the sufferings and deprivations which the situation in the Gulf is bringing on those concerned. The economic sanctions on Iraq impose sacrifices also upon those that apply them. Yet the suppression of acts of aggression by collective action is an indication of the seriousness with which we all - as Members of the United Nations - should react in order to stop such acts of aggression from being perpetrated by one country against another. We have to ensure that in this world the might of right will prevail over the right of might.
Unfortunately, the mental an£ material energies which we would have liked to see increasingly focused and concentrated on how best to ensure the positive restructuring of eroded antagonistic edifices and on the creative projection of new collaborative networks for global co-operation have once again had to be largely directed to crisis intervention.
There is, however, a hopeful remark that should perhaps be made in this connection. Contemporary science has taught us that pressures applied to m weak system will distort and nay destroy it, but that the same pressures applied to a stronger system may, instead of disrupting it, stimulate it to reorganise itself better. Indeed, in these last few months we have seen a consolidation of important concepts that are shaking off mistrust, confrontation and disagreements.
Confidence, co-operation and understanding have given impetus to negotiations on arms limitation and disarmament measures. The Negotiations on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE), as well as the negotiations in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) concerning confidence- and security-building measures in Europe, are contributing to a new world order in which not only participating States but the community of nations at large will benefit. Malta is taking an active part in the CSCE negotiations and making its modest contribution to the commitments of the Helsinki Final Act.
The trail-biasing agreement reached earlier this year between the United States and the Soviet Union on the destruction and non-production of chemical weapons has added momentum to the multilateral negotiations being undertaken in the Conference on Disarmament on a convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons and on their destruction. Malt, urges all those countries involved in the negotiations to recognise the urgency of this objective and to accelerate the tempo of the negotiations.
As reflected in the comprehensive report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, the United Nations has shown vitality and consistency on other questions as well. Namibia's smooth transition to independence under the watchful guidance of the United Nations is one of the foremost achievements of the international community. Malta is ready to assist the Namibian people in their nation building, as it did before Namibia attained independence.
In southern Africa the United nations has been instrumental in condemning apartheid and in exerting pressure resulting in the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela, a symbol of courage and hope for the people of South Africa.
The successful conclusion this year, of the elections held in Nicaragua under the supervision of a United Nations Observer Mission, as well as the role played by the United Nations Observer Group in Central America, have set in motion a new peace-keeping and peace-making role for the United Nations.
The progress made with regard to the settlement of the Cambodian problem is also a credit to our Organisation Through the efforts of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council a framework has been defined for a comprehensive political settlement of that problem. Malta supports the efforts towards that end.
The positive tread of the United Nations involvement in reconciliation and peaceful solutions to problems can be measured by the various ongoing initiatives being undertaken, including the new round of talks on Western Sahara, the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1990) and the growing commitment to an early political solution of the Afghan question.
We are pleased to note the constructive dialogue evolving between the two Koreas on the process of reunification in the Korean peninsula, which must be the ultimate objective. In the interim period Malta would support the Republic of Korea in seeking United Nations membership, as it would also support the Democratic People's Republic of Korea should it wish to do likewise.
The progress on those issues has made our system stronger and should therefore stimulate our Organisation to resolve the outstanding issues that still require a long-lasting solution. I am referring specifically to three questions that directly and indirectly affect the Mediterranean and Middle East regions, namely, the questions of Palestine, Cyprus and Lebanon.
The Assembly will agree that the time is more than ripe to find a solution to the question of Palestine, which has been on the agenda of the Organisation for the past 45 years. The international community should feel very concerned that no significant progress has been made on this question, which has been recognised as the core of the Middle East conflict, with all its manifold and complex ramifications. The convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East has been called for with overwhelming support by the General Assembly at previous sessions. That call should not remain unheeded. In Malta's view it remains the best vehicle for enabling Palestinians and Israelis to coexist in peace within secure and internationally recognized borders.
We are perturbed to note that no progress has been made on the Cyprus question within the framework of the inter-communal talks. At the same time we note the resolve of the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus and the fact that they remain committed to the objective of finding a solution to that question.
The turbulent situation in Lebanon is yet another issue that constitutes a preoccupation for the international community and that all of us have a responsibility to resolve.
The community of nations represented in the Assembly has shown a new strength in its determination to resist the pressures that attempt to push it in the direction of international anarchy and chaotic violence. But beyond that, there should not be a mere restoration of the status quo ante. Time is irreversible, and there is no mere going-back in history. If nothing else, the present crisis will have driven home the importance of the very topics that some Member States, including Malta, have been pressing upon the attention of the Assembly, even though they may have seemed to be too future-oriented, especially given the harassing nature of existing circumstances.
The present crisis has shown in the clearest way that the gravest threat to peace and security is no longer rooted in East-West tensions but in the complex of socio-economic and environmental issues on which the future conditions of life on the planet depend the sources of energy, the mechanisms for its commercialisation, global systems of communication, demography and so on.
In his statement last year the Prime Minister chose to concentrate on two related points of general interest. The first was the common management of extraterritorial spaces, the resources of which could be of significant and even crucial importance both to the future of mankind end to the Organisation's role in fashioning it. The second was the development of new systems of governance that would take into account the great changes that have occurred in the world in the 45 years that have elapsed since the United Nations system was first set up in the wake of the Second World War.
Notable among those changes was the decline in the effective competence of nation-States, the basic units of the United Nations system, linked to the rise in influence of a varied cast of non-governmental and private sectors on the international scene. Recognition of such changes and their reflection in systems of governance were particularly relevant to the setting up of appropriate international structures for the management of shared resources for the common good of mankind. However, and more generally, that is also highly advisable in relation to the whole complex of socio-economic and environmental issues that forms the context in which the most acute of the world's present troubles have arisen and are arising.
Today it is perhaps easier to see that, while the Assembly cannot elude the task of reacting to the immediate problems of international peace, especially the maintenance of the security of Member States, it would be equally wrong to lose sight or track of prospects likely to bear fruit in a slightly broader perspective. Ad hoc reactions to crises have to be fitted into a more pro-active approach to global security, a concept that has now to be used in a sense broad enough to include environmental and economic survival. For that reason, the topics raised by the Prime Minister in his statement last year have, if anything, become even more relevant.
The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held in 1992, in which so many high expectations have been placed, offers an opportunity for the international community to address the global ecological challenges that confront mankind.
Any effective, collective action in the major areas that the Conference is expected to tackle - whether climate change or biodiversity and genetic heritage - entails envisaging new methods of funding, such as the introduction of some form of international taxation. In this light, the common management of shared resources, including those in extra-territorial spaces, and the destination of relevant benefits take on particular interest. So also do the proposals to ensure effective forums for continuing dialogue on a realistic basis and for circumventing the breakdowns which have occurred in so many key sectors vital to the development of a new world order - political, social, economic and environmental.
Let me conclude by quoting from the statement made by Nr. Spaak of Belgium, the President of the first session of the General Assembly, in 1946. His wise advice as to the functions of a good representative to the Assembly are most relevant, particularly at this time when we are pinning all our hopes on the collective system embodied in the Charter of the United Nations
"Each of us must first of all make an effort to sink our preferences, to put aside our particular sympathies and our particular antipathies. Naturally, we must all watch over the interests of our respective countries, but we shall not succeed unless we are convinced that those interests must take their place in the wider setting of the general interest, and unless we are conscious, over and above the interests of our own country, of the interests of the world and of mankind."