I have the particular pleasure of congratulating
you, Sir, on your election as President of the fifty-first
session of the General Assembly and of expressing our
satisfaction at seeing in such a high position the
representative of a country and a region so widely
appreciated for their traditions and dynamism. I am
convinced that your experience and your qualities as an
eminent diplomat will facilitate the proceedings and the
successful outcome of this session. I would like also to
express our thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Diogo Freitas
do Amaral of Portugal, for the able manner in which he
directed the previous session of the General Assembly.
Allow me to take this opportunity to express our high
appreciation for the remarkable activity carried out with
such dedication since 1992 by the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, to the benefit of the United
Nations.
The Assembly has gathered again not only to review
recent regional and world developments or to survey last
year’s results, but also to discuss especially the prospects
and challenges we are facing at the threshold of the
twenty-first century.
We are essentially called upon to reflect and act
jointly on establishing an international system that can
guarantee security, stability, progress and prosperity for
all. The United Nations is certainly the pillar of such a
system. The conclusion of the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty, which we have just signed, is proof of
this. We are among those who consider that we now have
a historic opportunity to insure world security and
stability through the establishment of democratic
institutions, sustainable development, respect for human
rights and social justice. This requires better international
cooperation and a new spirit of partnership among all
countries.
Romania intends to contribute to this common effort
through consolidation of its achievements in the building
of a new democratic society based on the rule of law,
respect for human rights and a market economy, with a
view to establishing itself as a stabilizing factor in the
region.
In referring to some of the significant events of the
past year, I will recall that our macro-economic policy
and the progress we have made in the establishment of
institutions adapted to a market economy have led to a
steady improvement of economic performance. The
private sector has become preponderant in our gross
domestic product. In order to overcome the difficulties of

transition and to prepare for integration into the European
Union, Romania has received substantial assistance from
the European Union and its members. The United States
has granted Romania permanent most favoured nation
status. My country has become a full member of the
Central European Initiative and next year will become part
of the Central European free trade agreement. The signing
of a Treaty of Understanding, Cooperation and Good-
Neighbourliness between Romania and Hungary was a
significant event not only for our historic reconciliation, but
also for stability in Central Europe.
I would also like to take note of my country’s active
participation in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s
Partnership for Peace programme and in the Implementation
Forces operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These
strengthen our belief that a favourable decision will be
taken on our integration into the Atlantic Alliance.
At the subregional level, Romania supported the
measures aimed at the advancement of the Black Sea
Economic Cooperation and of the process of stability and
good-neighbourly relations in south-east Europe, which is
also the subject of initiatives by the European Union and
the United States. Aware of the importance of the
democratization process, the Romanian Government has
decided to host the third International Conference on New
or Restored Democracies in Bucharest in early September
1997.
All these developments and initiatives testify to my
country’s willingness to act as a credible and responsible
partner in international affairs and as a stabilizing factor
and source of security in Europe and the world.
On the occasion of the commemorative meeting held
on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the entry into
force of the Charter of United Nations, numerous heads of
State — including the President of Romania — pointed out
that the Organization can and should play a greater role in
international relations in order to respond more effectively
to global challenges. It is becoming increasingly evident
that we are at a point in history when numerous problems
have to be reconsidered from a global perspective if we are
to forge a common vision wherein the individual is the
focus of our policies. The main problem to be solved at the
dawn of the third millennium is finding the appropriate
synthesis between the general aspiration to universality and
the individual aspiration to identity.
The series of major global conferences organized by
the United Nations over these past five years have led to a
new integrated concept of sustainable development
focused on the human being.
Now that we are in the process of revitalizing,
strengthening and reforming the United Nations system,
including a limited enlargement of the Security Council,
we consider it timely and useful to capitalize on these
achievements. It would also be desirable to agree on an
integrated common vision of development and on a list of
priorities that would inspire and guide the general process
of renewal of the United Nations. By acting in this way,
we will be able to facilitate our current objective, as long
as the working groups established by the General
Assembly hasten their achievement of balanced and
realistic results.
Along with the other Member States, Romania also
considers that the moment has come to proceed to an
expansion of the membership of the Security Council,
both in the category of permanent members — for which
Germany and Japan are preeminently qualified by their
importance in international affairs — as in the category of
non-permanent members. This should be done through an
agreed formula, based on proposals already put forward,
such as the Italian, which represents a good basis for
ensuring that an increased number of States — including
those of central and eastern Europe — be represented in
the Council. In short, a special meeting of the General
Assembly should be called on the results of the reform of
the United Nations system.
Having made these general remarks, I would like to
make a few comments on particular issues of our agenda.
First, with regard to crisis and conflict management,
it is clearly and primarily the responsibility of the parties
directly involved to put an end to conflict and to restore
peace and security. We underscore the importance we
attach to dialogue as a means of reaching negotiated
solutions by the parties directly concerned.
We will contribute to the establishment of normal
relations and the full implementation of the Dayton
Agreement among the countries of the former Yugoslavia,
including the lifting of the sanctions against the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. We welcomed with interest the
initiatives on the economic reconstruction of the region
and are fully prepared to take an active part in this
process, including through joint cooperation projects with
neighbouring countries.
We express our deep concern over the recent
worrying developments in the Middle East peace process
2

which are the object of Security Council resolution 1073
(1996). We welcome the United States initiative aimed at
the resumption of negotiations between the parties on the
basis of the principles agreed upon in Madrid and Oslo, as
they represent the only way to build a just and lasting
peace. Romania recognizes the necessity of strengthening
regional economic cooperation in support of the peace
process in the Middle East and is actively involved in the
multilateral working groups.
We are still concerned about the ongoing, complex
and uncertain situation in the eastern part of the Republic
of Moldova and we reaffirm the necessity for an
unconditional and orderly withdrawal of foreign troops from
the Transdniester region.
We accord due attention to all initiatives aimed at any
process that could lead to a lasting peace in the Korean
peninsula and in other regions of tension and conflict.
As the main guarantor of international peace and
security, the United Nations should participate more
actively in the prevention and management of crises by
employing flexible peace instruments, including preventive
diplomacy and peace-keeping operations. The experience
gained by contributing States — including Romania,
particularly as a result of its significant participation in the
United Nations peace-keeping Mission in Angola —
highlights the necessity of increasing rapid-reaction capacity
by improving the standby system and other measures aimed
at the rapid deployment of new peace-keeping operations
and the efficient management of current ones.
With regard to sanctions, Romania, which has been
deeply affected by the strict implementation of economic
sanctions, especially in the case of the former Yugoslavia,
believes that the United Nations should play a larger role in
the process of compensating third countries so that the
efficiency and credibility of Security Council actions in this
area can be preserved.
Secondly, I would like to make some comments in
connection with non-proliferation, arms control and
disarmament. As a party to the process since its inception,
Romania welcomed with satisfaction the adoption of the
Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty. This major step
represents a crucial stage in the fulfilment of one of the
main objectives in the implementation of relevant
obligations of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons. The establishment of nuclear-weapon-
free zones in South-East Asia, the Pacific and Africa is
aimed at the same objective.
Romania will continue to contribute to the promotion
of the review process of the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, both before the next
Review Conference in the year 2000, the preparatory
committee of which will convene in 1997. We will also
give equal attention to the speedy commencement of
negotiations on a treaty banning the production of fissile
materials, as well as to the implementation of the
Convention on the Prohibition of the Development,
Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological)
and Toxin Weapons and On Their Destruction and the
establishment of an efficient verification mechanism.
We again invite all States to consider establishing a
code of conduct for conventional arms transfers which
will increase transparency and confidence among States
in that field.
Romania supports all efforts leading to the total ban
of anti-personnel mines. To this end, in 1995, the
Romanian Government declared a moratorium, which will
be extended this year, and has begun the ratification
procedures of the additional Protocols to the Convention
on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain
Conventional Weapons.
My third and last thought relates to the economic
and social areas, where we believe there are good
prospects for the adoption of the Agenda for
Development. Romania endorses the idea that the United
Nations can and should contribute to implementing a new
global partnership for development among developing
countries, developed countries and multilateral
institutions. We noted with interest the inclusion of this
concept in the economic communiqué adopted at the
recent Group of Seven summit meeting in Lyon, as well
as the recognition of the fact that the new partnership
should be beneficial to all and based on a spirit of
solidarity that will distribute responsibility among all
partners.
Within this framework, the United Nations and its
institutions should pursue reform and adjustment efforts
with a view to improving their performance in the
building of consensus in the area of development. We
welcome the results of the ninth session of the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development in
Midrand as an essential step in its renewal. The session
paved the way for the reform of its intergovernmental
structure, and the reorientation of its priorities in order to
develop cooperation with the World Trade Organization
and the Bretton Woods financial institutions. This will
3

lead to the integration of developing countries and countries
in transition into the global commercial and financial
system.
We also note the measures recently taken to strengthen
the Economic and Social Council’s central role in
establishing and coordinating joint policies, as well as the
initiatives of the Economic Commission for Europe and
other regional Commissions in redefining their priorities.
The Economic and Social Council has the
responsibility to ensure the follow-up to the major
international conferences. We will work together in
preparing the 1997 special session of the General Assembly
in order to improve the implementation of agreements
reached on environmental protection at the Rio Conference
and at the Vienna regional conference on the review of the
Social Summit in Copenhagen. It is worth mentioning that
a subregional conference recently held in Bucharest
provided a useful evaluation of the implementation of the
Beijing Platform for Action on the status of women in
Central and Eastern Europe.
We support the United Nations fight against the abuse
of drugs and illicit drug trafficking, including all forms of
related crimes. We intend to participate in the preparations
of the 1998 special session of the General Assembly
devoted to this scourge.
The international community must also be mobilized
to confront the rapid rise in transnational organized crime
and terrorism. We encourage more active participation on
the part of the United Nations. In this respect, we welcome
the proposal put forward here last week by President
Kwasniewski of Poland.
Development assistance requires a new and better
response from the international community in the promotion
of our common objective of sustainable and socially
equitable growth focused on the human being and on the
protection of the environment. Aid flows should be more
efficient and directed towards the countries in real need.
Romania maintains good cooperation with the United
Nations Development Programme and its resident
representative in Bucharest, other funds and development
programmes — including the United Nations Population
Fund and the United Nations Children’s Fund — and with
the specialized agencies and the Bretton Woods institutions.
We insure that the assistance we receive is used for
structural reforms, and macroeconomic stabilization and that
it likewise contributes to the creation of favourable
conditions for the expansion of a dynamic and
competitive private sector.
Finally, I wish to reaffirm my country’s deep
commitment to the universal nature of human rights and
fundamental freedoms, the promotion and observance of
which represent a priority for the United Nations.
In view of this premise, the Romanian Government
condemns any form of discrimination and intolerance,
especially aggressive nationalism, and intends to
guarantee the free and equal exercise of human rights,
including the rights of women, children and persons
belonging to national minorities. We support the efforts
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, as overall
coordinator of the specialized bodies within the United
Nations system in improving the efficiency of the Centre
for Human Rights.
The best guarantee for the observance of human
rights lies in developing democracy. This component of
the “democracy-development-peace” triad brings me to a
final reflection about the United Nations contribution to
the process of worldwide democratization. By convening
in Bucharest, in September 1997, the third International
Conference on New or Restored Democracies, we wish to
continue the dialogue and the sharing of experience in
building democratic societies by contributing the
experiences of Romania, a country in Central Europe that
is reviving, irreversibly, its best democratic traditions after
so many years of dictatorship.
I wish to assure the Assembly that my country will
do its best, in concert with all interested countries, to
enable the United Nations — the guarantor of peace and
international legality — to respond more efficiently to the
problems we all share.


One year ago,
representatives of Member States gathered in this hallowed
Hall and sang songs of praise in honour of the fiftieth
anniversary of this venerable Organization. One year ago,
we faced the challenges of a changing international system
and the dawn of the new millennium with courage and hope
and in the belief that its noble ideals would guide the
actions of States, great and small, in their relations with
their fellow Members.
But now that the cheering and shouting have died and
the vivid memories of the fiftieth anniversary celebrations
have started to wane, small countries like ours, Saint Lucia,
are forced to face the realities of survival — realities far
harsher than what the bliss of that anniversary promised.
It will be difficult to forget the lofty principles
expounded during the anniversary or the excitement of
celebrating the historic liquidation of apartheid in South
Africa and the restoration of democracy in Haiti. But the
speeches of this Assembly had hardly faded, the lights of
this Hall hardly dimmed, when my country Saint Lucia
and its sister islands of the Caribbean began to feel the
full blast of international hostility towards the
arrangements for the marketing of our main export
commodity, the banana, in the European Union,
arrangements which are enshrined in the treaty
establishing the Fourth Lomé Convention between the
European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific
States.
The reality of size and vulnerability always creates
an awareness, a perception and a kind of resilience in
small States that make them philosophical about adversity.
Consequently, we will continue to support the high ideals
of this institution, but today we must focus on the hard
options presented to us by the myopia of some large
trading nations.
At the historic fiftieth session of this Assembly,
Saint Lucia took the opportunity to spell out to the
nations of the world the very serious consequences which
would befall our small Caribbean economies if certain
countries pursued their intention to challenge the
European banana regime by invoking Section 301 action
at the World Trade Organization (WTO). The United
States of America itself is now pursuing this action in
response to an application by certain American
multinational companies involved in the trade, and other
large banana-producing countries have followed their lead.
The battle is now fully engaged within the World
Trade Organization, but the conditions of war are
anything but equal and the playing field is anything but
even. For example, at the behest of the complainants, the
small countries of the Caribbean have been denied full
participation in the hearings of the WTO panel, despite
the fact that we are the ones who will be most affected by
the WTO ruling, whatever that may be.
The diplomatic war being waged against the
marketing arrangements of our main export commodity in
the name of free trade emphasizes to small nations the
monumental insensitivity of some of those participating in
the process of globalization and trade liberalization now
sweeping the international community. In a process that
ignores the special circumstances of the small and the
vulnerable, nations like Saint Lucia and regions like the
Caribbean can quickly become marginalized.
6

Let it be understood that we are not against the
process of change in world trade, the globalization of the
world economy or the economic integration of continents,
a process currently under way. We do not wish to be
Luddites in our view of the evolving international system
and thus we welcome these directions. But, on behalf of the
peoples whom we represent, on behalf of the peoples of all
small States, we have the right to point out the dangers
these trends pose for small, developing economies if
compensating mechanisms are not put in place. We need to
tell the world that these trends, these changes in
international economic affairs, have not lessened the
vulnerability of small developing States, but have in some
respects accentuated them. We need to remind this body
that, as the international community seeks to fashion a new
global economic system, it is imperative that it not lose
sight of the special needs of small States, particularly small
island developing countries.
The untrammelled pursuit of free trade for the sake of
free trade cannot be the guiding philosophy of our Member
States. Unbridled free trade which relegates some Member
States, and in particular those with small open economies,
to the position of suffering spectators cannot be acceptable.
It is even less acceptable when we realize that some of the
very nations that are championing the case of unrestricted
trade liberalization do not themselves scrupulously observe
that philosophy. Some of them grant huge subsidies to their
farmers in order to allow them to continue in production,
yet they complain that our small farmers are not efficient
producers.
Consequently, it is incumbent on the international
community to make provisions for the special needs of
small States in this rapidly changing international system.
In the creation of free-trade areas that span continents and
integrate hemispheres, there must be special provisions for
the very small economies of our countries, particularly in
regions where there are small island developing States. In
that regard, we welcome the fact that, in the discussions on
the proposed free-trade area of the Americas, a working
group on smaller economies has been established to
facilitate the participation of the small economies in that
process.
For despite the changing features of the international
system, the forces that threaten the existence of these States
have not altered. Small island States are still very
vulnerable, for example, to natural disasters. Some of the
economies of our fellow Member States from the Caribbean
have yet to recover from the effects of the ravages of last
year’s hurricanes. And in the island of Montserrat, we have
a classic example of the magnitude of the damage which
a natural disaster — in this case persistent volcanic
activity — can wreak on small island developing
economies.
The plight of that small Territory is an extreme but
tragically powerful symbol of why the special needs of
small island developing States cannot be ignored as the
international community seeks to define new rules and
economic relationships for the next millennium. The
international community and international economic
institutions must therefore bear in mind that, while they
have categorized some of us as middle-income developing
countries and therefore as no longer requiring
concessionary aid flows, the economic indices utilized to
arrive at these classifications cannot mask the continuing
reality of the vulnerability of these countries.
We will, however, continue within the severe
limitations of size and resources to diversify and
restructure our economies, to increase efficiency and
productivity and to adapt to the new realities. We will
rely on the support of States Members of this
Organization in this regard.
There are other States in the Caribbean whose
particular situation also deserves the special attention of
this body. Saint Lucia once again urges the international
community to increase its technical, economic and
financial assistance to Haiti to foster development and
stability in that sister country of ours. The end of the
United Nations Mission should not diminish international
development support for Haiti. This is even more urgently
needed now to maintain and strengthen the gains achieved
in the restoration of what is still a fledgling democracy
and to enhance its fragile stability.
Again, Saint Lucia joins its Caribbean colleagues in
calling for an end to the economic blockade of Cuba.
Three decades of denial have not achieved democracy.
The economic embargo against Cuba is a policy which
can hardly be called relevant in this era and it is therefore
time to try the more effective alternative of dialogue,
discourse and openness.
In the wider international community, we are
heartened by the new impetus given to the revitalization
and development of Africa and encourage Member States
to continue to support this initiative. But we are saddened
by the persistence of ethnic disturbances in some areas of
that continent — ethnic troubles which only serve to
impede the very development process which Member
7

States are trying to promote. We therefore urge the United
Nations and regional organizations in Africa to develop
mechanisms for conciliation with regard to these conflicts.
Saint Lucia also wishes to express its deep concern at
the recent revival of conflict in the Middle East. Is it not
time to end the anguish, to stop the pain? Is it not time to
halt the shedding of the blood of the ordinary people of
these lands? Is it not time to bring a permanent peace to a
land that means so much to so much of mankind? But the
path to true peace can only be through dialogue and
conciliation and we urge all parties to return to this road,
for anything which is not built on that foundation will not
stand.
While Saint Lucia continues to promote the unification
of China, we still hold the view that Taiwan should be
given the opportunity to participate in and contribute to the
work of the United Nations. Taiwan is a vibrant and
growing democracy, capable of meeting its obligations to
this institution. As a highly developed economy, Taiwan is
also capable of contributing to the growth of other smaller,
less developed economies of the world. At a time when the
Powers that have traditionally assisted the economic
development of our countries have significantly reduced the
level and quality of their support, new sources of assistance
should not be ignored. We are confident that this body can
find a creative mechanism through which Taiwan can be
involved in the programmes of the Organization. That
involvement in the work of the United Nations should in no
way preclude unification.
We hope that this fifty-first session will not conclude
without significant progress in correcting the inequitable
composition of the Security Council. Saint Lucia will
continue to work within our regional and other groups to
achieve the goal of strengthening the relationship between
the General Assembly and the Security Council,
institutionalizing the process of briefing and consultation
and developing greater transparency and predictability.
As a small nation caught up in the dynamics of
globalization and trade liberalization, Saint Lucia looks
eagerly and hopefully to the principles and ideals of the
United Nations to offer some comfort, some protection and
some measure of security in our uncertain entry into the
new century. All the indications that herald the approach of
this new age seem to tell us that small nations should find
their path to development through the process of
integration.
We as a nation have a solid track record in
attempting to forge deep and meaningful links between all
States members of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean
States and the Caribbean Community. In both
organizations, we continue to build viable mechanisms
and institutions which will achieve a meaningful
consolidation of the various units of the Caribbean
Community. We have progressed even further and
participated in the launching of a brave initiative, the
Association of Caribbean States. This Association ignores
the barriers of race, language and culture and seeks to
unify all countries which border and are part of the
Caribbean Sea.
We urge this Organization, through its various
agencies, to continue to provide support for the regional
integration efforts of developing countries. On many
occasions in the past, it has been the work of some of the
United Nations agencies which has helped sustain some
of these regional economic integration schemes and given
them the impetus to move forward. For its part, Saint
Lucia will continue to toil in the cause of the closer union
of the peoples and States of the Caribbean because this is
the only logic for our survival. This is the path to the
enhancement of the quality of life of our peoples.
The plight which our country faces as a result of the
manipulation of the European banana market regime and
of the unconscionable pressures exerted by the activities
of some States on that market, is desperate. We wish to
remind the Assembly that we are relying on the principles
and ideals of this body to stand firmly in the corner of the
small and vulnerable and to frustrate the designs of some
multinational corporations which threaten our livelihood.
We reiterate our call to the United Nations to develop a
framework of international review and regulations
regarding the activities and policies of transnational
corporations, which are assuming leviathan proportions in
world trade.
I commend you, Sir, on your elevation to the
presidency of the General Assembly at fifty-first session
and pledge Saint Lucia’s support for the successful
execution of your enormous responsibilities. My country
also pledges with customary diligence to assist the United
Nations in implementing the goals of the Charter and
fostering the spirit of freedom and independence which
the fiftieth anniversary year of the Organization
emphasized. Our small size will not be a deterrent in our
pursuit of democracy and peace.
8


Like
the speakers who have preceded me at this rostrum, I wish
to extend to you, Sir, the warm and sincere congratulations
of the delegation of Benin to the President on his
unanimous selection to preside over the work of the
General Assembly at its fifty-first session. This choice
constitutes clear recognition of his exceptional personal
qualities and his wealth of experience as a seasoned
diplomat, and it is a collective tribute to his beautiful
country, Malaysia, whose dynamism and outstanding
economic success over the past few years I salute. From the
rostrum of this Assembly, I should like to make a
contribution to this important session by expressing a
message of peace, solidarity, faith and hope from the
people and the Government of Benin.
A year ago, in this very Hall, in commemoration of its
fiftieth anniversary, the United Nations hosted the greatest
gathering of Heads of State in history. In this setting they
carried out a critical, objective and unsparing assessment of
the 50 years of the Organization’s existence, a period
during which international cooperation made it possible to
achieve significant progress on each of the principles
enshrined in the Charter. In the Declaration they adopted,
the Heads of State and Government solemnly reaffirmed
their dedication to the great ideals of peace, development
and democracy inscribed in the founding texts of the
Organization.
Given this commitment by world leaders on the
threshold of a new millennium, the imperative of peace
must, more than ever, remain the ultimate goal of the
international community as a whole. This is all the more
urgent because, despite the end of the cold war, the peace
and security of nations seem far from being fully assured.
Indeed, in many respects, on the political and security
level the international situation remains worrying,
especially on the African continent, where the course of
history too often bears the imprint of tragic events to
which the international community cannot remain
indifferent.
The resurgence of conflicts which, for the most part,
no longer take place between States but within nations, is
a challenge for which the Organization must adopt new
methods and machinery for intervention and settlement.
This means, therefore, that to be able to promote
harmonious relations among the peoples of the world and
to guarantee a lasting peace, our shared Organization
must strengthen its capabilities and its means in conflict
prevention, peacekeeping and the consolidation of peace.
It cannot be stressed enough that, despite the difficulties,
inadequacies and gaps that reduce or restrict the scope
and effectiveness of its actions, the United Nations
represents, embodies and remains — today and, doubtless,
for a long time to come — the body that can best express
and bring to a successful conclusion the will of Member
States to work for the consolidation of peace and the
pursuit of economic and social progress.
Despite the new international situation that promotes
less aggressive, less suspicious and less tense relations
between States, the political instability that continues to
exist in certain parts of Africa, and the conflicts that
develop there, have become significant barriers to the
economic recovery and social cohesion of the continent.
In this context, I wish to refer to the very worrying
situation in Burundi, where the unjust system of socio-
ethnic relations, military intransigence and political
intolerance pointlessly prolong the suffering and division
of a people. It is deplorable that on 25 July 1996 a
13

military coup ended, by force, Burundi’s constitutional,
democratic and legal institutions.
My country, Benin, welcomes the strong and
courageous reaction of the countries of the subregion and
encourages their efforts for a peaceful, just and lasting
settlement of the crisis in Burundi.
Benin supports the efforts of the Heads of State of
countries of the Great Lakes region and of the Organization
of African Unity to make the new authorities in Burundi
quickly embark on negotiations and abide by decisions
which should result from constructive and sound concerted
action on the part of the healthy forces of this battered
people. The various protagonists must understand that only
a new political agreement, based on ordinary common
sense, with respect for the intangible principles of
democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms, will
contribute to an acceptable solution to all.
Regarding the situation in Liberia, the summit meeting
of the Committee of Nine on Liberia of the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), held on 17
August 1996, took important decisions to extend the Abuja
Agreements of 1995, which are rightly considered to be the
appropriate legal framework for a definitive settlement of
the conflict. This last Abuja summit also drew up a new
timetable for the implementation of the peace process, and
defined the modalities and stages to lead to democratic
elections. Benin urgently demands that the Liberian factions
take advantage of this last opportunity and strictly abide by
the Abuja decisions, in order to speed up the return of their
country to normality.
My country also invites the international community
to support the efforts of ECOWAS by stepping up its
financial and logistical assistance for the successful
implementation of the Abuja decisions.
The most important thing for a nation in crisis is the
search for compromise to settle internal contradictions, no
matter how serious they are. This truth has been tried and
tested elsewhere, in Mozambique for example, and
recently in Angola, the results of which we note with
satisfaction. Hence the appeal which I am renewing here,
before this Assembly, for sincere dialogue in Rwanda,
Somalia, the Sudan, Sierra Leone, the Middle East — in
a word, wherever passions continue at the end of the
twentieth century to cloud reason and block the genuine
struggle for development and democracy.
Everyone agrees that peace, if it is to be genuine and
lasting, must be based on general and complete
disarmament under international control. Here, I should
like to say how gratified Benin is at the signature of the
Pelindaba Treaty for the establishment of an African
nuclear-weapon-free zone.
The Review and Extension Conference of the Parties
to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT), held from 17 April to 12 May 1995,
decided to renew the Treaty indefinitely, thus opening the
way to better prospects in the area of nuclear
disarmament. Benin, which has worked for this, believes
in the strengthening of the provisions of the Treaty, in
particular regarding the verification regime, in order to
make it a genuine international instrument for effective
nuclear disarmament and a solid basis for more fruitful
international cooperation in the area of the use of nuclear
technology for peaceful purposes.
While the commitment to non-proliferation and
disarmament has been gaining ground throughout the
globe, the resumption or continuation of nuclear tests
painfully reminded us of the dangers and horrors which
haunted the collective psyche of nations during the cold-
war period. This is why Benin can only welcome the
positive decision taken by France and recently by the
People’s Republic of China to put an end to their nuclear
testing programmes.
The signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty during the present session will most certainly mark
a major stage in the achievement of an objective which is
decisive, even vital, for the international community: that
of disarmament and non-proliferation.
As we can read in the Declaration on the Occasion
of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations,
14

“action to ensure peace, security and stability in the
world will be futile unless the economic and social
needs of people are addressed.” (resolution 50/6, para.
1)
This means that peace comes to nothing if the imperative
of development is not guaranteed. Here, it is important to
emphasize that many countries in Africa have made
considerable progress in the key areas of protecting mothers
and their children, of health, of nutrition and of education,
but, from one end of the continent to the other, gains
continue to be drastically limited as a result of endemic
poverty and economic regression.
Recent developments in the global economy and the
serious obstacles encountered by the efforts of the
developing countries, particularly the least-developed
countries, are a cause of profound concern for us as
Africans.
The accelerated globalization of the rules and practices
of the system of market economies has led to the
emergence of a new economic order within which Africa,
for the most part, remains marginalized. The agreements of
the Uruguay Round concluded in 1994, the rapid
redefinition of economic groupings in the developed
countries, and the ever more important role of private
capital in the world economy, have created a new
international environment in which the interests of Africa
do not seem to have been taken into account, or in which
they are even threatened or compromised.
While it is true that socio-economic development in
Africa is first of all the responsibility of the peoples and
Governments of the African countries themselves, it none
the less remains true that the international community, in
particular its most developed and industrialized members,
must do their part, a part commensurate with their true
means, in the development process of a continent involved
in a dual economic and political transition.
At a time when one has reason to fear the resurgence
of national selfishness, the temptations of protectionism and
of isolationism, the international community should provide
a clear response, a concrete solution that can be rapidly
applied to the problems experienced by the developing
world, in particular Africa. These well-known problems
include the burden of foreign debt, the alarming reduction
in capital flows, the trend toward a decline in official
development assistance, the weak rate of investment, the
continued imbalance in the terms of trade — despite the
devaluation of the CFA Franc in January 1994 —
protectionism on export markets, continued weak
commodities prices, and so on.
We have every right to be pleased that over the last
five years, the struggle to eradicate poverty has been a
prominent issue in negotiations and the drafting of
declarations and programmes of action adopted by
summits and conferences organized under the auspices of
the United Nations.
As we approach the end of the International Year for
the Eradication of Poverty and the beginning next year,
1997, of the United Nations Decade for the Eradication of
Poverty, new national and international efforts must be
made to mobilize the vast resources needed to eliminate
poverty.
In addition, as the decisions and recommendations of
the Second United Nations Conference on Human
Settlements (Habitat II) are implemented, they will be
tangible assets for present and future generations in the
process of building a more human and better society
through exercise of the right to adequate housing for all.
Environmental protection is essential if we are to
promote sustainable development. Faced with the threat
to mankind posed by the rise in sea levels, global
warming, creeping desertification and the disappearance
of biological diversity, Benin attaches the utmost
importance to implementation of all the agreements
reached in Rio and, here, renews its commitment to doing
all it can to ensure the success of the special session of
the General Assembly planned for June 1997 to
strengthen implementation of the decisions and
recommendations of the Earth Summit contained in
Agenda 21. In accordance with the commitments made at
the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development in June 1992 in Rio, by the end of the year
Benin will have adopted its own national Agenda 21 and,
at the same time, will begin drawing up local
Agendas 21.
In the context of the effective implementation of the
provisions of the United Nations Convention to Control
Desertification in those Countries Experiencing Serious
Drought and/or Desertification, particularly in Africa, the
Government of Benin held a national forum from 20 to
22 August 1996 which was the starting point for the
process of drawing up its national programme of action to
combat desertification through a partnership of
Government, local populations, non-governmental
15

organizations, development associations, the private sector
and development partners.
I should like to take this opportunity to thank the
interim secretariat of the Convention and, above all, the
Government of Germany and the United Nations
Development Programme, whose technical and financial
support proved decisive in the holding of this successful
forum.
It is regrettable that five years after it was launched,
the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of
Africa in the 1990s has not had the expected impact on the
development of Africa even though the priorities our States
opted for were largely in line with its objectives, including
in the area of democratic and macroeconomic reforms.
This is why Benin welcomes the launching by the
Secretary-General on 15 March 1996 of the United Nations
System-wide Special Initiative on Africa, an initiative that
complements the New Agenda and provides it with new
impetus. I should like here to reaffirm Benin’s adherence to
this Initiative whose objectives fit perfectly with those of
our national development plans. Implementation of the
priority actions of the Initiative require the mobilization of
Africans themselves, bodies of the United Nations system
and Africa’s development partners to ensure ambitious,
concerted and coordinated action designed to lead to
tangible results in Africa.
We applaud the initiatives of the United Nations
system which has long been working for the development
of Africa, as well as the actions of all partners for the
development of Africa, including France and Japan, which
have made the development and economic recovery of
Africa a priority.
We appeal to all Member States diligently to
implement the results of the mid-term review of United
Nations New Agenda in order to accelerate the process of
strengthening the effective integration of Africa into the
international trading system, help Africa diversify its
economy and encourage direct foreign investment.
Along the same lines, The Agenda for Development,
which Benin actively helped to draft, should be effectively
implemented to achieve the development objectives of
developing countries, the least-developed countries in
particular.
Massive and persistent human rights violations are
today both source and consequence of ethnic, racial and
religious tensions which continue to persist in certain
parts of the globe, particularly on our continent, Africa.
The Government of Benin considers that all States,
whatever their political system, their economic level and
their culture, have a duty to promote, protect and respect
human rights and fundamental freedoms. In this regard,
Benin reaffirms its deep commitment to respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms, whose
promotion and protection are a legitimate concern of the
international community.
For our part, we in Benin have continued to strive to
consolidate our new democratic experience which has
been in place since the historic National Conference of
Active Forces of the Nation in February 1990.
I know that all members have been following with
interest, and are well informed about, the deep-seated
qualitative changes in the political life of Benin and I
wish to take advantage of this opportunity to thank
everyone for the genuine interest with which they have
followed our major political event: the recent presidential
election in March 1996, in which we could see a peaceful
and orderly democratic transfer of power, without
violence or bloodshed, which was totally in keeping with
the rule of constitutional law in force since December
1990. The generally correct and normal conduct of the
ballot, the peaceful behaviour of the vast majority of our
political classes, the courageous and responsible attitude
of the people of Benin and the unwavering stance taken
continually by the Constitutional Court are all signs which
demonstrate genuine political maturity and an irrevocable
commitment to building a truly democratic society in the
Republic of Benin.
To complete its programme of building a State based
on the rule of law and a prosperous nation in which all
citizens of Benin would enjoy a certain minimum
standard of living, the Government of Benin wishes to
benefit further from the support and assistance of the
entire international community. We are well aware of the
fact that merely going through the motions of an election
is not enough to install and guarantee lasting democracy
in a country.
For democracy to have real meaning and for a
people to fully enjoy the freedom and salvation it brings,
it must be expressed both on the national and
international levels. This means that democracy must
also underlie and govern the organization and conduct of
international relations. The world, so long divided by
East-West antagonism and by North-South imbalances,
16

can and must conceive and implement new, democratic
relations among States. Here it is no exaggeration to say
that the renewal of the United Nations begun thanks to the
courageous, tenacious and fruitful actions of Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali must be resolutely sustained and developed
to guarantee the conditions necessary for the harmonious
pursuit of the process of democratization in international
society on the eve of the twenty-first century. The
delegation of Benin is convinced that our present
deliberations on all issues of reform of the Organization
will be guided by our shared determination to take
concerted, specific and realistic measures which, better than
in the past, respond to the great stakes and challenges
emerging on the horizon of the twenty-first century.


Minister for Foreign Affairs
Let me begin, Sir, by
extending to you my heartfelt congratulations on your
election to the high office of President of the fifty-first
session of the General Assembly. Malawi holds you and
your great country, Malaysia, in very high esteem. Your
election to preside over this important session, soon after
the special commemorative session, surely demonstrates
the confidence that the international community as a
whole has in you and your country. I have no doubt that
you will guide the deliberations of the Assembly to a
successful conclusion.
Let me also pay tribute to your predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral of Portugal, for
3

the very skilful manner in which he conducted the
deliberations of the fiftieth session. As we all know, the
earlier part of that session coincided with the
commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations, an occasion which attracted an unprecedented
gathering of world leaders as well as other high-level
representatives. In spite of the demands which the
ceremony imposed on the Organization, Mr. do Amaral met
the challenge with admirable tact and tenacity. To him we
wish to say “well done” for a job brilliantly executed.
The fiftieth session of the General Assembly was a
milestone in the life of the United Nations. It not only
symbolized the coming of age of the Organization but gave
delegations an opportunity for serious reflection and
appraisal of the various aspects of the Organization and its
operations. It was therefore not surprising to us that reform
was, and continues to be, the main theme of the
deliberations.
My delegation is pleased to note that reform of the
Organization is being pursued with vigour and a renewed
sense of direction. Indeed, we cannot wish away the
inspiring words of wisdom that came out of the statements
of the world leaders who addressed the Assembly during
the Special Commemorative Meeting. The United Nations
needs to be strengthened for it to respond fully to the many
political and economic challenges that face the world today.
We all agree that now is the time for the Security
Council to be democratized in such a way that its
composition corresponds equitably with the increase in the
membership of the Organization. Its working methods and
procedures also need to be enhanced in order to bring about
more transparency and accountability. The continuing
debate on this subject has clearly revealed to us the
essential issues to be dealt with. We are encouraged by
what seems to be an emerging spirit of accommodation on
the subject. It is our sincere hope that the hurdles that
remain ahead will be surmounted in the same spirit of give
and take. More significantly, it is necessary to bear in mind
that while the relevant Working Group is open-ended in
space, it is not open-ended in time. The sense of urgency
with which world leaders addressed the question of reform
during the commemorative ceremony demands that work on
this matter move forward resolutely.
Even the most reformed United Nations cannot
perform without the necessary resources. It is no secret that
the operations of the Organization have in recent years been
hampered by financial constraints. We are encouraged by
the progress so far achieved in the High-level Open-ended
Working Group on the Financial Situation of the United
Nations. We, however, would have liked more sustained,
action-oriented progress so that we could put to rest a
matter which has greater implications, including for the
morale of the staff of the Organization. We trust that the
deliberations will continue to address the issues in an
open and transparent manner. At the same time, it is our
sincere hope that Member States will continue to honour
their existing obligations without introducing linkages.
Two years ago, the President of the Republic of
Malawi, His Excellency Mr. Bakili Muluzi, stood here at
this very rostrum to herald the dawning of a new era in
Malawi on 17 June 1994, when Malawians ushered in
their first democratically elected Government after 30
years of dictatorship. It is common knowledge that the
new Government inherited a multitude of problems with
debilitating consequences for the socio-economic
development and welfare of the Malawian people.
Undaunted by these enormous challenges, the new
Government, soon after assuming power, put into place
policies with the overall aim of reducing poverty and
improving education and social services, particularly
among people living in rural areas. Two and a half years
on, the wide-ranging economic and structural reforms that
the Government embarked upon are increasingly yielding
positive results. General economic activity is expanding
at a remarkable pace, inflation is coming down steadily,
public finances are in the process of being restored to
sustainable levels, and the situation of the balance of
payments and foreign reserves continues to improve, thus
gradually restoring confidence in the economy.
Most significantly, the liberalization of markets and
relative prices in commodities have increased work and
production incentives and opened opportunities for many
Malawians. We remain committed to removing the few
remaining rigidities in the economy, which in the past
have tended to cause discrimination against the common
man in the village. The opening up of the economy and
the expansion of opportunities for all will continue to
guide us in pursuing our economic agenda. We are,
however, the first to realize that there are many stumbling
blocks ahead.
Malawi is a very small country, and is landlocked.
Like other countries, we too have our own vision of a
better and more prosperous Malawi. Through our own
2020 Programme, we hope to solicit the views of the
various sectors of the national populace and chart the
direction of the country’s development to the year 2020.
4

So far, the public has shown considerable enthusiasm in the
ongoing consultations, in the same way that they
participated in the political transformation of the country
two years ago. It is our desire and commitment to control
our economic destiny. The level of expectation created by
the democratic dispensation needs to be matched by
economic empowerment and social development. To have
it otherwise would be to compromise democracy.
The Government and the people of Malawi appreciate
and are thankful for the assistance which the international
community is rendering our country. We are hopeful that
the international community will continue to help Malawi
realize its dreams and its vision. We call upon our
development partners to continue to augment the assistance
that they are currently extending to the people of Malawi.
We also wish to appeal to our cooperating partners to come
and invest in our country. The economic and investment
climate is now more conducive than ever before.
Malawi has welcomed with enthusiasm the launching
by the international community of programmes which aim
at encouraging development in Africa. For the past few
years, hope in the continent was fanned by the adoption of
the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of
Africa in the 1990s. The much talked about diversification
of the economies of African States was warmly received as
a move which would strengthen the predominantly primary
raw material-producing basis of the countries’ economies.
It is sad to note that the financial resources required for the
programme have not matched the enthusiasm that revolved
around the launching of the New Agenda. My delegation
sincerely hopes that the mid-term review of the Agenda,
which has just concluded, will reignite the enthusiasm of us
all and enhance the political will of all the cooperating
partners.
More recently, my Government welcomed the
launching by the Secretary-General of the United Nations
System-wide Special Initiative on Africa. Malawi is
particularly pleased with the innovative nature of the
Initiative. The conferring of the leadership of the
programme on the Africans themselves only confirms what
we have always desired to see happen. In addition, the
specificity of the objectives sought under the Initiative is a
move in the right direction. We commend the international
community for this programme and call upon the lead
institutions not to waver at the implementation stage. For
our part, we stand ready to cooperate fully with the other
implementing partners, and so far that is precisely what we
are doing.
Malawi is following with interest the current work
on the elaboration of an Agenda for Development. My
delegation notes that the basic guidelines for an Agenda
for Development are well known and have already been
negotiated and agreed upon in the various United Nations
conferences and summits. What remains is essentially the
implementation of the action plans in a more integrated
and innovative way, entailing political commitment by all
active members of the international community. We look
forward to an early conclusion of an Agenda for
Development. We in Malawi see all these initiatives as
complementary to our own ongoing efforts to improve the
well-being of our people.
Malawi notes with satisfaction the important role
that the United Nations plays in the maintenance of
international peace and security in various parts of the
world. We welcome the steady progress which has been
achieved in Angola and hail the Government for
honouring its commitments. At the same time, we wish to
appeal to the leadership of the National Union for the
Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) to adhere to the
implementation of the Lusaka Protocol and related
agreements. We have always maintained that peace in
Angola will be beneficial not only to the people of
Angola, a people tired of war, but also to our southern
African subcontinent as a whole.
My Government remains disturbed by the recent
developments in Burundi. The July 1996 coup d’état was
a major setback to the democratic process, and we
support the position taken by the Organization of African
Unity (OAU) and the countries of the Great Lakes region.
We denounce the coup d’état. Malawi does not condone
any takeover of power by any party through
unconstitutional means. Quite frankly, we in Africa are
sick and tired of this “disease”. We want the ballot box
to be the referee in African politics, once and for all.
Coups d’états have contributed negatively to the fame of
our otherwise rich and beautiful continent. We remain
convinced that the Arusha process is the only credible
way of bringing about peace in Burundi. We therefore
call upon the military rulers in Burundi to pave the way
for the resumption of the Arusha peace negotiations.
The installation in August 1996 of an interim
Government in Liberia led by Mrs. Ruth Perry gives us
all hope that the warring factions have chosen the way of
peace and reconciliation after years of the senseless
killing of innocent civilians. Malawi commends the
leadership of the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS) for having successfully brokered the
5

peace plan among the warring factions. We reaffirm our
faith in the Abuja Agreement and express the hope that the
implementation schedule agreed upon recently will lead to
successful elections next year. We call upon the
international community to closely monitor developments
and assist the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in
the noble work that it is carrying out in Liberia.
There remains cause for genuine concern over
developments in Western Sahara. My Government has
noted that for a long time now, progress has stalled over
the identification of eligible voters in the referendum. The
repeated extension of the mandate of the United Nations
Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara
(MINURSO) is a show of commitment by the international
community which should not be taken for granted. Malawi
therefore calls upon the principal players in the process to
show some flexibility so that an amicable solution to the
current impasse can be reached.
Developments in countries of the former Yugoslavia
have recently been encouraging. The cessation of hostilities
in the Balkans under the Dayton Peace Agreement signed
early this year and the recent elections have generated
considerable hope within the international community. It is
the hope of my Government that no reckless moves will be
taken which could jeopardize the existing momentum
towards stability.
During the past few years considerable progress
towards a comprehensive peace settlement has been made
in the Middle East. We have in the past expressed support
for the peace initiative which, since its birth at Madrid on
30 October 1991, has grown steadily and has given rise to
important agreements between Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO). We remain convinced that
the path that was started in Madrid is the way forward. We
therefore urge all the parties concerned to abide by their
previous commitments and move forward to achieve the
aspirations of the people of the region and the world. The
recent disturbing developments only show how thin the
dividing line is between peace and violence.
The international community has recently been
reminded, through violent clashes, of the volatile situation
that exists in divided Cyprus. The division, which arose
over two decades ago, remains a constant reminder that the
international community has yet to boldly tackle the
situation there. My Government hopes that the issue of
Cyprus will be pursued with commitment by both the
mediators and the parties concerned.
It is the wish of my Government that the long-
standing question of the international status of the
Republic of China on Taiwan will be peacefully resolved
in a manner acceptable to the Governments on both sides
of the Taiwan Strait. We are encouraged by the recent
reported indications that the two sides are ready to talk to
each other. However, the Malawi Government wishes to
reaffirm its commitment to the promotion of freedom,
human rights and democratic principles and therefore
supports the aspirations of the more than 21 million
Taiwanese people to recognition and full participation in
all the activities of the international community.
We and our prestigious Organization should be
preventing and resolving conflicts. We should not sit by
as confrontation builds. Instead, we should find the time
to initiate dialogue and lasting solutions, and not always
have to wake up and respond to emergencies. The
benchmark should not always be to please the stronger; it
should also be to support the weak and vulnerable and
those under stress. But apart from our trade interests, our
moral obligation must be renewed every day.
Let me conclude by reaffirming our faith in the
United Nations. We believe the United Nations has a vital
role to play in the maintenance of international peace and
security. Many areas of tension remain the world over.
We urge the United Nations to act more resolutely in
dealing with these many troubled areas. The United
Nations has made and continues to make a difference in
the lives of millions of people in many countries,
including my own, Malawi, in many areas of human
endeavour. We have no doubt that a reformed United
Nations will contribute more to making the world a better
place to live. We are confident, Sir, that under your
stewardship of the fifty-first session of the General
Assembly, we, the peoples of the United Nations, will
have taken another bold step towards a revitalized and
reformed United Nations, a United Nations capable of
fully responding to the challenges of the twenty-first
century. Our prayer is, let us boldly resolve and go
forward together to the next millennium.


Virtue constitutes the greatest
form of human strength. Indeed, the very origin of the word
“virtue” connotes manly strength — not merely physical
strength, but moral strength. With respect to human
interaction, it is a widely acknowledged truth that the
greatest form of power arises when virtue is furnished with
means. That is the concept that gave birth to the United
Nations, inspired its noble deeds, and generally continues
to inform its operations. Accordingly, our celebration last
year of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations was
quintessentially a collective expression of rejoicing in the
wisdom embodied in that powerful truth, as well as an
explicit, joint recommitment on the part of Member nations
to act in accordance with the principle of empowerment of
virtue, through the supply of appropriate means.
In this context it is, for me, a great honour to be
afforded the opportunity to address this very distinguished
gathering of the fifty-first session of the General Assembly.
This event is easily the most important in the world
calendar, as far as political deliberations are concerned.
My delegation conveys to this Assembly the greetings
of the Government and the people of Grenada, and
congratulates His Excellency Mr. Razali Ismail of Malaysia
on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly
at its fifty-first session. We were particularly impressed
with the way in which Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral of
Portugal conducted the affairs of the General Assembly at
its fiftieth session, and take this opportunity to thank him
for his handling of those proceedings.
My delegation further expresses appreciation and
thanks to the Secretary-General, His Excellency
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his vision and willingness
to confront the many challenges that the Organization has
recently been facing and, specifically for his dedication in
seeking to solve world problems in the socio-economic and
political spheres.
This new session of the General Assembly is being
held against the background of a continually changing
global environment. That notwithstanding, there exists, on
the one hand, a spirit of international cooperation and, on
the other, a high degree of convergence of several ideals,
such as the institution and strengthening of democracy,
promoting and fostering economic integration and political
harmony, and the pursuit and practice of a new
multilateralism. Yet it must be expressly stated that the
noble goal of achieving global democracy, peace and
prosperity can be realized only with significant inputs
from the developed countries acting in collaboration with
the disadvantaged ones.
Currently, many of the small developing countries
that are Members of this Organization are faced with
severe economic problems. It cannot be overemphasized
that measures aimed at stabilizing their economies and
creating the conditions for sustained growth and
development have very painful effects on the populace.
Nonetheless, these effects can be made more bearable,
and it behoves us to point specifically to the human
dimension in this regard.
Since June 1995, the new Administration in Grenada
has focused on strengthening our democratic institutions
and on rebuilding our economy. My Government has been
developing strategies, mechanisms and procedures to
increase transparency and accountability in the conduct of
Government. Moreover, my Government has pledged
itself to respect the fundamental rights of all citizens as
well as to other elements of civil society, such as a free
press, freedom of expression, a fair and open democratic
process, the supremacy under God of our Constitution and
the effective functioning of the parliamentary system, for
which our Constitution specifically and explicitly
provides.
Economically, our domestic policies are aimed
primarily at encouraging individuals and businesses to
maximize the return on their enterprise and efforts. We
have embraced the notion that promoting micro-
enterprises is one of the ways to accomplish this goal.
Only recently, we initiated a micro-enterprise programme,
with the provision of a modest sum to help young
entrepreneurs in particular to embark upon their several
ventures. We hope that the programme will succeed,
thereby contributing to our overall economic development,
both materially and psycho-culturally. Such preferential
treatment is being given to the young so as to better
fashion a culture of confidence, thoughtful creativity and
purposeful enterprise. We are actively seeking also to
enhance opportunities to enable our working population
to attain higher standards of living.
My Government has set itself specific goals
including balanced and integrated sectoral growth, a
relevant and adaptive education system, health for all, and
strategic human resource planning and development. In
10

this latter respect, priority is being placed on the
development of an adequately skilled and disciplined work
force.
While we are aware that the matter of economic and
individual personal development is first and foremost a
national responsibility, we are deeply conscious that our
limited domestic resources constitute a severe constraint
upon us in our quest to fulfil this obligation.
Accordingly, we earnestly ask — indeed we urge —
the many United Nations agencies involved in such
activities, and also individual Governments, to continue to
provide to us and to others in the same position the kind of
help that is needed to meet satisfactorily growing demand
for the spectrum of expertise vital to our national
development.
The grim realities of the very limited resources of very
small countries are well known. Nonetheless, these realities
have become more glaring in this era of trade liberalization
and the globalization of production.
Both of these phenomena, as conceived and elaborated
by the developed countries, are startling reminders to us not
only of our condition of institutionalized non-reciprocating
dependence in a world that is becoming increasingly
interdependent, but also of our vulnerability to economic
marginalization. Thus, we are in no way, and to no degree,
inhibited with regard to addressing inviting profound
reflection on the issue of the special circumstances of small
island developing States — particularly those in the
Caribbean region, where prominent among the features
characterizing our special circumstances is the ever-present
vulnerability to natural disaster and the widespread
devastation resulting therefrom.
The need for official development assistance and the
transfer of real resources from the North to the South has
never been as pronounced as it is now. Indeed, such are the
dimensions of that need in terms of both spread and
intensity that the transfer of resources referred to here can
be effected only on the basis of a concept of a new global
order as was initially envisaged and expressed in principle
by the President of Guyana, His Excellency Dr. Cheddi
Jagan, and adopted by all the member States of the
Caribbean Community.
This, no doubt, has to be elaborated, and the countries
of the North are especially requested to give disciplined and
objective consideration to this matter. The conceptual
requirements of the new global order include: a
reconstructive change in interaction between North and
South; a new basis for interaction; a new ethic for relating
one to the other; and a genuine partnership, a partnership
which eschews exploitation of any one people by another
and seeks instead to pursue mutual upliftment of the
peoples involved.
More specifically, it is explicitly posited here that
the developed countries should assist the less developed
countries in respect of the following: first, the alleviation
of the debt burden by one means or another; secondly,
assistance for the development of centres for investment,
the training of human resources, and training in how to
make the economy more efficient, responsive and
transparent; and thirdly, technical assistance to the smaller
economies to help them make the transition towards
incorporation and effective participation in a global
economy that is so markedly characterized by so-called
free trade. Smaller countries must not be excluded from
processes which they cannot direct in their favour or,
indeed, effectively influence so as to avoid experiencing
the deleterious effects of those processes. Those are but
a few of the tenets upon which the proffered concept of
the new global order is based.
It is common knowledge that bananas provide a
livelihood for a significant percentage of the people of the
Caribbean, and particularly the subregion of the
Organization of Eastern Caribbean States. Thus, the
current challenge to our special arrangements for that fruit
in Europe is, to say the least, uncaring, if not hostile.
Grenada and several of the other States now being so
affected have, on many issues, collaborated with and
supported those very countries that are now quite
unrelenting in their deliberate assault upon our
preferential arrangement, which constitutes an assault on
the well-being and the very livelihood of a significant
proportion of our people.
There should be no need whatsoever to remind the
Assembly that there is a direct correlation between the
premature destruction of our banana industry and the
well-being and integrity of our democratic process and
thus of our democracy itself. Substantial increases in
crime and other social ills have been shown to induce
commensurate increases in involvement in trading in, and
the use of, illicit drugs. We certainly prefer to prevent the
occurrence of such situations than to have to expend our
energies and scarce resources on remedial action to
contain and eradicate the now ever-present threat of an
expanding narco-culture.

It cannot be denied that, there are other, and more
important, objectives to be achieved besides protecting the
market economy. And this applies to all countries, the
developed as well as the less developed. The time is now
right for serious thrusts to be made towards the alleviation
of the poverty and deprivation which are so widespread
across the world, although most prevalent in the developing
countries. This process must be activated immediately to
ensure that economic progress is buttressed by social
equity. Freedom from want; good health; genuine
education; a clean environment; elimination of the scourge
of illicit drugs, as well as of unemployment and
underemployment; and the better and wider enjoyment of
basic human rights: these are the goals we should
unswervingly and constantly be seeking to reach.
In this context, my Government is cognizant of its
duties and responsibilities. We are convinced that through
prudent management of our very limited resources, a
willingness on the part of our people to work hard and, on
our part, clear political leadership and virtuously inspired
guidance — all enhanced by the support of friendly
Governments and donor agencies — we shall, in due
course, place our country on a sound path towards genuine
growth.
My delegation is happy to state in this regard that
some improvement has already been made and that our
Government looks forward to achieving in the not too
distant future most of the goals we have set ourselves in
order more effectively to pursue those other goals, which
would significantly enhance the quality of our people’s
lives.
In the context of collective international efforts
towards the achievement of some kind of sustainable
development in the less developed countries, it is instructive
to refer to the recently held Group of Seven summit in
Lyon, France, where most of the efforts focused on the new
global order.
The leaders of the world’s most powerful nations
agreed that in the present global economic situation it is
absolutely necessary to control negative consequences and
fight against the risks of exclusion, both at the national and
international levels. Their communiqué, entitled
“Globalization for the Benefit of All”, does seem to signal
the stirrings of a new order for humankind.
Grenada welcomes the discussion held on aid for
development — particularly with officials from the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank — and is
heartened by the fact that in those discussions modalities
were defined for a new partnership for development based
on the sharing of responsibilities between developed
countries, developing countries and multilateral
organizations.
The pledge by the G-7 countries to ensure
substantial flows of public aid for development to the
countries most in need is very timely and most welcome.
Dare we of the South perceive this pronouncement by the
G-7 to be not simply a pledge of honour but, further, an
expression of subscription to the new global order, as
enunciated by a visionary of the South, underscored now
by a soulful shinning forth of virtue on the part of the
North? My delegation sincerely hopes so.
It is several years since any substantial change was
made to the structure of one of the most important organs
of this Organization. I refer to the Security Council.
Meanwhile, the international political and economic
environments have undergone some drastic and far-
reaching transformations. Grenada strongly believes that
in order to reflect the new geopolitical and economic
realities of our world today, there are changes that are
now due, particularly in the Security Council.
Accordingly, my delegation expresses its unwavering
support for the reforms currently being undertaken, as
well as those now being contemplated with respect to the
United Nations system.
In July of this year, the European Union, through its
Parliament, adopted a resolution to support the call for
participation in international organizations by the Republic
of China. The Government and people of Grenada
consider this action on the part of the European Union to
have been a most significant development. We welcome
this development, and we applaud the European Union for
it. Indeed, we are encouraged by that action, for the
persistent plea of Grenada, constantly repeated over
several years in every appropriate forum, has now been
amplified into a clarion call for moral justice, in contrast
to the expediency of power politics, economic advantage
and legislative manipulation of yesteryear.
The Republic of China has for many years
consistently displayed its commitment to the values and
principles of this body. Indeed, in the face of threats and
undisguised acts of aggression, the courageous people of
the Republic of China boldly chose to embark upon a
path of freedom, justice, and respect for human rights,
and recently took part in their presidential election, which
was open, free and fair.
12

The economic achievements of this brave country of
21.3 million people are well and widely known. Thus, there
can be no doubt as to the capability of the people of the
Republic of China to make substantial contributions to the
work of the United Nations. As to their willingness to make
significant contributions, that also cannot be a matter of
doubt. They have given testimony in this regard in several
ways. They have established their good faith. They deserve
the right to participate in the conferences and activities of
the United Nations system. To continue to deny them this
right would be to persist in denying them justice within the
confraternity of nations.
Superior power is found only where there is superior
excellence of some kind, and the Republic of China has
manifested a certain degree of superior power which
derives from virtue rather than from physical strength.
Thus, the Government and people of Grenada unequivocally
exhort this Assembly to secure participation by the
Republic of China in the agencies and activities of the
United nations system.
With every passing year, contemporary politics
becomes more complex and, thus, commensurately complex
are the related solutions. In this regard, my delegation
especially applauds the efforts of the United Nations in
attempting to maintain some degree of peace and security
in various parts of the world. From Haiti to the war-torn
Republics of the former Yugoslavia, to the famine-stricken
cities of many an African State, the United Nations
humanitarian activities and missions of peace are indeed
worthy of special commendation. In this regard, I seize the
opportunity now afforded me to express a father’s
appreciation of and blessings upon my son Mark, who for
some years has been and continues to be so engaged, and
I ask your indulgence in this regard.
Grenada is encouraged by the progress — albeit
halting — made in the Middle East peace process and urges
continued dialogue until the noble ideal of peaceful
coexistence is achieved. But world peace and security will
not be attained if those countries with nuclear capabilities
continue to promulgate their use for military purposes. My
delegation therefore welcomes efforts to institute a
comprehensive ban on nuclear testing.
Similarly, the practice of transporting hazardous
radioactive materials, particularly through the Caribbean
Sea, must be stopped immediately. The very
surreptitiousness with which this business is conducted and
transportation effected is indeed a tacit admission of
wrongdoing. Caribbean humanness is violated in such
transactions. In the name of humanity, therefore, the
Government and the people of Grenada, without
equivocation and without qualification, call for this
practice to be stopped, and stopped now.
It has been suggested by Max Ascoli that
“civilization is a constant quest for non-violent
means of solving conflicts — a common quest for
peace.”
Nonetheless, my Government perceives civilization as
being more than simply a quest for peace, more than
merely the shunning of visible violence. My Government
sees civilization as the purposeful pursuit of peace
through commitment to justice; the inherent equality of all
men and women; and the inalienable rights which derive
from simply being human. My Government subscribes to
the principle of the overriding rule of moral law.
In the context of violations of humanness, it behoves
me to express, on behalf of my delegation, the deep
concern of the Government and the people of Grenada in
respect of the agonies which are currently being
experienced by a significant number of persons in Cyprus.
Grenada, like Cyprus, is an island nation, small, but
sovereign. We therefore call for an end to the suffering to
which so many of the families and individual persons of
that beautiful country have been subjected. The smallness
of a nation does not, to any degree whatever, negate the
fundamental human rights of each of its citizens.
The great Lebanese poet Khalil Gibran, in his
Thoughts and Meditations, offered humanity the following
insightful observation:
“My soul preached to me and showed me that
I am neither more than the pygmy, nor less than the
giant. Ere my soul preached to me, I looked upon
humanity as two men; one weak, whom I pitied, and
the other strong, whom I followed or resisted in
defiance. But now I have learned that I am as both
are, and made from the same elements. My origin is
their origin, my conscience is their conscience, my
contention is their contention, and my pilgrimage is
their pilgrimage.”
My delegation is deeply convinced of the
unsurpassable wisdom which these words of Khalil
Gibran represent. The sentiment conveyed constitutes the
sine qua non for the realization of international
brotherhood. This we do believe.
13

Accordingly, my delegation earnestly urges that
henceforth the quintessential sameness of all mankind and
a genuine commitment to virtue should be adopted as the
guiding principles of this Assembly. May God bless
everyone participating in this fifty-first regular session of
the Assembly, so that, so much the more effectively, the
Assembly will be a transforming blessing to our world.


Permit me to express on behalf of my
country, Liberia, our sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on
your unanimous election as President of the General
Assembly. It is our expectation that your tenure will be
marked by the same distinction that has characterized your
service to your country, Malaysia.
I express our sincere appreciation to your predecessor,
His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral of Portugal,
for efficiently conducting the proceedings of the historic
fiftieth session of the General Assembly.
I also wish to congratulate the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his continuing dedication to
the cause of world peace and social justice, which has
provided the United Nations an opportunity to enhance the
dignity of all mankind in spite of the odds that continue to
frustrate our common aspirations and our efforts to build a
better world.
Liberia bears its share of responsibility for finding
solutions to the problems of our one world through this
Organization. Regrettably, the situation in Liberia has not
afforded us the opportunity to participate as actively as
might be expected.
It is an honour and privilege for me to stand before
this world body as Africa’s first female Head of
Government. However, it is sad to note that I have assumed
this leadership at a time when my country, Liberia, is
experiencing a tragic and senseless war.
The Liberian civil war, which began more than six
years ago, has unleashed one of the worst man-made
disasters in recent memory. It has claimed over 250,000
lives — about 15 per cent of the population; forced over
800,000 Liberians to seek refuge in neighbouring countries;
and left several hundred thousand others internally
displaced.
Regrettably, the most vulnerable groups — women,
children and the elderly — continue to be victimized by the
ravages of disease, hunger and malnutrition, which are
commonplace under such conditions. The wanton killing
of civilians and the destruction of basic infrastructure,
which intensified in April of this year, continue to retard
economic activities and deprive the people of their
fundamental human rights.
The painful reality of our child soldiers, child
labourers and abandoned children in the country point to
the formidable task that lies ahead as we seek to
rehabilitate them into productive citizens.
The displacement of large segments of the rural
population has curtailed agricultural production. Before
the war, agriculture accounted for 38 per cent of the gross
domestic product and 75 per cent of total employment. As
a result of continued hostilities, other potentially high
economic sectors such as rubber, timber, iron ore and
minerals remain inaccessible.
Since 1990, the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) has deployed a peacekeeping
force in Liberia, in keeping with Chapter VIII of the
Charter of the United Nations. It had been hoped that this
initiative, the first by a subregion, would receive the full
support of the United Nations. Unfortunately, the
assistance of the international community has been both
slow and inadequate, thereby imposing severe pressure on
the scarce resources of the member States of ECOWAS.
While ECOWAS, in the spirit of African
brotherhood and solidarity, has taken the initiative in
Liberia, its efforts must be complemented by the
international community through the provision of
substantial material and financial support to facilitate the
implementation of the peace process in the country. It is
therefore my appeal that the United Nations assume its
share of the burden of peacekeeping in Liberia. The
subregion is facing extreme economic hardships due to
external factors beyond its control.
After the failure of several peace agreements, the
member States of ECOWAS convened a meeting in
Abuja, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, in August 1995.
At that meeting, a decision was taken to include for the
first time the leaders of the three major warring factions
in a six-man Council of State. Accordingly, a ceasefire
was implemented, and Monrovia was maintained as a safe
haven. The members of the Council of State were
inducted into office on 1 September 1995.
7

In April of this year, the resumption of fighting, with
the accompanying carnage and illegal seizure and
destruction of property, dealt another set-back to the peace
process. At this juncture, I extend the profound regrets of
the Liberian Government and people to the international,
intergovernmental, non-governmental and other
organizations that sustained losses as a result of the April
fighting. I pledge that our Administration will do all that
lies within its power to prevent the reoccurrence of such
lawlessness.
The events of April enabled the leaders of the
subregion to identify deficiencies in the Agreement and to
take measures to prevent the reoccurrence of such
breakdown in the implementation of the peace accord.
Although they reaffirmed the Abuja Agreement as the best
framework for finding a lasting solution to the Liberian
conflict, they nevertheless resolved that a change was
necessary in the leadership to restore confidence and
enhance its performance.
The parties unanimously selected me to lead Liberia
from a devastating war to conditions of peace. The
selection of a woman is a decision that deserves
commendation; for it is a major victory and a recognition
of the active involvement of Liberian women in the peace
process. The resolution of the Liberian conflict is therefore
a challenge not only to me but also to all Liberian women
and to the women of Africa and the world, whose advice
and continuing support I deeply appreciate.
Our leadership is challenged with the difficult task of
pursuing national reconciliation, national reunification,
repatriation and resettlement of refugees and internally
displaced persons, and the creation of an enabling
environment for the holding of free and fair democratic
elections by May 1997. Additionally, and more demanding,
we must ensure the successful disarmament of combatants
and their demobilization and reintegration into civil society.
This task requires us, as a matter of urgency, to first
disarm our children and redirect their lives. We also have
to address the immense suffering that the war has inflicted
on our people. We must establish an independent elections
commission to conduct free and fair elections under
international supervision.
I am confident that, with the support of the United
Nations and the international community, the tasks ahead
will be achieved. All of the parties to the conflict have
pledged to me their commitment to the implementation of
the revised schedule. Despite some signs of retrogression,
our timely intervention and appeals have been heeded,
thus averting the derailment of the process. We are aware
that our efforts to maintain the ceasefire must be
sustained at every stage of the peace process by timely
intervention and insistence that the terms and conditions
of the peace agreement must be respected by the parties.
There is a renewed hope for peace in Liberia as a
result of the decisions taken at the last Abuja summit.
The failure over the past six years to achieve peace in the
country made it imperative that long overdue measures be
taken to ensure the final and successful implementation of
the Abuja Agreement.
First, due care and consideration was given to the
selection of the Head of Government, with the view of
ensuring effective leadership and a sense of purpose.
Secondly, provision was made for the regular monitoring
and assessment of the implementation of the peace
Agreement. This responsibility was assigned to the special
representative of the Chairman of ECOWAS and the
ECOWAS Committee of Nine on Liberia. Thirdly,
ECOWAS member States agreed to impose sanctions on
any person or group of persons obstructing the
implementation of the peace Agreement. These necessary
measures will equally require the support of the
international community.
The Government and people of Liberia share the
conviction of the member States of ECOWAS, as well as
the international community, that the Abuja peace
Agreement provides the best framework for the resolution
of the Liberian conflict. As Chairman of the Council of
State, I reaffirm my total commitment to the full
implementation of the ECOWAS peace plan for Liberia.
We owe a debt of gratitude to the Government and people
of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as well as to other
member States of ECOWAS, for their untiring efforts and
sacrifices in the quest for peace in Liberia.
We also extend our gratitude to the Governments of
the United States of America, the Netherlands and
Germany for their recent assistance to the ECOWAS
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). We thank other friendly
nations that have made, and continue to make,
contributions to the resolution of the Liberian conflict.
The Liberian Government appeals for assistance to enable
the deployment of additional troops to sustain the new
focus on disarmament and demobilization as well as
ensure thereafter the rehabilitation and reconstruction of
our war-torn country.
8

In order to facilitate the rehabilitation of these
children, we appeal to friendly Governments to help us
rebuild our educational institutions, especially those
providing vocational and technical training. As a caring
mother, I urgently need to rehabilitate and grant relief to
these children. It is one of my principal concerns. In this
regard, I express appreciation to the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) for their assistance. It is
my hope that all mothers and all humanitarian,
governmental and non-governmental organizations will
support this worthy undertaking. The Liberian children,
indeed the children of our world, are our future.
As regards the international situation, while we will
continue to accord priority to the civil war in Liberia until
genuine peace is restored, we have not lost sight of other
important issues that are of vital concern to the international
community.
It is encouraging to note that since the end of the cold
war, Member States have increasingly taken measures in
support of general and complete disarmament, including
nuclear weapons. The establishment of zones of peace in
most regions of the world and the recent adoption of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, which my
Government has already signed, are positive developments
in the field of disarmament. It is hoped that further progress
will be made in the total elimination of nuclear weapons
within a given time-frame.
Liberia, which is emerging from conditions of war, is
concerned about the unrestricted use of conventional
weapons, including anti-personnel landmines. The
international community must also focus its attention on
conventional disarmament, since these deadly weapons are
usually resorted to in most conflicts.
Internal strife in several countries resulting from
ethnic, religious and racial differences continues to cause
death and destruction in Angola, Burundi, Rwanda,
Somalia, the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and my own
country. In order to spare the lives of innocent civilians, we
appeal to all parties to enter into dialogue and seek a
political settlement of their differences.
As we move towards the twenty-first century, we are
encouraged by the growing concern about the persistently
slow and unbalanced growth of the world economy. We
have experienced the direct impact of the uneven
distribution of resources both among and within nations.
The crisis in Liberia today is an expression of this
unevenness, which has a direct relationship to poverty and
instability.
It is worth mentioning that in every attempt at
finding a solution, such issues as the debt crisis and the
decline in official development assistance continue to
hamper our efforts to bring about the required reform in
favour of the development of our people. This situation
continues to undermine development in many regions of
the world, especially Africa. Today, Africa remains the
only continent where the level of poverty is causing
increasing hardship and despair, despite the courageous
efforts by many countries to undertake reforms.
Regrettably, programmes proposed by the
international community have yet to receive adequate
donor assistance to move Africa’s development forward.
We recall the priority programme for Africa’s economic
recovery and other measures to address the critical
situation facing the continent.
It is in this light that I commend the United Nations
System-wide Special Initiative for Africa launched earlier
this year. The initiative requires commitments amounting
to $25 billion over a period of 10 years, to be realized
through the reallocation of existing resources, and
complements the United Nations New Agenda for the
Development of Africa in the 1990s.
We therefore plead with the United Nations and its
agencies, international financial institutions and bilateral
donors to re-examine their attitudes towards Africa’s
development aspirations. We hope that a solution will be
found to the extreme burden that debt now imposes on all
countries, but especially on those coming out of crisis.
In spite of the difficulties facing Liberia, it has
continued to consider the role of women as crucial to the
development process by advocating an improved status
for women. Liberia has supported the decisions emanating
from conferences on the advancement of women,
particularly the Beijing Conference held in 1995. My
presence here today as Chairman of the Council of State
is a testimony to Liberia’s support for its women and for
the rights of women everywhere.
I take this opportunity to say that it would be
advantageous to all Member States of this Organization if
we, as world leaders, committed ourselves to a policy of
mutual respect for one another and for our respective
peoples and their legitimate aspirations in life. I am
convinced that prospects for a peaceful world will be
9

made greater if we summon the courage to equitably share
without restraints the material and technological resources
that represent our common inheritance on earth.
Once those considerations become our cherished
preoccupation and the noble focus of our collective
undertakings, the world will enjoy a better future: a future
that will know no bounds for the collective happiness of
mankind; a future that will be devoid of terrorism and war;
and a future that will not occasion famine, starvation and
human degradation; a future without jealousy, hatred or
envy.
We can make tomorrow better or worse. The question
is: which will it be? The United Nations system and the
entire international community will be judged on the basis
of their response to this important question.