The pride and military superiority of some nations have led them not only to the conquest and domination of others, but also to the shameful exploitation of apparently defenseless people. But, in a resurgence of dignity and with a thirst for justice for all time, the peoples of the world, whatever their degree of development or their color, have said no to the colonial yoke, and to injustice in all its forms.
157.	From its very beginnings, mankind has known deadly wars because of men who place their selfish interests above those of the international community and who invent systems or regimes intended to perpetuate injustice in the world. Against those anachronistic regimes, people who love peace, justice and freedom must wage a relentless war so that man will be reconciled with man and all the peoples of the world be free and finally emerge from the nightmare of war, so as to devote themselves to the task of building a new society based on freedom and justice, in a world rid of colonialism and imperialism, the ill deeds of which weigh on international relations throughout the world.
158.	In Africa, a large part of that continent, full of vitality and hope, is still plunged in a sombre reign of violence and exploitation of millions of human beings who are persecuted solely because of the color of their skin. Under our eyes, and with our complicity or our complacence, the most elementary rights are trampled under foot by an illegitimate regime based on racism, apartheid and colonialism.
159.	Not far from Africa, and with the blessing of certain Powers, signatories of the Charter of the United Nations, which declare themselves to be the defenders of freedom and dignity in the world, an entire peaceful people has been expelled from its homeland and lives without shelter. The Palestinian people, ever since the artificial creation of the State of Israel, has been living a tragedy which does not seem to prick the conscience of mankind at all. Some people even deny them the right to come out in the open and to appeal to international solidarity. Yet oil causes a great deal of ink to flow and, it seems, deprives some of the great men of this world of some hours of sleep. The Middle East, the Mediterranean and Indochina are still the scenes of wars created by the antagonisms of world hegemonies, which are responsible for much human suffering.
160.	The military arsenals of the great Powers are competing in the stockpiling of weapons, while the States of the third world live in the fear of war; while they suffer shameful economic exploitation or live in the devastation caused by natural calamities, other countries toss into the sea the surpluses of their opulence.
161.	The political and economic situation of the present world presents a spectrum which reflects broad and profound changes, the rays of which give rise to concerns but also to horizons of hope.
162.	Despite the complexity of contemporary history, man intends to guide his course towards the total liberation of peoples which are called upon to act in concert in this era of interdependence. It is for this purpose that every year heads of State and Government, ministers, those responsible for administration, scientists, men of letters as well as other eminent personalities travel long distances and personally come to this most distinguished rostrum to denounce the current injustices in the world and to propose remedies to the present situation which bears the seeds of destruction but which also offers hope and survival because of certain victories at which we must rejoice.
163.	The General Assembly, at.its twenty-ninth session, is called upon to deal with these various problems which I have mentioned above all, decolonization, the war in the Middle East and in Indochina, the economic crisis of which our States are all victims and, finally, the need for international co-operation to remedy present problems.
164.	The international community is at an important turning-point not only because of the breadth and number of the issues to be dealt with but also because of the revolutionary determination of the peoples, who are prepared to fight and even to shed their blood to attain their independence and achieve their happiness by developing their own riches. To attain these objectives, the peoples represented in this forum needed a statesman who represented these ideals and who could guide and lead our work successfully. Aware of its responsibilities, the Assembly, at its present session, chose for its President a person who, because he is an undoubted international figure, has become the candidate of us all. The unanimous election of Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria for more than 10 years, is of the highest significance. It represents a tribute paid to the enlightened policy of Mr. Houari Boumediene, President of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria and current President of the non-aligned countries. This happy choice is a victory for Africa and for the Arab world, for the non-aligned movement and for all the countries which love peace, justice and freedom: It is an endorsement by the international community of the brilliant qualities and the great competence which have always distinguished Algerian statesmen, and of their great experience, superior intelligence and diplomatic skill in the conduct of international affairs. By the wise choice of this great personality, we have not only reflected the importance of the problems before this session, but we also wished to hail the highly positive record of the Organization, which has benefited from valuable co-operation from Algeria.
165.	Allow me, therefore, to acknowledge the successes achieved by the Organization due to the fore- sightedness and contribution of our Algerian brothers and the enlightened direction of its leaders.
166.	My country has inscribed in the annals of the history of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries the important decisions of the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers in 1973,8 which gave the non- aligned countries an economic and social charter which is at the basis of the declaration and the establishment of a new international economic order adopted by the sixth special session of the General Assembly, on the problems of raw materials and development.
167.	The fact that the international community has become aware mangers for mankind of Israel's policy of aggression and annexation is, in our view, another important event in international relations.
168.	It was with great satisfaction too that the Re-public of Burundi welcomed the victories of the peoples of Indochina, to which the non-aligned countries give unshakable support against imperialist aggression and occupation.
169.	How can we fail to mention the success just won by the people ^f Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Angola and even of Portugal against the Fascist, retrograde and colonialist regimes of Salazar and Caetano?
170.	It is for all these reasons that in Burundi we consider Algeria not only a country which welcomes revolutionary ideas and men but also a symbol of the irreversible and final liberation of countries that wish to rid themselves of retrograde, Fascist, colonialist and imperialist systems. This is the sense which, Mr. President, we endeavored to reflect in a previous message when we expressed our optimism concerning the success of the present session, as well as our unflagging support for your initiatives, and which the delegation of the Republic of Burundi has received instructions to bring to you, on behalf of Lieutenant- General Michel Micombero, the Secretary-General of the UPRONA Party, Head of State and Government and liberator of the people of Burundi, who, with his colleague and friend, President Houari Boumediene, has consolidated friendship and solidarity between Algeria and Burundi.
171.	After such an eventful year, I shall acquit myself of a very pleasant duty by expressing my appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, who guided the debates of the sixth special session with remarkable skill and whose activities were crowned with success.
172.	I also have the privilege of paying tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his eminent qualities of a great statesman with a heart sensitive to human distress. On behalf of the President of the Republic and his Government, I wish to express to the Secretary-General our admiration for his great competence, his diplomatic skill and his devotion, his deep sense of international responsibility and his unshakable faith in a better world where justice and not force will prevail. Africa will always be grateful for the efforts he unceasingly deploys to free the continent from the scourges which still plague it in southern Africa. We should also like to express our warm congratulations to him on the positive results of the Organization, whose prestige grows because of the personal action of the Secretary- General.
173.	On 17 September 1974, the United Nations family welcomed the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Grenada and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, whose admission we welcome as an important event in the Organization, in its progress in the emancipation of peoples and in the consecration, of its universality.
174.	The Republic of Burundi most warmly congratulates the People's Republic of Bangladesh and Grenada and hopes that they will consolidate their independence in peace and friendship with the other States of the regions and will be prepared to co-operate. We declare ourselves ready to co-operate with these new States.
175.	At present we wish to pay a particular tribute to the people of Guinea-Bissau, which, under the guidance of the great revolutionary party, the PAIGC, has, in the most striking and glorious manner, consolidated its past victories over colonialism. Burundi expresses its brotherly and most cordial congratulations to this avant-garde people, who, because of the revolutionary spirit instilled in them by the eternal hero, Amflcar Cabral, father of the free and independent country of Guinea-Bissau, accomplished a gigantic task which evoked the admiration of the enemy.
176.	The first anniversary of the sovereignty of Guinea-Bissau, which we celebrated this year, was welcomed in my country as a reaffirmation of the principle whereby the revolutionary determination of a people does away with sterile negotiation so as to conquer by defiance that which was refused by selfishness and scorn.
177.	I bow before the flag of Guinea-Bissau, which has been raised at the United Nations and which represents the glory of the freedom fighters of Guinea- Bissau. It flies to the honor of the Guinean people and arouses the warranted hopes of the other fighters in Mozambique, Angola, the Cape Verde Islands and southern Africa. We hope that the Government of this new State will find understanding and generosity in the international community so as to benefit from substantial aid and rapidly to rebuild that country, which was devastated by the war imposed upon it by colonialism. Thus, it will be able to consolidate its political independence and devote itself to the pro-gramme of economic liberation, together with the other revolutionary peoples of the world.
178.	In Mozambique, we welcome the victories of the Mozambican people, under the leadership of FRELIMO, after centuries of implacable struggle against abject colonialism which caused so much innocent blood to flow. We also congratulate the FRELIMO leaders, who succeeded, to the astonishment of the world, in preserving the unity of their people in the revolutionary action which has just been crowned with success by the signing of the agreements of Lusaka between FRELIMO and the Portuguese Government. We emphasize the clear sightedness and political maturity of the FRELIMO leaders and of the new leaders of Portugal, who have succeeded in doing away with the barriers to the application of the Lusaka agreements. However, we wish to share with our brothers in Mozambique the experience of the Burundi people, which for years fought to safeguard its independence and the achievements of its great November revolution. Imperialism and colonialism are always hatching plots against revolutionary regimes and peoples, because they never admit defeat. That is what peoples must always be vigilant. We also hope "that no Power will obstruct the rapid accession to independence of that country, which is called upon to play an important role within the concert of nations, particularly on the African continent.
179.	We are pleased with the assurances given by the Portuguese Government. The new Portuguese regime has given rise to hope that the people of Portugal are finally moving towards co-operation with the other peoples of the world, since it has committed itself totally and radically to do away with Fascist and colonialist regimes which have dominated the political life of that nation for centuries and alienated from it the friendship of the peoples of the world that love peace and democracy.
180.	The people of Burundi assures the people of Portugal of its friendship, and the Government of the Republic of Burundi promises its full co-operation with the Government of Portugal as soon as the latter has proceeded to the transfer of the attributes of its sovereignty to Mozambique and Angola without any malice intended to undermine internal unity or promote civil war after the granting of independence.
181.	In Angola, we welcome the victories won by that great people, which will reconquer its freedom as soon as possible so as to become the master of its destiny. The existence of several liberation movements in that country cannot in any way justify the creation of obstacles that would bar the way to the total liberation of Angola, which is committed to an irreversible process of liberation. Trusting in the wisdom of its leaders, the people of Angola will achieve its unity, which will enable it to continue its triumphal march towards the final victory of total independence for which so many sons and daughters of Angola fell on the battlefield of honor.
182.	The international community must warn the multinational corporations which are greedy for the immense riches of that country and would not hesitate to think of the formula of Balkanization. All the peoples of the world who love peace and justice must destroy that Machiavellian plan, which is a genuine conspiracy against the unity of the Angolan people and the territorial integrity of that vast country.
183.	We hope that Portugal, consistent with the commitments solemnly formulated from this very rostrum, will assume its responsibilities to eliminate such maneuvers and transfer as soon as possible the attributes of sovereignty to all the territories still under its colonial domination.
184.	While it is regrettable to have to recognize that incomplete decolonization leaves in the world strangle-holds on freedom, it is still more painful to note that in southern Africa millions of human beings are maintained in the chains of slavery; the peoples of Azania, Namibia and Zimbabwe suffer treatment that is wounding to the dignity of man, and the most elementary rights are trampled underfoot, because in that region those who are called colored people are victims of the most barbaric crimes.
185.	South African racism is not directed only against black Africans. It does not spare any category. Coloreds, Indians and other Asians are equally victims of racial discrimination. This means that it is a problem which concerns all mankind and not only the African continent. This scourge of apartheid, the philosophy which feeds the ideologies of Pretoria and Salisbury, is the shame of our century.
186.	In order to bring Pretoria to reason, international authorities have used persuasion, dialog any other diplomatic procedures. These approaches should have led South Africa to reconsider, but it paid no attention, encouraged as it is in its criminal obstinacy by certain Western Powers which not only maintain economic, trade and diplomatic relations with the Pretoria regime but also support its war industries by means of massive investments.
187.	States Members of the United Nations which condemn the apartheid regime should practice a consistent policy and refrain from any direct or indirect support of the Pretoria regime. The Republic of Burundi, for its part, is pleased to say that it has no commercial, economic or diplomatic relations with Pretoria or Salisbury. Although it is land-locked, Burundi refused to sigh the air agreements which could have permitted aircraft to fly over our country en route to or from South Africa and Rhodesia. All merchandise produced in those countries is prohibited from Burundi territory. This policy may lead to sacrifice in many respects, but it is in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations and the OAU which condemn the regimes of racism and apartheid.
188.	If Burundi unreservedly applies the relevant provisions of resolutions in regard to southern Africa, a fortiori the great industrial Powers, and particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, should take appropriate measures to put an end to these anachronistic regimes which, unfortunately, spread to other regions of southern Africa and, in particular, to Namibia, which should be directly under the authority of the United Nations after the revocation of the Mandate of South Africa, which has been, guilty of the crimes of apartheid perpetrated in that territory. We condemn the policy of bantustanization practiced by South Africa in Namibia, intended to dislocate the Namibian nation.
189.	If South Africa practices a policy contrary to the principles of the United Nations, then why have a dialog with Pretoria or even maintain its status as a Member of the United Nations? It is high time we learned the lesson of the permanent violation by South Africa of the Charter of the United Nations and pronounced its expulsion from the Organization. Burundi is gratified at the General Assembly's decision not to allow the representatives of Vorster to speak, and hopes that that decision will be endorsed by other United Nations bodies, especially the Security Council.
190.	If it is difficult to understand the behavior and final aim of the Salisbury regime, it is no easier to understand the attitude of the United Kingdom towards the rebellion of one of its colonies. London is no longer disturbed about the Salisbury regime; indeed, it sympathizes with that regime, despite the fact that it still has the task of leading the people of Zimbabwe to self- determination and independence.
191.	The United Kingdom has not hesitated to put down rebellions when faced with similar situations in the past. In the case of Rhodesia, London's attitude can be interpreted only as complicity, which the people of Zimbabwe cannot tolerate any longer, for they are aware of their strength, which is being asserted more and more alongside that of the other revolutionary peoples of the world.
192.	Salisbury and Pretoria should, while there is still time, review their policy and follow the example of Lisbon, which has just renounced its political and economic exploitation of African States and has become their privileged friend.
193.	On this same subject of decolonization, we hope that Spain will grant independence to so-called Spanish Sahara.
194.	We welcome the agreement between Morocco and Mauritania to request an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. That will enable all the parties concerned to reach agreement, before the granting of independence, on the future juridical status of the Sahara.
195.	In another region of the world, there is a tragic situation in the Middle East. The Zionist State of Israel has gone so far as to annex by force territories belonging to the Arab States of Palestine, Egypt, Syria and Jordan. That Zionist policy of annexation has deprived the Palestinian people of all its territory.
196.	It is inadmissible in our times that a State should annex by force of arms the territory of another in-dependent State, and thus remove that State from the international political scene. If there is one monstrous injustice in the world that the Organization cannot accept, it is the case of Palestine, for an entire people has been deprived of its home and thereby condemned to a condition of despair.
197.	The most recent war, that of October 1973, while it had the advantage of destroying the myth of Israel's invincibility, did not however lead the Zionist State to seize the opportunity for negotiations to put an end to the Israeli-Arab conflict. If the Palestinian people and the other Arab States of Egypt, Syria and Jordan cannot recover their territory usurped by Zionist imperialism, there is a real danger that a new war, even more deadly than the preceding ones, will break out.
198.	My delegation ventures to remind the Assembly that any solution of the Middle East problem that does not call for the restoration to the Palestinian people of its legitimate right to regain its homeland, with all the powers of sovereignty, is doomed to a total impasse.
199.	My delegation is gratified at the inclusion in this session's agenda of the question of Palestine [item 108], to be discussed separately; that will allow us to examine the problem in more depth. In order to be able to discuss the Palestine question with a full awareness of the facts, the Assembly should invite the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole legitimate and unchallenged representative of the Palestinian people. Indeed, it would be a paradox to try to settle the problem of the Palestinian people without having heard the party mainly concerned.
200.	If the present chances for a settlement of the Middle East crisis fade, Israel will have to bear the responsibility.
201.	The delegation of the Republic of Burundi wishes at this stage to express once again its unflagging support of its brother Arab States, and especially of the Palestinian people, which can count on us for fraternal and militant solidarity. My delegation proposes that the United Nations should take appropriate measures to compel Israel to implement the relevant Security Council resolutions, and to impose sanctions against the Zionist State if it refuses to do so.
202.	The States Members of the United Nations should, individually or collectively, take concrete measures to make Israel respect the territorial integrity of the Arab States of the region, the freedom and self-determination of the Palestinian people, the Holy Places of Jerusalem, the Charter of the United Nations and the Organization's decisions. If the State of Israel does not yield to those imperative necessities, peace and security will remain seriously threatened and the present climate propitious to the search for a settlement of the conflict will, regrettably, be dissipated.
203.	As I said earlier in this statement in reference to disarmament, the world is going through a period of great upheaval resulting from the wars of national liberation, particularly in IndoChina. Viet Nam and Cambodia are at present the most acute anti-imperialist fronts.
204.	With regard to Viet Nam, my delegation would first wish to express its warm congratulations to the heroic people of Viet Nam on the striking victory which it has won and continues to win against imperialism and its puppets. The victories of that great people have proved to the world, and above all to imperialism itself, that a committed and determined people is invincible. We ask the international community to use its prestige and its influence to ensure that finally, after almost half a century, the people of Viet Nam may regain its lost peace and bind up the deep wounds left by the various wars imposed on it by imperialism.
205.	My delegation urgently appeals to the signatory parties of the Agreement on ending the war and re-storing peace in Viet Nam, signed in Paris on 27 January 1973, to respect all its provisions scrupulously. We demand that all foreign troops still stationed in Viet Nam, under whatever label, be withdrawn without delay, in conformity with the Paris Agreement. We condemn the Saigon administration, which obstinately continues its encroachment operations, in violation of the Paris Agreement.
206.	Since the Paris Agreement recognizes three administrations in Viet Nam and since the United Nations has admitted the Saigon Administration as an observer, my delegation demands the admission of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet Nam as an observer, particularly since that Government is the valid representative of the South Vietnamese people.
207.	There is another anti-imperialist front in the Indochinese region: Cambodia. Following the plot hatched against Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, the people of Cambodia, weapons in hand, began an all-out war for the national liberation of Cambodia, and in four years they have liberated almost the entire country. The Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia, led by the the head of State, Norodom Sihanouk, has been recognized by more than 60 countries and continues to enjoy the support and assistance of all the peoples of the workhwho love peace and freedom. Last year, the Head of State of Cambodia, Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, received a warm and enthusiastic welcome at Algiers from the non-aligned family. Recently, the Deputy Prime Minister, Khieu Samphan, visited several countries in Asia, Africa and Europe, and had great success everywhere.
208.	The Lon Nol clique has dared in recent days to put forward some fallacious proposals for "peace negotiations". Those maneuvers fool no one; indeed, they only confirm the precarious position of that puppet regime, which in no way represents the Cambodian people any longer.
209.	Consistent with its policy, the Government of the Republic of Burundi once again states its support for the restoration to the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia of its legitimate seat in the United Nations, and hence for the expulsion of the Lon Nol representatives.
210.	There is another problem on the same continent which should be of concern to the Organization and on which we should take a decision.
211.	At its last session, the General Assembly took a very important decision to dissolve UNCURK. At the same time, it confirmed the will of the United Nations to see Korea reunified peacefully and without outside interference.
212.	My delegation believes that we must continue to go forward in the search for peace in the Korean peninsula. The two parties have begun a dialog, and the only obstacle to constructive results remains the stationing of United Nations troops in the southern part of the country. My delegation demands the total, immediate and final withdrawal of all the troops stationed in Korea under the United Nations flag. The Government of the Republic of Burundi regards that withdrawal as an indispensable prerequisite to the reunification of Korea and, in our opinion, any attempt to admit the two parties to the United Nations separately is a plot to prevent the peaceful and independent reunification of Korea.
213.	We have referred to the violence which prevails throughout the world, and particularly in the countries of the third world. We believe that the Organization should not only take note of all its manifestations, but also draw up a plan of peace for the world which would go to the roots of the evil.
214.	The great Powers of the world should first of all renounce their policy of domination and hegemony, which is at the basis of the incessant arms race, whose aim is to eliminate the weaker States. It is no mere chance that all the conflicts and hotbeds of tension are located not within the spheres of the super-Powers or of the industrialized countries, but in the developing countries. It therefore appears clear that the true victims of the arms race are indeed the countries of the third world hence their interest in total and complete disarmament, because they would become the main theater of operations should another world conflict occur.
215.	The present approach of entrusting the question of disarmament only to the nuclear Powers, more accurately to the two super-Powers, must be rejected, because this question interests all mankind and must be dealt with by all countries, whatever their geographical size or whatever their power hence the need to hold the World Disarmament Conference, the content and definition of which must be clear to all.
216.	In fact, a certain confusion has been created by the two super-Powers. They intend, above all, to achieve a limitation of strategic nuclear weapons and a ban on the proliferation of atomic weapons. As we see it, this partial disarmament means maintaining the status quo while adopting minor arrangements among the super-Powers and continuing the arms race at a uniformly accelerated speed. The international community is being asked to confirm the monopoly of nuclear weapons held by the two super-Powers. Without questioning the good faith of statements made on the subject, we are nevertheless compelled to note with bitterness that at the very time when one hand offers us treaties banning the proliferation of atomic weapons, another hand is offering plutonium and factories for the separation of isotopes to Israel and to South Africa, although those countries are known for their policies of aggression and of violation of the Charter of the United Nations.
217.	How can this be taken seriously? My delegation considers that the objective of disarmament is the total destruction of nuclear weapons. All nuclear Powers should first of all solemnly undertake never to use that nuclear arsenal against any non-nuclear country, to respect the denuclearized zones, and never to use those arms to commit aggression against other countries. In the next phase, the two super-Powers should carry out effective and controlled disarmament, because they are not threatened by the other Powers. At a third stage, disarmament should be generalized and complete and all countries should be called upon to join this process of disarmament and reduction of military budgets, which would preclude any further nuclear tests.
218.	The Government of the Republic of Burundi is also in favour of dismantling all military bases on the soil of third-world countries, because they constitute a permanent threat to the stability and security of the States of the region.
219.	Finally, the Government of Burundi is against the hegemony of the great Powers, whose military navies travel the seas and oceans, thus constituting a permanent threat to the coastal States and seriously hampering world peace and international co-operation.
220.	According to the experts, the world spends $250,000 million on the arms race, a sum which is larger than all the national incomes of the developing countries of Asia and Africa. This vast sum could relieve multitudes of poverty-stricken human beings if it were devoted-to development purposes.
221.	Since the last session of the Assembly, we have witnessed events of considerable importance and scope in international economic relations. All petroleum- exporting countries have adopted historic decisions and initiatives intended to ensure a rapid development for their respective economies and a constant improvement in the standard of living and well-being of their peoples, by a revision of their policy on the exporting and exploitation of their natural resources. The prices of certain other raw materials have also risen substantially. In the main developed capitalist countries, inflation and monetary erosion have become more acute, and there is no reason to expect an improvement in the situation unless leaders in those countries decide to take energetic measures to remedy the functioning of the mechanism of their respective economic systems.
222.	This situation has gravely affected many countries of the world which have not yet started producing their own raw materials and whose means are scant because their economic development is slow. Thus, the overwhelming majority of the world's inhabitants view the future with a largely justified concern. It is the duty of the entire international community diligently to meet its responsibilities by seeking the most favorable, effective and just solutions to the grave problems of our time. Otherwise, peace, entente and concord among the peoples and nations which we represent here will be seriously jeopardized.
223.	If we wish to establish, once and for all, balanced and harmonious international economic relations among all the partners, if we wish to solve the present economic crisis, we must first and foremost seek to identify its origins and roots. To that end, courage and clear thinking will be needed. There must be a real spirit of dialog and tolerance. Above all, the rich countries must rid themselves of their complex of power and superiority and take up the discussion in a spirit of equality.
224.	The sixth special session, which was convened on the happy initiative of Mr. Houari Boumediene, President of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, to whom we renew the expressions of our deep gratitude, was in fact intended, as we all know, to arrive at solutions acceptable to all and capable of overcoming the threatened breakdown of our respective economies. Today we find that, despite the goodwill and the spirit of concession Of the developing countries at that session, we have not yet reached the end of our sufferings.
225.	The cold, if not hostile, welcome among the developed countries to the Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New Inter-national Economic Order augurs no good for the future.
226.	Worse than that, certain rich countries, having failed to impose their views and solutions on the rest of the world, are now trying to find scapegoats for their problems, to reject their own responsibilities in the present crisis by laying them at the door of the countries that are producers of raw materials, to provoke and encourage the breakup of the "front" of developing countries. They even threaten to restore by force the old economic order which was characterized by the exploitation, pillage and shameless waste of the natural resources of the poor countries.
Such conduct is fraught with dangers for international peace and security.
227.	My country believes that the industrialized countries, with the so-called market economies, should accept a major part of the responsibility for the present economic disorders. The editorial writer of a major newspaper recently wrote that if the present economic situation was out of control it was in the first place because the Western countries had long refused to control their currencies.
228.	Contrary to what some would make us believe, everyone knows that inflation appeared in the developed countries in the second half of the 1960s. It therefore did not follow the rise in the prices of raw materials; it provoked it. As for the impact of the prices of raw materials on the acceleration in the rate of inflation in developed countries, I should like to recall that, according to a study undertaken in November 1973 by experts of a large Western Power, the doubling of the prices of all primary products could not at that time give rise to more than 4 per cent of the inflation. Since then, the prices of only an insignificant number of primary products have risen considerably. Under the circumstances, how can inflation rates of 15 per cent and more in the main industrialized countries be justified?
229.	It is true that the quadrupling of the price of oil and its derivatives in the space of three months did create serious problems of adaptation for each of our economies, particularly the most fragile. It is also true that we are where we are because the developed countries have always received with indifference and con-tempt the many appeals addressed to them by the countries of the third world within the framework of UNCTAD and in this Assembly to improve the terms of trade of the poorer countries.
230.	The cause of the generalized inflation from which we are suffering is to be sought in the very functioning of the economies of the developed countries. The world will never know a sound international economy as long as the rich 'countries refuse to face their responsibilities. The economic system whose merits and performance they have too often boasted of has been able to survive and prosper only because of the pitiless exploitation of the weakest by the rich and the unmitigated pillage of the wealth of the third world. It must be reviewed and adjusted to the needs, ideals and requirements of our times.
231.	Although Burundi has seriously suffered from recent developments in the field of international economic relations, my country fully recognizes that the oil-producing countries were quite right to revalue their resources, and we support their struggle to improve the purchasing power of the products they export. Let us denounce maneuvers of blackmail, intimidation and threats directed against them by certain-of the wealthy countries. Through the countries members of OPEC, those threats are addressed also to other commodity-producing countries which might be tempted to follow a rational policy for the development of their resources in accordance with the general well-being and legitimate interest^ of the peoples for whom they are responsible,,
232.	Having said that, there is no doubt that a certain number of the countries of the third world need a great demonstration of solidarity from the international community to guarantee for their peoples a standard of living that accords with the requirements of human dignity. In that regard, my country notes with satisfaction that certain oil-exporting countries have shown a great deal of understanding and a spirit of generosity in regard to the countries most gravely affected by the latest economic events. We hope the developed countries will soon reflect in concrete gestures the present attitude of compassion in regard to the disinherited peoples of the planet. However, the conditions some developed countries have placed upon contributions to the Special Fund established by resolution 3202 (S-VI) lead us seriously to doubt their good faith and sincerity. The show of solidarity of which I have spoken must be spontaneous. It must not be bargained, nor can it depend on the attitude of a group of third countries, when the need and urgency are recognized by all because of the conditions of despair under which millions of human beings live.
233.	To conclude this economic chapter, I should like to make one point clear. Rumors have been spread according to which the African States have severed diplomatic relations with Israel to ensure their supply of oil. It was further alleged that this was the only reason for their support of the Arab States. My delegation protests against such calumny, intended to break Arab-African solidarity.
234.	Though it is among the States whose economies have been most affected by the rise in the price of oil, the Republic of Burundi wishes to make it clear that we severed diplomatic and other relations with Israel for no such reason. Militant and brotherly solidarity with the Arab peoples was decided upon by the Government of Burundi quite independently and in all sovereignty, without any bargaining. Burundi therefore considers that those divisive maneuvers are devoid of any logic and should be ended so as not to lend substance to the slanderous attempts at blackmail to sow discord between the African countries and our Arab brothers.
235.	Since the Organization came into being, eminent statesmen and distinguished diplomats have come to this rostrum to proclaim their faith in the ideals of peace, freedom and progress. The brilliant wars of national liberation against colonialism and for independence that have been waged almost everywhere throughout the world for nearly 30 years and continue in southern Africa, in the Middle East and in IndoChina demonstrate, should that still be necessary, that international peace will be precarious as long as a single people or a single nation is subject to domination, humiliation, exploitation and racism.
236.	Today, because of the rapid development of mass communications media, the world has become smaller than ever, and each of its inhabitants is better informed on the conditions of life of his fellow men. International peace and security will always be threatened as long as millions of human beings suffer from hunger, malnutrition, disease and other scourges of mankind while a privileged minority wallows in abundance, waste and indifference.
237.	All peoples aspire to live in dignity, freedom and pride. Every effort must be made, all energies and all resources must be mobilized so that all the peoples of the earth, and above all the most disinherited, may lead a decent life, so that they may simply live with the hope of a better future. To that end, international solidarity and co-operation, of which we have said so much, must be reflected in concrete action.
238.	In that context, we urgently appeal to the developed countries to honor the commitments they entered into freely and solemnly vis-a-vis the developing countries within the framework of the Second United Nations Development Decade. We also invite them to withdraw the reservations they have expressed regarding the results of the sixth special session of the General Assembly, on raw materials and development.
239.	International relations must become democratic through the taking up of problems in equality and mutual understanding. International relations must be based upon concerted action, dialog and a spirit of compromise, and no longer on force or diktat. While not losing sight of our own preoccupations and priorities, let us justly appreciate those of our partners. By acting thus, every country represented here will make a valuable contribution to the building of a more human world of greater solidarity and brotherhood in which we shall forever banish injustice, poverty, frustration and humiliation, to the greater glory and well-being of mankind.


Mr. President, I should like first of all to offer you the congratulations of my delegation on your unanimous election to the presidency of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Your great country, Sir; has been in the forefront of progressive action in the third world and has played an important role in the world community, and we are particularly happy to see you presiding over the work of this Assembly.
111.	Ever since he accepted to shoulder the burden of the most impossible job in the world, our distinguished Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has spared no effort in his work for peace, justice and progress. We warmly congratulate him for his tremendous, prompt and positive actions not only at times of political crisis but also in the quieter fields of economic development.
112.	We should also like to welcome Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau as new Members of the United Nations.
113.	We listened attentively and with much interest to the stirring address of the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman [2243rd meeting], a heroic statesman. We warmly welcome the presence among us of the representatives of Bangladesh.
114.	Grenada, the "Spice Island", shares with Mauritius the beauty of nature- except that the beaches of the star and key of the Indian Ocean are much more beautiful.
115.	The admission of Guinea-Bissau is the victory of a right and just cause. We are proud to see among us the valiant representatives of this new African court- try, and never shall we forget the name of Amilcar Cabral.
116.	Our sympathies go to the Government and the people of Honduras in their present plight after the cyclone "Fifi". We hope that the world community will, as usual, be generous in helping to alleviate the sufferings of our fellow human beings not only in Honduras but also in Bangladesh -which, once again, is stricken with natural disaster and elsewhere.
117.	As a brief reminder of the problems which confront the United Nations at this session, I would point out that the special emergency operation to which we agreed at the sixth special session has not yet resulted in concrete measures to assist those among us who are most affected by the present world economic crisis; that we still have to tackle the complex question of general disarmament, that is to say, disarmament which would lighten the burden arising from the arms race and increase the opportunities for development; that peace has not yet been restored to South-East Asia; and that such serious political problems as the situation in the Middle East and the question of Cyprus remain to be solved. So, in addition to finding ways and means to promote a new economic order, we still have to find appropriate solutions to long-standing problems so as to promote political stability.
118.	Mauritius has welcomed the atmosphere of detente among the major Powers, because it believes that it could be the basis for universal peace, thus lessening the possibility of confrontations between them. Detente, however, has not eliminated the possibility of confrontation in the Indian Ocean.
119.	Declared a zone of peace by the Assembly three years ago [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], the Indian Ocean is at present the scene of dangerous rivalries. Any decision of the United Kingdom and the United States to extend communications and military facilities on the island of Diego Garcia would constitute a flagrant violation of the United Nations resolution on the subject. May we appeal to those directly concerned, especially the United States of America, to reconsider their present policy which, certainly, far from being conducive to the creatL J of a zone of peace is rather conducive to the creation of one of tension. Mauritius, therefore, with other countries bordering the Indian Ocean, views with grave concern the activities of the great Powers, which could create an explosive situation. The peoples of the countries of the Indian Ocean must be allowed to live in peace and security. Mauritius will therefore continue to explore with others every possibility of maintaining peace in the area.
120.	But world peace cannot be ensured if the global issues of disarmament are not solved. For us, genuine disarmament means not only an end to the arms race -which, it should be recalled, costs about $270,000 million annually -but also the destruction of all existing arsenals. The work of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament should be accelerated and the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks should be allowed to yield more positive results. It is the view of our Government that what is needed is a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty, and that any other agreements concluded- should not be aimed at preserving primarily the prerogatives of those countries that are already nuclear Powers. It is in that context that we would consider the proposals fm nuclear-free zones in some parts of the world.
121.	Although the solutions proposed at the sixth special session have remained unimplemented, the session was useful in so far as it helped to underline the great degree of interdependence of the world economies, particularly the interrelated nature of the economies of the producers of raw materials and those of the developed countries which nerd the raw materials for their continued industrialization. Since the special session, the world economy has further deteriorated. Inflation in the developed countries is felt also in the developing countries, which are paying higher prices for food, fertilizers and manufactured goods. The energy crisis has taught the developed countries their dependence on petroleum. In this respect, we believe that oil price increases should be discussed in the general context of a system of adequate remuneration for basic commodities. My country, which draws about 90 per cent of its total export earnings from the export of sugar, has greatly suffered in the past from the constant deterioration in the terms of trade. The economic, situation of countries which, like Mauritius, export raw materials, will remain unstable as long as an adequate and equitable system is not found to counter the cyclic fluctuations to which the prices of raw materials are subject. While we continue to search for long-term measures, contributions are urgently needed for the emergency operation in order lo assist the hardest hit among the developing countries.
122.	It is our belief that existing specialized agencies or international institutions, such as UNIDO, UNCTAD and the regional economic commissions could greatly contribute towards the search for long- term solutions. In spite of their efforts, developing countries are still compelled to specialize in the production and supply of raw materials to the developed countries. We feel that their action would be more fruitful if they concentrated on an increased transfer of technology from the developed to the developing countries, in order to achieve the aims of diversification and industrialization. We suggest that, so far as Africa is concerned, the conclusions of the UNESCO Conference on the Application of Science and Technology to Development in Africa should be implemented without delay . We also note the early implementation of the African regional plan of action for science and technology, which aims at creating the necessary apparatus to enable an easy, transfer of technology from the highly industrialized nations. Finally, we suggest that the EC A, whose main contribution has so far been the preparation of studies and the organization of meetings, seminars and symposia, should be enabled to assist African States in a more practical manner.
123.	Before turning to some of the political problems confronting us, I should like to refer briefly to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Mauritius, which is an island, of course attaches great importance to the problems of the sea, the sea-bed and its subsoil and their resources. At the second session of the Conference held recently at Caracas some of the basic issues were raised. We view the question of sovereignty and jurisdiction over the . sea, its soil and subsoil up to 200 miles as being particularly important. It is essential that the establishment of a 200-mile coastal zone be accepted over which the States concerned can exercise the right to exploit the natural resources of the sea for the economic development and welfare of their peoples. A second element which the final legal order of the sea should emphasize is the idea Of universal ownership of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction and its administration by an international body in the interests of the peoples of the world as the common heritage of mankind. Those two elements have clearly emerged from the Caracas session. Together with most of the countries of the Third World, Mauritius will support the final instruments relating to the Law of the Sea.
124.	We are gratified to note that among the political issues before the General Assembly this year we will not have to devote the usual amount of time and attention to the questions of the Portuguese-administered Territories.
125.	In the course of the general debate at the twenty- fourth session of the General Assembly, my Prime Minister, Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, said, referring to the colonial Powers, particularly Portugal:
"These to my mind are the main currents of colonial policies adopted by many Powers. Why do they not want to withdraw gracefully from the Territories they have occupied for centuries? At times it was* advanced by them that the peoples Of those Territories were not ready to assume independence; at other times it was said that those Territories were economically backward and not viable. On either ground, they have forfeited their right to continue to maintain their rule because after centuries of colonial rule they have failed on all counts.
"Colonial Powers should no longer invoke the principle that the affairs of Territories under their rule are purely their internal affairs. The time has passed for such a concept; and they should voluntarily divest themselves of their political rule without necessarily impairing their cultural links."6
126.	It is therefore with great pleasure and admiration that we have followed the efforts of the new regime is Lisbon, not only to restore democracy and freedom to Portugal but also to negotiate with the recognized leaders of its colonies the transfer of power.
127.	The statement made by the Foreign Minister of new Portugal, Mr. Mario Soares [2239th meeting], was historical inasmuch as it ended over four centuries of colonial oppression. On behalf of my Government, I wish to pay a tribute in regard to those efforts which have already led to a peaceful settlement in Guinea-Bissau and to the Lusaka agreement concerning the independence of Mozambique. We are confident that with the usual statesmanship the new leaders of Portugal will tackle with success the outstanding problems which are to be solved with regard to Angola and that the decolonization process in that Territory also will be as* smooth as in the other cases. While saluting the wisdom and statesmanship of the new Portuguese Government, we should like to praise the freedom fighters for their long and heroic struggle to liberate their countries.
128.	We hope that the developments in the Portuguese-administered Territories will have a healthy impact on the situation in the rest of southern Africa, which is still under the domination of colonialist and racist regimes.
129.	We are gratified to note that the British Foreign Secretary, Mr. James Callaghan, has reaffirmed that the United Kingdom still has an outstanding responsibility in Southern Rhodesia and has given us assurances that the British Government will adhere to the policy f ^t "there can be no satisfactory settlement without :e agreement of the African people who live in Rhodesia" [2240th meeting, para. 229]. We assume that all concerned realize from what is happening in Mozambique that there could be no settlement without majority rule. Another lesson which should be learned from the patterns of settlement in the Portuguese-administered Territories is that no peaceful settlement is possible in Southern Rhodesia except through negotiations with recognized leaders of the people. It follows that without the release from detention of the leaders of the Zimbabwe liberation movement, no negotiated settlement is possible. The only alternative would be to continue the liberation struggle which, with the possibility of increased assistance from the OAU, is bound to be intensified. We trust that the British Government, like us, wishes to avoid unnecessary loss of life. Taking into account the new developments, we believe that it can more forcefully impress upon the rebel regime of Ian Smith the urgent need for peaceful change. Of course, all other States can, and should, help in tightening the sanctions against Rhodesia.
130.	The situation in Namibia has worsened over the past year. But it appears, from some statements made by representatives of the white minority in the Territory, that there is some awareness that the reign of terror of the apartheid regime cannot continue indefinitely, when Angola is expected to become independent in the near future. We hope that there, as in Southern Rhodesia, political realism will prevail: In the meantime, the armed struggle waged by the freedom fighters of the South West Africa People's Organization will continue and Mauritius is determined to continue to support it.
131.	Whether the abhorrent system of apartheid in South Africa will be affected by the admirable example of humanity and political wisdom set by Portugal is debatable. The nature of the evil system of apartheid is such that it would take a revolution similar to that which has occurred in Portugal to change it. It is an opinion, indeed a conviction, however, that the apartheid policy is doomed to failure. Mauritius is determined to continue to associate itself fully with all action that might be undertaken by the United Nations to bring about the end of the racist minority regime in South Africa.
132.	Before concluding, I would like to indicate very briefly the position of Mauritius on a number of other political issues before us.
133.	The representative of Mauritius, at the time of the violent overthrow of President Makarios, expressed in the Security Council the shock and emotion felt by the people of Mauritius. The position which the representative of Mauritius stated still stands: namely, that Archbishop Makarios was, and remains, the legitimate head of the State of Cyprus and that the restoration of constitutional order implies that he should be allowed to return. Our position is a simple one as it h based on the fact that Archbishop Makarios is the elected President of Cyprus. We hope that our forthcoming deliberations on the Cyprus question will pave the way to restoring full sovereignty to that country and to safeguarding its territorial integrity and independence to the satisfaction of all the inhabitants of the island.
134.	On the Middle East question, Mauritius fully supports the position of the OAU, particularly on the demand for complete Israeli withdrawal from occupied Arab territories. This is not only a just demand but a requirement for the restoration, of durable peace in the region. That measure and any others aimed at safeguarding the independence and territorial integrity of Israel are, in our opinion, the issues which should be resolved at any resumed talks in Geneva if complete peace it to return to the Middle East. Any solution would also have to take into account the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine.
135.	My delegation welcomes the inclusion in the agenda of this session of the supplementary item entitled "Prohibition of action to influence the environment and climate for military and other purposes incompatible with the maintenance of international security, human well-being and health" [item 103]. We congratulate the Foreign Minister of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Mr. Andrei Gromyko, and his delegation for having proposed the inclusion of this item in the agenda of the Assembly [see A19702], which my delegation will actively support.
136.	The World Population Conference, in which Mauritius participated, has accomplished considerable results and we trust that all Member States, and others, will co-operate and help generously towards the implementation of the World Population Plan of Action, which was adopted by acclamation in Bucharest by no less than 135 participating States.
137.	Now we are hopeful that the World Food Conference, scheduled to be held in Rome this November, will result in the adoption of measures which will lead to the alleviation of the food problems that the world is facing today.
138.	To conclude, allow me to return to the point I started a little while ago, namely, to the immediate region where Mauritius is situated. My Government has the friendliest relations with the leaders of the Seychelles. We have welcomed the decision of the ruling party, the Seychelles Democratic Party of Mr. Mancham, with regard to the independence of the Islands, and we are looking forward to co-operating closely with the independent Seychelles.
139.	Furthermore, we were pleased to hear earlier this week from the French Foreign Minister, Mr. Sau- vagnargues [2238th meeting], that France was completing its own efforts in the domain of decolonization by preparing, with the agreement of the freely elected leaders of the Comoros, the accession to independence of the islands. We welcome these developments and are also looking forward to establishing friendly relations with the independent Comoros. The co-operation of the Seychelles and the Comoros as well as that of all other States of the region is needed firmly to establish the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.
140.	May I, on behalf of my Prime Minister, the Government and people of Mauritius, reaffirm our unbounded faith in the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.


Mr. President, I should like, first of all, to tell you how justly proud my delegation is to see one of the valiant sons of Africa and the third world presiding over the work of the Assembly's twenty-ninth session.
40.	Our continent is of course honored by your election, but my country, Mali, takes particular satisfaction in participating in the international consecration of the former Commander Si Abdel-kader El Mali, that intrepid fighter who won those glorious titles on the Algerian-Malian frontiers in the heat of the liberation struggle of his country.
41.	Mali, which at that time still had only internal autonomy, was already committed to Algeria's struggle. That prestigious nom de guerre "El Mali", which your comrades-in-arms borrowed from my country and gave you, awakens deep memories in us.
42.	In other words, Mr. President, for the people of Mali, among whom you so worthily represented the National Liberation Front, you have remained our brother and friend, an ardent patriot.
43.	Your past as a fighter, your eminent qualities as a statesman and your brilliant political career predestined you for these lofty functions, there can be no doubt that you will be able to give our work the same mark of faith and dynamism that characterizes the foreign policy of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, with which Mali enjoys solid relations of friendship and solidarity forged throughout centuries of common history and life.
44.	In offering to you, through me, its warm and fraternal congratulations, my delegation wishes also to take this opportunity to express its sincere thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, on the remarkable way in which, with so much competence, he conducted the proceedings of the twenty- eighth session and the sixth special session, which was devoted to the problems of raw materials and development.
45.	We wish also to congratulate the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has spared no effort in fulfilling as satisfactorily as possible the extremely heavy and difficult task that we have entrusted to him.
46.	We should like to associate ourselves with the many messages of sympathy that have been addressed to the delegation of Honduras, a country which has been ravaged by a terrible hurricane. We extend our friendly sympathy to the people of Honduras and its Government, and we express our deep condolences to the Honduran nation and the bereaved families.
47.	The admission to the United Nations at this session of the fraternal States of Guinea-Bissau, Bangladesh and Grenada is an important milestone on the difficult path to the universality of the Organization. My delegation extends its fraternal congratulations to the representatives of those new States and wishes their people much success in the difficult tasks of national construction awaiting them. The admission of each of those three States is in itself a historic event of great significance.
48.	For-the People's Republic of Bangladesh, it represents the crowning of long and patient efforts undertaken, with the assistance of the international community, by Pakistan, India and Bangladesh itself to put an end to the painful crisis that had torn the Indian sub-continent apart in 1971. In this respect, we cannot pass over in silence the historic Simla Agreement of 1972, on bilateral relations between India and Pakistan, which laid the foundations for that settlement.
49.	For Grenada, admission to the United Nations has put an end to more than 200 years of colonization in that West Indian island.
50.	For the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, this extremely happy event is both a fruition and a beginning. It is a fruition because this 138th Member of the Organization has thus been given international recognition after so many years of heroic struggle under the banner of the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [.PAIGC]. It is a beginning because the process of decolonization begun by the new Portugal has only just got under way. We would therefore express the hope that that process will be pursued so that the representatives of peoples still under Portuguese colonial administration who are engaged in the same kind of liberation struggle will very soon be able to take their places among us here.
51.	We cannot talk of the independence of Guinea- Bissau without paying a warm tribute to all the freedom fighters, to the martyrs of the PAIGC and the glorious action of its leader, Amilcar Cabral, that outstanding figure of fighting Africa who fell on the field of honor.
52.	Last year, after having set forth at the twenty- eighth session the views of my Government on the international situation and having defined its position with regard to the problems of survival facing our society, I concluded my statement by saying that "we have no choice but to work jointly for the coming into being of a new international order based on justice and equity." [2145th meeting, para. 145.] Such a choice requires from us, above ail, courage and political will to discharge fully our responsibilities before history. It cannot, therefore, be reconciled with bad compromises and inconsistent agreements which only skim over the surface of the vital problems of our times. Nor can it be reconciled with colonialism, racism and apartheid, which are still rife in the world.
53.	In spite of certain developments in the field of decolonization in the territories under Portuguese administration, since the coup d'etat which, in Lisbon, on 25 April 1974, overthrew the Fascist regime of Caetano, the spiritual heir of the dictator Salazar, millions of people still remain deprived of their freedom. And while we welcome the agreements concluded on 7 September 1974, at Lusaka, between the Frente de Liberta$ao de Mozambique [FRELIMO] and the Portuguese Government, we are nevertheless apprehensive about the future of Angola and the other territories under Portuguese administration, because of the unsuccessful coup of.the white extremists in Mozambique and the most recent crisis which erupted within the new regime in Lisbon. Those events should, in our view, prompt the Portuguese Government to act more quickly and firmly in carrying out its program of decolonization and to apply the agreements already concluded or about to be concluded with the liberation movements recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAU].
54.	The State of Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde Islands must, without further delay, recover its national unity and territorial integrity.
55.	The United Nations, for its part, must remain vigilant and assume its responsibilities vis-a-vis the peoples of the territories under Portuguese administration. It cannot recover from a further affront of the kind inflicted on it by the rebel Ian Smith regime.
56.	While decolonization has made some progress in the territories under Portuguese administration, we cannot say as much for the rest of Africa. Indeed, apart from the undertaking of the French Government to give independence to the Comoro Archipelago in 1975, with respect for its territorial integrity, we have seen no encouraging sign for the other territories under colonial domination.
57.	We will venture to hope that, in their awareness of the irreversibility of the course of history, the other colonial Powers will emerge from their immobility and, in accordance with the provisions in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], will promote the decolonization of the last remaining territories under their domination.
58.	This is the place to make an urgent appeal to Spain to put into effect as soon as possible, and in consultation with the sister States of Mauritania, Morocco and Algeria, the relevant resolutions adopted by the various bodies of the United Nations on Spanish Sahara.
59.	On the question of the Comoro Archipelago, we have no doubt that the French Government will associate itself fully, in the consultations which are to lead to the independence of the Territory, with the Mouvement de liberation nationale des Comores [MOL1NACO] and with all the political exiles of the country, in accordance with the recommendations in the decision adopted by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples on 6 September 1974.
60.	With respect to Southern Rhodesia, the white usurpers continue to defy the United Nations, with the complicity cf the administering Power. The people of Zimbabwe, who in 1972 rejected the Anglo-Rhodesian proposals for a settlement, once again demonstrated its standing as a great people by refusing this year to lend itself to the electoral masquerade which was organized on 30 July by the Salisbury rebels.
61.	The repugnant and criminal theory of racial superiority has been reflected in Southern Rhodesia in the deprivation of the political and civic rights of the black majority, the proliferation of homelands, which are nothing but concentration camps, and the recrudescence of political assassinations. The manhunt organized against the inhabitants of Musiwa last February, and the ensuing summary and public execution of the leaders of that village give us, if there is any need for it, some idea of the sufferings the people of Zimbabwe have endured for more than 10 years.
62.	The United Kingdom bears responsibility for this and should follow the example of Portugal, which, although it did not enjoy the same degree of military or economic power, nevertheless succeeded, early in September, in crushing the revolt of the white extremists in Mozambique and in establishing law and order.
63.	The United Nations has tried in vain to exert pressure against the rebel Salisbury regime. The most recent to date, that is to say the economic sanctions decreed by the Security Council, were breached by some of its most influential members. For our part, we have in any case never believed in the virtues of those sanctions.
64.	The Assembly should learn the proper lessons from this and prevail upon the administering Power to discharge all its responsibilities towards the Zimbabwe people, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and the resolutions adopted on the question.
65.	Although primary responsibility for the Rhodesian crisis falls to the United Kingdom, as the ad-ministering Power, responsibility for Namibia, on the other hand, a territory under the trusteeship of the international community, lies entirely with the United Nations. Unfortunately, the United Nations finds its actions thwarted by the allies of South Africa, that is to say the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] Powers.
66.	The racist regime in Pretoria has naturally taken advantage of this situation to extend its authority to that territory and install and reinforce there its odious policy of racial segregation. Patriots are persecuted, citizens relegated to homelands, while the white settlers who have come from South Africa and the representatives of foreign interests are engaging
in a systematic plunder of the country's resources.
67.	The Secretary-General himself recognized this in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization, when he says: "It is with regret that I report that there has been no improvement in the internal situation in Southern Rhodesia, while in Namibia conditions continue to deteriorate." [A196011 Add., sect. IX.J
68.	The appointment, in December 1973, of the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia has not brought us any closer to a settlement of the question, except for the attempts at dialog which had previously been made by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative. The Organization must get out of its rut and assume with more determination its proper responsibilities in Namibia, the very responsibilities derived for it from the Charter and the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the question.3
69.	The panorama of white power in southern Africa would not be complete if we did not give some account of the repugnant policy of apartheid which over-shadows and casts opprobrium on the regime of Pretoria. This Power, which has been placed in the dock by the international community for more than a quarter of a century, has recently been associated with an influential member of the Security Council in carrying out military maneuvers in the Indian Ocean. This is the same Power that some members of the Security Council, heedless of the appeals of the international community, are enthusiastically arming against the defenseless populations of Azania, with the secret ambition of turning that country into a bulwark of their wars of colonial reconquest.
70.	It is for all those reasons that the Assembly, by its resolution 3207 (XXIX), wisely rejected the credentials of the representatives of the racist regime of Pretoria and called upon the Security Council to review the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa in the light of the constant violation by South Africa of the principles of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
71.	The conflagration ignited in southern Africa by the partisans of racism will not, of course, consume that part of the world alone, for the events in the Middle East have dismissed the very carefully thought out theories on the localization of conflicts. Indeed, the world found itself last October on the brink of world war because it allowed injustices and acts of gratuitous provocation to pile up over the years in the Middle East. Instead of trying to bring about a general settlement of the Middle East crisis, we have, since 1967, been content with provisional solutions which, far from creating the essential conditions for lasting peace in that part of the world, have led to a situation of stagnation: neither war nor peace.
72.	We needed to await the Israeli-Arab confrontation of October 1973, and the fears to which it gave rise, in order to make some progress towards a final settlement. Apart from the opening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East this year, other developments included the signing by Egypt and Israel on 18 January and by Israel and Syria on 31 May of agreements on disengagement of forces. A few rays of hope have thus emerged, but they have been rapidly stamped out because of the expansionist designs of Israel, which continues to occupy Arab territories and to deprive the Palestinian people of its homeland.
73.	The just and lasting peace the international community would like to see established in the Middle East cannot come about until all the Arab territories have been evacuated by Israel and until the national fundamental rights of the martyred people of Palestine have been restored.
74.	The Palestinian problem is not one which presents itself in humanitarian terms, which is how it has been represented for more than 30 years now, but rather in political terms, because it relates to the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination.
75.	No definitive solution can be found for the Israeli-Arab crisis without the effective participation of the Palestinian people in the search for that solution. The Palestinian problem, as we see it, is at the very heart of the Middle East tragedy. The delegation of my country has had occasion to make that point in all the international bodies that have dealt with the question from 1967 until this very day. That is why my country takes pleasure in today seeing the General Assembly sharing its views and finally-embarking upon the course that should lead to the final settlement of the Middle East crisis. The inclusion in the agenda of this session of the question of Palestine [item 108] should be understood in that sense.
76.	This year, the Mediterranean, at another of its nerve centers, the island of Cyprus, has been the scene of distressing events. We have followed very closely and with great concern the development of that crisis, because Cyprus and Mali both belong to the third world and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries.
77.	The Cypriot State, composed of two communities of Greek and Turkish origin, respectively, has ceaselessly struggled to reaffirm its national independence and identity. The fragile equilibrium that had been maintained with the support of the United Nations was abruptly broken by the coup d'etat of 15 July, fomented by imperialism -a coup d'etat which entailed unutterable suffering for the Cypriot people.
78.	Through those developments, the crisis called into question the very existence of Cyprus as an independent State. It must therefore be the task of the Organization, which has the question before it, to work above all for the safeguarding of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that Member State. It must require and obtain the withdrawal of all foreign troop stationed on the island of Cyprus. Any attempt to solve the crisis which fails to take account of those fundamental facts is doomed to failure.
79.	Although, in the last year, the Organization has had to its credit the settlement of the grave crisis in the Indian sub-continent and the bringing about in Laos of national concord, it is nevertheless a fact that the picture in Asia is very dark indeed.
80.	While the war in South Viet Nam and Cambodia continues with disturbing ferocity, foreign intervention continues to maintain the Korean crisis, with everything that implies as a threat to peace.
81.	In spite of the efforts of the Provisional Revolutionary Government, the hopes born of the conclusion, in 1973, of the Paris Agreement on Viet Nam vanished as a consequence of the repeated violations by the Saigon administration and its imperialist masters. The International Commission of Control and Supervision has in fact been paralyzed.
82.	In its diversionary attempts, the Thieu regime is multiplying its provocative acts against the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam, is violating its airspace and exerting pressure along its frontiers.
83.	In Cambodia, the Lon Nol regime has, for more than a year, been kept inside its capital by the patriotic forces of the Royal Government of National Union, which controls the whole country, apart from a few pockets.
84.	In Phnom Penh itself, in spite of an infernal machine of repression elaborated by the regime, the opposition is maintaining a climate of constant agitation while the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia, under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, organizes the administrative, political and economic life of the liberated regions.
85.	In Korea, where the General Assembly's dis-solution, last year, of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea [UNCURK] was welcomed as a first step towards normalization of the situation, the people are finding it harder and harder to tolerate the presence of foreign troops on the demarcation line.
86.	The consensus on the Korean question, adopted by the General Assembly on 28 November 1973,6 far from having encouraged the Seoul authorities to resume negotiations with the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, has, rather, encouraged them to adopt a negative attitude.
87.	In Seoul, there is total insecurity. The administration resorts to repression in order to stifle the voice of the people, which is being raised to call for the departure of foreign troops and the independent reunification of the country.
88.	The puppet regimes established by imperialism in Saigon, Phnom Penh and Seoul constitute, as we can see, the main obstacles to the return of peace in Asia, and that is why they have been rejected by the peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Korea. They owe their survival solely to the vast material and human resources imperialism uses in their countries to protect its interests in Asia.
89.	It is certainly worth recalling that the covetousness aroused by the vast potential of the Gulf of Tonkin was behind the launching of the second Indochina war, which is still going on.
90.	The Organization cannot continue to identify itself with those regimes without renouncing its primary mission. It is therefore high time for it to meet the aspirations of the peoples of South-East Asia, which have not known the joys of peace for more than a quarter of a century, by calling on the Thieu Ad-ministration correctly to apply the Paris Agreement, by restoring to the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia its legitimate rights in that country, and by withdrawing foreign troops stationed in Korea under the flag of the United Nations.
91.	By leaving to the parties the task of settling their dispute free from foreign interference, we should at the same time be promoting a resumption of the peace process that was blocked in that region by traitors to their country, manipulated by imperialism.
92.	Certain statements made in the course of the twenty-eighth session suggested that real progress would be realized in 1974 in the field of disarmament. In fact, one year after those proclamations, we are obliged to note that no substantial agreement on disarmament has been concluded and that, in fact, the arms race has intensified, the club of nuclear Powers has expanded and the rate of research on and development of nuclear weapons has accelerated. The two major Powers have passed from the second-generation nuclear arms, that is, the remote-controlled multiple-warhead missiles (MIRV), to the third generation, the "Tridents" (MARV) , which are capable of evading the anti-missile missiles. More than $200,000 million is swallowed up every year in the arms race, to the detriment of development. In .such an atmosphere of unbridled competition, and given the mutual outbidding of those States, the efforts of the international community to achieve general and complete disarmament can only be in vain. Intensive armament still seems to be the only guarantee of the security of States.
93.	There is no doubt that this is where we find increasingly emerging the selfishness and vanity of man, when we realize that just one quarter of the sum of money spent every year on such arms and missiles could save more than 1,000 million human beings from poverty, hunger and disease. My delegation will go into detail on this distressing problem when the time comes. At this stage, we should simply like to express our total support for the proposals on the denuclearization of the Middle East and the Indian sub-continent proposed by the delegations of Iran and Egypt [AI9693 and Add.l to 3] and of Pakistan [419706], respectively.
94.	The discovery of the immense resources of the sea is opening up new prospects for our development provided, of course, that this matter of the seas and the oceans can also somehow be removed from the sterile interplay of struggles for influence and policies of domination.
95.	Although it did not live up to the expectations of the developing countries, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Caracas, nevertheless made it possible for the international community to clarify its positions on the major questions debated there.
96.	The Government of the Republic of Mali would like, for its part, to reaffirm its attachment to the OAU Declaration on the Law of the Sea with regard to the exploitation of marine resources by land-locked countries, the right of transit and of free access of those countries to and from the sea, and the establishment of appropriate international machinery for the exploitation of the resources of the high seas.
97.	We would venture to hope that, at the next session of the Conference, in Geneva, the political will to negotiate and to arrive at final agreements on the exploitation of the sea's resources for development purposes will be manifested.
98.	Although there has been some progress towards detente on the European continent and beyond, particularly with the holding of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and the beginning of a European-Arab dialog, we cannot but recognize that a certain separation of States according to their economic power is now apparent between the northern and southern hemispheres -that is, between developed and developing countries.
99.	Furthermore, the rich have been continuing to get richer, and the poor to get poorer. The affluent world, concentrating exclusively on its interests and trembling for them, has given voice to indignation and has uttered thinly veiled threats in the face of the rise in petroleum prices.
100.	While the deterioration of the economic situation which is being deplored today goes back a long way into history, it did not hold the attention of certain affluent countries as long as it was the third world that was bearing all the costs.
101.	The developing countries, however, harbor no illusions, knowing as they do that the struggle of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) to affirm the permanent sovereignty of States over their natural resources is also their own.
102.	The attempts made by certain Powers in their bitterness are doomed to failure.
103.	The subtle theory of a "fourth world" or a "quarter world" invented by those same Powers in an effort to create a conflict of interests within the third world by trying to arouse the indignation of the least advanced among the developing countries is also bound to collapse.
104.	In the current confrontation, the third world countries - which are the mayor exporters of raw materials -will close ranks around OPEC, because they are quite aware that the outcome of this trial of strength will decide the future of international economic relations.
105.	Today, the offensive is directed against the oil producers. Tomorrow it may be directed against the producers of copper, bauxite, sugar, uranium or coffee.
106.	The energy crisis thus calls into question the whole edifice of the present economic order.
107.	The sixth special session, devoted to the problems of raw materials and development, after having highlighted the absence of an overall plan to integrate the economies of the developing countries within a coherent world-wide system of production and trade, adopted two documents of vital importance: the Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)].
108.	That Declaration and Program of Action not only make an exhaustive analysis of the world economic situation but also indicate all the measures that should be undertaken in order to build a new international economic order.
109.	What we have to do now is to work for the total implementation of the recommendations made at that special session. Only thus will we be able to contribute to the preservation and maintenance of international peace and security.
110.	The year 1974 has been a trying one for the people of Mali because of the persistence of a drought which has beset the Sudano-Sahelian region for nearly seven years. Thanks to international solidarity and my Government's perfect organization of assistance, the worst has been avoided.
111.	My delegation feels duty bound, therefore, to thank warmly the United Nations and its specialized agencies, friendly States and all donors, public and private, that have rendered their assistance to us in our struggle to limit the effects of this terrible catastrophe.
112.	While we are about to attain this first objective, it is no less true that the problem itself remains, because the phenomenon is becoming chronic. That is why the last meeting of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, held at Ouagadougou, in Upper Volta, with the participation of representatives of international organizations and other sources of financing, worked out a medium-term and long-term integrated economic development plan that would make it possible finally to eradicate this evil. Inasmuch as the necessary funds for the implementation of that plan are well beyond our means, the delegation of Mali would like to associate itself with the other States of the region in issuing an urgent appeal to the international community to take part in our crusade against drought, that challenge of nature which threatens the very existence of more than 30 million people in the Sudano-Sahelian region.
113.	We await with great interest the holding, next November in Rome, under the aegis of the United Nations, of the World Food Conference. We hope it will do everything it can to find final solutions for the distressing problem of hunger in the world.
114.	As the survey of the international situation I have just undertaken has shown, the world is at a crossroads: while the old order based on imperial rights is disappearing, a new era of justice and effective solidarity can be glimpsed on the horizon. This historic turning-point may mark either the breaking apart or the meeting of the two hemispheres.
115.	Although it is always difficult to give up centuries-old privileges, we have no doubt that all sides will appreciate the danger of disintegration that threatens us and will opt for the second alternative that of building a new international order in which problems will be viewed in a world context, as was recommended to us at the historic sixth special session of the Assembly. In so doing, we would be coming close to fulfilling one of the fundamental purposes of the Charter. My delegation would venture to hope that this twenty-ninth session will take a very big step in that direction.