It gives me pleasure to express, on behalf of my country and on my own behalf, my wholehearted congratulations upon your election as President of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The strong bonds of brotherhood and close cooperation that exist between Tunisia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia make us additionally proud of this appropriate choice, which is an expression of the high regard in which the international community holds your brotherly country, which has done its utmost for cooperation among nations. It is, at the same time, a tribute to your knowledge and wisdom, qualities that will be, God willing, of great assistance to us in attaining positive results during this session.
I am also pleased to join other speakers in extending to your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, our deepest appreciation for his great services and high competence during his presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. I should also like to take this opportunity to offer my heartfelt regards and respect to Mr. Javier Peres de Cuallar, who for 10 years has shouldered the responsibility of the Secretariat of the Organisation during one of the most difficult periods ever experienced by the international community. Mow that he is getting ready to bring to completion his task at the head of the world Organisation, Tunisia would like to assure him of its deep appreciation for his important and tireless efforts on behalf of peace and cooperation among nations.
We also welcome the new Members of our Organization: the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and the Republics of Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia. Tunisia views the accession to the membership of the United Nations by the three Baltic Republics as yet another indication of the profound changes that have taken place in the Soviet Union on the basis of respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and adherence to international legality. Such changes could have never taken place were it not for the policy of perestroika pursued by President Mikhail Gorbachev since he assumed the highest post in his country. We are convinced that the Soviet Union will continue to play its constructive role in the service of peace and security in the world.
On the threshold of a new century, the international community is entering upon a delicate and difficult phase characterized principally by the painstaking search for ways and means of establishing a new and more equitable world order in which will prevail the lofty values of solidarity among human beings and stability, peace and security for mankind in keeping with the principles of equality and justice. Tunisia, being a peace-loving country that is devoted to the United Nations Charter and its principles and a country that upholds the right of all peoples to live in dignity, has always done its utmost to implement those noble principles both at the national and international levels. I should like to inform the Assembly of some of Tunisia's contributions in this connection since the last session of the General Assembly.
At the national level, Tunisia has continued to strengthen its achievements in building a new society in which human rights will be protected, the principles of freedom, democracy and political plurality will flourish, and the rule of law will prevail. Having become aware early on of the demands of our times, and determined to meet those demands, since the changes that took place on 7 November 1987 Tunisia has declared its commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms. It has undertaken to create the conditions necessary to protect those rights. President Ben Ali's decision in January 1991 to establish the High Commission on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms was further confirmation of our firm commitment in that regard.
We would like to emphasize from this rostrum that this democratic policy is a key change in my country. Without any reservations, Tunisia has ratified the United Nations Convention against torture and was honoured to be chosen to host the Arab Institute for Human Rights. We have also authorized Amnesty International to open an office in Tunisia. Tunisia, which has always condemned all forms of discrimination on the basis of race, faith or gender, and which is a signatory of various United Nations conventions relating to human rights, wishes at this time to reaffirm its determination to work tirelessly in order to enrich its legislation and strengthen its institutions concerned with the protection of the citizen's rights and freedoms in every field.
We would like to reaffirm in this connection that our country, which aspires after an open and tolerant society, unambiguously rejects extremism in every shape and form, as we believe that extremism and its attendant bigotries and violence are the worst enemies of human rights, including the right to a secure life and freedom of thought. He sincerely hope that the international community will take note of this, so that we may fight together against this dangerous phenomenon which threatens the very stability of our societies and which finds support and encouragement from certain parties. The international community must militate against such criminal activities.
While progress in any society hinges upon the level of that society's internal stability and peace, we believe that it equally depends on the external environment in international relations as a whole. Hence Tunisia, which strives to ensure social peace and stability so that it may be able to mobilize its resources for its own development, gives a very high priority to the establishment of world peace.
This became obvious in Tunisia's position vis-à-vis the Gulf crisis. While it supported Security Council resolutions and implemented them in full - despite their serious and ongoing negative impact on our economy - it did its utmost to avoid the war and subsequently to end it. We would like to express our deep regret at the crisis, and we hope that the international community will work together in order to eliminate the remaining effects of the war so that stability and peace might be restored in the area on the basis of full respect for international legality.
In this respect, while affirming our unswerving devotion to international legality and our continuing support for the role of the United Nations in solving world problems, we call upon the international community to take cognisance, for strictly humanitarian reasons, of the suffering of large sectors of the Iraqi people, particularly new-born infants and the elderly, who are adversely affected and suffer under nourishment and a lack of basic health care.
The same humanitarian considerations, as well as our sincere desire to look beyond this painful past, make us follow closely the question of the Kuwaiti prisoners in Iraq. We strongly hope that this question will be solved in a way that would ensure the return of those prisoners to their families as soon as possible, thus allowing the Iraqi and Kuwaiti peoples to open a new era in their relations based on good-neighbourliness and a forward-looking attitude characterized by trust, peace and brotherhood. Tunisia, which has supported United Nations peace efforts in various parts of the world by contributing troops to the United Nations missions to the Congo in the 1960s and, more recently, to Namibia, wishes today to reaffirm its commitment to Arab and international efforts to re-establish peace and stability in the Gulf and in all other areas of tension in the world.
My country's devotion to peace is seen also in our ongoing efforts to contribute to the resolution of the Palestinian problem, which remains the core issue in the Middle East conflict. As we firmly support the right of Palestinians freely to make their own decisions, we have encouraged the approach of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) since its declaration of the State of Palestine in 1988, an approach that relies on negotiations as a means of resolving the Palestinian problem.
My country, which hosted the beginnings of the Palestinian-United States dialogue and worked for its success, welcomes today United States and international efforts to convene a peace conference in the Middle East and the positive attitude of the Palestine National Council towards that conference. We reaffirm our readiness to participate in the peace process in the framework of the efforts of the Arab Maghreb Union countries, in such a way as to strengthen our Palestinian brothers and help preserve legitimate Palestinian and Arab rights.
In this respect, we do hope to witness a clearer and more firm determination on the part of the international community to impose peace on all those who create obstacles to peace. While we draw attention to the dangerous consequences of allowing Israel to continue to defy General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on this issue, to pursue its violent acts of repression against the civilian population and to continue its colonization policies aimed at imposing a fait accompli, we wish to state that it is our conviction that there can be no just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East unless all parties concerned, including the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people, participate in the peace process and unless the goal of the process is to recognise all legitimate Palestinian rights and to secure Israel's withdrawal from the occupied territories, including the Holy City of Al-Quds.
There is no doubt that a major prerequisite of success in Middle East peace efforts is confidence-building among all parties concerned, both before and during the negotiations. We believe, therefore, that the international community should demand that Israel adopt an approach that bespeaks a real desire to go ahead with the peace process, instead of persisting in acts that further complicate a peace process which calls for responsible behaviour, not arrogance and rejection.
In that context, the policy of settlements in the occupied Arab territories, including Al-Quds, a policy Israel relentlessly pursues and even accelerates, is an obstacle to real, equitable peace. The international community should wonder whether Israel's desire for peace is genuine. If Israel wants to demonstrate such a genuine will for peace, it should end its policy of settlements, deportations and repression. That would make mutual trust possible among the parties to the conflict, which could help create a new relationship between Arabs and Israelis. That could, in turn, lead to a new stance on the boycott question, and could accelerate the peace process among all parties concerned.
A just and lasting solution to the question of Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict places a heavy burden of responsibility on the United
Nations. We are sure the Organisation can shoulder that burden, thereby strengthening its position, increasing its credibility and convincing all Members that United Nations decisions must be implemented. Success in this would undoubtedly enhance the Organisation's effectiveness in dealing with other pending issues such as those relating to Cyprus, southern Lebanon, Kashmir and Cambodia, both through ongoing United Nations efforts and through the endeavours of humanitarian organisations whose purpose is to alleviate the suffering of people in those areas.
In that context, we express our satisfaction at the positive developments taking place in various crisis areas, where dialogue and reconciliation are prevailing over violence and anarchy.
We are pleased at the great progress made by brotherly Lebanon towards national unity and stability thanks to the implementation of the Taif agreement, which saved the country from a perilous situation. We wish the Lebanese State full success in building a new peaceful, independent and prosperous Lebanon.
We also support attempts to restore harmony and understanding in Yugoslavia, a friendly country with which we have longstanding relations of cooperation and mutual respect.
We welcome progress towards solving the Cambodian problem. The agreement signed last July at Beijing opens new prospects for restoring peace in the area and for creating a climate of reconciliation and understanding among all Cambodians. This gives them the chance to build a new independent and democratic Cambodia free from foreign intervention. We take this opportunity to convey our friendly greetings to the delegation present in this Hall representing the Supreme National Council of Cambodia, and to its Chairman, Prince Norodom Sihanouk.
Turning to Afghanistan, my delegation hopes that the Secretary-General's five-point plan of May 1991 will put an end to the suffering of the Afghan people, especially since the agreement has been accepted by all the parties concerned in that country. We believe the talks that began on the basis of that plan should continue with support from the international community in order speedily to reach a final solution to this long-standing problem. In that connection, we welcome the joint decision by the Soviet Union and the United States of America to halt all deliveries of weapons to the parties to the conflict. That constitutes a decisive step forward that will unquestionably help stop the bloodshed. The positive decision I have just mentioned reminds us once again of the essential role disarmament could play in reducing tension in many parts of the world.
The armed conflicts witnessed in the Gulf area and the Middle East and the persistence of unresolved problems show that peace and security are still threatened, and that in searching for a better future today's world must consider disarmament as one of its main objectives until a real reduction of all kinds of arms is achieved. Tunisia, which has always striven to make the Mediterranean a lake of peace and cooperation, notes with interest the efforts made here to achieve disarmament in the Middle East. We hope that such efforts will be carried out in a spirit of justice, and that they will cover all countries of the region and all types of armaments, in order to avoid aggravating the present imbalance, and will thus contribute to the ongoing disarmament process which has started to achieve some encouraging successes in other parts of the world. Indeed, we have witnessed a number of positive steps taken in that direction in the span of one year.
We welcome the important decision announced by President Bush on 27 September on reducing various types of short-range nuclear weapons and other weapons currently deployed on land, at sea and in the air. We hope that this decision will be followed by similar measures by the other nuclear Powers. Moreover, multilateral negotiations on chemical weapons are about to be concluded, and a number of countries have expressed their readiness to become parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty on nuclear weapons.
We also note with satisfaction positive signs in the reduction of defence budgets in favour of development and the environment, as well as the destruction of some existing weapons and the setting up of an effective mechanism for monitoring and on-the-spot inspection.
While these developments are undoubtedly positive, we must all recognise that the gap between resources spent on armaments and those used for development Is still extremely wide and that the existence of huge arsenals all over the world remains a cause of deep concern. That is why we find it useful to consider the proposal for establishing, under the authority of the United Nations, a system for control of the proliferation, production and transfer of all types of weapons.
The establishment of world peace, as well as the strengthening of peace, security and stability the world over, is certainly a necessary condition for the progress and prosperity of mankind. But in our view this would not be enough. There must also be real cooperation between countries, especially at the regional level. Tunisia has been in the forefront of those contributing to this by helping establish the Arab Maghreb Union and ensuring its joint progress towards the attainment of our development expectations.
The last session of the Presidential Council, consisting of Heads of State of members of the Union, which took place in Casablanca, offered our five countries the opportunity to reaffirm their determination to pursue their integration efforts in all fields. The main outcome of the session was the establishment of the institutions of the Union as well as the adoption of a number of important decisions which will undoubtedly contribute to the promotion of cooperation between members of the Union and their neighbours.
Since its inception, the Arab Maghreb Union has given high priority to dialogue with the European Economic Community as a whole and with the four European countries situated on the western shore of the Mediterranean. Our objective in doing so is to establish a new form of relations between Europe and the Maghreb which will contribute to the strengthening of peace, security and cooperation in the Mediterranean area as a whole. Tunisia, which will host the summit of the group of nine western Mediterranean countries, scheduled for early next year, is committed to pursue, along with its partners in the Maghreb and Europe, its efforts to ensure the success of this promising dialogue and to contribute to the promotion of North-South cooperation.
Tunisia, which has always wanted to strengthen the Arab role on the international scene, was honoured to host the Arab League for more than 10 years, during which it put at its disposal all possible facilities, allowing it to strengthen its institutions, improve its procedures and efficiency and gain more international credibility. The same sense of responsibility made us respond to the wish of the Arab world - expressed at a time when Arab and world conditions were going through a difficult period - to relocate the League's headquarters from Tunis to Cairo.
Today we cannot but express our satisfaction that this great Arab institution was able - thanks to the collective will of Arab leadership - to overcome the effects of the painful Gulf crisis. Tunisia is working hard to resume Arab collective efforts based on confidence, mutual respect and brotherly cooperation, to further the cause of peace, security and stability in the Arab world and the world at large.
The Gulf crisis, with its effects on the Muslim Umma, showed that this group of countries is able to stand up and preserve its unity, thanks to the real political will of Muslim leaders and the hard work done by the Secretary-General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, efforts which he is continuing in order to build new confidence and open up real possibilities for a new start in collective Muslim action. We hope that the coming summit of Muslim countries in Dakar will offer an opportunity for reconciliation and give further impetus to relations between Muslim countries in this important phase of international relations.
Tunisia views with satisfaction the progress made in Africa in seeking solutions to bilateral conflicts, which have been a source of concern to us all. These problems include the question of Western Sahara, which we follow with special attention because of its bearing on security in the Maghreb region and on the future of the Arab Maghreb Onion. We are optimistic that a settlement to this problem will be found. Such a settlement will strengthen peace and security in our region and promote cooperation and complementarity between nations in the Maghreb.
As for South Africa, Tunisia, like all other countries, welcomes the abrogation of the apartheid laws. This important development could not have taken place without the international pressure and the economic boycott measures taken against Pretoria. However, it is even more important that this step should be crystallized and made effective in such a way that it becomes felt in everyday life, especially on the political level.
We take pride in the launching of the African Economic Community at the last African Summit held in Abuja.
We are hopeful that this new and all-embracing framework of South-South cooperation would make it possible for African countries to achieve economic integration in the interest of all our peoples. This would also contribute to consolidating the foundations of justice, solidarity and equality, the two pillars upon which the new international order must rest.
Tunisia, which deeply believes in the importance of international cooperation, is convinced that the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in the international arena requires a parallel strengthening of its role in promoting multilateral economic cooperation. In today's increasingly interdependent world the United Nations must effectively participate in promoting comprehensive and equitable development. The Organization must also intensify constructive consultation on such important matters as customs barriers, indebtedness, the negative transfer of resources and the restrictions imposed on free trade among nations.
In this connection, we believe that the present tendency of solving economic problems on a bilateral basis must not take precedence over the multilateral approach. In this context, Tunisia welcomes the commitment recently made in London by the group of the seven most-industrialized countries to promote the establishment of a world order in which development will be a responsibility shared by all countries of the world.
While changes that are taking place in Eastern and Central Europe have led to the crumbling of the walls and the eradication of obstacles between East and West, they have also thrown into bold relief the differences that exist between rich, industrialized countries, on the one hand, and the impoverished developing world, on the other. It would be regrettable indeed were the attention of the international community to be focused solely on the building of bridges of cooperation between East and West. Developing countries, in general, and the countries of Africa, in particular, are well aware of the importance of the changes now taking place in the world economic situation and are fully conscious of their national responsibilities in this context. That is why Tunisia has taken it upon itself, since 7 November 1987, to enhance its credibility vis-à-vis its trading partners, through a series of measures aimed at readjusting its economic and social life. This is an objective we are determined to achieve through the optimum utilization of our disposable resources. Despite the reduction in our external financial resources and the adverse effects of the Gulf crisis, Tunisia is working hard to mobilise all its resources to enhance its economic capabilities. In so doing, it is trying to involve all sectors of society in the development process, with a view to promoting technological progress and the creation of job opportunities. However, we feel that the results of those endeavours, despite all our sacrifice, are still not fully satisfactory owing to the adverse impact of the world economic environment. Still, our confidence in the efficacy of international cooperation will remain as strong as ever.
Five years ago developing countries felt encouraged when the multilateral trade negotiations were launched in Punta del Este with the adoption of the ministerial declaration the Uruguay Round. Indeed, we expected the Round to contribute positively towards putting an end to protectionist tendencies and allowing developing countries to play a more effective role in world trade in a way that would respond to their present and future development needs. We continue to hope that the trade negotiations will lead to concrete, equitable and useful results for both developed and developing countries, for we believe that the promotion of multilateral cooperation and reassurance of economic partners throughout the world with regard to the soundness of world trade are essential and urgent tasks that must be performed if we are to ensure a stable and larger flow of world trade.
The forthcoming eighth meeting of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) could, we believe, contribute to attaining some of our common goals, given the necessary political will. Indeed, UNCTAD offers a suitable framework for strengthening world trade in a way that would improve its effectiveness and make it more equitable by allowing developing countries to play a greater role in the decision-making process and to enhance their involvement in world trade. We believe that the restructuring trends we can now observe in Eastern and Central Europe promise the dawning of a new era of cooperation between East and West and, at the same time, between North and South.
The current profound world changes that are taking place on the political, economic and technological levels demand the adoption of a new outlook and an approach based on a comprehensive treatment of various world problems. We must adopt a dialogue based on solidarity and mutual respect as our common rule. That in turn means that all countries must be given equal opportunities, without discrimination or exclusivity.
President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali has called from this very rostrum for the adoption of a pact for peace and development in the world, one that would give concrete form to the principle of effective solidarity between developing and developed countries. While reiterating that proposal, we reaffirm our belief that the United Nations, as the most appropriate forum for dialogue and consultations on the international level, is the best setting for the consideration of this issue.
Tunisia, which looks forward to the attainment of that far-reaching objective, continues for its part, and in the framework of Its own geographic environment, to work towards that goal. It is in this context that we seek the adoption of a programme of cooperation and understanding in the Mediterranean basin on the basis of what we call "co-development". In our view, this is the best way to promote progress and security on both shores of the Mediterranean and the means of narrowing the economic and technological gaps that exist between the Mediterranean countries through the adoption of a resolute policy involving problem-identification and the finding of the means capable of dealing with such problems collectively. We believe that this formula, which can be adopted in other parts of the world as well, cannot be put into effect unless it is accompanied by a number of parallel measures that, in our view, should focus on three basic issues, namely, indebtedness, emigration and environment.
The debt problem which obstructs development, has been seriously aggravated as a result of the deviation of the flow of external resources. I would emphasise here the danger inherent in these factors for the political and social stability of developing countries. We call upon the international community to give serious consideration to the Craxi report, which contains proposals that, we believe, properly express the concerns of our countries in this respect. We would certainly be gratified if such proposals were to be accepted and implemented. If that were to be done, the international community will have removed a serious obstacle that obstructs the developing countries' efforts to resume their development and progress.
This session is also called upon to assess the implementation of resolution 214/45, pertaining to the issue of debt and development. In this connection, it would be appropriate for us to examine all ways and means of avoiding the exclusion of any group of developing countries from the benefits of debt relief measures, especially the medium-income group of countries. In this regard, allow me to express again my sincere hope that all our partners will find it possible to give effect to the idea of recycling developing countries' debts into certain agreed development projects. This is an idea that has already begun to be implemented.
Our Organisation and its specialized agencies have time and again stressed man's right to live in a proper environment free from any kind of pollution. This leads Tunisia to give particular importance to environment protection and preservation at both the national and the regional levels. We believe that this is an issue that must be given special priority in any serious vision of the new world order. We do hope that the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in 1992 in Brazil will be successful in formulating a plan which the world must put into effect to protect future generations from the dangers of tampering with the delicate natural balances and over-utilization of our finite resources.
We are today at the threshold of a new world order whose shape and objectives we must all help define. Tunisia hopes to bring its contribution, through its continuous efforts to consolidate world peace and international cooperation and through its modest inputs in the search for solutions to current problems. Let me emphasise once again that development, security and peace are dependent on dialogue and consultation at the international level. This will require from all of us strict adherence to the United Nations Charter and wholehearted commitment to its goals and objectives. What is at stake today is the very future of mankind. That future can be ensured only through real solidarity.
This conviction leads Tunisia to nurture the hope that the United Nations will focus most firmly on development problems, thus allowing all nations to join efforts for the common purpose of achieving everlasting peace and security for all, these being the basis for any human progress.
I thank you for your kind attention, and I present to you again my greetings and those of my country, Tunisia.


May I begin by saying how delighted I am to be back here at United Nations Headquarters, and how honoured I feel to have this opportunity of addressing the General Assembly. I bring with me greetings to you all from Africa, and in particular from Her Majesty the Indlovukazi and the whole Swazi nation.
Allow me to offer my congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly. Swaziland is confident that your proven experience in international affairs, your outstanding diplomatic skills and undoubted leadership ability will ensure the successful outcome of deliberations on the vital issues we are addressing at this session.
My congratulations go, also, to the officers of the General Assembly for their election to office at the nerve centre of affairs in our Organization. Much rests on their abilities and skills, and we are confident of their success.
Mr. President, I would like to express my country's gratitude to and praise for your predecessor, Mr, Guido De Marco, who, together with his able
colleagues, steered the affairs of our Organisation so successfully. Ha are indeed indebted to him for his skill, diplomacy and leadership.
I am here today to renew Swaziland's pledge of commitment to the Charter and ideals of the United Nations. The events of the past 12 months have shown, perhaps more than ever before, the value of our Organisation, and we take great pride in our membership and continued commitment to the ideals in which the hopes for peace in our world are placed. We extend the hand of friendship and congratulations to our seven new Members, and we welcome them to the one truly international family.
Our world is experiencing turbulent times. I doubt whether we have witnessed such global activity since the establishment of our Organisation 46 years ago. Each new event has presented a fresh challenge to the effectiveness of our guiding principles. I am proud to say that we are meeting those challenges in the spirit of unity and cooperation on which the United Nations is founded. No one has doubted the effectiveness of the United Nations in the Persian Gulf earlier this year. The situation demanded prompt action, and our Organization delivered it in a unified and cooperative fashion never before experienced in the history of the world.
We are witnessing the birth of a new world order in which the hopes, ideals and aspirations of all nations are growing ever closer, and which augurs well for future generations. The successes we have achieved would not have been possible without the inspiring leadership of our Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar. The demands on this one human being are enormous as the world looks to him for guidance in each new crisis. Swaziland salutes the qualities which have brought him such outstanding success, and we ask God to give him the wisdom and strength to continue in his endeavours.
For much remains to be done. Swaziland has followed with interest the course of events as they have occurred across the world over the past 12 months. Much we have applauded, but some natters give cause for concern.
I have already referred to the crisis in the Persian Gulf. He in Swaziland share the belief of all small countries in the principles at stake in that situation, and gave our full support to the United Nations resolve to bring about a swift and complete solution.
We commend the role of all members of the coalition in bringing about a fast and successful conclusion to the crisis. In addition, we applaud the actions of the people of Israel, whose restraint contributed in no small measure to the success of the operation.
Swaziland was deeply saddened by the toll of dead and wounded on both sides of the conflict. Let those who lost their lives act as our inspiration in our efforts to avoid such confrontations occurring again.
Of course, recent developments in the Gulf give renewed cause for concern. The obligations on all parties in the matter are clearly defined, and Swaziland fully supports the United Nations in its resolve to ensure that the region will not experience such disasters again. Let us pray that moderation, through compliance with our resolutions, will prevail.
In this regard, we also support the efforts being made to bring about a permanent resolution of the situation in the Middle East region as a whole. Swaziland has always advocated the use of the negotiating table as a peaceful means in the settlement of disputes. We are confident that such a course will bring about a solution acceptable to all parties.
Europe continues to provide a focal point of global interest. It is extraordinary to think that in the two years since I was first privileged to address the Assembly the political map of Eastern Europe has been redrawn.
The inevitable teething problems of new nations and reformed ideologies are being painfully Experienced, and Swaziland sympathizes with all who are suffering as a result. History tells us that nothing of worth is achieved overnight, and without suffering, and we ask God to give the strength to endure.
He are saddened to witness the violent events in Yugoslavia, as that most feared of all conflicts - internal civil war - grips that unhappy nation. All efforts to support a swift and peaceful solution to its problems must be encouraged. He look forward to a permanent and effective ceasefire and the use of dialogue to restore stability.
Swaziland is encouraged by the continuing process of arms reductions being undertaken by the United States and the Soviet Union. Our combined aim must be to rid the world of the menace of weapons of mass destruction, and we therefore applaud the commitment of both Powers in providing an example to other nations to take a similar view.
The failure of the unconstitutional attempt to remove the Soviet President provided an example of the unprecedented global cooperation we are experiencing these days. Almost universal condemnation of the actions of a few, who were attempting to enforce their will on the majority, helped restore stability and displayed the power of international unity.
Swaziland has been watching developments on the Korean peninsula with great interest and with hopes for an early settlement of disputes between North and South. We therefore applaud the President and people of the Republic of South Korea for their attempt at dialogue, encourage them and pray for their success.
Whatever success has been recorded in recent times - and there is much cause for self-congratulation for us in the United Nations - it is nevertheless painfully clear that much still needs to be done to redress the many imbalances so evident around the world.
As an African Head of State, I feel an enormous responsibility to put my continent's case, as our situation continues to worsen and the economic divide between North and South widens alarmingly.
The figures are there for all to see. Our poor growth rates, huge external debt and low output are just a part of the demoralising story of Africa. The consequences, too, of war, natural disaster and social upheaval combine to project what could be seen as an entirely gloomy picture of our future, and threaten to cloud our vision as we attempt to find solutions.
Mr. President, you will be aware that I am here representing not only my kingdom, but also, as Chairman of the Eastern Southern African Preferential Trade Area (PTA) Authority, the 18 States and more than 220 million people who comprise our membership. The story of the PTA, and of the other regional cooperation organizations, holds the key to our continent's economic future. For the PTA was born out of a desire to improve the standard of living of all our peoples, not by relying on the charity of others, but by combining our resources and talents and finding our own solutions to our economic problems.
Our hope is that closer regional cooperation will reduce our reliance on the resources of a developed world which has changing priorities and new targets for assistance. I was reassured to learn on a recent visit to the European economic Community headquarters in Brussels, and in meetings with World Bank officials in Washington last week, that, for the time being at least, the developed world is not planning to sacrifice its assistance to Africa in favour of other recipients.
But to achieve true economic security our emphasis must be on self-motivation and self-sufficiency, to provide firm and lasting economic platforms on which we can build to give future generations the stability we have so far been denied. We undoubtedly need help to succeed; but, with the right support and unswerving commitment, we will succeed. An example of the type of assistance we require is embodied in the ideals underlying the Unite - Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development. Despite expressions of good will and commitment made by delegations during the special session, positive results have so far not been achieved. We look forward to monitoring improvements in this programme.
We are of course aware that winning the economic fight is only one part of the battle. Africa continues to experience major social and political upheavals, many of whose effects are delaying the economic recovery of our continent.
On the positive side, we have been delighted to witness the accession to independence of Namibia, the cease-fire in Angola, the start of dialogue between rival factions in Mozambique and the reform process under way in South Africa.
The situation in the Horn of Africa, Chad and Liberia continue to give cause for concern, and we can only pray for swift conclusions of the problems and offer our support for their resolution by peaceful means.
Swaziland is of course watching the situations in Mozambique and South Africa with particular interest. Our country has always had a reputation for hospitality, and we have consistently followed a policy of non-aggression and the settlement of all disputes through discussion rather than confrontation.
We are currently playing host to approximately 75,000 refugees who have fled the problems affecting our friendly neighbour, Mozambique. This figure represents almost 10 per cent of our population, and clearly stretches our resources. He therefore applaud all efforts by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to assist us in our task and indeed in all the other areas in which it operates.
Meanwhile Mozambique continues to be upset by civil war. While we are encouraged by the signs of dialogue between the rival factions, we would strongly appeal to this body to give more effective support in resolving this crisis. Too many Mozambicans have suffered from the unhappy situation, and that country deserves our help.
I should like to record Swaziland's support for the reform process currently under way in South Africa. We are convinced of the commitment of all parties to the reform process, and we offer our encouragement for a successful conclusion to the negotiations, with a blueprint for a new South Africa which will be acceptable to all.
We are not so naive as to believe that this process will be easy. We are already witnessing the problems associated with any radical change, and we are sad in our knowledge that these problems will not vanish overnight. But, equally, we are convinced of the necessity of change and confident that the South African people will find solutions which will cater to the aspirations of all groups and bring about a permanent end to the violence which has been a feature of life there for so long.
We in the region look forward to the full participation of South Africa in our various cooperation organizations. Much of the future success of our economic groupings depends on the involvement of our region's most influential country, and the welcome presence of representatives of all parties at our meetings indicates their willingness to participate in the future.
And, so, what of Swaziland? Our Kingdom continues in its peaceful way to tread the path of moderation. We have taken on added regional responsibility
by accepting this year's chairmanship of the Preferential Trade Area Authority and the vice-chairmanship of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference. We take our commitments to these two influential organisations most seriously, as they give us the best hope for future economic stability.
Although tradition and our unique culture influence us strongly, we are not standing still. We recognise the need for change; not simply for the sake of change, but in order to adapt to changing circumstances and to benefit the majority of our people. Our priorities for action echo those of any developing nation, with education, health and employment chief among them.
We are blessed with a beautiful land, and we are determined to keep it that way. We fully support the United Nations initiatives to promote greater environmental awareness; already the Government has begun a process of information, so that Swazis can begin to appreciate what is required of them in their new environmental responsibility. I can assure the Assembly that we will be active in our participation in next year's conference in Brazil and energetic in our implementation of any recommendations.
Let me conclude by repeating that Swaziland is proud to reaffirm its commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. Recent events have given all of us good cause to be happy with our collective achievements and spur us on to tackle remaining problems with renewed vigour and determination.
I am personally privileged to have this opportunity to present the view of youth, and I will say that I am confident that the future of my generation is being very well served by the actions of this house.
Let me express Swaziland's deep appreciation and admiration for the achievements of all who work for the United Nations in any capacity, as we pledge our continuing confidence in the performance of its many and varied roles throughout the world, in pursuit of the goal of international peace, stability and cooperation between all nations.
Thank you for your attention, and may God watch over us all.


It gives me particular pleasure, on behalf of the Albanian delegation, to extend to the President my heartfelt congratulations on his election as President of the forty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly. His election is an appraisal of his personal diplomatic qualities and a credit to his country. I am fully confident that his presidency of this session will be effective in realizing the objectives to which the international community aspires.
I avail myself of this opportunity to express our gratitude and high esteem to Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta, who presided over the deliberations of the last session with competence and objectivity.
Allow me also to extend our felicitations to His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his outstanding contribution to peace and international security and for his persistent endeavours to enhance further the role and efficiency of the United Nations. He will shortly step down from his post, but he will be remembered for the deep imprint he has made upon the Organization.
I am also delighted to welcome the admission to our Organization of the two Koreas, of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, and Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania as full-fledged Members. He hope that their membership will make the United Nations more universal and efficient in dealing with the problems before it.
Since the forty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly the international community has been witnessing developments and changes that cannot fail to have an impact on the future of mankind. Especially significant have been the transformations in Central and Eastern Europe, which have brought about the dismantling of political and economic structures that had become outdated, the renunciation of the sterile political and ideological stereotypes of the past and the exploration of new avenues to democracy, development and peace.
Today, Europe presents a new political landscape where the words "West" and "East" have merely geographical connotations. Confrontation between the two blocs, which had resulted in a political ice-age, is currently giving way to the human values of democracy, economic and social development, the security of each country and, above all, to the growing assertion of the peoples' aspirations to self-determination.
Although the cold war is already a thing of the past, like some serious "pneumonia," as it were, it has left deep scars on "the lungs" of humankind, and of Europe in particular. It is its very recidivism that makes Croatia cough blood now. It is the repugnant virus of Stalinism that caused Yugoslavia to become the sick man of Europe and Kosova its guilty conscience. Had Europe and the rest of Yugoslavia, where the winds of freedom and democracy are blowing, reacted with proper attention at the right moment and prevented the Serbian national-chauvinists, at least over the past 10 years, from turning Kosova into a testing-ground for establishing their hegemony over Yugoslavia as a whole, things would have been quite different now and we would not have had to deal with the Yugoslav crisis, which is posing a threat to peace and security in the Balkans and in Europe.
Life is showing that the process of rapid democratic changes on a continental level is accompanied with difficulties and often with tensions and even conflict. It is significant, however, that it is no longer the regressive and conservative forces that determine the course of historical events. Nowadays the thirst for democracy, equality among nations and for the freedom of the individual have become a driving force of society. Also encouraging is the fact that the international community is becoming well aware of the need to pool its energies and means with a view to coping with the thorny issues of the time, to averting the danger of war and to eliminating those factors that had all but paralyzed international relations over more than four decades. This was clearly manifested in the reaction of the United Nations Security Council and the international community to the occupation of a small country, in this instance Kuwait, by a big and powerful country, Iraq. The Gulf war and the defeat of the aggression there indicated, as the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Peres de Cueliar, has pointed out in his annual report, that: "the only available course is that of organizing international life on a stable basis in accordance with principles clearly understood, generally accepted and consistently applied. The principles are those articulated in the Charter of the United Nations." (A/46/1, p. 5). It is understandable why the international community is increasingly reaffirming the values of the United Nations, of this universal Organization which has an irreplaceable role to play, especially at the turn of this century when mankind is at such a stage of development where no State or nation can on its own meet the challenges of our time.
For more than four decades, the so-called cold war period, East-West confrontation dominated international political life. In the shadow of that confrontation the Western democracies experienced a period of relative peace and sustained development, something that cannot be said about the Eastern European countries, where the centralized system of the economy and the rule of a single party that identified itself with the State led to stagnation, to the curbing and even freezing of the factors that stimulate progress, to the violation of human rights allegedly in the name of the priority of the interests of the collective and the society over those of the individual.
The last decade of the current century began with great hopes for the peoples of Eastern Europe. The Iron Curtain that had divided East and West for many long years has been pulled down, and the winds of change, of freedom and democracy, have begun to blow over the countries of the East. It has already become evident that the systems in those countries failed to meet the expectations of their own peoples. Economic and political reform was a must for the emerging democracies.
In Albania, known as the last bastion of Stalinism in Eastern Europe, the deep democratic processes commenced when the youth and the students, imbued with inexhaustible vigour and aspirations to a more promising future, accelerated the advent of the season of democracy, which has been welcomed by the overwhelming majority of the Albanian people.
Albania is currently living through an important period of transition to democracy. Our aim is not merely the restructuring or renovation of the former system but the setting up of a new and truly democratic system that recognizes and practices the human, political and socio-economic values sanctioned in the documents of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and in other important international acts. Through far-reaching and all-round reforms and constructive cooperation with the European countries and the international community, Albania is moving towards the establishment of a pluralistic democracy based on the rule of law and a market-oriented economy and ensuring human rights and freedoms for the individual. The economic reforms essential for setting up an open market economy are being carried out in tandem with social and political reforms Intended to bring about fundamental constitutional changes, to lay the groundwork for free and democratic elections and to achieve the recognition and the enjoyment of basic civil and political rights, including the recognition and protection of private property and independent trade unions. We are aware that the road upon which we have embarked is not easy, but we are convinced that it is the only option to rescue Albania from its backwardness and to realise the all-round political and social development of the individual and of the society as a whole.
We have today a pluralist Parliament that emerged from the first free democratic elections of 31 March of this year, a National Stability Government, with the participation of representatives from five parliamentary or extra-parliamentary parties. In cooperation with the Parliament, the Government is working intensively to build the legal framework, so indispensable for the success of the economic reforms, being fully aware of the importance of political and social stability. The dynamics of political life in Albania, the extension and enrichment of the spectrum of political parties, the evolution of the views and positions of the electorate, have put on the agenda the holding of new elections which, whenever held, will reflect the political consensus of all the political forces in the country.
At present, Albania is facing a grave economic and social crisis. It is related to the legacy of the failing single-party system, which we have abandoned, as well as with the difficulties of the transition period we are going through. These difficulties arise from the endeavours made to fill the vacuum created by the renunciation of the former system with institutions and structures which respond to the new system we are setting up. It is obvious that the aforementioned vacuum cannot be filled overnight. Hence, the transition period is also accompanied by a crisis of confidence which stems as much from the desire and impatience of the people for speedy changes, as from the inertia which slows down the pace of these changes. It is worth mentioning that this crisis of confidence, along with the economic difficulties, has led recently to an exodus from Albania to neighbouring countries.
We have neither encouraged, nor do we want our citizens to flee the country; we are fully convinced that this negative phenomenon can be averted through rapid economic development and the establishment of full democracy in Albania. However, under the really difficult economic conditions of our country, understanding, support and assistance by the international community would guarantee the stabilisation of such a situation. He appreciate the understanding shown towards the Albanian emigrants, just as we appreciate even more the solidarity, support and assistance of all those who understand the importance of avoiding an economic collapse, which would have a great impact on the future and on the success of democracy in our country.
We welcome and support all the profound democratic changes that have taken place in Eastern Europe. These changes have made it possible to realize the aim of turning the region into a zone of cooperation, confidence and security. The Republic of Albania continues to bring its foreign policy into line with the democratic changes that are being pursued in the domestic field. A distinct feature of this policy is its abandonment of the past legacy and ideological burden which, in fact, distorted it and gave rise to Albania's isolation from the rest of the world. Our current foreign policy is open and unprejudiced and seeks relations of friendship and cooperation with all countries of the world, for the good of our all-round development and international peace and security.
The diplomatic relations and links established only over the last few months with the United States, the European Community, the United Kingdom, Israel, the Holy See and the Republic of Korea are testimony of this reorientation of our foreign policy. Thanks to the democratisation process, Albania is filling in the blanks on its diplomatic map and is coming ever closer to the rest of the world.
Albania's admission in June 1991 as a full-fledged participant to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) was an event of historic significance for us. This testified not only to the vital and universal character of the values this process had brought about, but also to the integral nature of present-day Europe. At the same time, it showed that the European countries are always in search of the best possible ways of development and cooperation among themselves. The main characteristic of this cooperation is the principle of free choice and the balance of national and international interests.
At present, international security is being perceived more and more on a global scale, as closely tied with the unity and indivisibility of peace as with development as the prerogative of stability. The supreme value of international peace is closely linked with the implementation of the principle of the non-use of force in international relations and security for all and constitutes a permanent task of the utmost importance.
As a small country, Albania is highly interested in stability and security in the Balkans, which has suffered - and still suffers - from many problems of a national, political, ethnic and religious character, that are currently so conspicuously evident in the Yugoslav crisis. The long drawn-out crisis in Yugoslavia has been a source of great concern and preoccupation for the international community, especially for the countries of Europe. The concern of neighbouring Albania, with half its population living in Yugoslavia, is a legitimate one. This crisis, which culminated in the outbreak of the conflict and the armed attack by the Serbian and federal army against Slovenia and Croatia, indicated that there can be no real peace in Europe so long as - even in a single country - democratic values and commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes and the principle of self-determination of peoples, are not observed. It is the first time in contemporary history that the federal army of a multinational country has attacked and occupied some of its own integral parts. With the help of the federal army and police, before cracking down on Slovenia and Croatia, Serbia occupied Kosova, a constituent element of the Yugoslav federation. All this goes to show that peace cannot be established without the decisive commitment of the whole international community.
The free and democratic elections in Slovenia and Croatia, which contributed to the overthrow of the communist regime, also deprived the champions of Greater Serbia of the right to take control of all the most important functions of government, like the army, diplomacy, national security, and so forth. This triggered off a brutal reaction on the part of the Serbian national-chauvinists, who, using the federal army, which is dominated by them, are leaving no stone unturned to get rid of the democratically-elected anti-communist governments. Fear of losing control of the Republic of Kosova has led Serbia to go all out in preventing Kosova and its people from holding free elections. It would promote the final settlement of the Yugoslav crisis if the Albanian people received a guarantee from Europe and its democratic institutions, and the international community, concerning the holding of a referendum, as formulated by the Kosovan Assembly, through its resolution dated 22 September 1991, which proclaims Kosova an independent and sovereign State with a right to constituent participation in the League of Sovereign States or Republics of Yugoslavia. Today, all nations are entitled to be free, independent and unified, provided this is achieved democratically and by peaceful means.
The very fact that the federal army is acting without constitutional control and the tendency to settle disagreements by force of arms constitute the most dangerous threats to stability in the Balkans and Europe since the Second World War.
Serbia is seeking to unify by force the Serbian population living in various parts of Yugoslavia. It is also using force to keep the autochthonous Albanian population in Yugoslavia under occupation.
While EC is trying to establish peace in Yugoslavia, Serbia refuses to withdraw from the occupied territories. As far as Serbia is concerned, the only purpose of the Peace Conference is to legalise the occupation of these territories by finding a formula for the self-determination of the Serbian minority in Croatia and denying the same right to the 3 million Albanians who come third to the Serbs and Croats in Yugoslavia.
The Republic of Albania believes that the solution of the Yugoslav crisis depends on the implementation of the principle of self-determination in a peaceful way through dialogue, on the basis of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and the Paris Charter. With that end in mind we have joined in all the efforts of the European Community to solve the Yugoslav crisis and have supported all the initiatives it has taken in this regard.
The free expression of the will of the people constitutes the cornerstone of the new European architecture. Bold and unprejudiced acknowledgement of and, Above all, respect for this will would determine the reliable future of Europe. In this context, we support the will of the Albanian people in Yugoslavia, as outlined in the Acts of 2 July and 7 September 1991 of the Parliament of Kosova, the only legitimate organ of the Albanian population.
How that Slovenia and Croatia have declared their independence and Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina have proclaimed their sovereignty, a new situation has materialised in the Yugoslav State made up artificially of various units following the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire after the First World War. Under these circumstances the Albanians, who comprise the only non-slav population - violently and unjustly incorporated in the composition of this multinational State - should enjoy the right to have their say about their future.
The Republic of Albania holds that the representatives of the Albanian people in Yugoslavia can in no way be excluded from the peace conference on Yugoslavia and from the negotiations on the future of its peoples. Their participation is a right articulated in the current Constitution of Yugoslavia which guarantees Kosova its legitimacy within the federation. Their participation in the talks is not only just but also a must for the future of Yugoslavia and the settlement of the Yugoslav crisis. To ignore a population, six times that of the Republic of Montenegro, is to establish peace simply through the force of arms.
It is to the benefit of the peoples of Yugoslavia, the Balkans and Europe if the complex problem of the Yugoslav crisis is solved by taking into account all the factors involved. Neither arrogance and force, nor the pretense of disregarding these factors can keep peoples with different languages, cultures and history together against their will.
Sincerely believing in the peaceful settlement of disputes and conflicts, the Albanian people are confident and hopeful that the international community and the democratic institutions will help in the peaceful and just solution of the Yugoslav crisis, satisfying all the parties to the conflict.
We uphold the understanding displayed by the permanent members of the Security Council and their desire to cooperate in the solution of regional conflicts. He highly value the persistent efforts made by the Secretary-General and the initiatives he has taken for the peaceful settlement of a number of problems. Similarly, we welcome the efforts that are being made by the United Nations and the commitment by the United States and the Soviet Union to peacefully solve regional conflicts such as those in the Middle East, Cambodia, Western Sahara among others. The Albanian Government hails all positive steps leading to the elimination of apartheid in South Africa.
The deepening of the economic crisis in many countries and regions of the world is a destabilizing factor which threatens the hitherto political achievements on an international base. While the industrialized countries are recording economic growth, the developing countries are experiencing economic decline and stagnation. To alleviate this tendency and source of contradictions, the United Nations must work out a new strategy for development. Multilateral commitment is vital to finance stabilisation programmes, lift trade barriers, transfer modern technology and so on. There is no doubt that these countries should exert their efforts and seriously commit themselves to solve their acute economic problems.
The abuse and illicit trafficking of narcotics has now become a serious concern for all countries. In some of them, this deadly social ill has assumed destabilising proportions. Often linked to arms smuggling, it has grown into what may be called narco-terrorism. He cannot but express our concern over this phenomenon. We consider that the United Nations and its specialised agencies have an important role to play in preventing it.
Considering the scope and complexity of the transformations and problems facing the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the demonstration of greater political and humanitarian solidarity by the rest of Europe and all the other countries of the CSCE is of special importance at present. They can thus build a new European architecture and a new international order which, in turn, would bring about genuine security, peace and prosperity for all in full harmony with common democratic human values.
There is no doubt that the United Nations has to play an important role in this regard. In the new conditions of profound democratic processes taking place in Europe and of the democratisation of international relations, our Organisation that brings together the hopes and interests of the peoples and countries of the entire world, cannot but reinforce its indisputable commitment to find new, peaceful and democratic solutions to global issues ranging from regional conflicts, disarmament and environmental protection to the prevention of terrorism and drug trafficking and to other problems which arise in the course of time. It is as encouraging as it is promising that the Member States of the United Rations are displaying ever greater understanding of the need for active involvement of the United Nations in the solution of the world's problems.
For its part, Albania has totally committed itself to making its own modest contribution to our Organisation so that it may achieve the goals for which it was founded and honourably discharge its mission.


I extend my warm congratulations to Mr. Shihabi on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. We also extend our sincere appreciation to Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta and all earlier Presidents of the General Assembly whose efforts have guided and enriched the work of this body on behalf of the people of the world. At the same time we express our gratitude and respect to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his tireless efforts to promote peace and security in the world. The people of Estonia have laboured and persevered for generations in order to join this body as a fully sovereign nation at peace with its neighbours. We look forward to working under his guidance in the United Nations.
It is with great pleasure that we welcome the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea as full members of this body. With equal feeling we welcome the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands.
With particular pleasure we welcome the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania and remind ourselves that the peoples of the Baltic States have never gone to war against each other. Instead, we have shared a common history - colonial domination by stronger neighbours who have fought their wars on our soil and at our expense. When we entered the League of Nations after the First World War our peoples hoped that a new era had begun. As we join the United Nations and put the Second World War behind us we renew our faith in the principles on which this body is based and trust that a new era has indeed begun.
The Estonian people have finally realized their age-old dream of self-determination. Estonia's independence as a State has been restored and recognised by the world community. Estonia values highly its acceptance as a Member of the United Nations and stands ready to fulfil its international obligations.
We extend our heartfelt gratitude to those who supported us In this struggle through so many years. We give particular thanks to Iceland - a country the small size of which did not stand in the way of moral courage. The people of Iceland will always have a special place in our history. Unfortunately, acceptance into the United Rations does not solve the many problems we face in consolidating our independence. Central to these are questions that relate to the traditional political and economic orientation of our country. Historically and culturally Estonia has always had strong ties to Western and Central Europe. That was true even under the domination of the Russian Empire during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Between 1940 and 1991 the Soviet occupation disrupted those ties but did not manage to destroy them.
In terms of the political and economic development of Estonia, an immediate priority must be the restoration of those ties and the restoration of a European way of life. To achieve these aims, we wish to integrate as quickly as possible with the political and economic structures of modern Europe. Estonia is already a full member of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), has strong ties with the nations of the Nordic Council, and has initiated discussions on cooperation with the European Free Trade Association. Finally, many members of the European Community have expressed their interest in our becoming an associate member of the European Community.
Estonia's orientation towards Europe does not, however, mean that It will fall to understand the needs and aspirations of the developing countries. We feel that we are in fact better positioned to appreciate these issues than the Western countries whose values we share. The Baltic States have emerged from a long and difficult period of colonial rule. He hope that this experience augurs well for close ties and cooperation with the third world.
Estonians know full well what it means to live under foreign domination, especially when that domination is based on totalitarianism. For that reason, Estonia cannot take any position that fails to support the right of all peoples to self-determination.
Considering this, the Government of the Republic of Estonia recognized the independence of Slovenia on 26 September. Independence is the free choice of the Slovenian people and Slovenia fulfils the criteria for independent statehood under the generally accepted principles of international law. Estonia is convinced that respect for the right of the Slovenian and Croatian peoples to self-determination is the most effective way to achieve a solution to the Yugoslav conflict in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
At the same time, Estonia can only accept peaceful means based on democratic principles and respect for human rights - as well as respect for the rights of minorities. These are, after all, the principles on which the people of Estonia have based the restoration of their independent statehood.
In the short term, Estonia's highest foreign policy priority is the normalization of relations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. I am happy to report that yesterday the Soviet Union and Estonia established formal diplomatic relations. It is in the interests of Estonia to pursue a policy based on friendly relations and Mutual respect for national sovereignty, Estonia also considers it essential to preserve actually beneficial economic ties with the republics of the USSR. The precondition for this, of course, is continued progress towards democracy in the republics of the USSR, in an atmosphere of internal stability. Estonia hopes that those republics can solve their economic difficulties and forestall the violent disintegration of the USSR. Such an event could lead to a civil war capable of threatening the stability of the entire world.
We are also concerned by the attitude of the USSR in connection with the process of fully realising Estonian statehood. While the State Council of the USSR recognised the Independence of the Baltic States on 6 September 1991, we find that there are political forces and Government agencies of the USSR that fall to acknowledge or to accept the restoration of Estonia's independence. Those structures show no evidence of coming to terms with the new political realities. Most notable is a desire to maintain future relations with Estonia as if Estonia were a constituent republic of the USSR. This attitude is prejudicial to Estonian sovereignty and we hope that it will be as unacceptable to the world community as it is to the people of Estonia.
A separate and immediate issue is the timely withdrawal of Soviet occupation forces from Estonia. The Estonian Government is concerned about the efforts of some Soviet political leaders to delay the withdrawal of the Soviet military from Estonian territory. For example, Anatoly Sobchak, leader of the Soviet delegation in negotiations with Estonia, has repeatedly stated that troop withdrawals cannot begin before 1994. Estonia understands that some time must be allowed for Soviet occupation forces to return home. We do, however, believe that this goal can be accomplished with greater speed.
Of special concern is the continued presence of nuclear weapons and assault troops on our territory. We are also disturbed by the continued existence of large foreign military contingents in Tallinn, the Estonian capital, a presence that threatens the sovereignty of the Republic of Estonia. For that reason, on 5 October 1991 the Baltic Council decided to propose to the USSR that Soviet occupation troops evacuate all Baltic capitals by 1 December this year.
Regarding the general issue of European security, we applaud the fact that the process of democratisation in the republics of the USSR, taken together with the restoration of the Independence of the Baltic States, has markedly reduced tensions in Europe. No longer do we have a trip-wire of confrontation separating East and West. This new reality has become the basis for Estonian national-security doctrine. We do not consider ourselves neutral since we no longer see a Europe divided into hostile alliances. Estonia wishes to cooperate with its neighbours on questions of defence and strategic doctrine, as well as with all other members of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in the context of the CSCE process.
In the spring of 1990, Estonia held parliamentary elections that were as democratic as possible under the conditions the. prevailing. Now that independence has been restored and a flourishing multi-party system has been established it is both necessary and desirable to hold new elections. The Supreme Council of the Republic of Estonia has decided to call new elections in 1992 in order to seat a new and more representative parliament under conditions that conform to all generally accepted principles of democratic government.
Of course, the internal political situation in Estonia is not without its problems. Fifty-one years of foreign occupation have weakened the political traditions nurtured during the period of independence. However, this difficult experience has taught us that only a democratic political system and a market economy can address the interests of the Estonian people. A Constitutional Assembly has been convened to develop a new constitution based on that understanding. That constitution will be in accord with the provisions and principles of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms as established by the Council of Europe on 4 November 1950.
In the economic sphere, statutes are being prepared that will facilitate the conversion to a market economy based on the rule of law. During the past year, laws have been written to establish private property rights, protect the interests of foreign and domestic investors and institute a fair taxation system that is favourable to private investment. The principles behind these laws are in accord with those implicit in the membership requirements of the International Monetary fund and the World Bank.
Between the two world wars, Estonia was unique among the nations of the world community in terms of its steadfast and tolerant approach to minority rights. Estonian statutes on cultural autonomy for minority nationalities were a remarkable exception in a Europe torn apart by hatred and fear. These statutes guaranteed to each national group and religious minority the opportunity for education in their native language, their own publications, the freedom to practise their own religious customs, and freedom of cultural expression as they saw fit. The revival of these liberal principles will be a good basis for cooperation between the many different nationalities living in Estonia today.
During the years of occupation a great many non-Estonians were settled in Estonia. Many of these people think of themselves as having found a new homeland and have supported the aspirations of the Estonian people to self-determination. We find it self-evident that the citizens of other countries residing in Estonia should have the opportunity to apply for citizenship on the basis of a fair and equitable citizenship law. If they wish to work in Estonia while remaining citizens of other countries, that opportunity will not be arbitrarily denied them.
The Republic of Estonia and its people are in the process of rejoining the world community after 51 years of foreign occupation. We shall not waste this opportunity for which so many have suffered. He wish to rejoin Europe as a democratic State, as a good neighbour, as a State that respects human rights, and as a trustworthy partner in the affairs of nations.


In transmitting the sincere congratulations of the Government of Madagascar, allow us to echo the words that have been expressed since the Assembly elected you to conduct the business of its forty-sixth session. You are a man of experience, dialogue and conviction, and we know that you will place these qualities at the service of the Organisation and of international cooperation.
The same concern guided your predecessor. Ambassador Guido de Marco. Right to the end of his mandate, he constantly took the initiative to strengthen the role of the General Assembly to represent us where events were important, thus committing us to greater responsibility. He did not disappoint the trust that we placed in him, and we are grateful to him.
Finally, my delegation bids welcome to the delegations of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, Korea, the Marshall Islands and Micronesia. We will always be ready to seek and develop with them the common good in solidarity and understanding. We are particularly happy that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea now have an opportunity to work within the Organization for the independent, peaceful reunification of their country, without foreign interference.
Universality is once again on our agenda. People often talk of the universal acceptance of the principles of the Charter and of certain values, and when we admitted to membership the seven new Members that I have just mentioned it really is the universality of our Organisation that we are proclaiming even if the end of the cold war, as in the past the end of the colonial era, promoted expanded participation in international life.
We believe that this participation is essential if we wish to counteract marginalization and hegemony. So long as there was confrontation or rivalry we sought to have recourse to solutions always based on commonly acknowledged, albeit rarely applied, principles, when the time came to take a decision. Our situation was certainly an awkward one because we were convinced that we were siding with reason while at the same time we felt that we had no grip on reality. From one frustration to another we gave less importance to the right to participate, and universality gradually gave way to antagonism or, even worse, to indifference.
But times have changed. The march of history has speeded up and not a month, a week or a day passes without our being assailed by events that are difficult to analyse or react to immediately and whose significance is realized by us through the effects that inevitably follow in other places and in other fields.
In a word, the frenetic and intense pace of events that we are witnessing leads us to believe that we are experiencing a world revolution affecting all human activities. The subject is too important to be skimmed over in an obviously limited statement, but right now we have to define our positions in the context of a situation that we cannot ignore any further. In the meantime, allow me to tie Ariadne's thread and turn to more prosaic considerations, that is to say to the activities of our Organization.
The Secretary-General has accustomed us to a relationship in which he agreed to share with us his hopes and his disillusionment, his satisfaction at certain positive trends and his concerns about the obligations of Member States. Again this year he has continued in that tradition although we are somewhat disappointed because as a "gentleman", in the classic meaning of the word, he has refused to give an assessment of his mandate.
However these were 10 years during which quietly and patiently he has seen to it that the Organization has a new confidence in itself; 10 years of rehabilitation and revitalization. The work will never be done but it will be recalled that it was under his mandate that the Organization lived through its finest hours, illustrated by the peace-keeping operations that won us the Nobel Prize in 1988; the accession of Namibia to independence; the end of the war between Iraq and Iran; the normalization of the situation in Afghanistan; the entry into force of the cease-fire in Western Sahara; the comprehensive political settlement in Cambodia; the mediation and observer missions in Nicaragua, Haiti, El Salvador and Angola; the role the United Nations played after the Gulf War; and, recently, the release of the hostages in Lebanon.
It is true that the questions of Cyprus, the Middle East and South Africa remain outstanding but we know the interest that he has in them and it is no mere chance that in Cyprus the parties there have renewed their commitment to continue their discussions; that the peace conference on the Middle East is in hand; and that, finally, a peace agreement has been signed between the parties concerned in South Africa to put an end to violence.
A tribute is due to the devotion of the Secretary-General, to his ability to look ahead and to act and particularly his concern to preserve the prestige and effectiveness of the Organization in all circumstances. It will not be said that the tribute that my delegation has just paid to the Secretary-General is intended to pass over in silence the questions of concern to our Organisation, that is, the questions of political and economic security. However, before touching on that I wish to turn again to the situation in southern Africa.
We take note of the measures taken by the South African Government to dismantle the legal bases of apartheid while hoping for a more honest initiative to eradicate the very spirit that promoted the birth and maintenance of apartheid.
Within the United Nations we must define another strategy to speed up the process already started and shoulder our responsibilities in a specific manner for the advent of a new South Africa, a non-racial and democratic South Africa. So that the Organization may consistently struggle against apartheid, it must be there to guarantee and satisfy the aspirations of the majority; it must offer its good offices, mediation and even its arbitration to all parties to guarantee a political presence and in order to prevent the risk of a breakdown in the current negotiations.
That is the least we can do now that the role of the Organization in the maintenance of peace and international security has evolved in such a marked way. Because, by definition, the settlement of the situation in South Africa will have an influence on peace, regional security and cooperation - and my country is concerned in this - and also, by definition, the absence of this settlement will once again lead to threats to the peace and to international security.
The era of bipolarisation is over - it is now a mere historical curiosity in East-Meat relations - whereas North-South contradictions still exist despite protestations of solidarity and interdependence. Notwithstanding that, the vision of a more just world has not been abandoned. And in this inevitable transitional period, which is so full of promise and uncertainty, we recognise that public opinion is right to pin its hopes on our Organisation, whose principles remain universally accepted and respected. This consensus has enabled us to make better and fuller use of the machinery envisaged in the Charter with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security.
However, we believe that many of the provisions relating to collective security have never been given optimal effect. We are thinking in particular of the opportunities offered by the Charter in the field of preventive diplomacy. Other not incompatible paths also deserve exploration - establishing a system of evaluation, prevention, management and solution of crises and conflicts, and providing the Secretary-General with a suitable structure. Such measures would, we believe, help to strengthen the credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations.
Similarly, it is high time to provide the various peace-keeping operations with an official legal framework. Forged through practice, those operations have proved to be a new and more effective procedure, better adapted to present-day realities. This framework document would define their criteria and functions in order to forestall any violation of Charter purposes and principles to suit the special interests of an individual State or group of States. There will be no legitimate collective action without majority support, and we would be imperilling the democratic principle of our Organization were we, under cover of pragmatism or emergency, imprudently to
set aside universally acknowledged norms in favour of theories that are far from being unanimously accepted.
In order for our Organisation to live up to the promises made to the peoples of the world, the following elements must be combined the mandate of the principal organs must be re-examined, bearing in mind interdependence and the global nature of the problems dealt with; coordination among those bodies must be strengthened to ensure improved harmonisation and greater cooperation; there must be a collective commitment to the Organisation's restructuring. In any event, the active participation of all will help us better to meet the challenges - and I use that word advisedly - posed by the pressing need for democratisation.
Thus revitalised, our Organization must commit itself as a matter of priority to preserving future generations from the scourge of war. Conditions have never been so propitious for achieving that purpose set out in the first words of the Charter. A military alliance has been dissolved, and Europe, meeting at Paris in November 1990, took concrete steps to reduce its immense concentration of armed forces. At the same time, the two nuclear super-Powers have begun destruction of types of weapons described in the various agreements in force; they have finally exchanged instruments of ratification for the threshold Treaty and the partial test-ban Treaty, and they have concluded the much-awaited Treaty on strategic arms limitation, the so-called START Treaty.
The initiative taken by President Bush on 27 September has now - and we welcome this - been added to the many disarmament proposals advanced by others. Clearly, a concerted and coherent approach is needed, for general and complete disarmament under international control, which is the ultimate goal of all our efforts, can be brought about only within a multilateral context.
The Charter confers upon the United Nations a central role and a primary responsibility in the field of disarmament. Member States solemnly reaffirmed this in the Final Document of the first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We must recreate the consensus we enjoyed then and again place our trust in the United Nations, which so recently demonstrated its ability in such complex areas of disarmament as the drawing up of a draft convention on chemical weapons, the Special Commission set up under Security Council resolution 687 (1991), and the embargoes established by the Security Council.
We often say that international security, if it is to be credible, must also extend to the economic field. I shall not go into all the problems of the developing countries or into the challenges they must face, nor shall I dwell on the responsibilities of the developed countries in this respect. We have discussed this here and in other forums and I shall confine myself today to the case of Africa, which could also be that of other regions of the world.
The prime victim of the collapse of primary-commodity prices, crushed under the weight of foreign debt, suffering from major handicaps with regard to infrastructure, haunted by the spectre of famine, malnutrition and endemic disease, struck by various natural disasters - Africa has become the poorest region of the world, with a constantly increasing negative growth rate.
Aware of this situation, the United Nations adopted the Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development. Five years after the adoption of that Programme of Action, its goals have not yet been attained. The response we were awaiting from the developed countries and international economic and financial institutions has not been commensurate with their commitments, whereas the majority of African countries have agreed to make the reforms that were imposed on them - and I use the word "imposed" advisedly.
The economic, social and political costs of that operation have been high, and we shall continue to suffer from them without being able to set any limits. Yet Africa remains ready to renew its commitment to implement the needed transformational policies, as is evidenced, inter alia, in the adoption of the African Charter for the peoples' participation in development and the proposals put forward following the final evaluation of the Programme. But the new framework for cooperation must be able to guarantee us sufficient resources, reduction and cancellation of debt, and adoption of lasting solutions to the problem of commodities, all in the hope that the pact thus concluded will enjoy the real support of Africa's partners.
But Africa is not the only continent in the third world, and it is our duty to echo the concerns felt in other regions with regard to our collective participation in world economic management. We speak of the globalization of the world economy, while what we are witnessing is fragmentation among the various interested parties, skewed methods of resolving key issues, a regionalization of economic activities among the industrialized countries and a weakening of discipline in financial, monetary and trade policies. Such a situation is not conducive to any new policy one might want to institute on a world-wide scale and prevents us from resolving problems inherited from a system that is being carefully kept in obsolescence in order to draw iniquitous profits from it.
Thus, despite the various initiatives and proposals, some of which have begun to be implemented and which may be useful for future reference, the foreign-debt crisis only gets worse. In order to resolve this crisis we need an international debt strategy containing long-term relief measures and greater debt-reduction compatible with the debtor countries' real ability to pay, taking into account their growth prospects and development. Thus, to free us from the constraints resulting from successive rescheduling, we reiterate the appeal for a fundamental re-adaptation of the existing mechanisms.
Similarly, the resources available to finance development, already inadequate, are in effect being diverted in order to satisfy other needs born of the integration of the Eastern European countries or the rebuilding o£ countries the victims of the Gulf war.
That is why we support the idea of convening an international conference on development financing, because it is time to consider all initiatives on ways to release additional resources and to take steps to allocate to development a reasonable portion of the "peace dividend", estimated at almost $120 billion a year.
In addition, we are convinced that the protection of the environment, far from being a marginal activity, must be considered an integral part of any development effort, with the support of the international community. Any solution proposed in this area must preserve our development priorities and guarantee the principle of proportionality as regards contributions and responsibility.
The complexity of the problems I have mentioned requires that multilateral economic cooperation be strengthened: North-South, South-South and sub-regional cooperation, such as what we are already doing in the framework of the Committee on the Indian Ocean, which is to regroup the islands in the south-western part of that Ocean. The Declaration adopted by the General Assembly at its eighteenth special session and the new international strategy for development are the logical framework for such action.
It is appropriate, then, to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations to deal effectively with all economic problems. A role of coordination and orientation should be given to the Economic and Social Council, which in future should be called the "Council for Economic Security" if we wish to see more just and equitable economic relations.
On bearing and reading the words of the heads of delegation that preceded me, I believe that there might be a consensus on the ideas of peace, progress and social justice, on the role of the United Nations in promoting these principles, and on equal, universal participation in international relations. It could not be otherwise, in fact, because we are condemned to our dreams - that is to say, to hope that there will be no more ideological confrontation, that solidarity will stave off any risk of domination and hegemony and that all nations will enjoy an equal right to well-being and security.
Forty-six years ago the problem was posed in the same terms. Peoples were given to understand - peoples whose aspirations have scarcely changed - that it sufficed to respect the principles of the Charter and to seek to achieve its stated objectives to guarantee the advent of a new era. We know what the situation is, and it is not appropriate for me to return to the recriminations resulting from injustices of all kinds. However, the new era that has been so widely proclaimed continues to be a Utopian ideal; we are still awaiting it.
It is not normal that from one decade to the next we blindly advocate a new order. It is not normal either for us to hide behind the universality of Charter principles to proclaim its inviolability. Nor is it normal that in a world committed to pragmatism we refuse to draw conclusions from the political, economic and social upheavals that affect all societies without differentiation. In short, we need a new Charter!
A shocking conclusion to be sure, but let us recognize that in the end the revision of our Charter, in particular Chapters VII to XIII, will be only a temporary measure, soon to be overtaken by events. We do not intend to open a discussion on this subject at this stage, but we call on all members to give serious thought to this possibility and to start the necessary consultations. This will be a long endeavour, but let us be like the medieval cathedral-builders of Europe, always inspired by unfaltering faith.
Before I conclude and before I thank my distinguished audience, I should like to quote two Malagasy proverbs appropriate to our circumstances: "Crossing a long plain gives one time to meditate"; and "A house is built by several people, not by just one individual".