Mr. President, may I express to you the congratulations of the Government of Sweden on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Your experience and the distinction you have shown as Prime Minister of Luxembourg, and your gifts as an eminent statesman will be of great significance in this session. May I also express to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, Sweden's appreciation of his untiring efforts in promoting the ideals of the United Nations.
90.	This autumn, the United Nations can look back on three decades of service to the cause of peace and international co-operation. This year, nearly three times as many nations are represented here in New York as at the first meeting in San Francisco. The United Nations' sphere of activity has constantly been expanded. The fundamental issue of a more equitable and rational distribution of the world's resources has become central to the work of the Organization.
91.	The United Nations has furthered the security and well-being of all the peoples of the world. Cooperation here has been an important element in efforts to overcome grave conflicts. The Middle East, the Congo, Cyprus and Kashmir are but a few examples. For all its imperfections, this co-operation has none the less been necessary for maintaining international peace and security. International opinion has been articulated in this forum and this, no doubt, has helped in preserving world peace.
92.	My compatriot, the late Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold, once stated that the United Nations "had become the foremost platform and principal protector of interests for the many nations that feel strong as members of the international family but are weak in isolation." This is still true. We know that there are still a few rich and powerful countries that dominate this world technologically and economically, politically and militarily. One of the important tasks of the United Nations is to impress upon those States the need to use their superior resources in a way that takes full account of the interests of weaker States. It is also important that these latter States not be made the losers through agreements concluded between the great Powers in the name of detente.
93.	In today's international situation it should be in the interests of the great Powers to anchor their settlements in the United Nations, and in this way let all States share in decision-making and responsibility. The Secretary-General issues a warning in his report on the work of the Organization that, as important matters are decided outside the United Nations and over the heads of its Members, doubts will increase about the value of the United Nations as a guardian of peace. We share this concern.
94.	More than 100 of the Member States now belong to the third world. Their problems quite naturally dominate the work of the Organization. The questions of health, hunger and unemployment, so vital to the majority of mankind, have now been given greater
weight. In the framework of this Organization demands for equitable relations between the poor and the rich countries have been formulated under the sign of a new economic world order. These questions might usefully be discussed also in other forums. But the Swedish Government considers it important that the work in this field also should in the future be pursued mainly under the auspices of the United Nations.
Mr. de la Flor Valle (Peru), Vice-President, took the Chair.
95.	In a number of areas this Organization provides both an instrument for negotiations and a forum for the formulation of political guidelines. The seventh special session proved this point. Even if fundamental conflicts of interest remain, developed and developing countries negotiated in a spirit of cooperation. They agreed on a text, which will be the framework for our future efforts at agreement. Thus, the endeavors of the developing countries to eradicate poverty and to achieve greater economic independence, increased control over their own resources and a broader influence on decision-making on global economic issues have achieved new momentum. This is due not least to the solidarity among all the developing countries.
96.	We in the industrialized part of the world must now go further in meeting the justified demands of the poor countries. In doing so we cannot be blind to the fact that a changed economic world order will have practical consequences for us in our own everyday life. Such consequences we must learn to accept. International solidarity demands it. Change, not status quo, is also in our own long-range interest. As long as injustice, exploitation and misery prevail for the majority of mankind there can be no future in peace and freedom.
97.	If the United Nations is to play its legitimate, pre-eminent role, it must be fully representative of the entire international community. Sweden is convinced of the necessity for universality. The participation of all States, both large and small, and particularly of those that are embroiled in conflict, is essential if the United Nations is to make an effective contribution to international peace and security.
98.	Efforts to keep out States that wish to be Members of tile United Nations are regrettable. Therefore we must deplore the fact that a great-Power veto in the Security Council has prevented the two States in Viet Nam from being admitted as new Members of the United Nations. The Vietnamese people have been fighting for national independence for decades. They have been subjected to the terrible suffering of modern warfare. This year the people of Viet Nam have at last won peace and independence. It is high time that they also be represented in this world Organization.
99.	We welcome the States which have become Members of the United Nations this year: Mozambique, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe. All three States were formerly under Portuguese colonial rule. Their long and arduous struggle for freedom and independence has at last resulted in a victory of his-toric significance. The will and the solidarity of the oppressed have proved their strength. The fact that we now have these three new Member States in our midst is also due in no small measure to the prompt and consistent decolonization policy of the new Portuguese regime. This policy deserves the appreciation of the rest of the world.
100.	Sweden has been a member of the Security Council for almost a year. During that time decisions have been made on the Cyprus issue, one result of which has been new negotiations. We appeal to the parties concerned to proceed on the road to compromise so that the people in that much afflicted country may finally return to peaceful, normal life, while preserving the independence and territorial integrity of the island.
101.	In the Middle East a new interim agreement has been concluded between Israel and Egypt. We have greeted that agreement with satisfaction in the hope that it may constitute a step on the road to lasting peace in the area. Such peace cannot, however, be established until all parties concerned have reached a comprehensive settlement in accordance with all the provisions contained in the resolutions of the Security Council, and taking into account also the legitimate interests of the Palestine Arabs and their justified demands for national self-determination. It is therefore of great importance that the momentum for peaceful change is used for further negotiations. The Security Council should prolong the mandate of the peacekeeping forces in Sinai, which play an important role in reducing the risk of armed conflicts.
102.	With regard to southern Africa, the Security Council has not been able to agree on further measures against South Africa's apartheid policy and that country's unlawful occupation of Namibia after its refusal to meet the demands of the Council. In the Swedish view, the Council should increase the pressure on the Government in Pretoria. We are of the opinion that the situation constitutes a threat to the peace within the meaning of the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and that therefore sanctions are justified. Accordingly, when the Security Council dealt with the question of Namibia we voted in favor of the proposal for a compulsory weapons embargo.
103.	Racial segregation in South Africa is one of the most striking examples of how human rights are still being disregarded and trampled underfoot in many parts of the world. Another particularly distressing example is the grave violation of fundamental human rights in Chile under the present dictatorship. The refusal of the military junta to admit a study group from the United Nations Commission on Human Rights reveals that their rule cannot stand up to investigation. This month, two years after the overthrow of the popularly elected President Allende, people throughout the world are demonstrating their wrath at the oppression in Chile and their solidarity with its victims. The mobilization of international opinion against the rule of terror by the junta must not abate.
104.	But also in other countries, under less scrutiny in the United Nations, people are being deprived of their fundamental rights. The international community must react against all forms of oppression and terror, wherever they take place. The struggle against torture and inhumane treatment, one of the items on our agenda, must this year make real headway. The United
Nations must continue to work for the abolition of capital punishment in all countries. We are constantly being reminded of the necessity of this task.
105.	Moreover, let me emphasize the deplorable lack of respect for political dissidents, of which we receive daily evidence. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights endorses the right of every human being to hold whatever opinions he wishes, to express whatever thoughts he wishes, without interference. None the less, people are being thrown into prison in a great many countries, their only crime being that they have expressed inconvenient thoughts. Amnesty International is an organization that deserves much credit for the way in which it has focused the attention of the world on the fate of many of these people. In Sweden's view, the United Nations has an important task in this field.
106.	Condemnation of this kind of persecution is not unwarranted interference in the internal affairs of other countries. Respect for human rights is essential to friendly relations and co-operation between States. This principle has been endorsed in the document signed at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe at Helsinki this summer. That Conference has shown that the situation in Europe has been further stabilized and that concrete co-operation between States can be developed in spite of differences in ideology and social systems. The fact that a continent whose internal conflicts have led to world war twice in this century has embarked on such cooperation is in the interest not only of the participating countries but of the world as a whole. We know that further progress on this road depends on the continued efforts at detente between the big Powers.
107.	I would like to emphasize that the contacts and co-operation between the European and North American States must not be isolated from the global context, must not be regarded as co-operation for the mutual benefit of these countries alone. Increased political and economic co-operation between the leading industrialized countries designed only to further their own interests would consolidate the inequitable distribution of power and resources. Following the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the participating States should be able to shoulder greater responsibility for peace and equity between all the peoples of the world.
108.	International solidarity goes hand-in-hand with solidarity at home. A foreign policy pursued in the spirit of solidarity is furthered by a national policy that also has solidarity as one of its corner-stones. Social and economic security, equality between men and women, the participation of all citizens in decisions affecting their daily lives at work and in society as a whole are reforms that create social cohesion. But they also promote solidarity between nations.
109.	It would not be right for me to conclude these remarks without drawing attention to the area where, in our view, the United Nations has made least progress. I refer to the field of disarmament.
110.	When the United Nations was founded, in the shadow of the Second World War, one of its fundamental aims was to promote international peace and security by disarmament. So far, no decisive steps have been taken to reach this goal. Despite the intensive negotiations of the past decade, no real disarmament has been achieved. Military arsenals are still at a very high level. In some countries they continue to grow.
111.	The military balance of terror can perhaps at present be described as a kind of guarantee for peace. But in the long run, it is no reliable foundation for a peaceful world order. The high level of mutual military preparedness and the huge arsenals of arms can themselves constitute risks of incidents and clashes. If we are serious when we speak of a climate of political detente, then we should also pay greater attention to the opportunities for real disarmament which this very situation may afford. It is also obvious that if the process of political detente is to last and deepen, it must be sustained by measures aimed at reducing standing forces and, most importantly, at initiating genuine disarmament.
112.	In a closely related area international humanitarian law it appears that some progress is within reach. I am thinking of new rules concerning the protection of the civilian population during armed conflicts, as well as prohibition or limitation of the use of certain particularly cruel weapons. We believe that the prohibition of employing such weapons, based on humanitarian motives, may also in certain cases be a first step towards real disarmament in the form of bans on production and proliferation.
113.	Thirty years ago, the very first nuclear charge was exploded. Since then the world's arsenal of nuclear weapons has been constantly growing. For a long time, it has been large enough to wipe out our entire civilization. In addition, arsenals of conventional weapons have reached levels that were quite inconceivable at the end of the Second World War. While the risk of a devastating war has thus increased, enormous human and material resources have been swallowed up that could have been used for effective economic and social policies for the well-being of our peoples.
114.	To attain results in the field of disarmament, a heavy responsibility rests primarily on the two nuclear super-Powers, the United States and the Soviet Union. We welcome the ongoing efforts made by these States to limit the most destructive weapons by means of bilateral talks, But, at the same time, we have to note that these talks have so far made no contribution to real disarmament. On the contrary, some agreements reached actually permit rearmament up to certain levels.
115.	By voluntarily refraining from procuring nuclear weapons, many non-nuclear States have demonstrated their belief that it is still possible to raise an effective barrier against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Putting an effective stop to proliferation depends on several conditions. One is that the peaceful use of nuclear energy everywhere, and thus also in the nuclear-weapon States is subjected to as efficient measures of international control as possible. Another is that the States which have not done so now adhere to the non-proliferation Treaty. But most important of all is that the two leading great Powers as a matter of urgency make definite commitments in the nuclear disarmament field. Particularly, I wish to emphasize the urgent necessity of a complete ban of all nuclear-weapon tests. Sweden has long been working to achieve an agreement in this field and will continue to do so. In 1971 we submitted in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament a draft treaty aimed at achieving a complete test ban. This question will have a prominent place on the agenda of this Assembly, a fact which we welcome.
116.	The main responsibility for achieving real disarmament lies with the super Powers. But it is the duty of all States and of the entire international community to press for energetic endeavors to this end and to contribute to the success of such efforts. Only in that way can we build a safer future for mankind. We welcome the emphasis that the Secretary-General puts on the compelling need for disarmament in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization. We support the suggestion that the United Nations should be enabled to play a more prominent role in the efforts to make real progress towards a world free from fear.


1.	 Sir, may I extend to you my congratulations on your election as President of this thirtieth session of the General Assembly. Your election to this office is a recognition of your personal qualities and an expression of appreciation for your services to your country and to the international community, as well as an acknowledgment of the role of your country, Luxembourg, in the international field. I wish to extend my thanks also to your predecessor, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, for presiding over the last session efficiently, actively and successfully.
2.	Jordan would like also to welcome the admission of the three new Members to our Organization namely, the Republic of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and the People's Republic of Mozambique and wishes them success and prosperity.
3.	I should like also to express our appreciation and admiration to the Secretary-General, who has invariably proved to be competent and sincere in the pursuance of the goals of the Charter and the aims of the United Nations, and has always taken up the responsibilities of his office with enthusiasm, faith and wisdom.
4.	This session is held in an international situation characterized by two major aspects: detente and tension.
5.	The first aspect detente is a process that has grown slowly, but clearly, in the relations between the two super-Powers and in the various international regions directly affected by those relations, particularly Europe. The second tension is a trend that for years has dominated the relationship of the North with the South that is, of the developed industrialized countries with the poorer developing States, a relationship that we hope will ultimately vanish.
6.	International detente is a trend which we hope will expand in scope and take root; we hope to see its link with responsibility in international relations and with global justice reinforced and enhanced. The only essential element without which no secure and safe international community can exist is the safety of the world from a destructive confrontation between the two giant camps, and that is the one basis for international relations. Thus, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe was a culmination of concrete and calculated steps to build international detente, and a major advance in the cause of international peace.
7.	While Europe is the main arena of this detente, it is our hope that detente will expand its scope, as long as there is agreement between the super-Powers not to freeze the status quo, with all its faults and injustices, but rather to lessen the drive towards destructive confrontations so far removed from reason and moral checks.
8.	The main source of tension in our contemporary world has, however, shifted to relations between the industrialized States and the overwhelming majority of the countries of the world that suffer from poverty or economic under-development. The basis of this tension may not be new, since it is a reflection of the unequal nature of the relations that have prevailed in several phases of the modern history of the world between the militarily mighty and economically strong nations on the one hand and the peoples under their domination and exploitation on the other.
9.	During the last decades the modern world and the United Nations have both witnessed the decline of colonialism as an institution through the virtual fading away of the last remnants of direct colonialism. Yet the world and the United Nations have yet to witness the establishment of equal and equitable economic relations between the developed industrialized countries and the developing nations that constitute the majority of the world. This fact was! recorded in all sincerity and clarity by the United Nations at the sixth special session on raw materials and development, which resulted in historic and decisive documents dealing with the subjects of development and healthy international economic relations [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-V1)\. The countries with the strongest economies and the greatest industrial capability expressed their reservations, thus aborting the possibility of the speedy and successful implementation of those documents. The recent seventh special session grappled with the same issues but in an atmosphere of greater objectivity. This encourages optimism about the future. It was obvious from the seventh special session that agreement can be reached between developing and developed countries on a common Program of action oriented to narrowing the vast gap between the two groups, activating the development process in the developing countries, and making drastic reforms in the international economic order regarding all aspects of international trade, the transfer of resources, the world monetary system, industrialization and food.
10.	The world today requires effective and active movement towards the implementation of this historic Program. For this is the only way to prevent the contradiction between the positions of the industrialized world and the developing world from turning into a confrontation that can only hurt mankind and be detrimental to normal and friendly international relations. The efforts, over the past two years, at the World Food Conference at Rome, the World Population Conference at Bucharest and at other conferences that dealt with industry, natural resources, the environment and technology were ambitious attempts to establish a useful dialog and to increase the grounds for agreement. However, as is obvious to us all, partial or sectoral efforts, regardless of their occasional successes, are no substitute for a steady, systematic and over-all quest for the establishment of a new international economic order taking into consideration the interdependence of our modern world and the needs of the overwhelming majority of mankind for food, work and dignity in the framework of healthy and equitable international relations. That is what the seventh special session decided.
11.	The agenda of this thirtieth session is full of items and issues relating to every aspect of our international life. Many are old and have been recurring year after year; others reflect our changing conditions. As the agenda items relating to economic and technical issues increase, we still find ourselves faced with the old ones reminding us that the United Nations has yet to decide fairly on many of the world's gravest injustices and dilemmas. We have been, and still are, discussing yearly the issues confronting Africa struggling against the continued presence of pockets of racism and colonialism in that dear and great continent. The brave and struggling people of Zimbabwe still face the unyielding intransigence of the racist regime in Rhodesia supported by the racist regime in South Africa, in spite of the flexibility shown by the nationalist movement and its willingness to respond to positive initiatives. There is cause for optimism among the peoples of the world about the results of this struggle in the increased international isolation of these two racist regimes and the disintegration of colonialism in Africa during the past two decades.
12.	My country sees a striking resemblance between , this situation in Africa and that in the Middle East.
In the Arab world of which the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is an integral part the past five decades have witnessed the decline of the colonialist presence. As colonialism receded, there remained in the Middle East a racial base of aggression posing an immediate and even a daily threat, not only to the security of the Arab States surrounding it, but also to their very existence. The Assembly is aware that since 1967 Israel has been occupying vast territories after having committed an aggression against three Arab States, namely, Jordan, Egypt and Syria. As a result of this aggression, Israel now occupies an area
three times its size, inhabited by over 1 million Arabs. A large part of Egypt and of Syria is now under occupation and the whole territory of Palestine is under Israeli military occupation.
13.	There is no need to recall that with the occupation of all of Palestine, the whole Palestinian people, the people who had inhabited that land for tens of centuries, was divided into two parts: the refugees living outside Palestine, whose plight was created by Israeli violence in 1948; and those living in the Palestinian homeland under the occupation of the aggressive Power. This unnatural and horrifying situation has prevailed in the region since the Israeli aggression of 1967 against the Arab countries. Its origins, however, go back to 1948, when Israel uprooted hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homeland, their properties and their dignity.
14.	Ever since its establishment, the United Nations has witnessed the development of events in the region. The United Nations has made many attempts to remedy this abnormal and unjust situation. The General Assembly has since 1948 adopted repeated resolutions recognizing the right of the Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties. Yet Israel has with intransigence and arrogance defied those resolutions. Last year, the General Assembly adopted an historic and comprehensive resolution acknowledging the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and linking that right with their right to return to their homeland [resolution 3236 (XXIX)]. It also defined the elements of a just peace in the Middle East which are linked with the rights of the Palestinian people as an independent people to sovereignty, a homeland and aspirations. At the same time, the General Assembly acknowledged a fact that was the subject of complete Arab unanimity at the summit conference in Rabat that same year, namely, that the Palestinian Liberation Organization is the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
15.	The United Nations was aware of the need to tackle the consequences of Israel's aggression against the Arab countries in 1967 and the fall of Arab territories under occupation. The United Nations did outline the basis for an internationally acceptable peaceful solution. Yet, since the adoption of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), Israel has been attempting to undermine the most important of its balanced elements, namely, the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of land by force and the necessity of withdrawal from the occupied territories.
16.	Ever since the adoption of that resolution, Israel has obstructed all international attempts, within the United Nations or outside it, aimed at its implementation. It obstructed the Jarring mission, frustrated the various efforts of the Security Council and resisted the attempts of third parties, even those that maintain the closest relationship with it, to make any progress.
17.	After the October 1973 war, brought about by the continued occupation, Security Council resolution 338 (1973) was adopted. But Israel persisted in its policy of obstructing any international effort aimed at achieving a real peace in the region based on complete Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories.
18.	Meanwhile, Israel continued to consolidate its occupation and to absorb the occupied territories materially, culturally and in every other way. It planted colonies and settlements in the heart of the occupied lands. It continued changing the demographic and physical character of the territories and exploiting their economy. Even the Holy Places, so abundant in the land of Palestine, were not spared. The occupying Power violated the historic religious character of the Islamic and Christian shrines, defacing them and mutilating their features.
19.	The first target of this policy, so alien to international law, was the holy city of Jerusalem. Ever since the occupation authorities annexed the occupied Arab city of Jerusalem to Israel, they have set out to change its character, stifle its spirit and wipe out its identity, in defiance of the repeated resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly deploring such ugly actions.
20.	A stark example of what has become of the Holy Places and the historic sites in Jerusalem is what has happened and is still happening to the Al-Aqsa mosque. For after the arson in this great Islamic monument, which took place under the occupation, the Israeli authorities set out to demolish historical buildings in its vicinity and to carry out excavations underneath the walls, thus shaking its very foundations. All this was done without any respect for its status or regard for the principles of international law, which prohibit tampering with historical monuments and the infringement of religious rights under occupation. Recently, Israeli violations were extended to another great religious and historical edifice, namely Alharam Al-Ibrahimi in the city of Al-Khalil (Hebron). Measures taken by the occupation authorities against this shrine have been increased with the aim of erasing the Islamic character of the mosque, progressively banning Moslem worshippers from prayer and eventually transforming the mosque into a Jewish synagogue. Thus, Israel is moving relentlessly towards changing the historical, national and religious character of the occupied territories, while adopting an obdurate stand against all efforts and endeavors to realize a just peace.
21.	It is no wonder, then, that Israel has come to suffer increasing international isolation and lessening world support, even on the part of those States which had previously maintained the closest relations with it. Nor should anyone wonder that this has been firmly and strongly reiterated at the Islamic Foreign Ministers' Conference, the summit conference of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], and the Conference of Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned States. Israel therefore stands at a crucial crossroads, and the United Nations itself faces the responsibility of taking decisive and effective measures to implement its own principles and resolutions.
22.	The Government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan considers that the path leading towards a just peace is clear. It has already stated its established policy and is fully and finally committed to it.
23.	Israel should evacuate all the Arab territories occupied by force as a result of the aggression of June 1967, above all, Jerusalem. A just peace will only be established when the Palestinian Arab people
exercise their right to self-determination in their homeland and recover their national rights in full.
24.	The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is most intimately connected with the Palestinian cause and the cause of the Palestinian people. The people of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have made the greatest sacrifices throughout the history of this cause and it is committed to defend it until its brothers, the Palestinian people, recover their rights and exercise self-determination in their homeland.
25.	The General Assembly has at this session heard the Israeli attempts to alter the nature of the Palestinian question and of Palestinian rights.
26.	The Israeli contention was that the land of Palestine extended to both banks of the river Jordan and so, according to this logic, the majority of the Palestinians have been neither uprooted nor expelled from their homeland.
27.	This is the meaning of the statement by Israel at this session of the Assembly [2368th meeting] and of the attempt by the representative of Israel to reduce the question of Palestine to a call for negotiations between Israel and Jordan. The land of Palestine is the land of Palestine, and the land of Jordan is the land of Jordan. The close relationship between these two brotherly peoples, the Palestinian and the Jordanian, cannot deter the Palestinian Arabs from their rightful claims to their homeland or from the attainment of their legitimate right to return to their land and properties from which they were expelled.
28.	There is no substitute for the termination of the Israeli occupation of the land of Palestine and there is no substitute for the return of the Palestinian people to their homeland from which they were evicted. The entire people of Jordan stands in full support of the brotherly Palestinian people in its just struggle for those goals. Israel must understand this reality if it is to find the road to a just and durable peace.
29.	We call upon all the countries of the world, and upon the United Nations, to support these legitimate rights, to help to terminate the occupation and to assist the establishment of a just and durable peace in the Middle East.
30.	My Government, while giving the highest priority to this issue to which we are physically and spiritually committed, does not overlook other global questions of concern to the United Nations and to the peoples of the world.
31.	We hope that the current session of the General Assembly will provide an appropriate forum for a useful dialog on the questions of disarmament. Perhaps the atmosphere of international detente, which was reflected in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, will be again expressed in concrete steps, agreed upon by the parties directly involved, for arms control and disarmament.
32.	We support all sincere steps taken in this connexion, whether technical, political or legal, as we support the expansion of the area of the world to be denuclearized. My Government has made its contribution in this field as regards the Middle East by accepting, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly resolution [resolution 3263 {XXIX)], the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Middle
East. My Government has made the commitments to the Secretary-General required by the resolution, having signed and ratified the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex].
33.	There is a question that concerns the international community and that pertains to the completion of the process of terminating foreign domination in Africa. This question is that of Western Sahara. During last year a positive step was taken concerning this issue when the parties concerned agreed to take the matter to the International Court of Justice to decide its legal aspects. That was a constructive step towards peacefully arriving at the desired objective, which is the termination of foreign domination in that area.
34.	We hope and expect that no measures prejudicial to the status quo in the area will be taken before the verdict of the International Court of Justice is announced. In the meantime it must be emphasized that, while my country maintains traditional and strong bonds of friendship with Spain, we see no end to this question other than the final and complete termination of Spanish rule in Western Sahara.
35.	As for other matters on the agenda of this session, my delegation will do its utmost to make whatever contribution it can to consolidating the efforts of the United Nations and achieving its goals, whether they be the gradual development of a constructive and developed international legal order; the creation of new and more equitable international economic relations; or the development of the United Nations institutions better to discharge international tasks and to serve the purposes of the Charter.
36.	During the last years, the United Nations has passed more than one test in which it faced the question of its raison d'etre and its competence to serve the purposes for which it was created. While the United Nations has repeatedly shown some inadequacies and some inability to decide on issues of justice, it has continued through the years to assert the need for its existence as a unique institution for proper international relations, a forum for continuous dialog between all international parties and a parliamentary meeting place for all States, big and small. It also continues to be an institution for joint action to maintain world peace and security, and to launch into the world forces of intellectual and moral advancement, even though those forces may take a long time to mature and prevail.
37.	We, in my country, and in the larger region from which I come, are aware of the agonizing short-comings of the United Nations, However, we also know that without the United Nations the world would collapse in open chaos and overt conflict over interests and ambitions without any moral or idealistic restraint.


68.	  Mr. President, the choice of the General Assembly for the presidency of the thirtieth session has fallen upon you, and in our view it is of particular significance. Luxembourg and Madagascar have for some years now had relations of trust, and we have been able to appreciate, in the Organization to which both our countries belong, your statesmanlike qualities and the interest that you have shown in questions affecting the third world. We still remember how you welcomed the Charter of the Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] when a delegation of members of the Group of 77 presented it to your Government. We are convinced that you will continue to display the same understanding of our problems and that this understanding will become a positive factor in our proceedings.
69.	To your predecessor, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, we should like to convey our fraternal gratitude for the extremely responsible and outstanding way in which he represented first of all Africa, then the third world, and finally the whole international community. The two sessions of the General Assembly over which he presided will remain in the annals of our Organization as sessions which were most fruitful in terms of positive developments and as most promising also for those who have chosen not to despair in spite of prevailing conditions.
70.	I should like now, on behalf of my Government, to convey our warmest congratulations to the delegation of Cambodia, which, after five years of revolutionary struggle, has recovered its lawful seat which so-called representatives had usurped with the assistance and connivance of imperialist interests.
71.	It would be natural that in an anniversary year we should mention the victory over the genocidal tendencies of racism and the defeat of the false Fascist ideology, and also the hopes which the peoples of the United Nations have placed in our Charter. We cannot forget our immense sacrifices, and those sacrifices are particularly praiseworthy because we were defending values which were often imposed upon us. Not to associate ourselves with this anniversary would be tantamount to denying the principles common to us all. However, we wonder what kind of peace, what kind of justice and what kind of development were in store for the peoples which the technocrats of 30 years ago wanted to associate with their new vision of the world.
72.	We do not reject what has been fairly accomplished. But at the present stage of the struggle for the recognition of the rights of peoples and of nations, if we stop and take stock of the situation we shall be found to observe that the peoples subjected to hegemonism and monopoly have recovered their natural cohesion. They have become aware of the tremendous significance of their sovereignty and their independence. They have made progress towards liberation with respect to imperialism and reaction.
73.	These facts certainly originated in the events which marked the renaissance of international life. Nevertheless it is true that these facts are of particular value at such a critical time in our history. No one, I am sure, would deny that the established order is now gone forever. No one could remain indifferent to the need for progress in international relations and for true democracy in the building of a new society. There are two opposing and divergent currents, therefore, in our world today, which this year have led to intensive consultations in the political and economic fields, to a re-evaluation of respective strengths and interests, and to a new determination with regard to political measures to be taken.
74.	These initiatives were reflected by bilateral or multilateral agreements and by the convening of several conferences. We were entitled, therefore, to expect genuine peace to replace our present precarious peace a true peace in which the world would be free from uncertainty, where the rights of peoples and nations would no longer be trampled underfoot' by arbitrariness or the conspiracy of silence, and where nations would be able to engage in the free choice of their political and economic destiny.
75.	Now it appears that we are allowing ourselves to be increasingly influenced by contradictions, and we are not able to give a satisfactory response to changes prompted by reactionary alliances and impulses. The adoption of a new international code of ethics is necessary. Therefore, we must examine and define objectively what any State, any international or regional organization, can and must do in order to make a positive contribution to the establishment of a system of values and relations which would take account of current realities.
76.	We do not think that some people are justified in taking offense when we claim that we have inherited a world order which is at least two centuries old. These are the contradictions which underlie the structures of political, economic, military and technological power; and the development of these structures has given rise to privileges and domination which, in their turn, have led to the division of our world. Let us not forget that the equality of rights, opportunities and advantages were in the past denied in the name of this now obsolete world order. Let us not forget that the inequalities inherent in this order caused a situation where international security depended on one or two countries, a group of countries or a continent. The security which was then offered to us was presented as a series of partial actions, poorly co-ordinated and difficult to integrate within the process of the search for a peace which would benefit all and not just a few.
77.	In spite of our differences, we cannot disregard the fact that the maintenance and safeguarding of international security remains the fundamental objective of our Charter. That security cannot be considered at this time as the aggregate of measures designed solely to defend and promote national or regional security.
78.	But what security can we expect from a world where the most powerful nations are devoting more than $300,000 million for producing and developing conventional weapons, perfecting their missiles and other military equipment, and multiplying their nuclear tests? The strategy of certain mutual destruction and the doctrine of nuclear deterrent still hold sway and are now even legitimatized by agreements. International public opinion cannot remain indifferent to this situation, which is morally indefensible and the genocidal tendencies of which are obvious.
79.	It is difficult to accept the fact that, in promoting a "nuclear civilization", the most powerful nations seem to be pushing the world towards its own destruction by organizing and extending violence on a gigantic scale. That is why we maintain that all security depends on a disarmament which will give priority to the abolition of nuclear weapons and their means of delivery, as well as of weapons of mass destruction. We remain convinced that true detente, extended to all nations, whatever their size, requires as a pre-condition the carrying out of a disarmament of this kind. We have no intention whatsoever of minimizing the resumption of certain negotiations, the signing of a document on European security, and the entry into force of the
Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction resolution 2826 (XXVI), annex]. We must however, recognize that the present arrangements and agreements remain limited and are often discriminatory. It would therefore appear judicious to supplement them, to expand them, in order to integrate them within a global approach to disarmament.
80.	If the forthcoming world disarmament conference recognizes this objective as enjoying the highest priority, then we can contemplate in a positive way the creation of a specialized agency where all States will have the opportunity to examine and to decide democratically questions relating to disarmament and control over armaments. It is no longer possible to conceive that the security of the world should depend on isolated initiatives; and because the great Powers have ceaselessly professed to us their good faith and sincere intentions, let us ask them to apply in their own relations the greatest degree of mutual confidence and to recognize that the United Nations remains the appropriate framework for the most significant negotiations. It is on this condition, and on this condition alone, that the areas of insecurity which persist can become zones of peace and co-operation, and that zones of peace which are still being challenged will finally be respected as such.
81.	It is an open secret that it is because of this lack of mutual trust among the great Powers, and even among their clients, that the Indian Ocean has become a private preserve for the confrontation of irreconcilable interests. The frontiers of national security of the great Powers have been extended well beyond what seem to be normal. Distrust has prompted them to undertake a systematic policy of mutual surveillance and indeed presence in regions where their immediate interests are not in jeopardy.
82.	The focus of tensions has therefore been removed elsewhere. In order to ensure their presence the better, the great Powers have strengthened or reorganized their zones of influence, have sought to obtain others, and have virtually divided the Indian Ocean, as indeed was the case with Africa and other continents at the end of the last century.
83.	This situation can only damage the interests of the littoral and hinterland States, whose security and sovereignty are threatened by the activities which have quite rightly been considered as contrary to their national or regional interests. They thought it was urgent to appeal to international public opinion so that the great Powers might reconsider their negative attitude and agree to respect and apply United Nations resolutions relating to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)].
84.	It is in this spirit that the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, which met last month at Lima, adopted a resolution in which three fundamental problems of concern to the region were examined: namely, the elimination of all foreign military bases; refusal of facilities to warships and military aircraft of the great Powers; and the demilitarization and denuclearization of the zone.
85.	These questions were approached in a positive manner, and we can therefore consider that, on the basis of these three general principles, practical measures will be produced to put an end once for all to the re-emergence of foreign military presence in the Indian Ocean, and to ensure the establishment of a true climate of detente and co-operation in the area.
86.	The importance we attach to the Indian Ocean does not stem from any arbitrary will for confrontation for its own sake. It reflects the fact that we consider Africa, the Indian Ocean and Asia as an organic whole, where events are politically interdependent both in their causes and their effects. Having disarmed in South-East Asia, imperialism is preparing to retreat to the west, towards the coast of Africa, where colonialism still maintains its last bastions, to provide a kind of refuge perhaps for those known to some people as defenders of the so-called free world.
87.	I think this is the place to denounce the obvious collusion between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries and the minority racist regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia. Under the camouflage of gradualism, realism and dialog, the Western Powers and their allies are permitting these regimes to entrench their infamous privileges and to have recourse to formulas which at best would make it possible for the Africans of Zimbabwe, Azania and Namibia to enjoy very doubtful representation.
88.	Let us concede that the apartheid regime, anathema to all those who claim to be part of universal civilization, must finally disappear. This will give no justification to the thesis of separate development, which the South African and Rhodesian minorities are trying to make us accept, in the name of racism which has not yet laid down its arms. The problem in southern Africa is, above all, a question of human dignity, which the Western Powers are pretending not to understand, quite wrongly forgetting what the triumph of fascism would have caused them in terms of suffering.
89.	It should also be pointed out that what can be done in the immediate future in southern Africa is to decide on the place and role of that minority . But are people unduly concerned about what the majority represents? Has thought been given in a responsible way to the fact that this representation, so dear to Western democracies, requires us to oppose generalized attempts at bantustanization and to other attempts at giving the appearance of consultations which actually lead to protection of the interests of colonialism and imperialism?
90.	In other circumstances and other places, the Western Powers have insisted on respect for human rights. We believe that the same tenacity which they have shown in settling questions of meetings, contacts and facilities to be provided for individuals should be applied when they come to negotiate with the regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia with regard to the supply of arms and equipment and the future of the oppressed peoples of southern Africa.
91.	We cannot condemn what is now happening in that part of Africa without bearing in mind that colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism form a trinity which makes bold to present to the world seemingly attractive solutions in order the better to lull our vigilance with regard to situations which are seriously questioned by international public opinion.
92.	In the Comoros, for example, all seemed set for that Territory to accede to international sovereignty in the best possible conditions and according to the express commitments of the administering Power. The will of the people was made known. The inevitable passions had been calmed. However, because of a will imposed from the metropolitan country everything was once again called into question. Who benefits from the present uncertainty? Certainly not the people of the Comoros who are asking only to preserve in harmony and unity their sovereignty and territorial integrity. We would have been the first to take pleasure at seeing the people of the Comoros here among us. We very much regret that the policy of maintaining a presence and the difficulties caused by quarters encouraged or tolerated by the administering Power have prevented us from sponsoring the admission of the Comoros to our Organization, an admission which the OAU so keenly desired.
93.	The same applies to the question of Djibouti, where the people were "invited" to take a decision on their future in a climate of confusion which did not permit them either to judge, in complete freedom, the importance of their choice or to understand the regional implications of what they were doing. In our common organizations we have heard the arguments of the parties which should be most concerned. Nothing prevents the people of Djibouti from exercising their right to genuine self-determination and independence in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV).
94.	Many more examples could be given. We note that the administering Powers consider their delaying tactics as necessitated by respect for the democratic process. We believe it is time to be able to defend one's own interests without having recourse to a facsimile of liberalism or condescending paternalism.
95.	On the question of Palestine, we note that some Powers are adopting the same attitude because of the fundamental similarity between the phenomena of colonialism and foreign occupation. They do not mind allowing the Palestinians to be refugees; but when we come to examine the problem in a specific context and reference is made to their legitimate aspirations, reservations prompted by circumspection and prudence prevail over the former considerations.
96.	The rights of a frustrated people continue to be opposed by requirements for a security which is for ever being defined. The expansionist and exclusive ambitions of one State cause some to forget the principles of our Charter and respect for our resolutions. Delaying tactics, half measures and ambiguities become the order of the day where political courage should be displayed.
97.	It is not surprising, therefore, that the Palestinians are now ready to rely only upon themselves in the attainment of their objectives in order to ensure their own national identity in a country which is theirs. For our part we have always maintained that security in the Middle East is to be determined primarily by the_ recognition by all States of the rights of the Palestinians to independence and national sovereignty and also by the end of the occupation of the territories conquered by Israel.
98.	With the passage of time the interests of the great Powers in the region have been allowed to distort the necessary conditions for a just and lasting peace. With regard to principles, however, no compromise is possible; Israel must understand that its intransigence, its territorial and military ambitions, its aggressive practices, its unyielding insistence on absolute security are incompatible with the search for a global solution.
99.	In the absence of true progress towards a settlement that would resolve all the outstanding problems, we see no alternative for the international community but to have its resolutions and decisions enforced as rigorously as possible. To that end, account should be taken of the measures proposed by the OAU and the non-aligned movement because they reflect our common and legitimate desire to break the deadlock in which we have been placed by lack of determination and commitment.
100.	In another part of the area we find ourselves in a deadlock again. This time a different one it is true. In Cyprus, after the breaking off of the talks in Vienna, the hardening of the respective positions makes ever more unlikely the process of normalization, a normalization which requires that all the parties to the dispute give their support to the principles of peaceful settlement and abide by the provisions of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX).
101.	The fundamental objectives of our policy on Cyprus should remain the preservation of its territorial integrity, its sovereignty, its independence and its policy of non-alignment, and also the withdrawal of all foreign troops and the end to interference in its internal affairs. In other words, we believe that the two communities, whose national rights must be recognized, should alone be allowed to determine the constitutional and political future of the country. They must enjoy complete freedom in their contacts and talks, so long as they comply with the provisions of the Security Council regarding the inadmissibility of secession, merger or union with any other country.
102.	Before ending this chapter on political and security matters, I should like to repeat the position of my Government on the Korean problem. The people of Korea who have suffered from war, division and occupation, are also entitled to peace and security. In this regard, our Organization bears a particularly heavy responsibility because it allows its authority to be usurped and to serve ingloriously as a cover for foreign intervention in the south of the country.
103.	We do not think that this responsibility should be lost from sight and the multiplicity of proposals which would transform the prevailing armistice is significant. However, we cannot agree to the proposals made in quarters tending to perpetuate a situation which has so far failed to allow the Korean people as a whole to exercise their right to self-determination or to settle their own problems in complete freedom and sovereignty.
104.	The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has repeatedly held out the olive branch of peace and concord. As an Organization, we must no longer hide behind legal arguments and the legalities of institutional procedure in order to postpone the dissolution of the United Nations Command. This dissolution, ipso facto, entails the withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed in South Korea under cover of our flag.
(05. We are convinced that the transformation of the temporary armistice into a lasting peace treaty will create the necessary conditions for the reunification of Korea. That process should in no way be impeded by unilateral initiatives such as the application for the admission of South Korea which, in putting forward its application, deliberately went back on the commitments it undertook in the joint communique of 4 July 1972 by North and South Korea.1
106.	This survey of the world political situation, which could not possibly be exhaustive, shows us that the path towards the full achievement of international security is a difficult one. In spite of certain obviously limited signs of detente; in spite of the many different attempts made by our community; in spite of the cautious initiatives of the great Powers, there are still many shadowy zones of insecurity in the world today. It would seem to us right to devote our best efforts to eliminating these zones, but in so doing, we also run the risk of relegating to secondary priority other objectives in our Charter, particularly those connected with economic and social co-operation.
107.	The events of recent years have taught us that our deliberations should result, both internationally and nationally, in a general awareness of the problems posed by development, which has become the focus of our attention. Development for us cannot be conceived of as a series of sectoral and disparate actions. The failure of the "strategies" which have been policy for more than 20 years in most countries of the world and also internationally, is symptomatic to the extent that we recognize development as a whole, applying to all men and to every man.
108.	It is in this spirit that Madagascar agreed to the adoption of an integrated approach to the problems of development, the solution to which would determine the survival of the majority. There is no need to enumerate once again the just claims made by the developing countries at the seventh special session. We were not entirely satisfied, but we do recognize the efforts of certain industrialized countries towards a constructive joint approach.
109.	The incipient progress which we have made should not cause us to lose sight of the urgency and acuteness of the problems entailed by mass poverty. It is important, therefore, that the international community should act, and act promptly, instead of allowing itself to be led by its technologists, its technocrats, into a maze of discussions as to indicators of progress or the necessary pre-conditions for an inventory which would be more than problematical.
110.	Indeed, the economic and social situation in the world remains marked by poverty, by the failure to meet the most elementary needs, and is aggravated by a system of exploitation connected with a power structure which has been established mainly in the industrialized and imperialist countries. This situation must change. Many people recognize this, but differences remain as to means of action and approaches.
111.	Thus the concept of "external limits" imposed by the biosphere on human society, and that of "screening" illustrated by the extremist image of a necessary distinction between those who have to die, those who will survive and those to whom assistance will make the difference, are still arguments put forward at the present time. These ideas testify to an extremely conservative vision of the world which relies solely upon quantitative aspects of growth and which is in keeping with imperialist designs and have the effect of reaffirming the hegemony of privileged minorities.
112.	To believe, however, that under-development is nothing but a "stage" in economic development might persuade third-world countries to attempt, at all costs, to increase their gross national products in order to overcome their lag and ensure prosperity in keeping with the needs of their peoples. Remarkable rates of growth have been recorded; nevertheless, poverty remains, to the indignation of the international community.
113.	It is not just a matter of aping the economic development of the developed nations today but of finding solutions based upon the natural environment, the cultural heritage and the spirit of initiative peculiar to each society. Mass poverty should not be considered exclusively from the national standpoint, because this would cause self-sufficiency to take too simplistic a path.
114.	Indeed, in Madagascar we recognize that, in order to bring the working masses and the underprivileged out of their more than marginal conditions, we must above all rely on ourselves according to the principle that each State has the sovereign right to choose its own system of development, taking account of its own psychological, sociological and political realities.
115.	As a pre-condition our efforts require the mobilization of all the resources of the nation an action which would have no point without the participation of women. Indeed women constitute one of the pillars of the Madagascar socialist revolution, and we consider it essential to promote not only their dignity but also the task of making them more sensitive to current major problems, their integration in the global development effort and their contribution to the strengthening of peace, particularly in this International Women's Year.
116.	We also believe that, in the united straggle against poverty, international co-operation requires a harmonized approach, the provision to each nation of appropriate and adequate means in support of its own efforts and the promotion of a common ideology for achieving genuine development.
117 We are particularly interested in reducing mass poverty because of our socialist policy for bringing about an economic and social development both human and harmonious. The charter of the socialist revolution, proclaimed last month by theiHeaa of State and Government of Madagascar, made the focus of its concern the promotion and protection ot the interests of the working masses, by eradicating man's exploitation by man, social injustice and inequality.
118.	This presupposes for us the establishment of new socio-economic structures which will make possible the responsible and coherent organization of the masses and the action of the revolutionary power in the process of the democratic distribution of wealth and the factors of production and also in the question of giving highest priority to the restoration of the rights of the most underprivileged.
119.	We sincerely believe that this action will be part of the overall search for security for the greatest number, which, in the final analysis, is a pre-condition of national security. When this is guaranteed and effective, the nation will then be able fully to participate in the establishment of a new world of peace and progress.
120.	The growing complexity of problems relating to development, disarmament and international security; the will of all nations to make their contribution to this; their interdependence and the multiplicity of options makes it necessary to define common ground. And, in the final analysis, it can only be the United Nations which can do this, and its role should be strengthened in order to permit it to become the true crucible from which the new international order will emerge.
121.	We recognize that the United Nations, over the last 30 years, has in spite of everything played a positive role in the maintenance of relative world peace, in the liberation of many countries from colonialism, in the exploration of new fields of co-operation and the development of international law. However, the great Powers have given up neither the obsessive defense of their own interests nor their rivalries, and have in fact gone so far as actually to promote the establishment of fundamental instability in relations among nations.
122.	This attitude, which has now been outstripped by the acceleration of the historical process and profound structural changes in international society, has prevented the normal functioning of our institutions and the achievement of genuine progress towards our objectives.
123.	Accordingly, 30 years after the end of the Second World War, general and complete disarmament remains an illusion. We believe in general and complete disarmament, but, unfortunately, it has been manipulated by the military Powers. The elimination of racism and colonialism is hindered by the priority accorded by imperialists and neocolonialists to principles of a bygone era. As for development, it has been left to improvisation, since the center has persisted it its exploitation and domination of the periphery.
124.	What we call for is a new international order; this claim is entirely justified. It is quite right to call for a review of the Charter, based on the present Charter but adapted to the need to respond better to the true needs of peoples, to the emergence of new ideologies and the defining of new priorities in fields of activity. This obviously presupposes the acceptance of the principle of democratization in representation, decision-making, execution and even the definition of structures.
125.	The United Nations has for far loo long been likened to a forum where middle-sized and small nations can put forward their views and their complaints without being assured, of course, that they will be taken into account by the great Powers. We know the results of this approach. If we want our Organization to cease to be the witness of sterile verbal confrontations, we feel that it is urgent to give it greater responsibilities. Thus, in a defined and renewed institutional framework, all nations will be able fully to discharge their responsibilities in the face of a many-faceted crisis which affects and will continue to affect our common civilization.
126.	We do not wish to restrict the sovereignty of Member States, because every nation, and even every group of nations, has the right and the duty to take initiatives conducive to peace and co-operation. But we believe that the universal acceptance and institutionalization of these initiatives must take place in the United Nations, which, after all, is the reflection of democratic will.
127.	This democratic will, which emerged from the victory of progressive and revolutionary ideas, has replaced, at least at our level, the well-known political will which has often been lacking. It emerged decisively at the sixth special session. It showed that it is capable of positive compromise, while its detractors saw in it nothing but a form of diktat. It put a final end to political hegemony, which some had abused with the aid of outmoded institutions and instruments which have gone forever.
128.	But it would be poor judgment on our part to wish to impose this democratic will gratuitously. For us it remains the point of departure for a true co-operation no longer based upon servility, obsequiousness or capitulation and therefore more lasting and healthier and more likely to serve the cause of all peoples of the world entitled to peace, development and justice.


75.	 Mr. President, first I should like to congratulate you on your election to your high and demanding office. The part of the world from which I come could not have been better represented in the presidency of this Assembly than through you, Mr. Thorn, as an experienced and out-standing spokesman of our part of the world.
76.	May I also express our appreciation of the dedicated and untiring efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in promoting international peace and co-operation.
77.	A number of speakers before me have already dwelt at some length on the recently concluded seventh special session of the General Assembly. Most references have been of a positive nature, some even to the extent of characterizing the session as a turning- point in the relations between the rich and the poor countries. My Government shares this hope. Through the unanimous resolution of the seventh special session [resolution 3362 (S-Vll)], a foundation has been laid for attacking the problem of injustice and inequity through co-operation rather than through confrontation. The decisions of this special session were based on the realization of the fact that the development process is the joint responsibility of us all.
78.	My Government attaches the greatest importance to the fact that consensus was reached. Now we have to prove that consensus works. The implementation of the decisions taken at the seventh special session is vital in this respect. We have to prove to those still remaining skeptical that the consensus was genuine. Then, and only then, will we have taken that important step towards a new and more equitable economic world order which we all wanted the special session to be. Then, and only then, can we sustain the spirit which prevailed in this hall during the last few weeks.
79.	My Government considers the call for a new international economic order an urgent one which also affects our national priorities. Our response must properly reflect this urgency. For that reason the Norwegian Government has submitted to Parliament a comprehensive report, containing concrete proposals relative to our over-all economic relations with developing countries. In this report the Government also reaffirms its commitment to the targets for transfer of real resources, reaching a transfer of 0.7 per cent of our gross national product this year, and 1 per cent in 1978, all in official development assistance on a grant basis. This report also defines the policies called for on our part in order to live up to the demands of the sixth and seventh special sessions in the fields of trade, industrialization and international economic relations in their wider sense.
80.	The unanimity with which the decisions at the seventh special session were taken gives us hope that, in the process of implementation, national, political and economic limitations will be overcome. My Government fears, however, that we can be faced with other limitations to which sufficient attention has not yet been paid. I am thinking of the organizational and structural short-comings of the present world community. Many of the justified demands of developing countries are often frustrated not only through a lack of political will in the developed world but also through short-comings of the present organizational system. My Government is of the opinion that this is a problem to which the Members of the United Nations will have to pay ever-increasing attention in the years to come. For the United Nations to play an effective role in the process of development, an overhaul of the system is called for. This is a prerequisite for the attainment of the session's declared objectives. The present international machinery for dealing with the development problem has become so complicated that not even the experts any longer have a clear view of its structure. The organizational development has occurred piecemeal and more as a result of a process of proliferation than on the basis of any co-ordinated assessment. As Sir Robert Jackson writes in the introduction to the report of the capacity of the United Nations development system "... the machine as a whole has become unmanageable in the strictest sense of the word. As a result it is becoming slower and more unwieldy, like some prehistoric monster".
81.	Therefore, it was only logical that the special session, after having reached a broad agreement on matters of substance, also decided to establish the Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System,
82.	In its work this Committee should be able to benefit from the considerable amount of work already carried out in this field by the Group of Experts on the Structure of the United Nations System, appointed by the General Assembly at its twenty-ninth session. The fact that these 25 experts from all over the world have agreed unanimously on a report is in itself encouraging. In all main respects, Norway is able to support the proposals put forward by the Group of Experts. We have in particular been glad to note the proposals for strengthening the role played by the Economic and Social Council. These proposals are in accordance with the idea put forward by Norway and Finland at the twenty-ninth session with the aim of making the Council a sort of permanent security council for economic and social questions.
83.	I have dwelt here on institutional and organizational aspects of our efforts to build a more just world order. This is also necessary. There may be little use in adopting the principle of a new international economic order unless we have a clear idea how to realize this order in terms of practical policies and how it is to be organized, administered, directed and planned.
84.	There is, therefore, every reason to subject the whole of the international organizational structure to a thorough review in all sectors in relation to, and on the basis of, existing needs because, as I see it, the large and ever-widening gap between the tasks confronting us and the means of co-operation for the solution of these tasks is a fundamental problem facing the world community today. We must commit ourselves to narrowing this gap, we must commit ourselves to solving more and more problems through
multinational means. We cannot accept that such commitments can only be undertaken in the aftermath of world wars.
85.	I speak here as a representative of one of the smaller Members of the United Nations. We, the smaller nations, have a vital stake in the creation of a better-organized world. We need a framework within which we can be treated as equal partners and share in the management of this increasingly interdependent world of ours. We, the smaller countries, are particularly dependent on the general observation of rules of conduct and codes of behavior in international society. But we have also a vital interest in efficient management. And for this reason we must be prepared to show restraint and moderation. Increasingly, we shall have to adopt procedures for selective participation in order to manage the many complex and complicated problems on our agenda.
86.	It goes without saying that the organizational evolution will be different according to whether it is a question of managing world peace and security, of tackling the problem of world poverty, of conserving resources and protecting the environment, or of safeguarding fundamental human rights.
87.	If we take world peace and world security, this is today primarily dependent on the political and military equilibrium between the super-Powers. Whether we, the smaller countries, like this or not, the responsibility for avoiding major wars will basically continue to remain with these Powers.
88.	This very necessary recognition of the basic factors on which world peace depends should not, however, lead to resignation on the part of the smaller nations. These countries also have ample opportunities for engaging themselves in the efforts to build a more solid basis for peace.
89.	One such opportunity lies in the strengthening of the peace-keeping capacity of the United Nations and participation in the United Nations peace-keeping forces. The strengthening of the United Nations role in this field should also be in the well-conceived interests of the major Powers. Recent developments in the Middle East are, I think, a good example of how regional efforts, combined with great-Power engagement and United Nations peace-keeping efforts, may turn events in a positive direction in a conflict which for such a long time has represented a serious threat to international peace and security. Here I should like to associate myself with the many previous speakers who have paid tribute to the leaders of Egypt and Israel for their decisive readiness for negotiation and compromise, and also to the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Kissinger, for his outstanding contribution to the agreement reached.
90.	Another opportunity for engagement for peace lies in regional co-operation. Today important regional efforts are, for instance, being made to build bridges across ideological and political barriers in the interest of detente. I am especially referring to the conclusion in Helsinki in July of this year of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. Even though this Conference has taken place outside the United Nations framework, its results may be of significance for the Organization's ability to maintain peace. The negotiations during the various phases of the Conference are also another good example of how smaller States may play an important role as a supplement and as a necessary corrective to the co-operation between the major Powers.
91.	In his report to the General Assembly on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General underlines the urgency of making real progress towards disarmament and arms control. In particular he reminds us that the danger of nuclear proliferation not only remains, but has increased.
92.	It is of crucial importance that the United States and the Soviet Union continue their efforts to reach agreement on further limitations in the field of strategic weapons systems. Progress in this field will also increase the willingness of other nations to accept limitations on their freedom of action.
93.	But the whole world community must now give increased priority to the awesome problem of nuclear proliferation. All countries must adhere to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], A complete ban on all nuclear tests must be introduced. An increasingly more comprehensive system of international control of peaceful nuclear activity must be established.
94.	While the responsibility for averting a large- scale war lies primarily with the major Powers, the many new tasks confronting the world community require new forms of organization of a global character. For instance, the efficient and just management of the world's resources or the protection of the environment will make far greater demands on the development of the organizational set-up than we have hitherto been accustomed to.
95.	Among these new tasks there is especially one to which I should like to draw attention: the resources of the sea and the on-going negotiations on the international law of the sea.
96.	My Government attaches great importance to the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. New technology, new economic needs and resource perspectives, new strategic and political priorities have caused new legal concepts to evolve. Therefore, it is essential that the various and also competing forces should be channeled through the machinery of orderly international negotiations, so that just and balanced solutions may be formed and a reasonable accommodation of opposing interests achieved.
97.	Such solutions must comprise arrangements for the exploration and exploitation of the resources of the deep ocean floor beyond limits of national jurisdiction, and in a manner which should give life to the concept of "the common heritage of mankind". In our view, this requires the creation of a strong international machinery with broad regulatory powers. And that machinery will in the future be called upon to make some momentous decisions, especially in regard to the balance between exploitation and environmental concerns. In order to be effective, the machinery must give adequate representation to all interested groups of States.
98.	Negotiations so far have demonstrated that there is broad support for the extension of the sovereign rights of coastal States over natural resources in an economic zone limited to 200 nautical miles. This principle will form the basis for a system of resource management, but does not in itself provide exhaustive solutions, There will still be an important place for international management in order to achieve conservation of the living resources and provide the world with a continuing supply of protein from the seas. We must develop more effective machinery for inter-national collaboration in this field, adjusted to the new concept of the economic zone, and designed to give rational harvest, long-range productivity and optimum utilization.
99.	If the Conference on the Law of the Sea fails, it will be very difficult to establish effective international regimes, in particular for the international sea-bed area. It will also mean a serious setback in our efforts to develop adequate machinery for formulating international legal rules that respond to present-day needs.
100.	For this reason, my Government would urge the General Assembly to take every possible step to facilitate the work of the Conference, so that it may conclude next year by the adoption of the new convention on the law of the sea. For that reason also my Government supports the recommendation of the Conference to provide for the possibility of holding two substantive working sessions during 1976, depending on the rate of progress. We realize that two sessions may impose a burden on some delegations, but we ask them to consider the idea against the alternative of a failure of the Conference. Such failure may compel coastal States to take unilateral action in order to protect the renewable resources of the seas and the coastal populations whose livelihood depends directly on those resources.
101.	That is the background against which we must determine our priorities. My delegation is in no doubt: the Conference must be given an opportunity to ensure that the new law of the sea convention is adopted in 1976.
102.	After 30 years of existence the United Nations is about to become a universal organization in the true sense of the word. The principle of universality has this year been strengthened by the admission of new Members to the Organization. I should like to join in the many expressions of good will addressed to Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe and Cape Verde on their accession to membership in the United Nations. I should like to express the hope that the remaining colonies will soon join the ranks of independent States, or find other solutions in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants.
103.	We had hoped to be in a position to extend a welcome also to the two States of Viet Nam. These States should now finally be allowed, free from outside interference, to reap the fruits of peace. We shall press for an immediate solution to be found, opening the way to full membership for these States. A solution must be found also to the problems of membership of the Korean States.
104.	Norway adheres to the principle of universality. In our opinion, the success of the Organization will depend to a large extent on whether all the nations, regardless of political regime, will have the right to participate in the work of the Organization and also be subject to the obligations imposed by the United Nations Charter. My country will therefore oppose any attempts to exclude or suspend a Member State from the United Nations system in contravention of the Charter.
105.	In the same way that peace is indivisible, so in an interdependent world is the dignity of man. The systematic racial discrimination practiced by the white minority regimes of southern Africa is, in the view of my Government, particularly intolerable. The continuous oppression of the African population in Namibia, Southern Rhodesia and South Africa also represents a threat to peace in that part of the world. It is hard for me to understand that the white minorities are not able to draw upon the bitter experiences of other colonial regimes which tried to resist the wind of change blowing over the whole African continent. The struggle of African liberation movements in that area is a struggle for the most fundamental of human rights, the right of self-determination. We support their struggle, while at the same time appealing to the white minority regimes to abandon racial discrimination and negotiate solutions leading to majority rule.
106.	Norway is in favor of introducing a compulsory arms embargo against South Africa, and has been practising such an embargo for many years.
107.	With deep regret my Government notes that in the field of human rights very little progress has been made during the last decade, in spite of the tireless efforts of private organizations like Amnesty International and the International Commission of Jurists to arouse the conscience of the world community, The world community should no longer tolerate that countries invoke the principle of non-interference in internal affairs when basic human rights are violated, as, for instance, did Chile when refusing to admit representatives of the Commission on Human Rights. In particular the world community should react strongly against the still widespread practice of torture and inhuman treatment in camps and prisons all over the world. As an intermediate step the General Assembly should adopt the declarations from the recent Geneva Conference on this and related issues.
108.	Just before coming to the rostrum I was informed that six of the death sentences imposed in Spain are to be carried out today. If that information is correct I would, on humanitarian grounds, make a last-minute appeal to the Spanish Government to show clemency.
109.	In the field of human rights, too, the world community is facing an institutional problem. We must aim at establishing the appropriate machinery to enable the United Nations effectively to uphold basic human rights, as laid down in the Charter, in all parts of the world. Here I should like to reiterate the full support of the Norwegian Government for the proposal for a high commissioner for human rights within the United Nations system.
110.	Human rights, however, is also a matter of the fundamental underlying values on which the whole system of international co-operation should be based. The best and most authoritative basis for those fundamental values is to be found in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. It is our duty to ensure that we all live up to the ideas expressed therein, not only in words and high- sounding declarations but also in practice.
111.	We feel that human rights must be given an additional material dimension. The decisions of the seventh special session will be really meaningful only when they are translated into the realities of the daily life of the common man.