1.	 Mr. President, my first words are naturally addressed to you, Sir, in extending heartfelt congratulations on your election to the presidency of this thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
2.	The excellent bilateral relations which my country maintains with Yugoslavia have already allowed me on many occasions to appreciate your talents, and the conviction which you bring to the noble task of bringing peoples together. Moreover your presidency once more reminds us of. the eminent role being played by your country in world affairs at this time when the meeting ,o review the Conference on European Security and Co-operation is being held in Belgrade. I wish you, Mr. President, all the perseverance and patience which I know from personal experience you will sometimes need in the coming months.
3.	I wish now to extend most sincere thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe. While so many other Presidents of the Assembly, including myself, have made brief ascents to this presidency, he is always, so to speak, President by vocation, because after having brilliantly conducted the debates of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, he assumed, and continues to fill, with admirable competence, the office of President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
4.	I should like now once more to assure our Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, of the boundless trust and support of the Government of Luxembourg in his tireless efforts to eliminate hotbeds of tension and conflict threatening international peace and security. I am particularly pleased to see that during his mandate—indeed, his mandates—an increasing number have come to share the views which he has always expressed with courage and lucidity on strictly intergovernmental co-operation, and also on the imperative need to work together in organizations such as the United Nations. It is my most sincere wish that he will be able to continue to gather the fruits of his patient work for the good of humanity.
5.	This year again our Organization has taken a major step towards the situation which I believe we all agree to be ideal of absolute universality. Djibouti and Viet Nam are now seated among us. My country sincerely welcomes this development, and extends to the new Members its unreserved co-operation in the search for our common goal-peace and good relations among all peoples.
6.	At the time when each year we attempt to take stock of the world situation I had hoped, until the last moment, to be in a position to insert some note of optimism. Unfortunately, I think that once more our expectations and our hopes have been greatly disappointed. And yet the need, the urgent need, to advance towards compromise and

the essential conciliations, is becoming more and more pressing. On the other hand, distinct possibilities for solutions can fortunately be discerned for almost all the dangerous situations. There is therefore still reason for hope, even though the solutions are not yet within our grasp. In spite of the proliferation of international contacts, international tension still exists in the Middle East and southern Africa, and, what seems to me to be worse still, other conflicts have arisen in Africa and other regions of the world.
7.	A careful analysis of these tensions shows, on the one hand, how some of them have been with us for a long time and some are largely irrelevant to present-day problems; on the other hand, we see how far we have progressed towards solutions, so that I am led to ask why at this time, in many cases quite suddenly, tension rises up again in a given area of the world, in outbursts of violence and hatred. Who can be benefiting from all this? We should note that in any case it is rarely those who are tearing each other to pieces in battles and ambushes which, far from establishing anyone as victor, usually leave both sides the losers.
8.	To all these direct threats to world peace we must add the short-comings of Governments in facing the problems of economic development, and the always numerous violations of human rights, I am forced to ask myself when the world will, finally, learn from its rather inglorious past.
9.	Is it not discouraging to see still today-today perhaps more than ever—a quarter of a century after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that these rights are daily violated in many countries? The evidence gathered during the  Prisoners of Conscience Year  of Amnesty International, the testimony of refugees and political exiles, the reports of our ambassadors and our journalists describe a situation where horror is often equalled only by the sufferings of men who have been physically and morally destroyed simply for having dared to think and—if I may be allowed the tautology—to think freely.
10.	It is time for our Organization to deal seriously with this problem, not so much in terms of codifying rights as in terms of making sure that they are respected in practice. That is not to interfere in the internal affairs of other States; respect for human rights is not anyone's special preserve; it is part of the common and inalienable heritage of mankind. It must go far beyond ideologies and group solidarity, for what is at stake here is what is or should be the ultimate aim of all political action, that is to say, man himself and his dignity and freedom, and these, I repeat, are inalienable whether for men living in the East, in Uganda, in Viet Nam, in Chile or in our midst.
11.	While the ideological struggle is going on or is even being intensified, when criticism against this or that Government or regime is becoming more and more insistent, when more or less justified accusations are levelled against anything that might even smack of imperialism, how can we not see that that is interference of quite a different kind from that represented by asking our Organization to take a larger and more active part in ensuring each man as many rights and freedoms as possible? For us, I repeat, human rights are not merely one means among others for
achieving the aims of a particular policy. For us, the full and complete achievement of human rights and freedoms, the flourishing of these rights for all without restriction is an end in itself, perhaps the highest goal which a political leader can pursue. To that end, my country is prepared to support any realistic and constructive initiative aimed at strengthening the role of the United Nations in this area.
12.	I have spoken of disappointments, but also of hopes, and that holds true with regard to the question of the Middle East, among others. We find the state of no belligerency which now prevails in this region is far from satisfactory, and that is why I would make an urgent appeal to the parties concerned not only to resume the peace negotiations but also to accept the extended hand of the great friendly nation of the United States which, under the leadership of its President, is sparing to effort to bring a just and lasting peace to the Middle East to the benefit of all concerned. The solutions tirelessly advocated by President Carter and his Secretary of State, Mr. Vance, are honest and just, and deserve to be accepted. They are, moreover, for the most part in line with the relevant resolutions of our Organization. I would therefore call on all the parties concerned to resume the dialogue without any pre-conditions, and when I say  all the parties concerned  this naturally includes, as I said at this rostrum a number of years ago, the Palestinian people. Now that difficult negotiations are under way, I willingly exercise great caution and I shall therefore not air in public my detailed views on this subject; however, I should like to emphasize that it is just as illusory to wish to deny the existence, the right to a territory with guaranteed boundaries and the right to peaceful development to Israel as it is to deny them to the people of Palestine. On the other hand, territorial conquest on the pretext that it enhances the national security of a people will never make for durable peace, but only perpetuate war and bloody conflicts.
13.	And now why waste time in establishing illusory exclusive conditions or to resolve sterile conflicts by resolutions and condemnations. We cannot wait here indefinitely for the last intransigents to overcome the last of their prejudices. It simply must be realized that the Assembly cannot just count the number of supporters on each side but we must find a solution which is acceptable first and foremost to all sides. That is the only way by which the small and medium-sized Powers which form the immense majority of the United Nations, can show that they are not simply pawns in a game, the rules and outcome of which they do not know. On the contrary they can make a real contribution to peace and security which are theirs as well as ours.
14.	I now come to another sad chapter in the history of our Organization: I am speaking of the extremely complex problems of southern Africa.
15.	Border incidents, bloody clashes and inhuman repressions, alas, continue to dominate the scene in this region. The hopes that we have pinned on a peaceful settlement in Zimbabwe to try to make the minority regime accede to the wishes of the majority, have unfortunately not been achieved. Despite the mounting pressure of world, public opinion and in spite of growing opposition and internal armed struggle, the illegal minority Government of
Ian Smith has succeeded in keeping the great majority of the population under the intolerable yoke of colonialism which disregards even the most elementary rights.
16.	Rejecting negotiation which might have led to a peaceful transition to a majority regime, the Ian Smith regime is clutching at straws and its obstinacy and perseverance on the path of confrontation will not help at all. Only a negotiated solution can spare the country the greatest sacrifices and utter economic ruin.
17.	I should like to pay a tribute to the efforts made by the United Kingdom and the United States in their search for a solution with the help of the United Nations and I appeal to all African countries and to the liberation movements in Zimbabwe to try to support this effort without any exclusive pre-conditions and in a manner which will allow the people concerned to express themselves freely.
18.	In South Africa the policy of apartheid and that of the bantustans continue to take their toll of victims. There forms of inhuman racism have been of concern to our Organization for many years without any improvement in the fate of the oppressed peoples concerned being detected. This distressing situation persists in spite of repeated resolutions, lengthy conferences and many statements expressing understandable abhorrence at a regime which has cunningly and until now with impunity continued to humiliate and to exploit human beings pitilessly. If we want to see an end to this intolerable situation, words are not enough; actions are required from our Governments and real commitments are needed from -all our countries. Only at this cost and the cost of some sacrifices will we be able to succeed in making justice, equity and peace prevail in that part of the world.
19.	The countries of the European Community have committed themselves to this policy and my colleague, Mr. Simonet, current President of the Community, has informed the Assembly of the initiatives our Community has taken and is still envisaging. The code of conduct adopted to control companies and enterprises in South Africa is a first step in trying to improve the lot of coloured workers. Other measures being studied now will highlight further our intention and our determination not simply to tolerate passively continuation of the present situation in South Africa.
20.	In Lagos a few weeks ago we announced these initiatives and I should like to congratulate those who organized the World Conference for Action against Apartheid. Rarely, it seems to me has a meeting convened to discuss such explosive situations been able to do so with so much dignity.
21.	While still on the subject of southern African problems, I should like to pay an unreserved tribute to the five countries which, through perseverance and persuasion contributed so greatly to speeding up the development of the situation in Namibia towards independence. This initiative deserves our full support because the sooner some, shall we say, formal hesitations are overcome, the sooner will the Namibians be able to proceed to self-determination. Here again last minute obstacles should not discourage us.
22.	Unfortunately, southern Africa is not our only preoccupation in Africa. The border disputes which have proliferated between African countries have now assumed truly tragic proportions. I do not need to recall here my feelings for the people of this young continent or my personal commitment to their legitimate aspirations. I beg them to cease these fratricidal struggles, whether in Zaire, in West Africa or in the Horn of Africa-these border struggles which are as useless as they are interminable. They do not resolve the real problems. On the contrary, they merely provoke frustration and fan the spirit of revenge which breeds further murderous struggles. And who, may I ask, derives any benefit from all of this?
23.	It took, as we all know, our ancient continent of Europe 10 centuries of bloodthirsty fighting and great sacrifices to recognize the pointlessness of all these struggles. We know how terrible these sacrifices were. It is perhaps their belated recognition of this that Ld our countries, hardly reassured as to their own borders, to consider abolishing them for the greater benefit of their citizens. We have things to learn from our neighbours as well, and what we can give them in experience and co-operation is more fruitful than simply wasting our energies in sterile quarrels.
24.	The development, or perhaps we should say the stagnation, of the situation in Cyprus is naturally of great concern. While at the beginning of this year hopes were justified, thanks especially to the efforts made by our Organization, constructive talks between the two communities have not been held for several months.
25.	It could be said, and some do say, that there are major reasons for this. Honestly I cannot go along with that because as soon as one looks for major reasons for not acting one finds them. In the meantime the situation deteriorates and solutions become more and more difficult. I personally continue to believe that the crisis in Cyprus and the future of that sovereign State, a fully fledged Member of our Organization, should be quickly resolved in Cyprus by the Cypriots of the two communities under the aegis of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. Following the sudden demise of Archbishop Makarios it is up to his successors and to the leaders of the Turkish community in Cyprus to resume negotiations as soon as possible and to find a solution. No one will gain anything from acrimonious debates either in this forum or in any other expanded forum. Should we not help the new generation of Cypriots—since this is already the second generation—to bury hatred and the mistakes of their forefathers and to build up a land where the two communities can feel that they are Cypriots and are proud to be Cypriots? Our Organization should help in every way both in maintaining peace and in providing humanitarian aid.
26.	I should like now to refer to a chapter whose importance and danger to humanity at large I cannot stress too strongly. I wish to speak of the frantic arms race which, far from abating, is gathering ever-increasing momentum.
27.	Last year in this Assembly I criticized the disproportion between military budgets—some $300 billion— and the amount of money devoted to development for the 1,200 million people who live in a poverty no human being should have to endure.
28.	What can we say of that today? Today, mention is made of $350 billion for military expenditure, whereas the number of those who suffer from famine, malnutrition and illiteracy increases from year to year. The developed countries spend 20 times more on military programmes than on development aid. But I must add that developing countries have also been caught up in the momentum of this dangerous frenzy, this fever, for their importation of increasingly sophisticated arms now exceeds a value of $6 billion.
29.	Faced with these figures, which barely give an idea of the destructive potential that is being stockpiled and the terrible magnitude of the poverty which the majority of the world's population has suffered all too long, should we not say that the time has come at last to give up vain words for specific action?
30.	Next spring, a special session of the United Nations will be devoted to the burning question of disarmament. This is a very important step forward—I do not dare say, because I dare not believe, towards a definite solution of this question, but at least towards a possible lessening of the threat. We naturally welcome this initiative because it will enable us to define the problem and submit to the judgment of public opinion all its implications, among which its influence on the evolution and development of the whole of humanity is paramount.
31.	It is with distress that we raise the question, which is without doubt justified, of whether our Organization-and above all the Members who bear the responsibility—will be able to take up the challenge which has been issued. Resolutions adopted at the special session cannot remain a dead letter; otherwise, the United Nations would run the risk of finding itself here more than elsewhere barred from the exercise of its main role as guarantor of peace.
32.	Even before knowing the outcome of the special session devoted to disarmament, some have already launched an appeal for a world conference to deal with the same subject. I ask myself, is their trust in this first initiative, 'which has not yet even begun, so very limited? Or perhaps they are not ready, as of 1978, to undertake the necessary commitments for the success of this urgent task? Without wishing, a priori, to dismiss such a conference, on condition that the nuclear Powers take part in it, I repeat, the postponement of a solution in my view would be tantamount almost to a refusal to halt the arms race and to a scarcely veiled avowal that the improvement of the condition of millions of people is not the first or the most immediate preoccupation of certain Governments.
33.	Whether it is a special session of the United Nations or a world conference—its title has or will have nothing to do with its success-the success of the venture will depend not on the speeches but on the willingness to undertake firm commitments and to follow them up by specific action.
34.	I have already drawn the attention of this thirty- second session of the General Assembly to the incommensurable gaps which exist between military expenditure and expenditure for the development of our brothers who live in almost complete destitution.
35.	The poor, the undernourished, the badly housed and the ill educated are calling to us to free resources which are being used today for destruction, and to devote them to the noble cause of enabling those people to enjoy the riches of this world, so that the expression  human rights  in its widest sense will not remain without meaning for them.
36.	What can we say of the world economic situation, the progress towards the so-called new international economic order which should in the final analysis enable all nations and all men to share more equitably in economic arrangements and structures?
37.	The world economic situation presents a sombre picture. If inflation and unemployment have not increased again, nevertheless they remain disturbingly high and continue to represent an ominous threat to any progress or economic growth. All of us know today that the absence of economic growth will not further as we should wish the necessary, nay indispensable, effort with regard to development aid.
38.	Certainly the results of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, called the North- South dialogue, fell short of the hopes and expectations of the developing countries. Although I would not deny this, in the least, I stress nevertheless that this was also the case in regard to the hopes of the so-called developed countries.
39.	Despite these disappointments, which I think are practically inevitable, let us continue our dialogue; let us stress the tangible remits achieved; and let us seek tirelessly for compromise and for resolutions of the problems which remain unsolved, so as to reduce the discrepancy, dangerous to world peace, in the unequal distribution of riches between our countries. The seventh special session, the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi and the Paris Conference have shown us the way to go.
40.	Let us renounce confrontation and passionate but sterile rhetoric and let us continue realistic discussion between reasonable people. What is at stake is worthy of patience, and the final results will depend on that, I know that the absence of results from the resumed thirty-first session does not inspire optimism, but is it not really too much to expect spectacular results of a very short session?
I remain an optimist, for my part, because the failure, if failure there was, was in my view chiefly one of facile slogans,  all or nothing  solutions which can never be found and will lead nowhere. It must be remembered that we are committed to a dialogue which should be permanent, which may at times produce euphoria, but which will certainly at others be slow, because in any great human enterprise there will always be crises. Just imagine: more than 150 sovereign States differing in history, culture, level of development and even interests, wish to join together to change the face of the world so as to ensure to everyone prosperity, peace and dignity. We shall not achieve that in 24 hours, or in a year. We shall never achieve it if we simply bludgeon ourselves with verbose resolutions. We shall perhaps succeed if we allow the vast enterprise of reflection, study and patient research undertaken by Governments in international forums and in this Organization itself time to mature, painfully to reconcile points of view, to raise support for realistic and realizable programmes and to mobilize all the energy possible to hasten the final advent of this new economic order to which we all aspire. In my opinion, that order cannot spring spontaneously from a world conference, but will be produced by a series of specialist conferences prepared and facilitated by negotiations between regional groups.
41.	I have not been able to make any deliriously optimistic remarks. Nevertheless, it should not be thought that what I have said either on the persistent and grave threats to peace in the various regions of the world or the short-comings in the development of the economic situation constitutes a reproach addressed to the Organization. I have known for too long that his Organization has merely reflected both the good and the bad will of all its Members, and of their willingness to abide by its Charter, its conventions and its resolutions.
42.	I wished simply to express at this rostrum the fears of a small nation which during the course of its history has run the gamut of all the scourges with which we have to deal, and which has resolutely placed all its hope and faith in agreement between the nations which call themselves united. We salute each success with enthusiasm, but I do not think we should waste any more time than that, for many problems and crises remain which require all our attention and effort.
43.	For a long time still we shall have to live with failures and with successes, but I am convinced that through them we shall be able to make ever better use of the great possibilities offered by this Organization, which was born from a world which, shocked at the depths of human folly, wished to ensure a better future for humanity,
44.	More than 30 years after that great humanitarian venture, once again we are asked to take up the challenge. Our Charter gives us the essential precepts and it is up to us to adapt ourselves to the new requirements of the evolution of our world.
45.	It is an exalting task for each of us, that of contributing to world peace and to the material and intellectual well-being of all mankind. If we fail in this duty we shall deserve the worst of condemnation, that of our own children.


1.  Mr. President, on behalf of my
delegation, I wish to congratulate you on your election to
the high office of President of the thirty-second session of
the United Nations General Assembly. The Zambian delegation
warmly welcomes your election for two important
reasons: First, you are a familiar and respected personality
around the United Nations. During your successful tour of
duty as Permanent Representative of Yugoslavia to the
United Nations, you distinguished yourself as a dedicated
and highly competent diplomat with an abiding faith in and
commitment to the principles and purposes of the United
Nations. Secondly, you represent a great nation and people
who have made a tremendous contribution to world peace
and security under the visionary leadership of President
Tito. We acknowledge, in particular, the contribution of
Yugoslavia to the birth and growth of the non-aligned
movement, which today is a dominant force in international
relations. In addition, Mr. President, we recognize
the warm relations that exist between our two countries
and peoples. My delegation is certain that your eminent
qualities, coupled with the prestige of your occupation of
the high post of Deputy Foreign Minister, will be an
invaluable contribution to the success of the thirty-second
session of the General Assembly.
2. This is also a propitious moment for me. to pay a
tribute, Sir, to your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley
Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, who presided over the thirty-first
session of the General Assembly with distinction. Both
your own presidency and his bear testimony to the
contribution of the non-aligned countries to the achievement
of the objectives of justice, peace and development.
3. The Zambian delegation warmly welcomes the admission
into the United Nations of the Socialist Republic of
Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti. We have long held
that Viet Nam was qualified for United Nations membership
and, together with other non-aligned countries, we have defended its right to belong to this world Organization.
4.	The independence of Djibouti, a sister African country and a member of the Organization of African Unity, situated in a sensitive part of Africa, has particular significance. The victory of its people, which relentlessly strove for the independence of their country and for the preservation of its territorial integrity, cannot fail to inspire their brothers and sisters in southern Africa who still have to rid themselves of the shackles of white minority racist and Fascist domination and exploitation. It is imperative that we rededicate ourselves to the liberation of the territories still under colonial and white racist minority domination, so that with their independence we shall have moved still closer towards the goal of universality of membership of the United Nations.
5.	Once again we are called upon to assess the contemporary international situation. One naturally wishes that the balance-sheet could indicate that we have moved closer to the objectives we have all undertaken to promote under the United Nations Charter. But, alas, the international situation has not become appreciably better in the last year. In many cases the situation has even worsened; in others a false sense of hope and expectation may have been created, with the concomitant potential of giving way to despair, bitterness and even generalized war. The international economic situation still remains a source of grave concern: the arms race continues unabated; the questions of southern Africa, the Middle East, Cyprus and Korea still await a solution; and new flash-points of conflict have appeared on the horizon.
6.	I propose to deal first with the grave issues of development and international economic co-operation.
7.	The growing uncertainty of the present economic situation is a source of great concern to my delegation. Despite a few encouraging signs of better economic performance during the past year, the total picture remains gloomy; and, unless vigorous action is taken, the forecast for the remainder of the Second United Nations Development Decade is equally discouraging. Meanwhile, inflation, unemployment, external trade deficits and the revival of certain protectionist tendencies dominate the present economic scene.
8.	The people in developing countries continue to suffer from the ominous consequences of a system designed essentially to support and promote the economic and social progress of the industrialized world. They still remain virtually powerless to influence the existing international system and its effects, including the decisions affecting their well-being and destiny.

9.	The logical result of historical deprivation and neglect, including unfulfilled commitments during two Development Decades, is the ever-widening gap between the rich and poor countries. The reality of poverty and inequality deriving from the prevailing international system is familiar to us all. It is, in the view of my delegation, an affront to the moral conscience of humanity—especially when the world has the remedial means, technology and resources, an increasing portion of which is devoted to armaments and other weapons of mass destruction.
10.	The decisions adopted by this Assembly at its historic sixth and seventh special sessions, as well as the Charter of Economic Rights. and Duties of States adopted at the twenty-ninth regular session have been instrumental in the emergence of a recognition that the removal of poverty and inequality calls for fundamental changes in the international economic status quo. There is now at least a growing awareness that a new international economic order in which a life of dignity and well-being should be the inalienable right of all will not emerge from marginal changes in the prevailing economic structure. Nor is there any longer faith in the traditional prescriptions of aid and assistance as a cure for the pervasive poverty and inequality.
11.	Notwithstanding the growing awareness of interdependence, it is disheartening to note that the responses to the compelling need for a new economic order have, so far, been extremely slow and limited in scope. The outcome of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris, the painfully slow progress in the multilateral trade negotiations, and the assessment of negotiations in UNCTAD have all been disappointing.
12.	It is indisputable that, in the prevailing atmosphere of economic uncertainty, the continued absence of concrete and significant results within specific time-frames will have grave repercussions for the ongoing efforts to achieve genuine international economic co-operation on the basis of the consensus obtained at the seventh special session. Within the framework of that consensus many pressing issues of intimate concern to the developing countries remain unsolved, including commodity trade, external debt, international monetary reform, balance of payments, transfer of real resources, and access to capital and trade markets of the developed countries. Accordingly, it is imperative that during the current session we focus our efforts on generating new political momentum to facilitate the ongoing and future negotiations on such issues in the appropriate bodies of the United Nations system. It is in our common interest jealously to protect the hard-won consensus from the real risk of dissipation.
13.	Any consideration of priorities among the pressing needs cannot fail to highlight in particular commodity and debt problems. In this connexion, my delegation would urge the full and speedy implementation of the Integrated Programme for Commodities adopted in resolution 93 (IV) at the fourth session of UNCTAD. We would equally urge the developed countries to demonstrate political willingness in the course of the forthcoming negotiations so as to facilitate the early establishment of the common fund as the central element of the Integrated Programme for Commodities.
14.	The critical debt problems facing the developing nations merit serious and sympathetic reconsideration by the developed countries so as to facilitate the early provision of effective and meaningful solutions during the forthcoming ministerial session of the Trade and Development Board. In the continued absence of fair, remunerative prices and the secular decline in the purchasing power of their primary exports, on which they depend, the developing countries are obliged to borrow what they are in fact entitled to earn. To that extent, international credit does not serve its developmental role. It is not inconceivable that in some cases developing countries have to incur debts in order to finance debts.
15.	In the field of industrial co-operation, the effective method by which the developed countries can assist the developing countries to industrialize is to provide them with greater market access for the kind of goods in which they have an advantage. The role of industrialization, like that of agriculture, has become increasingly crucial in the satisfaction of basic needs and in the reduction of income disparities within the developing countries.
16.	My delegation calls upon the industrialized countries to ensure that the multilateral trade negotiations acquire a sense of urgency and purpose.
17.	The obligation to ensure the survival of a large segment of mankind is a global one and should be shared equitably by all, regardless of responsibility for the exploitation, poverty and deprivation of the developing countries.
18.	I should, however, like to reaffirm Zambia's conviction that progress towards the new international economic order will be dependent largely on the political commitment and willingness of the developed countries.
19.	Undoubtedly, the developing countries acknowledge primary responsibility for the sustained development of their own societies. They acknowledge that self-reliance, at both the national and other collective levels, is an essential feature of development.
20.	Zambia attaches great significance to the vital subject of economic co-operation among developing countries. It is our strong belief that the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, to be held next year, assumes a special dimension within the over-all context of the new international economic order, and in the light of the action programmes adopted by both the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo in August 1976, and the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Mexico City in September 1976.
21.	The international community is at the cross-roads in the field of development and economic co-operation. The search for viable and effective solutions in all the pressing areas under deliberation and negotiation can be greatly assisted by an enlightened appreciation of the interdependence and community of interest which can readily be perceived in various areas, including commodities, manufactures, debts and industrialization.
22.	It is Zambia's firm belief that there is a great need for the international community, particularly the developed countries, to educate their populations so that they can better appreciate the reality of interdependence and community of interest. A better-informed public opinion will equally be able to perceive the benefits, to the rich countries as well as to world peace and security, which would derive from the accelerated development of the third world.
23.	There are, undoubtedly, other important areas, including that of the law of the sea, in which the principles of interdependence and community of interest can and should be recognized and respected as a viable basis for genuine international dialogue and negotiation. Accordingly, the international community must recognize the urgency of the imperative need to establish a just, equitable and lasting legal order governing the seas—an order which duly respects the legitimate rights and interests of all nations.
24.	It is the firm belief of my Government that the introduction of the principles of justice and equity in this area, as in the economic and other fields, would constitute a major contribution to international peace and security.
25.	The situation in the Middle East has for decades defied solution and remains a serious threat to international peace and security. The problem here is clearly that of Israeli intransigence. Israel continues to treat with contempt United Nations resolutions demanding its withdrawal from occupied Arab territories and the recognition of the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to a homeland. Efforts at reconvening the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East are being frustrated by Israel, which persists in its refusal to allow the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
26.	My Government firmly believes that there simply cannot be a durable settlement of the problem of the Middle East if the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, as represented by the PLO, are naively denied. The Palestinian people, who have suffered for far too long, must have a homeland. Equally important is the need to have Israel withdraw from all occupied Arab territories. The acquisition of foreign territory by forceful means is totally inadmissible. And, to compound this problem, the Israelis have embarked on a deliberate programme of legitimizing Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories. My Government strongly condemns this and urges Israel to desist from so illegal and dangerous a course.
27.	The threat to the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus remains real. As we have done before, we demand the withdrawal of all foreign military forces which continue to occupy parts of Cyprus in utter defiance of United Nations resolutions. We also urge the immediate resumption of the talks between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General.
28.	We remain concerned about the question of Belize. We strongly support the right of the people of Belize to self-determination, independence and territorial integrity. Similarly, we support the right of Panama to full sovereignty over the Panama Canal, and welcome in this regard the recently concluded treaties between Panama and the United States.
29.	Zambia's position on the question of Korea remains clear and firm. We support the tireless efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to seek the peaceful reunification of that artificially divided peninsula, in accordance with the North-South joint communiqué of 4 July 1972. The presence of thousands of foreign forces in South Korea is certainly not conducive to efforts at peaceful reunification. We therefore reiterate our demand for the withdrawal of those forces and for the termination of the so-called United Nations Command.
30.	There can be no genuine international peace and security in a world characterized by a massive and intensive arms build-up. Unless and until States abandon the notion that military might guarantees their security, however defined, the goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control will remain a pipe- dream. The arms race will continue and will grow even more intense, so long as States entertain the illusion that military superiority is a yardstick for power, prestige and influence. Indeed, as long as actual and potential causes of conflict in the world are not eradicated, the arms race can be neither abated nor reversed.
31.	Thus, Zambia subscribes to the proposals for a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament and a World Disarmament Conference. We must make a real start in the field of disarmament on .the basis of premises and general principles that can truly guarantee durable peace and security in the world. It remains the conviction of my Government that priority in the field of disarmament should be accorded to the destruction and complete eradication of nuclear weapons. To this end, Zambia looks forward to the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament to be held next year, and hopes that States will seize that rare opportunity to reflect seriously on the consequences of this race to oblivion.
32.	The Indian Ocean has become a focal-point of great-Power rivalry for supremacy. The security and interests of littoral and hinterland States are threatened by the ever-increasing militarization of the Indian Ocean.
33.	We urge the full implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace The great Powers and the other major maritime users of the Indian Ocean should co-operate fully, with the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean. Further, it is the view of my Government that the proposed meeting of the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean should be held without delay.
34.	Zambia is also seriously concerned about the situation in the Horn of Africa and in the Sahara. It is in the interest of Africa that these problems be resolved amicably as a matter of urgency. In the meantime, we call upon the major Powers to refrain from direct or indirect involvement in these trouble spots, .as such involvement can aggravate the situation.
35.	The grave situation in southern Africa is of particular concern to us in Zambia. Because of our geopolitical location and our firm belief in the principles of justice and equality, including the right of all peoples to self- determination and independence, we cannot but remain affected and involved in the events in. the region of southern Africa. Conflict has been all around us since we gained our independence 13 years ago, and we still remain intimately affected and deeply involved in the growing conflict in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa— that bastion of all evil in southern Africa. We have a generation of Zambians who have lived through and know nothing but sustained conflict on our borders. They are convinced, as are the older generations of Zambia, that only the total liberation of southern Africa will guarantee the security, peace and tranquillity for which they yearn.
36.	The people of Zambia are encouraged by the success of the armed struggle in the liberation of southern Africa. The oppressed peoples are determined, more than ever before, to liberate themselves. Political consciousness among them has spread like a bush fire. The gallant freedom fighters have intensified the struggle and are scoring impressive victories over the enemy, and final victory is certain.
37.	The response of the panic-stricken racist minority regimes has been the intensification of their savage brutality against the black civilian populations. Their reign of terror is, more than ever before, characterized by intimidation, arrests, imprisonment, torture and the systematic mass murder of innocent civilians. The racist minority regimes have also escalated their acts of aggression against Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and my own country, Zambia, in the vain attempt to dissuade these neighbouring independent African countries from supporting the struggle of the oppressed people. The acts of aggression committed against these countries are also intended to tempt them into direct military involvement in the conflict between the racist minority regimes and the people they oppress. The situation in southern Africa is, therefore, dangerously worsening and posing an even greater threat to international peace and security.
38.	It is the duty of the international community to respond positively to this grave situation because the attitude of the world community is an important factor in the struggle for liberation. The racist minority regimes have persisted so long because major Western countries have paid only lip service to the struggle of the oppressed people, while fraternizing with these regimes and acquiescing in their policies and practices. It is encouraging that there now appears to be emerging a general appreciation in the international community of the need to overthrow the forces of evil in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South- Africa.
39.	The success of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo in May, and the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos in August, is indicative of the growing solidarity of the international community with the oppressed people of southern Africa. We welcome, in particular, the encouraging attitude of the new United States administration. But we urge the United States and its allies in Western Europe, in keeping with the spirit of Maputo and Lagos, to take practical measures that will permanently reverse the policies of their Governments in southern Africa and bring pressure to bear on the minority regimes. Those countries must join with the rest of the international community in the implementation of the Programme of Action for The Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia, adopted at Maputo and the Programme of Action on South Africa adopted at the thirty-first regular session of the General Assembly We call, in particular, for the termination of their economic and military relations with South Africa.
40.	Let me now turn to the specific issue of Rhodesia. The intensification and victories of the armed struggle in Rhodesia have led to a flurry of initiatives for a negotiated settlement. After the failure of the Kissinger initiatives of 1976, we are now confronted with the new Anglo- American proposals. The significance of the current Anglo- American initiatives is that, at long last, the United Kingdom intends to assume the responsibility over Southern Rhodesia which we in Zambia have always argued it possessed. The United Kingdom came to the Security Council to seek help, and we hope that, having been given that help, it will leave no stone unturned in resolving the situation. Equally significant is the involvement of the United States, the Power to which the racist minority regimes have always looked for protection.
41.	Zambia, together with the other front-line States, has lent its qualified support to the Anglo-American proposals contained in the white paper as providing a basis for further negotiations. The over-all position of the front-line States on these proposals was eloquently presented to this Assembly by President Samora Machel of Mozambique .
42.	In so far as the proposals are concerned, I think, it ought to be said that the majority of them are not new to us. Except for the proposal relating to the Zimbabwe Development Fund, the foundation and substance for the rest are what we in Africa have been advocating ever since the rebellion in Southern Rhodesia. The principles contained therein are those for which we have, over the years, tried to solicit the support of the Western countries. Our most eloquent document embodying these principles is the Insaka Manifesto adopted in 1969 by the Heads of State of East and Central Africa and subsequently endorsed by the OAU and the United Nations.
43.	Our question to the United Kingdom and the United States is, therefore, simply this, What decisive action are the two countries and their Western allies willing and ready to take if. Smith and his henchmen refuse to give up power as envisaged in the proposals? The white paper is silent on this vital question. Yes, indeed, there may be a change of heart in the Western world; but we know that moral force, as opposed to concrete and decisive action, will not move Smith. He will not reject the white paper outright; but one thing we are sure of: he will procrastinate and prevaricate. Indeed, Smith's trick in this, as always, will be to buy time, and thus to perpetuate his illegal regime.
44.	In this respect His Excellency President Kaunda of Zambia has recently stated:
"The British-American-backed White Paper stands on a glaringly false principle of the willingness of Smith to volunteer to surrender. On this premise, this move is a non-starter. It is a no-move. Twelve long years are enough for anyone even with the dimmest understanding of that madman to know that he will not volunteer."
45.	1 can assure you that from all indications Smith has not changed and has no intention of capitulating.
46.	The success of the Anglo-American proposals will depend on the willingness of the United States and the United Kingdom to take decisive enforcement measures. We urge those two countries, together with their Western allies, to seal off the oil lines in order to immobilize both the military and the civil machines which have sustained the Smith regime for this long. The Western multinational oil companies must be prevented from continuing their oil supplies to South Africa, directly or indirectly.
47.	The international community has time and again expressed the desire to see a negotiated settlement in Rhodesia, but we are convinced that the illegal Smith regime will only relinquish power and accept majority rule when sufficient pressure is brought to bear on it. Zambia believes that a determined effort to tighten sanctions, particularly oil sanctions, could increase the chances of a timely and peaceful transfer of power in Rhodesia. As President Kaunda has stressed: .. there could be no greater contribution to the liberation struggle today in southern Africa than to end the sale of oil to rebel Rhodesia." This fact, fortunately, was underscored by the Commonwealth Heads of Government, at their London meeting from 8 to 15 June 1977 when they recognized that:
"... the breach of sanctions, particularly in respect of petroleum and petroleum products, is a crucial factor in the survival of the illegal regime in Rhodesia."
48.	It is against this background that Zambia has decided to take legal proceedings against five Western oil companies which have subsidiaries in Rhodesia for their role in an oil conspiracy breaching sanctions and causing great financial loss to Zambia.
49.	We believe that the stage has now been set for the removal of Smith and his illegal regime. The international community represented here should use all methods at its disposal, but while negotiations are under way the armed struggle should continue until total victory has been achieved. Nothing should be done to interfere with or sabotage it.
50.	On Namibia, my Government firmly believes that the independence of Namibia and its territorial integrity are not subject to compromise. Further, Zambia's position is that any proposal for a negotiated settlement must take fully into account all relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. In this regard Security Council resolution 385 (1976) is particularly vital, as it incorporates all the basic positions of the United Nations on the question of Namibia. Member States should therefore desist from giving a selective interpretation of that resolution, which must be seen and taken as a whole.
51.	We commend the United Nations for the positive role it has continued to take in seeking a just solution to the Namibian problem. The United Nations Council for Namibia is a vital organ in the implementation of the decisions of the United Nations and should be given greater support than has been forthcoming hitherto.
52.	Zambia fully supports the position of the South West Africa People's Organization with regard to the current initiatives of the five Western countries to seek the withdrawal of South Africa from Namibia. It is imperative, in our view, that any general election in Namibia be preceded by the complete withdrawal of all South African military forces. Such withdrawal, coupled with the immediate release of political prisoners, detainees and restricted persons as well as the return of all Namibian exiles, would create the right atmosphere for a genuine national election in Namibia. South African political machinations designed to revive the spirit of the Turnhalle are totally unacceptable. We condemn them.
53.	I wish to stress here the importance of preserving the territorial integrity of Namibia. We in Zambia categorically condemn the South African annexation of Walvis Bay, which we shall continue to regard as an integral part of Namibian territory. This action by South Africa, coupled with the unilateral appointment of a so-called Administrator-General for Namibia, is an act of bad faith in the current efforts to reach a negotiated settlement. Such deceptive manoeuvres and desperate acts will lead to an escalation of the armed struggle, to which Zambia is resolutely committed.
54.	Apartheid South Africa is at the core of the constellation of the forces of evil in southern Africa. The Pretoria regime has arrogantly pursued its insidious brutality and terror against the freedom-loving people in South Africa. The untimely death of that gallant South African Steven Biko is but the latest in a calculated programme of annihilating all opponents of apartheid.
55.	The revolt in South Africa is spreading like a bush fire. The bloody events of Soweto, Alexandra and Langa have continued to inspire the enslaved people of South Africa, who are more determined than ever before to overthrow the apartheid system, which has oppressed them for far too long.
56.	A new and critical dimension added to the southern African conflict is South Africa's programme of developing nuclear weapons for aggressive purposes. This development undoubtedly poses an increased threat to international peace and security. However, nuclear weapons will not deter the oppressed people struggling for their rights, nor will it deter the independent African countries which support their cause.
57.	We call for a mandatory arms embargo and the imposition of economic sanctions, including oil sanctions, against South Africa. We note with satisfaction that the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, which recently held its fourteenth regular session in Libreville, Gabon, decided to appoint a committee consisting of seven members which will visit the countries members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries with a view to implementing oil sanctions against South Africa. In all these efforts we shall need the fullest co-operation of all Member States represented in this Assembly.
58.	The role of the United Nations in finding lasting solutions in all the areas I have discussed is increasingly crucial. Both the viability and the effectiveness of our world body in fulfilling the mission it has assigned itself under the Charter ultimately depend on the political will which all of us should be prepared to demonstrate.
59.	The United Nations has at times not lived up to expectations. Nevertheless, because of its universality it still remains the only world body to which we can pin our hopes for lasting peace.


211.	 May I be allowed first of all to express to the President my congratulations on his election to preside over the present session of our Assembly. My delegation is convinced that, thanks to his experience and competence, the work of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly will be crowned with success. My delegation feels special satisfaction because of the links of friendship and close co-operation which exist between our countries and also because of our solidarity within the general framework of the non-aligned movement.
212.	I  also take this opportunity to pay a tribute, to the outgoing President, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, who showed so much competence in the honourable discharge of his responsibilities during the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
213.	Finally, on behalf of my Government, I wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the efforts which he exerts continually to assist in the maintenance of peace, security and justice throughout the world. The re-election of that apostle of peace has reassured the oppressed peoples and those who struggle for just causes.
214.	My country had the honour and privilege to be a sponsor of the resolutions on the admission of two new Members to this Organization: on the one hand, the Republic of Djibouti, which has the same colonial past as our country and with which we hope to maintain the best possible relations; on the other hand, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam which, after 30 years of heroic struggle, has emerged victorious and unified. I wish to offer them our congratulations and to welcome them to this great family of the United Nations.
215.	We are also convinced that the peaceful reunification of Korea and its admission to this Organization will take place shortly.
216.. It is customary, during the general debate in this Assembly, to review the problems which threaten world peace and security and the economic balance. While we discuss the outlines of those problems and the level of their interaction, each country feels itself obliged to express its views and propose solutions.
217.	With regard to those problems, the Republic of the Comoros also wishes to make its modest contribution, commensurate with the means at our disposal.
218.	Much has been humorously said about "micro- States", including the Comoros, with the concealed intention of showing to the international community that those States are not viable and are incapable of carrying out their national and international duties.
219.	But in the Comoros we are deeply convinced that the only criterion which should be applied to assess the stature, efficiency and morality of States is the constant determination of those States to act day after day in conformity with the principles of the Charter.
220.	Hence the respect which we feel for certain States and our judgement of them are not dependent on their economic might and still less on their military might; they depend rather on their will to assure peace, security and progress for mankind as expressed in their deeds.
221.	That is why, in speaking of the liberation movements in Africa, the Middle East and elsewhere, my country unconditionally offers its support to all those peoples in their struggle to regain their dignity, their freedom and the enjoyment of their inalienable rights prescribed in our Charter.
222.	The international community must support the action of the five front-line countries, the sacrifices of whose peoples need no further proof. We must support every initiative aimed at a just and acceptable solution of the problem of Zimbabwe.
223.	In so far as the Anglo-American plan recognizes the legitimacy of the power of the majority in Zimbabwe and in so far as that plan demonstrates the determination of the United States and the United Kingdom to assume their respective responsibilities, the Republic of the Comoros considers that plan as an acceptable basis for negotiation.
224.	But so long as Ian Smith and his repressive forces have not been put out of action, the international community must continue to give its moral and material support to the armed struggle in Zimbabwe.
225.	If today, because of the harassment caused by the struggle for liberation and the diplomatic pressures exerted on Ian Smith, the settlement of the Zimbabwe problem can be considered to be very near, the same cannot be said about South Africa, where criminal repression against innocent black children is continuing. The Vorster regime is killing and torturing them. It is killing the Africans at Sharpeville, at Soweto and at other localities of South Africa. It is torturing men and women in dungeons that are quite similar to Hitler's concentration camps. A few weeks ago we learned with indignation that the Vorster Government, after having tortured the great and immortal African nationalist Steven Biko, had murdered him in cold blood in one of those dungeons. This is an abominable crime that the whole international community must unreservedly condemn.
226.	Must we really recall to those who collaborate with and who, directly or indirectly, help the Vorster regime that they are sharing a heavy responsibility with Vorster in any act that is perpetrated against the black people of that country? Only a total embargo and a systematic boycott will compel Vorster to come to his senses.
227.	This same Vorster recipe that we have just described was applied to the letter in Namibia, a Territory which he should have left once and for all by August 1976 and restored to the United Nations to make it possible for the Organization to hold free elections in the Territory.
228.	We encourage the consultations of the five Western countries members of the Security Council that were undertaken within the framework of resolution 385 (1976) of the Security Council. However, we feel that no solution that does not reflect the views of the authentic representatives of the peoples involved-and in this case it is SWAPO-can bring about a viable solution in that country. Only the conditions proposed by SWAPO can truly guarantee genuine independence and a durable peace in Namibia.
229.	With regard to the Middle East, the situation of "no war, no peace", which now obtains in that region, can only favour the annexionist and expansionist policy of Israel, which continues to defy international opinion by occupying Arab territories in an endeavour to modify to its advantage their demographic and geographic features and to destroy their Islamic culture. We must unreservedly condemn the Jewish settlements that were installed in the occupied Arab lands.
230.	In seeking an equitable and just solution of this problem, we must necessarily associate the Palestine Liberation Organization with any discussion on t1 e Middle East, and any discussion must of necessity prod.- first, Israel's evacuation of the Arab territories occupied since 1967; secondly, the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland; thirdly, the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination; and, fourthly, the recognition of the right of the Palestinians to return to their homes.
231.	My delegation considers that the settlement of the problem of Cyprus must be based on respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, and non- alignment of that country and on the recognition of the legitimate rights and aspirations of both communities.
232.	On 16 December 1971, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2832 (XXVI), in which it declared the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. It has also asked the great Powers to begin immediate consultations with the coastal States of the Indian Ocean in order to put an end to the process of escalation and expansion of the military presence in that zone and to eliminate from the Indian Ocean all bases, military installations and logistic support services which could make it possible to introduce nuclear arms and weapons of massive destruction into the area, and also to put an end to any display of the military presence of the great Powers in the Indian Ocean as conceived within the context of the rivalry of the great Powers.
233.	My country feels that it is high time to see to it that tangible steps should be taken to ensure that this resolution is scrupulously implemented. The adoption of such measures would really prove the will of the great Powers to achieve complete and general disarmament. Mankind would then be able to emerge from the torpor and the anguish that it now feels, and the developing countries, which would benefit from renewed and expanded international solidarity, would thus be able to contemplate the future of their peoples with tranquillity and optimism
234.	Convinced of the interdependence of the economies of States, my country continues to believe that the great Powers and the economically developed countries must suppress their selfish national interests and consider the future of mankind as a whole because the developing countries cannot accept a situation where the third world must recognize a ceiling for their standard of living beyond which it cannot hope to aspire.
235.	Let us now turn to the Comoros. For the second time, the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte is submitted for consideration by the Assembly. I do not want at this stage to open a debate that will take place in due course. I will simply confine myself to describing to the Assembly certain significant facts that will make it possible for us to outline the problem in its present form and also to forecast the future.
236.	In order to do so, I must report to the Assembly on the recent developments, particularly with regard to the situation as it obtains in Mayotte itself. The situation that prevails in that island is most alarming. Everywhere, in the private as well as in the public sector, the Comorian citizen of Mayotte has no longer any responsibility. Public offices are reserved for staff brought in from the island of Reunion and for staff from France. In the private sector, there is an influx of businessmen who are mainly former colonial settlers with a nostalgic feeling for France's colonial empire. And as if to create an irreversible colonial situation, there are also posts of "military surveillance" that have been set up in the four corners of the island and which are all occupied by members of the Foreign Legion. The latter, the renegades of society, specialists in low tasks and depraved conduct, are today the real masters of the Comorian island of Mayotte.
237.	This tendency to accelerate the military compartmentalization of the Comorian island of Mayotte carries with it the most nefarious consequences for the island. Even if 130 years of French colonization could not really impair true Comorian values, one must fear today that very soon those legionnaires, exerting pressure on a defenceless population and given free reign, will bring about a situation where the Comorian of Mayotte will lose his personality and become a pleasure-seeker of the lowest type, someone who has lost even his sense of dignity, his integrity and his freedom.
238.	Special measures are taken to encourage the installation of the capitalist sector and the colonial circles in Mayotte through the free distribution of land belonging to the State, the purchase at ridiculous prices of lands belonging to the peasants and the expropriation of the commercial and tourist sector by these newcomers. In short, Mayotte has become the last refuge of colonialists who are seeking wealth with little effort and interesting and exciting adventures.
239.	Finally, to conclude this chapter on the internal situation in the island of Mayotte, we must point to two facts which took place recently and which signify a further escalation in the process of the occupation of Mayotte. While the international community does not recognize France's competence in Mayotte and while the French presence in Mayotte has been censured most vehemently by the resolution that was adopted last year by this General Assembly, France none the less 15 days ago appointed Mr. Marcel Henri-the leader of the separatist movement on Mayotte—as a Senator of the French Republic in the French Senate.
240.	From now on, in the case of the Comorian island of Mayotte, we must really impute the facts to those who bear full responsibility for them.
241.	We must have the courage to denounce what we consider a most serious violation of international morality and of the legitimate rights which history, culture, the economy and law have always recognized as belonging to the Comorians. In this case France has violated its own Constitution, its own laws, its own regulations.
242.	The French Constitution in its preamble states that France will respect the rules of international law. Among those rules, of course, there is also the Charter of the United Nations which has been signed both by France and the Comoros. Thus the first duty of States is to respect the principles which they have committed themselves to defend.
243.	On the other hand, all pertinent French laws and regulations, from 1889 to 23 November 1974, which was the date when the French Parliament passed the law organizing a referendum regarding the accession of the Comoros to independence, have each time recognized the political unity and territorial integrity of the Comoros.
244.	Because of Senegal's discreet mediation through the intermediary of its prestigious chief, President Leopold Sedar Senghor, two French missions went to the Comoros, one in December 1976, and the other in January 1977. Those two meetings held with the chief of the Comorian State, our brother Ali Soilih, led us to the painful realization that the position of France in this matter had not changed, despite all the appeals which were launched by the non-aligned countries in Colombo and also the appeals of the General Assembly of 21 October 1976.
245.	The last action which shows the ill will of France in the matter is the suspension on 18 June last of the two flights of Air-Comoros, the national airline, over Mayotte.
By this action, France has now severed the last direct economic link which had been preserved since our relations were broken off in December 1975, and France has widened the gap which separates the community of Comorian Mayotte from the rest of the archipelago
246.	To this political situation, which is of much concern to the international community, we must also add the social and economic problems which are inherent in our situation, that of a developing country that has gained independence in exceptionally difficult circumstances, while a part of its territory is being occupied by a foreign Power.
247.	The missions of the United Nations which went to the Comoros successively in December 1975 and in April and the beginning of September of this year have realized the poverty and the misery into which France has allowed the people of Comoros to sink.
248.	In this year of 1977 there were two new catastrophes in the Comoros: one was due to the repatriation of 16,000 Comorians from Madagascar because of the distressing events in Majunga; the other to the eruption of a volcano which has completely destroyed an entire village and which has left over 5,000 people homeless.
249.	Because of the help and solidarity offered by many countries and international organizations, the Comorian people somehow avoided complete catastrophe. But it is nonetheless a fact that we need the political support of Members of the United Nations to settle the problem of the Comorian island of Mayotte. We also need their financial assistance in order to begin our economic development.
250.	In concluding — and this is in keeping with the action taken by the President of the Gabonese Republic, El Hadj Omar Bongo, who is the current President of the OAU-I want to say that our Government is always prepared to begin a dialogue with France. We have always stated that, and it is in this spirit that we shall approach the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte when it is discussed here.


212.	 On behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan, I should like to join the representatives who have spoken before me in congratulating you, Sir, on your well-deserved election to the high office of President of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. It gives us particular satisfaction to see a distinguished son of Yugoslavia — a country with which Afghanistan enjoys very close ties of friendship and co-operation-occupying this important position. We are confident that your very able and wise guidance will lead us to the successful conclusion of our deliberations.
213.	Allow me to seize this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe, for the efficient manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the last session of the General Assembly.
214.	We should also like at this juncture to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the dedication that he has unfailingly demonstrated in his ceaseless efforts in promoting the principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
215.	It is a source of great satisfaction to welcome in our midst the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as States Members of the United Nations. It is a matter of joy for our delegation to welcome the independence of Djibouti from colonial rule and alien domination and its entry into the United Nations as a sovereign Member State. We are indeed happy that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, a member of the non- aligned movement, has finally joined the family of nations. The admission of these two countries brings us closer to the goal of universality of the United Nations, a goal to which our Government is ardently committed.
216.	We have once again gathered here to take stock of what has been achieved in the years that have elapsed and, basing ourselves on past experience, to try to chart a better course for coping with the challenges confronting us.
217.	While this Assembly provides a welcome forum for drawing up a balance-sheet of failures and achievements, it is heart-breaking to realize that our performance always falls short of our expectations concerning solutions for problems of peace and co-operation. The balance-sheet to which I referred has unfortunately been so often negative that even the usefulness of our gatherings and the necessity of our deliberations are being questioned. The helplessness of this Organization in dealing with issues that face it and the extremely slow pace of our progress in composing our differences regarding them have caused great disillusionment, especially among the people of the third world.
218.	Year in and year out we assemble and deliberate here and in other forums to seek ways and means of building a better world based on understanding and justice, but either our decisions resulting from those gatherings remain un- implemented or, as is often the case, we fail to agree altogether—no matter what the urgency or the importance of the issue. Such stagnation entitles those whom we represent to ask whether there is something wrong with the system of international co-operation, or whether the principles of the Charter have become obsolete and are no longer applicable to present-day situations. Viewing the contradictions that we are unsuccessful in removing, people everywhere in their perplexity ask themselves, for example. How is it possible that an expansionist country like Israel, in spite of all the United Nations resolutions, continues to enjoy immunity? Why is it that a new international economic order, the need for which is apparently no longer questioned, should be so difficult to establish? Why is it that in Zimbabwe the illegal regime arrogantly maintains itself in power while the international community helplessly watches? Why is it that Namibia is still occupied by South Africa, and why in this day and age is the abject policy of apartheid flourishing in that country?
219.	I submit that there can be nothing wrong with the universal principles of the Charter or with the aims of the conferences that we usually attend. What must be wrong, therefore, is the lack of political willingness on the part of the Member States to bring into being a more effective United Nations and our reluctance to accept to be guided in international gatherings by the norms of reason and justice. This attitude very often prevents a sound operation and consequently damages the very fabric of international understanding. The proponents of such policies unfortunately fail to realize that decisions based  on justice and equity and aimed at benefiting the majority will in the long run be advantageous to all concerned, white and black, North and South.
220.	I believe that it would not be out of context if I said that sometimes, because of influences that cannot be termed altogether unselfish, the composition of some international gatherings does not reflect the existing reality, and that is perhaps one of the reasons why they are not successful in dealing with the problems facing them. To mention but one example, I wish to draw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that the least developed, land-locked countries were not represented at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris.
How can a meeting which ignores the existence of such an important section of the international community and its problems safeguard the interests of the least developed, land-locked countries and consequently reach decisions benefiting the whole of mankind, including those countries? After all, no other countries are better acquainted with their problems and can defend their interests better. To remedy that deficiency, I .propose that in future that factor should be taken into consideration.
221.	Another disappointing factor which seems to erode co-operation is apathy with regard to the problems of others, especially the most needy in the international community. This lack of solidarity is indeed bewildering. A case in point illustrating this state of affairs is the complete absence of enthusiasm shown by the wealthy nations with regard to the special fund created in favour of land-locked countries. Representatives are aware that, after crossing 101 hurdles—which in itself conveyed a rather poor image of international solidarity-we succeeded in establishing that fund. But now that at last it has come into being the cold-shoulder treatment to which it has been submitted is, to say the least, quite frustrating.
222.	Having made those observations, I should now like to state briefly the policy and position of my country in respect to certain issues.
223.	The Republic of Afghanistan has always endeavoured and will continue to endeavour to establish friendly and peaceful relations with all peace-loving countries, including those of our region, in order to develop its relations and co-operation for the benefit of the peoples of the world and of the region.
224.	With respect to Pakistan, as has been stated in this Assembly in the past, Afghanistan had and still has one political difference. Last year in the General Assembly I expressed the hope that the only political difference between us could be resolved. I avail myself of this opportunity to state that it is our hope that the efforts of Afghanistan and Pakistan that have already begun for a just and honourable solution of that political difference will lead in the future to a successful conclusion in accordance with the consent and satisfaction of all the parties concerned.
225.	With regard to the problems of the Middle East, not just and durable peace will be achieved without the complete withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied territories and the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of self- determination and the establishment of a Palestinian State in their fatherland, as the question of Palestine forms the core of the Middle East problem. For the attainment of these purposes the full participation of the representatives of the PLO in any future negotiations on an equal basis is indeed necessary. In view of the recent development we are of the opinion that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) needs to be supplemented.
226.	The delegation of Afghanistan has always been of the conviction that durable peace could only be attained if general and complete disarmament, under effective control, is achieved and if a significant part of the resources thus released is devoted to the economic and social needs of the developing countries, among them the least developed in particular. Afghanistan, together with the non-aligned countries, supports the convening of a special session of the General Assembly in 1978 devoted to issues relating to disarmament. We believe that by convening such a special session for a comprehensive review of the issues involved it would be possible to take the necessary effective measures towards the achievement of the goal of general and complete disarmament.
227.	The extreme imbalances in economic development between the developing and developed countries is in itself a constant and aggravating danger to the maintenance of world harmony and co-operation. Unfortunately, we notice with regret and concern the ever-widening gap between the developed and developing countries in development and trade. Despite professions of the rectification and/or amelioration of their adverse terms of trade, no positive action has been taken so far. Runaway and aggravated inflation, compounded by recession emanating from the developed countries together with arbitrary monetary manipulations, has set in motion a vicious inflationary- cum-recessionary cycle with far-reaching negative effects which leads to detrimental imbalances of the economies of the developing countries as the whole and, in particular, of the more vulnerable economies of the least developed, land-locked, island developing and most seriously affected developing countries.
228.	The problem of the soaring and ever-increasing external debt of the developing, and especially of the least developed, countries, remains unsolved, with only unsatisfactory and inadequate efforts, if any, having been made towards their rectification or  amelioration. No real or long-term solution to this problem was achieved at the recent Paris Conference.
229.	The inalienable right of free access to and from the sea of the land-locked countries, whose additional transportation, transit and transhipment costs constitute a major obstacle and impediment to their development efforts, remains to be implemented.
230.	I believe it would be good for us to ponder on the reflections that I have had the honour to share with this Assembly; reflections that I am sure are not exclusively mine. It is high time for us to rededicate ourselves to the high ideals and principles of the Charter and free ourselves of bias and see in this world something other than our own narrow and selfish interests. We have to co-operate in all sincerity to build a better world based on justice and equality, and share the benefits of human civilization which undeniably belong to the whole of mankind. Unless we do so our present meeting and even our future ones will remain meaningless, and our deliberations could be nothing more than exercises in futility.
231.	In conclusion, I should like to state very briefly that mankind will survive together in hope and faith or give way to despair and destruction. We may seem at present as though we are unsure of ourselves and groping to find our way. Economic difficulties, political tension and the uncertainty of the future bring many problems to the surface. The past may or may not inspire us, but it is the needs of the present and the challenges of the future that must constitute the driving force for a united action in the attainment of world peace and the establishment of an international economic order that would ensure the progress and prosperity of peoples everywhere. The cause of peace is not advanced by political means alone. To be realistic and enduring peace must be buttressed by the economic potentialities of all nations.