I should like to
begin by offering to Mr. Ganev my heartfelt congratulations on his assumption
of the high office of President of the General Assembly. He takes up the
presidency at a time when the world is looking with renewed confidence towards
the United Nations. As a politician from an area with a proud tradition of
representative democracy, he has played a commendable role in the vanguard of
the democratization process in his own country and in Eastern Europe. His
unanimous election as President of the General Assembly for the current
session highlights the continuing efforts of his region in its transformation
to market-driven, democratic societies and the global prerogatives of the
post-cold-war era. I am sure that his experience, training and diplomatic

skill will do much to ensure that the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly is fruitful and constructive.
Let me also take this opportunity to extend to his predecessor,
Mr. Samir S. Shihabi of Saudi Arabia, our best wishes and our appreciation of
the highly competent manner in which he presided at the last session of the
General Assembly.
I take this opportunity also to express to our esteemed
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, our profound understanding and
appreciation of the efforts he has so far made to achieve for the world body
greater flexibility and enhanced ability to meet the new challenges posed by
the dramatic developments taking place in international relations and, at the
same, to fulfil long-standing mandates.
On behalf of the Government and the people of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, I pay tribute to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whose term of office
expired at the end of 1991. Under his guidance over a 10-year period, the
United Nations shrugged off the negative image of a useless talking-shop and
emerged as an institution whose growing reputation as an effective
peace-keeper has resulted in calls upon it to take on numerous new
responsibilities. Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar did indeed ease the transition
of the United Nations through the changing climate and brought it to the
centre of new-world-order politics. He brought the Organization, with its new
peace-keeping and peacemaking roles, back to its founding mission. We join
the international community in saluting him for his service to the United
Nations and to world peace.

This year the General Assembly has so far admitted 13 States to
membership of the United Nations by acclamation. My delegation wishes to take
this opportunity to extend a warm welcome to Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of
Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The
admission of this significant number of new Members in the Organization is
another major step towards the goal of universality.
My delegation wishes to express its deepest sympathy to the Governments
and the peoples of the United States of America, the Bahamas, the Philippines,
Nicaragua, India and Pakistan, which suffered tragic loss of life and
extensive material damage as a result of the recent spate of natural
disasters. We pray that our own Caribbean region will be spared any more
destruction during this hurricane season. It is our hope that the
rehabilitation process in the affected communities will be swift and will
receive the generous support of the international community.
In the last few years we have witnessed momentous changes in the
international arena. The end of the cold war has raised hopes for a better
and more secure future. The world now faces novel challenges in the quest for
justice, equity and prosperity. In many regions of the world significant
progress has been made towards democracy, as well as towards achieving the
purposes set out in the United Nations Charter. Completion of the process of
dismantling apartheid would make a major contribution to these trends.
However, while there has been positive movement towards the establishment of a
united, non-racial and democratic South Africa, we are perturbed by some
serious differences that have emerged in recent negotiations.

My delegation wishes to express its full support for the call by the
African National Congress for an international investigation of the Boipatong
massacre. We urge all concerned to make every effort to maintain the momentum
of the negotiating process of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa in
order to finalize agreement on the outstanding issues. If negative trends in
South Africa are not reversed my Government stands ready to join in
remobilizing the international community, through all appropriate means, in
the struggle against apartheid. We wish to encourage President De Klerk to
continue the courageous leadership that he has so far given his Government and
urge him not to undermine the historic image that both he and Nelson Mandela
have established.
My delegation has been following the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
which has shocked the conscience of every human being, irrespective of
national origin, ethnic background, religion or political persuasion. We
condemn the existence of detention centres, especially in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, where civilians are being detained against their will and
subjected to ill-treatment. The odious practice of "ethnic cleansing" must be
firmly rejected and a strong signal sent that the international community will
not passively witness the attempt at the total annihilation of a Member State
by a powerful neighbour.
My delegation welcomes the adoption of Security Council resolutions
770 (1992) and 771 (1992), which are designed to ensure that humanitarian
assistance reaches all parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that international
organizations, in particular the International Committee of the Red Cross,
have unimpeded access to concentration camps and detention centres.

My delegation has been following with keen interest the negotiations on
the issue conducted under the auspices of the European Community. We believe
that this process must be accompanied by international efforts to put an
immediate end to the violence and that increased pressure should be brought to
bear on all parties concerned to work wholeheartedly for a political
settlement. The cease-fire agreement which European and United Nations
negotiators reached with warring factions in Bosnia is a step in the right
direction.
We are heartened by increased efforts to aid the long-suffering people of
Somalia in the Horn of Africa. We continue to be concerned about the famine
and the condition of human life in sub-Saharan Africa. My delegation implores
the international community to pay the necessary attention to the plight of
these people. We wish to draw attention to, and emphasize, the urgent need
for policy reform that would make it possible to reduce drought through
reforestation, and avoid famine created by wasteful military expenditure.
My delegation welcomes the current peace efforts and prays for a just,
comprehensive and lasting solution to the Middle East crisis, the core of
which, in our opinion, is the question of Palestine. My delegation reiterates
the importance of this issue and calls for the same consistency on the part of
the United Nations that was so evident when the resolutions dealing with the
invasion of Kuwait were before us. It is our hope that the ongoing peace
process will result in a resolution of the conflict based on United Nations
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). My country firmly
believes that the only durable solution to the historical conflict lies in the
full recognition and establishment of the right of the Palestinians to
self-determination and the corresponding right of the State of Israel to exist

within secure and guaranteed borders. The definition and maintenance of
secure borders at this time in world history has the benefit of modern
technology, as the Gulf war has decisively shown.
After a decade of mediation by the United Nations in the war over
Cambodia, the historic signing of the Paris Peace Agreements by the warring
factions on 23 October 1991 offers real hope for ending hostilities in that
troubled country. We are, however, deeply concerned about the difficulties
which are being encountered by the United Nations Transitional Authority in
Cambodia (UNTAC) in the implementation of the Agreements. My delegation joins
the call for all concerned parties to permit the deployment of all components
of UNTAC in the areas under its control so that it can carry out its full
function in implementing the provisions of the Paris Agreements.
The situation in Haiti remains one of extreme concern to my country. We
have already condemned, in no uncertain terms, the attempted illegal
replacement of the constitutional President, the widespread use of violence,
the coercion by the military, and the violation of human rights in that
country. We feel that because of its critical involvement in the Haitian
elections and its generic role as guarantor of international human rights, the
United Nations has a special responsibility to the people of Haiti, who have
never had the good fortune to enjoy the basic human rights and freedoms that
the international community has agreed are fundamental to human dignity. The
present situation calls for serious attention by the world body, working in
tandem with the Organization of American States. Expressions of concern
should be matched by concrete action. We share the anguish of
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the forces of democracy, and join him in
his impassioned call for action now.

With regard to the political situation in Central America, my delegation
welcomes the Peace Agreement on El Salvador, signed in January 1992 at
Chapultepec. We wish to congratulate Colombia, Spain, Mexico and Venezuela on
the very important role they played in the negotiating process. A profound
debt of gratitude is also owed to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar for his efforts
in the service of peace in Central America, which are being continued by the
new Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali.
My delegation is particularly pleased by recent developments in relations
between the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the countries of Central
America. The momentum generated by the convening and successful conclusion in
January 1992 of the First Ministerial Conference between CARICOM and the
countries of the Central American isthmus at San Pedro Sula in Honduras must
be maintained.
Guatemala's recognition of the independence of Belize and the
establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries are positive
and welcomed developments, facilitating the deepening of relations between
member States of the Caribbean Community and the countries of Central America.
The Caribbean region, and especially the countries of the Windward
Islands, of which Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is a part, have firmly
committed themselves to structural adjustment and other economic reforms
designed to increase their export earnings and competitiveness in the global
economy. In the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States, we established free
trade in 1988. In the wider CARICOM grouping, the 1984 Nassau Agreement on
Structural Adjustment and the 1989 Grand Anse Declaration expressed the
urgency which the regional leadership attaches to the transformation process.

Even as we welcome recent hemispheric trade and investment initiatives
aimed at enhancing the mobility of goods and services and creating greater
opportunity for people, my country, as well as others in the Windward Islands
grouping, is concerned that the vital economic interests of small States like
ours are very marginal as the powerful developed countries of the world move
to consolidate their markets in extensive trading blocs.
In this regard the Governments and people of the four Windward Islands
will redouble their efforts to ensure that powerful forces working in their
own interest do not destroy our economies by prematurely reversing the
marketing regime under which we sell our bananas to the countries of the
European Economic Community. We expect the international community to
understand that, with the best will and intention in the world, small,
resource-impoverished islands like ours constitute a special case in economic
development. Nothing has changed these circumstances.

As the international order moves in the direction of free trade, my
delegation expresses the strong conviction that special attention should be
paid to traditional trading arrangements which have sustained economic growth
and democracy in many parts of the world. In this regard we shall continue to
work towards the maintenance of our traditional relationship with the European
Community even as we make the transition towards eventual free trade.
The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, which
brought together the largest gathering of world leaders ever in
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from 3 to 14 June is now history. We must now
translate 12 days of debates into positive action, or posterity will remember
us for wasting a great opportunity to set the agenda for the preservation of
our environment. As Chairman of the Group of Latin American and Caribbean
Countries during the month of July 1992, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
initiated action within the Group to coordinate the activities of member
countries in follow-up action at the multilateral organizations as well as in
the wider international community.
My Government regards the agreement reached at the Rio Summit as an
important start of a process that could eventually change the way the world
approaches the challenge of fostering economic growth. We are particularly
pleased that issues such as the sustainability of islands, the alleviation of
poverty, the sustainable development of all types of forests, and the
environmentally sound management of solid waste were addressed.
My delegation urges the early ratification of the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Convention on Biological
Diversity, which, it is felt, if honestly implemented could mitigate some

of the hazards which small, island States like Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines and other low-lying coastal developing States face.
My delegation takes note of the renewed commitment made by developed
countries to achieve the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of their gross
national product for development assistance to developing countries and, where
this target has not yet been achieved, to augment their aid programmes in
order to reach that target as soon as possible or by the year 2000.
It is our hope that the recommended high-level commission on sustainable
development will be established soon so that it can be convened as early as
possible to ensure that follow-up action on the Rio Summit meets the hopes and
aspirations of us all.
Continuing progress towards democracy in many regions of the world, the
obsolescence of the bipolar politics of the cold war, the overall reduction in
military expenditure and the emergence of new States have elicited a positive
response from the world community. The United Nations peacemaking and
peace-keeping roles have increased and broadened considerably in the
post-cold-war era. The world body is providing leadership in these and other
vital areas. Unfortunately, demands for the same leadership in the field of
social development have not been given the same degree of political
importance. The Organization must address this issue as a matter of
priority. It is true that significant efforts are being made at the national
and international levels to improve the standards of living of the world's
peoples but, globally, statistics show that there are today more poor people,
more unemployed and greater social insecurity, especially among the
populations of developing countries.

Social development problems are global in scope and require global
responses. To this end my Government supports the convening of a world summit
for social development at the level of Heads of State or Government in early
1995 on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations.
As man's inhumanity to man continues to manifest itself daily throughout
the world, my Government remains mindful of its pledge to promote universal
respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms in
conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. In
furtherance of these goals, my Government will support the establishment of an
effective international system for the protection of the fundamental rights
and freedoms of all peoples, irrespective of race, sex, language or religion.
We hope that this can be achieved at the World Conference on Human Rights
scheduled for Vienna in June 1993.
My delegation is deeply concerned that our region has become a
transshipment point for illicit drugs targeted at the North American and
European markets. We recognize that drug trafficking is an international
problem which affects the institutions and populations of different
countries. My delegation wishes to reaffirm its commitment to increasing
cooperation in fighting the global problem of drugs in all its aspects, be it
illegal production, trafficking or consumption. This epidemic cannot be
allowed to undermine our precious human resources. Accordingly, my Government
will sign the United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic
Drugs and Psychotropic Substances.
The world is poised on the threshold of a bold new experience in human
history. The possibilities are tremendous but the challenges great. We in

the English-speaking Caribbean, where democracy and constitutional order have
long been institutionalized, are anxious to play our legitimate part, with
full recognition of our condition and the requirements for global
integration. We have been reliable allies in times of struggle and
turbulence. We now look forward to sharing fairly in the dividends of a
durable peace to which we have contributed by our stability and resolute
commitment to liberty and democracy.


I should like, at the outset to
congratulate His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev, Deputy Prime Minister and
Foreign Minister of Bulgaria, on his unanimous election to the presidency of
the General Assembly of the United Nations at its the forty-seventh session.
His election is recognition of his diplomatic skills and the respect for
international law in his country. We are confident that the international
community will benefit from his presidency.
I also take this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to his
predecessor. His Excellency Ambassador Samir Shihabi of Saudi Arabia, who
diligently presided over the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session in an
exemplary manner. We thank him for his efforts.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
has been at the helm of our Organization for nearly a year now. We have
already appreciated his style of work and the vigorous responses to the
various crises that have beset the international community. We want to
reiterate our confidence in his work and our continuing support for his
leadership.

I welcome into our midst, as others before me have done, the 12 new
Members of the United Nations. Their admission draws the United Nations
closer to the realization of the principle of universality of membership.
This development is particularly welcome at this time, when a rejuvenated and
vigorous United Nations is closely involved in the resolution of many
conflicts and crises around the world. It makes the pronouncements and
actions of the world body that much more effective.
It has now become clear to all that the end of the cold war has not been
a panacea for the world's ills, especially the ills of third world countries.
In some areas, and in some respects, these problems have been compounded by
the upsurge in intense nationalism and new brands of religion. The end of the
cold war has not yet brought tangible results and change for the Palestinian
people in the Middle East, the black majority in South Africa, or peace to the
peoples of Afghanistan, Cambodia, the Western Sahara and many other areas of
conflict in the world. However, new and determined efforts are being made to
resolve some of these problems peacefully, and we hope that these efforts will
succeed.
The tenth Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement, held recently in Indonesia,
drew attention to the failure of all the multilateral talks aimed at narrowing
the gap between developed and third world countries. In many areas, this
economic gap has widened. The Summit confirmed the validity of the Movement
in the current international situation, but it urged its members both to join
hands in fighting the common economic and financial problems of the South and
to promote economic cooperation among members of the South themselves. The
fast-growing economies of South-East Asian countries have shown the capacity
for intra-regional cooperation among developing countries and what can be

achieved. In the place of cold-war issues, the Movement has put economic and
financial matters on its agenda, and we hope that these will be tackled very
forcefully over the next three years.
In our region of southern Africa, our economic problems have been
compounded by the very severe drought we are all facing. In the past, we used
to export large quantities of white maize, but this year we have had to import
13 million tons of grain alone. Although the States in the region are fully
cooperating in the areas of transport and energy supply, other areas of our
cooperation would be greatly increased were the evil apartheid system in South
Africa brought to an end and a non-racial and democratic system established in
that country.
The regime of President F. W. de Klerk which has been commented upon by
a number of speakers has put the brakes on the transition process that was
being discussed at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (COPESA). It
has also very effectively undermined the entire process by condoning and
abetting the escalating violence against innocent black people and
demonstrators.

Mr. de Klerk has lost credibility in the eyes of the international
community. He must take steps now to release all political prisoners; we are
told there are 140 prisoners still languishing in jail. He must abandon or
close down the single men's hostels, which are being used by armed gangs as
camps. He must forbid the carrying of any weapon for any purpose in public
places. He should disband all extraterritorial battalions, such as Koevoet
and Battalions 31 and 32; in fact, he should ban all private armies and
militia units. These are not drastic measures by any means. They are the
minimum steps that must be taken to level the playing field so that all South
African political parties and teams can play on it.
The current problems of prisoners, hostels, weapons and private militias
are a direct consequence of the evil system of apartheid itself, which the
international community has described as a crime against humanity. We must
stress that that system has not yet ended, although some bold steps have been
taken in the last two years towards removing it. But it is still there.
We commend the role the international community has played, and continues
to play, in South Africa in line with Security Council resolution 765 (1992)
of 16 July 1992. It is still our belief that to deal adequately with the
situation of violence in the country a substantial number of observers many
more than the current 50 or so - should be dispatched to the country so that
they cover all potential flash points. Only a credible and effective
international presence can prevent the violence and restore the confidence
among the parties in South Africa that is necessary for successful
negotiations.

It has become obvious that the international community has made the
greatest headway on the South African issue when it has acted in unison. We
need unity-in-action from the international community. The De Klerk
Government must come out unequivocally on the side of majority rule as
understood by all civilised nations, without any conditions or vetoes for
minorities. The regime's primary responsibility is to provide security and
safety for all South Africans, and therefore it needs to take decisive action
not only for the protection of all citizens of the country, as I indicated
earlier, but also to carry forward the current process of eliminating
apartheid through peaceful means.
Developments elsewhere in our region give much greater cause for hope,
but the peace processes in question need to be carefully nurtured if success
is to be guaranteed. In Angola adequate preparations appear to have been made
for the general elections that are to take place in the next few days. The
Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs of Angola gave a detailed account of the
arrangements that have been made for the elections in that country. The
Angolan people, he indicated, will be given an opportunity to elect a
government of their choice.
The greatest praise for this achievement must go to the Angolan people
themselves, who have shown great maturity and patriotism in the face of
difficulties and mutual suspicions nurtured by 16 years of war. Some praise
must, however, also go to the United Nations, which has steadfastly supported
the Angolan peace process, particularly through the deployment of the United
Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM II), a peace-keeping operation in
which my country, Zimbabwe, is also playing a modest part.

We are glad that the problems that had arisen with regard to the
registration of voters, particularly logistical problems of access by
voter-registration officials to various parts of the country, have now been
resolved and that incidents of violence in the electioneering process have not
been allowed to get out of hand. We also commend the pledge by the main
parties in the Angolan elections that they will respect the poll result and
that if they win they will endeavour to establish a government of national
unity and reconciliation. The concept of bringing all sections of society
into government is indeed an act of statesmanship that takes into account the
traditions of the African people.
With regard to Mozambique, we believe that a comprehensive cease-fire
will be signed on 1 October 1992. We hope that this solemn commitment will be
upheld and respected by all the signatories and, in fact, by all the
Mozambican people. After so many years of fighting, Mozambicans want peace,
tranquillity and progress, but to achieve peace a lot of work still remains to
be done. There is need for flexibility on both sides, and for active
participation by all States in the region, including the Republic of South
Africa, in the peace process.
Zimbabwe has done, and will continue to do, all in its power to help
maintain the momentum and keep the peace process in Mozambique moving
forward. As all delegates are aware, the Rome Declaration envisages an
eventual United Nations monitoring role in Mozambique's electoral process, and
we trust that all States will support such an undertaking by this world body.

The situation in Somalia, to which many speakers have referred, is a
cause of deep concern in my country; 2 million people may die and 5 million
need food aid. The extent of the suffering, which is now labelled the world's
worst human disaster, could have been greatly alleviated had the world body
acted earlier and with speed. However, we commend the decisive steps that
have now been taken by the Security Council, especially the decision to
dispatch 3,500 troops to protect food shipments and distribution. My country
is proud to be participating in this operation, which is aimed at averting a
famine of genocidal dimensions in Somalia.
We urge the various clan militias in the country not to disrupt the
United Nations effort, but to engage in negotiations aimed at reuniting and
bringing peace to their tortured people. The leaders of the three political
factions in Somalia must be condemned for intensifying civil strife in a
society that is already ravaged by so much famine and drought. They should
instead be unifying and reconciling their people, reconciling the nation, in
order to enable it to withstand the drought more effectively.
In West Africa the continued elusiveness of a solution to the Liberian
conflict is also a cause of grave concern. We commend the efforts of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Governments to bring peace
and democracy to Liberia. Fighting between rival factions in recent days may
embroil forces of the ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in more
fighting and make the whole situation intractable. We urge our Liberian
brothers to put the safety and future of their people and country before
personal gain and aggrandizement, and we urge our ECOWAS brothers also to
continue with their efforts in attempting to bring peace to Liberia.

The crisis in the Middle East has dragged on for a long time, dating from
the cold-war era. Our hopes were raised that a solution would be found in the
current round of peace talks that began with the Madrid Conference. We still
place our hopes in that process, and hope that the advent of a Labour
Government in Israel will result in a more imaginative and flexible attitude
that can lead to a solution adequately addressing the legitimate aspirations
of the Palestinian people. Clearly, the new Israeli Government must accept
the principle of the complete withdrawal of its troops of occupation from
Palestine and the assumption of full control by the Palestinians over their
own resources, including water resources, as fundamental to the resolution of
the Palestinian issue. Further, it is important for the United Nations to
assume a central role in the peace process, particularly as its resolutions
served as terms of reference for the Madrid Conference.

There are many other areas of crisis and conflict that require, and are
getting, the attention of this world body, such as Cyprus, Cambodia,
Afghanistan, Western Sahara and others. The United Nations must continue to
ensure that in Western Sahara, the referendum plan is carried out in a manner
that reflects the genuine aspirations of the Sahrawi people; that in Cambodia,
full and comprehensive implementation of the Paris Accords is achieved; that
in Cyprus, a solution that preserves the unity of the country and its
sovereignty and territorial integrity is found; and that in Afghanistan also,
the unity of the country is ensured and peace realized.
The most explosive areas in the whole world today, however, remain the
countries of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the former
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which have been the subject of much
comment by earlier speakers. In these areas, once the communist parties that
held power collapsed, the remaining, separate ethnic entities were engulfed in
intense local tribalism and in an upsurge of religious fundamentalism. Our
experiences in Africa reveal that social situations of tribalism and/or
religious fundamentalism cannot be resolved simply by calling an election, or
by using military force alone; what is often required is a deliberate act of
national reconciliation that establishes a government of national unity and
distributes power and influence to every segment of the society. This is a
political game in which there should be no losers: the purpose of an election
becomes that of establishing the relative strengths of the participating
parties and therefore the weight or seats they should have in a government of
national unity.

In the case of Yugoslavia, from the very beginning my delegation felt
that when the upsurge of tribal feeling hit that unhappy land, a conference of
national reconciliation should have been convened. If some tribes insisted on
getting out of the federal arrangement, they should have been required to sign
a treaty guaranteeing the rights of the minority tribes to power-sharing and
to enforcement of full human rights within their own territories,
because let us face it - the main problem in Yugoslavia is the patchwork of
tribal units that are spread throughout that land.
We ourselves have never believed that the European Economic Community's
policy of early recognition of Croatia and Slovenia on the one hand and the
severe punishment of Serbia and Montenegro on the other would solve the
problems of tribal and religious feelings in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the
numbers in the ethnic mix are almost equal. We strongly condemn the obnoxious
policy of so-called ethnic cleansing by the competing tribes in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
The expulsion or killing of any one person in the process of so-called
cleansing does not solve any problem; instead, it creates a psychological,
vicious circle of communal violence. However, when we discuss the question of
Yugoslavia in this world body soon, we would urge a word of caution: to seek
reconciliation and not to ridicule any of the warring tribes of former
Yugoslavia. The fact that persons drawn from different ethnic, racial,
religious, linguistic and cultural groups live together should be a point of
strength rather than weakness; in fact, former Yugoslavia used to pride itself
on that very fact. Here in the United States of America, the country draws
much strength from the cultural diversity of its people, who live together
happily under one political system. That is broadly what we should aim at in
the context of the Balkans.

The subject of restructuring the United Nations system has been on our
agenda for some time now. My delegation put some specific proposals before
the summit of world leaders held here last January. The thrust of our
contribution was the need to democratize the international system and the
empowerment of the voice of third world countries within that system.
We are pleased that the Secretary-General has followed up the work of
that summit with a comprehensive statement entitled "An Agenda for Peace"
(A/47/277). We agree with most of the well-thought-out conclusions and
suggestions in the report; in particular, we agree with the emphasis he puts
on democratic practices and the commitment to full human and political rights
within our societies. On the subject of tribalism and nationalism, which we
have been discussing, he says:
"if every ethnic, religious or linguistic group claimed statehood, there
would be no limit to fragmentation, and peace, security and economic
well-being for all would become ever more difficult to achieve".
(A/47/277, para. 17)
We also endorse the recommendation that more should be done to assist the
countries that become victims of economic sanctions applied by this world body
against other States. A meaningful and fair programme and mode of
compensation for victim States would encourage them to apply United
Nations-sponsored sanctions more faithfully, which would result in greater
effectiveness of those sanctions.
It is also our view that the United Nations should have its own dedicated
and committed armed units on a permanent basis, so that in its enforcement
actions the world body acts as the world body, not as only some of its parts
or some of its Members. The Charter itself provides for the United Nations to

function in that fashion, and we believe that it is time the relevant
provisions in this regard were reactivated.
Given the centrality of the Security Council to the question of the
maintenance of international peace and security, any discussion of security
issues cannot be complete without a look at the procedures of that body
itself. We are aware of the circumstances in which the power of veto was
given to those who now possess it in the Council. The point at issue now is
whether arrangements that appeared fair or at least justifiable 47 years
ago are still viable today. We believe this is an issue which needs rational
discussion in which all States would participate equally and all views would
be given a fair hearing. Only such a fair exchange of views can result in the
peaceful new world order that we are all seeking.
Needless to say, conflicts are not only the result of injustice within
and among nations but also the result of poverty, want and despair. The past
decade has seen a massive deterioration in the standards of living of peoples
in the developing world. This poverty is traceable not only to the policies
of individual third world Governments but also to the capricious and
pernicious international environment in which they operate: not only have the
prices for raw materials - the mainstays of our economies - been seriously
depressed throughout the past decade, but we have also faced extremely high
interest rates and increased protectionism from the markets of developed
countries. Far from being recipients of capital, we have become net exporters
of hard currency, and today we jointly labour under a foreign debt of some
$1.3 trillion. Some of us have, in addition to all this, suffered natural
disasters such as the drought, to which I have referred, that is ravaging
southern Africa at the present time.

Poverty and want breed despair, and despair, of course, breeds conflict.
If the international community is to address peace and security issues
adequately, it needs to attend seriously to the causes of despair in the world
today. There can be no human right greater than the right to food, the right
to shelter and the right to life itself and, during life, the right to
literacy. The world body and its specialized agencies must address these
issues as a matter of urgency.

In this regard, we are pleased at the plethora of projects now under way
to make the United Nations focus on issues of economic development and social
and humanitarian issues, such as the Nordic project. We believe the time has
also come when a frank appraisal should be made of the global economy with a
view to eliminating some of the built-in obstacles to growth for developing
countries.
I must return again to the theme of the Movement of Non-Aligned
Countries, namely, how to close the widening economic gap between rich and
poor nations. My delegation supports the convening of an international
conference on social development, planned for 1994 or 1995. Such a gathering
would assist in defining clearly the basic needs of human beings on this Earth
in this nuclear age, needs which must be met in order for them to live a
decent, satisfying and enriched life - in answer to the question. What does
an ordinary human being need? and it would also map out a genuine path of
development for third world countries in the South. The conference could play
a very important part in showing the correct path to development. The paths
that have been chosen for development have led us in different directions, and
some of them have led us into culs-de-sac. We need to think deeper and to act
more decisively in order to chart the correct path. To that extent, we
strongly support the convening of the conference on social development.
That should be the essence of the new world order to which we should all
aspire. It should be an international order guided by the twin objectives of
universal peace and security, on the one hand, and an improved quality of life
for all the Earth's inhabitants, on the other. It must also be an order
characterized by justice and respect for international law. We third world
countries should join enthusiastically in the promotion of the current Decade

of International Law, because that is our only shield against the arbitrary
actions of some big Powers. Our sovereignty and our national
self-determination are deeply rooted in our political philosophies, of various
kinds, but they are also anchored in the practice of international law. We
should uphold that shield even more vigorously in the so-called new world
order that is emerging. We should also uphold the Charter of the United
Nations, which gives us some of the basic principles on which the
international system has operated for so many years, nearly half a century.
Today we stand at a crossroads. The collapse of the old order gives us
the rare opportunity to build something new in its place. Shall we use this
opportunity wisely, or not? History has taught us salutary lessons about the
price mankind has had to pay for opportunities that are missed. In our
deliberations in this forum and in others, we shall all help determine the
shape of this new order that is coming. Zimbabwe intends to participate, with
others, actively in that debate to ensure that the much-heralded new world
order will be a just, humane and enlightened one that will bring an
improvement to the quality of life of all of humanity and provide for the
basic needs of all human beings, and especially in our developing societies.
The global community has the means and the capacity to provide for those basic
needs.


I have the
particularly agreeable duty, on behalf of the people and Government of the
Federal Islamic Republic of Comoros, of conveying to Mr. Ganev warm and
sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its forth-seventh session. We have every confidence in
his ability, as a distinguished diplomat, to ensure complete success for our
work.
I should like to take this opportunity also to express to
Mr. Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia our total satisfaction with,
and our profound admiration of, the effective way in which he conducted the
work of the General Assembly at its last session.
May I also take this agreeable opportunity to wish the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, every success in the discharge of the noble and
lofty mission that we have entrusted to him. I assure my dear brother and
friend that in his efforts to ensure that the United Nations plays the part it
is intended to play he will have the unflagging support of my country, the
Federal Islamic Republic of Comoros. His election is a matter of pride for
Africa and for the Arab world. Likewise, it reflects the standing and the
dynamic role of his great country, Egypt, on the international scene. His
determination to breathe new life into our Organization, to strengthen its
role and its effectiveness, gives us grounds for great hope for its future.
The Secretary-General's "Agenda for Peace" a document that was drawn up
after the summit meeting of the Security Council last January contains
concrete proposals that demand the attention of Member States. In this
context, I should like to voice our complete satisfaction with the very
pertinent ideas that the Secretary-General was able to set forth in such a
short period. In our view, his proposals deserve the international
community's very careful scrutiny to ensure that the greatest possible benefit
is derived from them.
The delegation of Comoros joins those Members that have already extended
a warm welcome to the States that have recently been admitted to membership of
the Organization.
The forty-seventh session of the General Assembly is being held at a time
when the world is beginning a new chapter in its history. The profound and
far-reaching transformations that our planet has undergone during the past
four years are very encouraging. General ideological confrontation is rapidly
disappearing, and dictatorial and authoritarian Governments are falling one
after another. We are witnessing a renewal of freedom, equality and respect
for the dignity of man.
The cold war has ended, and the world has heaved a sigh of relief. Our
Organization has an unprecedented opportunity to discharge the mandate
entrusted to it by the Charter. Unfortunately, just as we were rejoicing at
the end of the cold war, with its inherent threat of nuclear destruction - at
a time when we were entitled to hope for a more peaceful world, in which
priority would be given to the eradication of starvation and sickness other
scourges arose, and they have made the current trends in international affairs
more fragile.
A plethora of conflicts, of which no one could previously have conceived,
have appeared on the scene; each of them has its special features and must be
settled in a very precise manner.
In the political area, old conflicts such as those of the Middle East, of
Palestine and of apartheid are still going on and to these have been added new
crises such as those of Somalia and of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and if these
are not resolved in time, they may well prove to be a threat to international
peace and security.
As regards the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, my country believes
that this is by no means a civil war but rather an act of aggression
perpetrated against a young State by the forces of Serbia and Montenegro. We
therefore join the international community in condemning unreservedly this
ignoble act, which constitutes a violation of the fundamental rights of the
people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and a violation of the principles underlying
our Charter.
For that reason we support all the United Nations resolutions and the
decisions of the recent London Conference on this matter. We also subscribe
to the decision of the General Assembly to deny the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia automatic succession to the seat of the former Yugoslavia, and we
support the initiative to have the airspace of Bosnia and Herzegovina declared
a no-fly zone.
It is our hope that further steps will be taken to restore peace and
stability to that part of the Balkans. We urge the Security Council, which is
the main body responsible for maintaining international peace and security, to
reconsider this matter in full detail with a view to putting an end to this
aggression, as spelt out in Article 42 of the United Nations Charter.
However, we are aware of the diffidence of the Security Council to use
the means spelt out in Article 42 of the Charter to put a stop to this
aggression. We therefore encourage the Council to lift the arms embargo
imposed on Bosnia and Herzegovina so that the people, with the help of
friendly countries, can exercise their legitimate right to self-defence in
accordance with Article 51 of the Charter.
We are equally concerned at the armed conflict among the various Somali
factions, which has led to flight and to famine. The persistence of this
armed conflict, in addition to the natural disasters that have struck the
country, has only increased the suffering of the Somali people, with extremely
unfortunate consequences, particularly the loss of thousands of human lives.
The proposal made at Jakarta by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries
last September, namely that a conference for national reconciliation be
convened to forge the unity of Somalia, seems to us to be the only way to
achieve a final resolution of this regrettable conflict. My Government makes
an earnest appeal to the entire international community to channel more
assistance to this people, which is facing such tremendous difficulties.
In southern Africa there have been encouraging signs. Thus, the
Government of the Comoros welcomes the free and democratic elections that have
taken place in Angola. It is our hope that that country will finally achieve
lasting peace after so many years of civil war.
Furthermore, it is our hope that after the peace negotiations in Rome and
the recent agreement concluded in Botswana between RENAMO and the Maputo
government, common ground can promptly be found so that our friends and
neighbours from Mozambique may also be able to regain their peace and
stability.
In South Africa the changes that have occurred since the release of
Nelson Mandela had given us every reason to believe that the country was
irrevocably committed to a democratization of its political, social and
economic life. Unfortunately, the events of Boipatong and the recent Ciskei
massacres have dashed our hopes that there would shortly come into being a
truly united, democratic and non-racial society in South Africa.
On the subject of this same country, I should like to voice the great
hope that we place in the recent Mandela-De Klerk meeting. Our most earnest
hope is that the negotiations for the establishment of a representative
government can be resumed as soon as possible and that democracy and law will
finally win the day.
The developments in Western Sahara give us reason to believe that a
solution to this problem can be found in the near future. We welcome the
climate that prevails at present and which proves the readiness of the parties
to the conflict to contribute to finding a solution by peaceful means. We
also commend the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations in
this matter and encourage him in his efforts to bring about a rapid solution
to the problem.
One of the greatest threats to international peace and security has been
the Middle East crisis, at the heart of which is the problem of Palestine.
This problem is indeed a major challenge and one which our Organization must
meet in order to strengthen its credibility and enhance its standing on the
international scene.
In the light of the principles set forth in the Charter and the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights it is indeed intolerable that the Palestinian
people, in their legitimate struggle to claim their inalienable right to a
homeland, should continue to be subjected to brutalities inflicted by the
Israeli authorities.
With the hope that there will be a settlement of the Palestinian crisis,
the international community places great hope in the international Conference
for peace in that region. That is, quite clearly, the only means that can
produce a viable solution to the problem by peaceful means.
Thus the new spirit characterizing international relations and the
readiness that has been evinced at present by the parties concerned permit us
to hope that the peace process begun last October in Madrid will continue and
will lead to a happy outcome of this situation. The Government of the
Comoros, whose support for the struggle of the Palestinian people has been
unflagging, continues to believe that the solution of the Palestinian problem
necessarily implies taking into account the just claim of that people, that
is, their right to have a homeland.
The Gulf region will not be able to heal the wounds opened up by the
aggression against, and occupation of, Kuwait by Iraq as long as Iraq fails to
relinquish its unjustified claims against the State of Kuwait and as long as
Kuwaiti prisoners in Iraq are not returned to their country in safety and
honour. For the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros the necessary
conditions for the restoration of peace in this region are entirely the
responsibility of Iraq.
Turning to a different area, we note with pleasure the improvement in the
situation prevailing on the Korean peninsula as a result of the joint efforts
being made by the north and south of that country to find a swift solution to
the problem. The Korean people have long suffered from the division of their
country and it is high time for the international community to render its
support with a view to bringing about its reunification.
In this connection, my Government welcomes the coming into force of the
Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-Aggression, and Exchanges and Cooperation
between the two parties as well as the Joint Declaration of the
Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
Similarly, the situation in Cambodia today is looking more promising as
regards a final solution to the problem. The United Nations and the entire
international community are aware that restoring peace in this country
necessarily implies a comprehensive political solution resulting from genuine
negotiations and has always emphasized this way of proceeding. We welcome the
efforts which have been made by our Organization and by the world community
which resulted in the agreements signed between the Cambodian parties
concerned. The Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros finally hopes that
following free and democratic elections Cambodia will regain its peace and
stability.
In view of the rate at which authoritarian regimes are disappearing, I
think we have every reason to believe that shortly there will no longer be any
question of dictatorship in the world; freedom, dialogue and multiparty
systems will have finally won the day, where force and violence triumphed in
the past.
How then can we not be optimistic in view of the fact that, similarly,
the thousands of voices raised in favour of recognizing the most essential
human rights will finally be heeded as a result of the World Conference on
Human Rights which is scheduled for 1993?
Turning to the area of economic and social development, it is regrettable
to note that the very positive changes which are occurring internationally in
the political field have not been accompanied by any economic progress. Thus,
the problems of external indebtedness, in addition to the deterioration of the
terms of trade and the decrease in development aid, continue to widen the gap
that exists between the developed and the developing countries. The case of
Africa, which comprises more than 20 of the least-developed countries,
deserves careful attention.
The adoption of the United Nations Programme of Action for African
Economic Recovery and Development has aroused great hope in us. We therefore
appeal to the international community to live up to the commitments it made
when this Programme was adopted and to lend its assistance to African
development efforts. Similarly, since we are desirous of a flourishing
economy for our countries, Comoros supports the decision of the Government of
Japan to convene an international conference on the development of Africa in
1993.
Further, the current trend in world economics is directed more and more
towards the creation of more open and more sound economic and trade blocs. It
is for that reason that the process of regional integration has now been
recognized as being an indispensable factor in promoting economic development,
particularly the development of the developing countries.
Thus, the Comoros have become a member of the Indian Ocean Commission and
have pledged to ratify the Treaty creating the African Economic Community as
soon as the country has a national assembly.
In order to revamp its own economy and to initiate the process of
harmonious development, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros has just
signed, with the international financial institutions of Bretton Woods, a
programme of structural adjustment. But as the Assembly is aware, the
implementation of the measures set forth in such a programme necessarily and
always entail consequences which are very difficult for the most disadvantaged
strata of the population to bear.
What can we say at this stage about the Rio de Janeiro summit? Despite
the unhappy realities of the depletion of the ozone layer and the continued
degradation of the ecological environment, let us recognize one thing at
least: the meeting in Rio de Janeiro had the merit of taking account of our
concerns and projections with respect to environmental problems. Now that the
relationship between the environment and development is unquestionable, we are
resolved no longer to divorce one from the other. In order to ensure the
viability of the strategy and programmes adopted by our various development
meetings, it is essential to pay particular attention to the environment.
Thus, the cooperation of the countries of the North in financing Agenda 21 is
absolutely necessary.
Democratic transition is a phenomenon which differs according to the
specific features of each country. The Comoros itself is of course no
exception to this rule. This is regarded as a period of transition which is
needed to harmonize the democratic process in all its aspects.
Consequently, the Comorian Government, despite a very disturbing
financial and economic situation which has produced considerable social
tension, has during this transitional stage adopted a posture favourable to
dialogue, convinced that confrontation should in all circumstances give way to
dialogue. Because of this attitude we are completely in control of the
situation. Thus, stability has at no time been jeopardized, as is proved by
the fact that we foiled the attempted coup d'etat of 26 September last.
This attempt failed because the Comorian people, aware of its
Government's efforts to set up the necessary democratic institutions and to
create the circumstances which would promote its social development, did not
respond to an appeal, the purpose of which was to compromise the chances of
creating a real State of law. In order to realize these noble ambitions, the
Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros is once more turning to the
international community, to the United Nations, and to its great family in
particular, to remind them that now, more than ever, it has need of their
unflagging support to save this embryonic democracy and to place it on a solid
basis.
I cannot conclude my remarks before the Assembly without referring to the
question of the Comorian island of Mayotte, which has appeared on successive
agendas of sessions of the General Assembly since we acceded to international
sovereignty. This unfortunate problem has been going on for 17 years now and
to our great regret pits us against France, a country with which we have very
close ties of friendship and cooperation. We will not go into the facts which
underlie this problem here since the question is to be the subject of a
special debate in a few days. I should simply like to recall that the Islamic
Federal Republic of the Comoros has always favoured dialogue and has always
abided by the rule of law in its attempts to find a peaceful solution to the
question.
Nevertheless, the Comorian Government notes with some bitterness that no
decision has as yet been taken on the French side which would show evidence on
the part of the French authorities of a desire to find a solution to the
problem.
Since his accession to the High Court, President Said Mohamed Djohar,
with the support of his government, has reaffirmed his desire and resolve to
persevere in seeking a solution to the problem of Mayotte, while respecting
the law.
As they are convinced of the correctness of their claims, the people and
the Government of Comoros continue to believe that Mayotte is part of Comorian
territory and nothing can undermine their will to work for the reintegration
of this land into the Comoros. Hence the Islamic Federal Republic of the
Comoros hopes that it will always be able to rely on the valuable support of
the international community to find a prompt solution to this dispute.
This assistance is essential if the Federal Islamic Republic of the
Comoros is to regain its territorial integrity and its unity, which are based
on ethnogeographical, linguistic, religious, cultural and economic givens,
even though ours is an island country.
Over and above the policy of economic and financial recovery that has
been implemented in the Comoros, my country has resolutely embarked on a
process of democratization that has culminated in the adoption of a new
Constitution on 7 June this year. In a month's time, the Comorian people is
to elect the representatives to the national assembly and to the regional
councils and the governors of the islands. Need I recall that the twofold
effort of Said Mohamed Djohar and his Government to ensure, firstly, economic
and financial recovery and, secondly, to establish democracy, is a major
undertaking that requires the necessary conditions to be met for it to
succeed. I therefore appeal to the international community to lend its most
valuable support to our young democracy.
When the San Francisco Charter was adopted, the principal goal of the
prime movers of our Organization was to seek ways and means to build, for all
nations, a future of peace, progress and justice. Today, this vision of the
founding fathers, given the new international relations scene, has the ideal
framework for it to be made reality.
We therefore must give the United Nations our support, and give it the
necessary means, to enable it properly to carry out the mission that has been
assigned to it.
In conclusion, I reiterate that the Comoros is confident that our
Organization can resolve all the problems, of whatever kind, that afflict our
world. What is needed here is that States should have the will to contribute
to achieving this noble goal.


I
consider it a great honour to speak before the General Assembly of the United
Nations once again. On behalf of the people and the Government of the
Republic of Panama, I wish to extend heartfelt congratulations to General
Assembly President Stoyan Ganev, whose election has been a tribute to his
record and personal merits and a wise choice by the General Assembly.
Before continuing, I should also like to express my country's pleasure at
the election of the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and at the
splendid work he has done in the few months during which he has been at his
sensitive position. We are certain that, under his leadership, the necessary
consensus will be achieved to implement concrete actions that will promote
political and economic stability, human and social development, and the
restoration of belief in the principles that gave rise to this Organization.
Today, because of the positive changes that have taken place in the world
changes that have been called the "new order" those principles are
singularly valid. We most definitely support his "Agenda for Peace".

Without any doubt, the end of the cold war offers the world new and great
opportunities to devote efforts and additional resources to the social and
economic activities of our countries rather than to the waging of war. We
note with satisfaction the progress made in various parts of the world through
joint efforts to promote peace, security, and cooperation.
The experience of the people of the Republic of El Salvador constitutes,
for the rest of mankind, an example of how to settle disputes by peaceful
means. With the signing of the peace agreements in the nation, an end was put
to 12 long, grim years of struggle, bloodshed, grief, and suffering for
thousands of Salvadorian homes. That is why my country, like the rest of the
international community, reiterates its commitment to help the Salvadorian
people consolidate peace, an indispensable element in the economic, political,
and social recovery of that fraternal country.
In the same vein, the recent conclusion of the century-old border
conflict between Honduras and El Salvador, after the accepted ruling of the
International Court of Justice, puts an end to one stage and begins another
marked by understanding and friendship between those two countries. My
Government welcomes this renewed willingness to resolve disputes by peaceful
means.
In those areas where, sadly, wars are unfolding, action must be taken not
only to combat the scourge of war but also to fight its causes. Panama
supports the machinery aimed at preventive action by United Nations
peace-keeping forces in regions of hostility, in particular the implementation
of preventive diplomacy and the peace programme put forward by the
Secretary-General.

In the area of regional disarmament, Panama, under the Treaty of
Tlatelolco and recent proposed amendments to it, and as a signatory to the
Ayacucho Declaration, has made a commitment to cooperate in efforts in this
direction, as well as in efforts to ban nuclear weapons and eliminate
conventional arms in Latin America. Taking into account the concepts of peace
and stability, our country has truly and effectively abolished the army and is
in the process of introducing constitutional reforms that will make it
impossible to re-establish any kind of military organization in Panama. If
the Panamanian people supports this plan in the referendum next November, we
will be - together with Costa Rica two American countries whose constitution
and laws ban the existence of an army. In this way we will have eliminated
the possibility of re-establishing military regimes, of sorry memory, that did
such harm throughout the history of Panama.
Both domestically and internationally, we are in favour of diverting
resources that have hitherto been assigned to military activities'towards
efforts to promote the economic and social development of the people and the
protection of the environment. If the great and powerful of this world have
come to understand the necessity of reducing military spending, then there is
even more reason for the smaller countries to understand that our wars must be
wars against poverty and illiteracy.
There can be no doubt that the Rio Conference marked the beginning of a
new stage in a new form of development for the world and its inhabitants. We
must harmonize the economic, social, political, and ecological dimensions.
The concepts of sustainable development and integration are key elements in
building the future of our world above and beyond the boundaries and
individual interests of nations. But, at the same time, the equity that can
be produced by development must be an important topic on our agendas.

Panama accepts the challenge to shift development patterns and attitudes
towards the natural environment. In this regard, we need the determined
cooperation of the international community to preserve the biogenetic heritage
that has been bequeathed to us. I reiterate that we need to create a special
fund to give the developing countries new and additional resources enabling
them to implement national strategies of sustainable development. At the same
time, it is necessary to make joint efforts to bring together Governments and
the private sector with international organizations in an effort to achieve
these ends. To that end, we should look to the results of the Rio Conference
as a great opportunity to pledge efforts and resources at all levels and to
formulate and implement national development strategies based upon Agenda 21.

In my first address in this forum, two years ago, I referred specifically
to our support for the incorporation of the Republic of Korea into the United
Nations, which we saw as consistent with the atmosphere created by the end of
the cold war. We are delighted that this decision was made a year ago.
Today, in that same spirit, we must give due consideration to the absence of
the Republic of China from this Organization, and we must also consider the
impact that absence has on the role our Organization plays in achieving global
cooperation and coordination. We must acknowledge the impressive economic
development of that country and the progress made in the democratization of
the Republic of China. These factors could help resolve many of the problems
facing this Organization.
For this reason, we invite Member States to initiate serious
consideration of this subject in the spirit of peace and cooperation that has
predominated recently.
In the area of human rights, we have noted with satisfaction the decision
to convene a world summit conference on social development, and preparations
for the World Conference on Human Rights. It is important that the United
Nations system assume leadership in these areas, facing, as a matter of
priority, the social problems that stand in the way of improving living
conditions for the most dispossessed in our societies.
As I said a year ago, Panama has set for itself a number of social
development programmes over the next five years. I am happy indeed to say
today that the United Nations Development Programme has contributed
effectively in this national effort to attack the areas of extreme poverty in
our country as a matter of priority. Thanks to this cooperation, we have made
considerable progress, although I must admit that we still have a long way to
go.

As part of the Central American isthmus, our country is continuing to
make efforts to lay the foundation for commitments that will benefit our six
members. To this end, the Central American Presidents, at the twelfth summit
Conference in Managua, Nicaragua, last June, developed a working agenda. The
purpose of that agenda is to bequeath to future generations of our countries
better conditions for improving democratic institutions, promoting integration
and fostering economic and social development. We should like to take full
advantage of this new era in our region, for we see it as a historic
opportunity to strengthen the idea of a united Central America facing the
challenges of the twenty-first century.
For these reasons, the Central American Presidents decided to place the
emphasis at the thirteenth summit Conference which we will proudly be
holding for the first time in Panama next December on the agricultural
sector, which is the pillar of our economies and the primary source of
employment in our region.
Our efforts to participate in the activities of all international
organizations recognizing as we do that dialogue is the best way to promote
relations among nations - has led us to take steps to become a permanent
member of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and has led us to sign
the Montreal Protocol on the ozone layer.
I now turn to actions within the European Community to protect the
exporting of our product, bananas. As a result of the visits of several
Central American Presidents to different European countries, we now view with
optimism the decision of some of these countries to oppose the resolution of
the Commission of the European Community on the subject. That resolution
recommends the imposition of quotas on the importing of bananas into the

Community, which would adversely affect thousands of jobs in that sector of
our economy.
At this point I should like to stress that the consolidation of democracy
and stable social peace must be understood and promoted within a modern
approach to economic relations. Imposing measures such as the ones mentioned
in respect of bananas is certainly not in keeping with these new realities.
At a time when there is an opening of trade in goods, products and services,
it is contradictory indeed to see efforts made to restrict our banana market
by applying protectionist policies that seem now to be out of date.
Along these same lines, Panama views with optimism the negotiations of
the North American Free Trade Association, which concluded last month. These
negotiations were the result of the Americas Initiative put forward by the
United States of America. That agreement will make possible accession by
other countries in the region. Thus a climate of eguity has been created in
respect of investments, markets and the transfer of technology.
I should like to stress that the free trade agreement could be the
mechanism that, over the short term, will make it possible to promote a plan
for intra-regional free trade. This would redound to the benefit of our
economies and be part of a balanced, competitive plan.
In this forum, I should not fail to touch on our concern over the problem
of drug trafficking. Because of our geographical position and our service
economy, we have unfortunately attracted much of this unlawful and damaging
trade. Consequently, my Government has promoted, and will continue to
promote, serious, responsible action to put an end to drug trafficking and the
laundering of money relating to these activities. We have signed
international agreements and we are negotiating other similar agreements, and

we are carrying out successful internal operations relating to supervision and
detection in order to help undermine any incentives that might exist for this
vile trade in our country.

However, whether we are producer countries, countries used for transit or
consumer countries, the problem affects us all. That is why it is necessary
to reaffirm our determination to fight and curb these activities, for they not
only damage the health of our citizens, but also promote violence and
terrorism, which also deserve our most vigorous condemnation.
Therefore, I take this opportunity to tell the world that Panamanians
leaders and the people are determined allies of all those fighting against
drug trafficking and the crimes resulting from it, which make it such a
reprehensible activity.
In this world forum, I should like to report on actions that Panama is
now taking to take over the administration and operation of our inter-oceanic
canal, in keeping with the 1977 Treaty. Our country will assume full
ownership and autonomous management of the Canal on the last day of this
century. In the meantime, some of the improvements made by the United States
in the inter-oceanic region have been handed over to the Republic of Panama;
other improvements will become Panamanian property when the canal itself is
handed over. My Government has carried out many internal consultations on the
subject and has drawn up the legal framework for the administration and
utilization of these improvements. This is a commitment that Panamanians have
unhesitatingly made to the rest of the world.
Moreover, together with our partner in the Canal the United States - we
are members of a number of national and bi-national commissions preparing for
the transfer of functions at the appointed hour. Finally, in another
commission, made up of Panama, the United States and Japan, alternatives to
the Panama Canal are being studied in order to determine the best way to
ensure the continued competitiveness of our inter-oceanic route in the next
century.

The last decade of this century finds Panama building its future with
optimism. We are strengthening our democratic system and the institutions
that are its foundation. Among other things, we are preparing for an
exemplary electoral process in 1994, ensuring in turn renewal of authority in
keeping with the popular will, openly expressed. We are taking advantage of a
significant recovery of our economy, which will benefit our social
development. With a keen sense of responsibility, we are preparing ourselves
to administer our Canal, from the last day of this century. We are living in
freedom and in peace with our neighbours. Panama today has a future, and it
is promising.
These policies and principles guide our domestic actions and constitute
the guidelines for our international actions. That is why we support all
United Nations actions and initiatives consistent with our principles and
interests.
In this world forum, I urge all countries to promote and consolidate
peace, to foster their development and growth and to guarantee democracy and
justice, for these will help us live together in a better world.


Allow me
to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the General
Assembly at this session. In your election can be seen an unequivocal
indication of rejoicing at the establishment of democracy in your country.
It is also fitting today for us to welcome the States of Armenia,
Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia, Georgia, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of Moldova, San Marino, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and

Uzbekistan to our community of nations. Their participation as Member States
guarantees observance of the principle of universality, an essential element
of the very life and existence of the Organization.
We congratulate Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, to whom my people and country
have had numerous occasions to express their esteem and their hopes, as he
undertakes his difficult and very important mission as the new
Secretary-General, continuing the brilliant work of
Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar.
Last year, taking note of the dizzying acceleration of world events, we
put forward our views on the consequences of the collapse of what was called
the old order that was born during the cold war, and our view regarding the
attitude that the international community should assume in the face of the new
and emerging international situation. We said and today we have even more
reason to reiterate that the spectacular changes in the former distribution
of power would not necessarily lead us to the heralded new international
order, although such changes opened up the possibility of our being able to
achieve strict, rigorous observance of the fundamental principles of the
Charter. That prospect gave us a sense of realistic optimism with regard to
the future, though we never lost sight of all the negative elements in
existence today that stand in the way of the full acknowledgement of the
existence of a true "order".
The success of the effective functioning of the mechanisms of collective
security that were put into operation during the Gulf crisis is not enough.
The important point is, essentially, that each and every one of the States of
the international community should, in accordance with its capability for
action and hence with its responsibilities, adapt its conduct to the

principles of the Charter, which are the basic principles of law and ethics;
and those principles should be strictly complied with, making of that form of
conduct a consistent practice.
This year we find ourselves facing a new and grave quaking of
international security as a result of the outbreak in Europe of the most
brutal conflict to take place on the old continent since the Second World
War. In our view, it is the responsibility of the international community, in
the face of that situation, to ensure the finding of a solution that goes
beyond the national interests involved and beyond consideration of our
geographical distance from or proximity to the conflict.

We view with grave concern the atrocities that have been committed, the
reports of the concentration of civilians in detention camps, as well as the
horrendous violations of human rights and the persistent disregard for
international humanitarian law that are taking place in that region.
We see how cardinal principles of international law are being violated,
such as territorial integrity and sovereignty, which leads to disregard for
the true and genuine meaning of self-determination. Furthermore, we view with
alarm the extraordinary introduction of the racial factor into international
relations and the emergence of the invocation of doctrines such as that of
"ethnic cleansing" to justify serious violations of international law and of
human rights.
We therefore once again most forcefully reiterate our condemnation of
those practices and our exhortation to implement steps collectively worked
out, in the context of international law, that enhance the effectiveness of
United Nations mechanisms across the board.
The decision adopted by the General Assembly on 19 September as to the
status of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) in the
United Nations was supported by Uruguay. It was the only position that could
indeed be taken in the light of the circumstances. This did not involve a
case of exclusion, nor a situation such as those envisaged under Articles 5
and 6 in the Charter, but rather involved the finding that it was impossible,
on the basis of incontrovertible facts, that that State could automatically
take over the seat of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
This means that the new State will have to apply for admission as a Member of
the United Nations, pursuant to the provisions of Article 4 of the Charter.

The situation in that region, along with the tragedy being endured in
Somalia and elsewhere, compels us to reaffirm the duty, based on the
principles of solidarity and cooperation, to provide humanitarian aid. That
duty, which implies an acknowledgement of the corresponding right, must be
conceived of and implemented within the context of international law, without
doing violence to other essential principles. Humanitarian aid must be
decided upon by competent international bodies, by implementation of law, and
must not serve as a cover for disguised or veiled forms of unlawful
intervention, whether on an individual or a collective basis.
We welcome the encouraging turn that in recent weeks has been taking
place in the talks aimed at bringing the peace process in the Middle East back
on track. The traditional and unswerving friendship of the Uruguayan people
with the Arab and Jewish peoples, along with the excellent diplomatic
relations our Government maintains with the Arab countries and with the State
of Israel, are all factors that induce us to lend our vigorous support to the
common guest for peace in that region, a peace that must be based on
guaranteed security for all the States in the region, on respect for
territorial integrity, on the right to self-determination of all peoples and
on the full applicability of human rights.
The Government of Uruguay here reaffirms its determination to contribute
to peaceful and harmonious fellowship between Arabs and Jews, both essential
protagonists of civilization, and reaffirms as well its commitment to
deepening its ties with the States of the Middle East.
We have before us an invaluable working document prepared by the
Secretary-General. That document, with whose principles and approach we fully
agree, gives rise to thoughts that we cannot fail to voice here.

In this day and age, faced as we are with the global dimensions of the
problems of peace and security, and confronted with situations that demand
universal answers situations that it is impossible to cope with through
partial or territorially limited approaches, such as issues relating to the
environment, drug trafficking and terrorism we must rethink the question of
sovereignty: not so as to weaken its essence, which continues to represent
the underpinning of our international Organization, but rather to adapt it to
current requirements, which are necessary for us to build a world based on
peace and solidarity, and to act on the basis of the defence and protection of
the interests of the global community as a whole, a precept that, according to
Francisco de Vitoria, lies at the roots of the rights of peoples. This
concept of humanitarianist universalism precludes the recognition of any
legitimacy in the exercise of power by any individual Power outside the
framework of international law.
The report entitled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/227) presents in an
organic and intelligent fashion a set of proposals to implement, within the
new international context, a systematic process of preventive diplomacy. We
fundamentally share its goals and the essential aspects of the global view
upon which it draws.
We must give the Secretary-General the political backing he needs for him
to act with the necessary flexibility and effectiveness, in line with the
concepts that he has set forth.
We agree with the need to seek a greater balance between the Security
Council and the General Assembly. Moreover, we welcome the fact that this
report incorporates a proposal that Uruguay has always advocated, namely the
wish that all our Member States unreservedly accept the competency of the
International Court of Justice.

We do not doubt the need to strengthen peace-keeping operations. In that
connection, our country intends to preach by example. Uruguay has now
increased to unprecedented levels the number of members of its armed forces
and police forces made available to the United Nations, as measured against
the size of our military forces and our population. By way of example, more
than 900 members of our armed forces are currently participating in the
peace-keeping operations in Cambodia, and a general from our Republic is
commanding the United Nations contingent in Kashmir.
To consolidate and guarantee international security, there can be no
delay in moving ahead with the process of disarmament that is currently under
way. It must be expanded integrally in breadth and in depth.
We must halt any new spiralling of the arms race, whether this be on the
global, regional or local level. Along those lines, Latin America and the
Caribbean have been marking this particular phase in the evolution of
international relations with a noteworthy effort to complete what in and of
itself already constitutes a vast zone of peace.

I should like to highlight the notable effort undertaken by Latin
America, in which Uruguay has participated actively from the very outset, to
amend the Tlatelolco Treaty in such a way as to enable Cuba to sign it,
Argentina to ratify it and Brazil and Chile to submit their reservations to
it. These amendments, which have already been adopted and have also resulted
in France's ratification of Additional Protocol I, have ensured that the first
nuclear-weapon-free zone, covering all of Latin America and the Caribbean, has
come into real, total and full existence.
Uruguay firmly supports the adoption of the Convention on chemical
weapons developed by the Disarmament Conference.
The mushrooming of regional armed conflicts compels us to give thought to
new or renewed forms of cooperation in and coordination of world-wide and
regional efforts to resolve differences and to enable us to act in the face of
threats to and aggression against peace and security. Latin America, which
today is a continent of peace and is resolving territorial or border disputes
by legal and peaceful means, where there are no morbid outbreaks of xenophobia
and racial hatred, and which is fighting, as never before in its history, to
solve the problems of its indigenous peoples and of human rights, has a
particular talent for setting up this necessary world-wide and regional
coordination. The recent judgment handed down by the International Court of
Justice concerning a territorial dispute between Honduras and El Salvador, and
accepted by both parties; the submission to an arbitration tribunal of a
border dispute between Argentina and Chile; and the new and positive spirit
reigning in the dialogue between Ecuador and Peru aimed at solving the
long-standing conflict that has pitted these two fraternal countries against
each other bear witness to the example Latin America is setting.

The duty all the States that make up the international community have to
guarantee and protect human rights does not flow only from the international
obligations that result from treaties in force; respect for human rights is
born of the United Nations Charter and of the Universal Declaration.
Furthermore, it is a principle of jus cogens which, if violated, entails
international answerability and renders null all legal instruments contrary to
this imperative law which originates in the will of the international
community as a whole. The protection of human rights at world and regional
levels has made signal progress in the law of nations of today, and the
process of improvement must continue.
It is not, however, solely by developing international instruments for
the protection of human rights that we shall achieve generalized respect for
human rights. We must work hard to universalize a culture of human rights
that would uproot from people's minds and behaviour intolerance, violence,
hatred, and contempt for the dignity that each and every individual on the
planet naturally has. The affirmation and dissemination of that culture of
human rights is the great challenge that mankind must meet in the decades
ahead.
The resurgence amongst us, in what for us is the cradle of Western
civilization, of racism, racial intolerance and animosity rooted in ethnic,
religious and cultural differences is cause for great alarm. These
manifestations are compounded by episodes, not that far distant
geographically, of forced population transfers, the appearance of detention
camps and the commission of atrocities and practices that once again amount to
a shameful blot on our contemporary civilization. The international community
cannot close its eyes to these things, nor fail to act in the face of this
terrible and unacceptable situation.

Uruguay hopes that the holding of the forthcoming World Conference on
Human Rights will be a historic landmark for the future in terms of respect
for fundamental human rights and freedoms.
Global stability is generally and permanently threatened by the vast
amount and extent of grinding poverty. Apart from the fundamental, ethical
reasons that inspire us all, there are security considerations that should
make us tackle this widespread situation as a whole. This is why the
countries of Latin America and the Caribbean have decided to support the
initiative put forward by our sister republic of Chile that a world summit on
social development should be held in 1995. We welcome the fact that this
concern caused this initiative to be included in the "Agenda for Peace"
(A/47/277) put before us by the Secretary-General, and that it has been
approved by the Economic and Social Council.
Because of its modi operandi that pay no attention to frontiers and
because of the way it is organized, drug trafficking has become one of the
most serious types of international crime. Uruguay insists that this form of
modern-day aggression must be combated in all its various phases and
manifestations. The capacity of the United Nations to act must be
strengthened in such a way as to complement and assist the concerted action
which our own countries must take by means of regional as much as global
bilateral and multilateral instruments.
The need to achieve economic development on terms compatible with
conserving the environment is a priority objective for our country. We are
concerned at the fact that the Rio Conference did not result in the adoption
of more specific and effective commitments. What concerns us far more,
however, is the risk that the principles enshrined in the Rio Declaration and

in the programme of action agreed upon in Agenda 21 might remain a kind of
catalogue of good intentions without any practical and effective application.
The solemn adoption of those documents, and even the signing of the
Conventions on biodiversity and climatic change, which Uruguay will shortly
ratify, are not going to halt the progressive deterioration in the
environment. Although those documents are major contributions, the polluting'
activities that threaten our present and jeopardize our future have not
stopped with their signing and will not stop once their hopefully rapid entry
into force has occurred.

We are all aware that the success or the failure of the process of the
United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) hinges on the
total and effective implementation of those commitments.
The road to Rio was difficult. However, more arduous still will be the
road to be travelled from Rio on. States will have to shoulder their legal
responsibilities and to implement the actual measures laid down in Agenda 21.
Governments will have to agree to transform into legally binding obligations
the principles of conduct, liability and compensation emanating from the
Stockholm Declaration and later endorsed and developed in the Rio Declaration,
which are considerably more than moral obligations. While today they are
obligations stemming from international ordinary law, they are, moreover,
authentic criteria embodied in jus cogens, and are valid eroa omnes.
However, notwithstanding the foregoing, it is time to avoid ambiguous
interpretations as to the real juridical value of these obligations. The
President of Uruguay, in his address delivered at the Rio Conference, stated
the determination of my country to propose the codification of those
principles in a binding legal instrument. We will consider the most opportune
time and place for giving practical effect to our initiative, even
contributing a draft convention.
At the same time, this approach will have to be complemented by
implementation of the plan of action agreed upon in Agenda 21. We know this
objective implies collecting huge financial resources and adopting large-scale
measures of technology transfers. We trust that the developed countries that
have accepted the principle of shared but differentiated responsibility will
find the political will needed for taking the lead in this effort. While
appearing to be a great sacrifice, this action is an investment that brooks no
delay for preserving the present and ensuring the future.

Specific proof of Uruguay's priority interest in environmental problems
is that we have agreed that the next meeting of the Contracting Parties to the
Basel Convention on Toxic and Hazardous Wastes should be held in our country.
The changes that have been progressively noted in the political arena
stand in dramatic contrast to the adverse trends that are ever more
exacerbating international economic relations. We view with concern the fact
that the crucial issue of development would appear to have been relegated to
the back-burner amongst issues on the international economic agenda.
Just as early in the 1980s the problem was the external debt situation in
the developing countries, at the beginning of the 1990s one can say that it is
the inconsistencies in the macroeconomic and trade policies that jeopardize
world economic growth and international monetary stability.
While the developing countries are redoubling their efforts at achieving
adjustment, liberalization, deregulation and adaptation to new world
realities, recessionary trends and low rates of growth in the industrialized
countries, their bloated budgetary deficits, their increasing levels of
indebtedness, the resurgence of their protectionist policies and the lack of
coordination among their monetary and parity policies are factors creating
major counterweights to any revitalization of the world economy, to any
increase in trade and change in trade policy and to world-wide capital flows.
All this highlights the need for a better analysis and greater
coordination of economic policies the world over.
In recent years we have witnessed a major process of reorganization in
world trade, owing to two major trends unfolding side by side. On the one
hand, efforts have been made in the context of the Uruguay Round aimed at
guaranteeing an open international marketplace through a process of

liberalizing and expanding trade, while strengthening multilateral rules and
discipline within the context of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT). On the other hand, great economic blocs have emerged, in whose hands
are concentrated most of the world's wealth, major trade flows, investment
flows and flows of technological know-how. If these blocs wish to move
towards development and general progress, they will have to evolve as open
markets.
I am convinced this evolution will depend on what happens or fails to
happen in the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations of GATT, which
today have become all but paralysed and are seriously jeopardized.
Failure in the Uruguay Round would be very serious and would trigger
serious adverse repercussions for the world economy as a whole. It would send
an extremely negative signal to economic operators, would open the doors to
unilateralism and to relations based upon power, and would lead to an
escalation of protectionism and an intensification of trade conflicts.
Thus, we must urgently call upon all participants in the Uruguay Round
and, in particular, to those countries responsible for the main disagreements
pending, to join their efforts and to make their positions more flexible so as
to conclude the negotiations quickly and satisfactorily, with equitable
results that would promote the liberalization of trade and avoid protectionist
discrimination.
Within the United Nations, the current process of revitalization and
restructuring the Organization in the economic and social fields must be seen
as constructive. In this regard, we welcome the results of the eighth session
of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and those
of the first meeting of the revamped Economic and Social Council, held in
New York last July.

This process of revitalization must be pursued and intensified. The
United Nations cannot stay on the sidelines of policy formulation with regard
to the most important economic, financial and trade issues. What is urgently
needed is a determined effort aimed at institutional and operational
revitalization and the restoration of the indispensable credibility of the
United Nations so that the Organization can fill the great institutional void
that currently exists in the field of international economic relations and can
successfully discharge its responsibilities.
Only thus will we manage to lay the groundwork for the more constructive
and effective international cooperation that would make it possible to halt
and reverse the adverse trends that prevail in the economic field. In this
regard, my country gives particular importance to the role UNCTAD is called
upon to play as the forum to further international economic relations that are
conducive to development.

I cannot fail to mention the major effort my country has been making,
together with Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay, to establish a common market of
the South in 1995. The various processes laid down in the Treaty of Asuncion
and in the timetable adopted by the Presidents of the four States parties at
the meeting in Las LeSas, Argentina, are being fully implemented. Thus, the
process of subregional integration has already become the axis round which
revolve our policies of development, renewal, openness and modernization,
prompting us to look to the future with renewed optimism and conviction.
Uruguay, a State that cherishes peace, a founding Member of the United
Nations, respectful of a democratic and pluralist law based on solidarity, is
today taking part in this Assembly in the same spirit as always determined
to cooperate in building a world governed by the law of nations, just and
peace-loving, with a universal international Organization capable of ensuring
development and human rights while effectively and actively guaranteeing peace
and security.