1.	 Mr. President, it is an honour to extend to you on behalf of the delegation of Senegal and on my own behalf, our warmest congratulations and best wishes, as well as those of the Government and people of Senegal, on the occasion of your election as President of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. We well know your great abilities and your vast experience, and we rely upon them for the success of this important session. In electing you the General Assembly has also paid a tribute to your country and its people for the important role they have played in affirming the policy of non-alignment and in promoting peace and security throughout the world. I can assure you that my delegation will give you its complete support in the discharge of your heavy duties.
2.	On this occasion may I express my whole-hearted gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, a most talented diplomat and esteemed international personality, for the great services he has rendered our Organization and in particular for the competence and devotion with which he worked on the problems the General Assembly had before it in 1976.
3.	It is also a pleasure for me to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts on behalf of the world community to strengthen the chances of peace in the world and to give our Organization its proper place and role. The re-election of the Secretary- General is proof, if any were needed, of the complete confidence the international community places in him. I beg him to accept our most sincere congratulations.
4.	The delegation of Senegal is participating in the present session of the General Assembly in the determination to contribute to the solution of the problems on our agenda so that the United Nations may rise to the challenge of the hopes the peoples have legitimately placed in it.
1.	It is, indeed, the duty of the United Nations to be an Organization in which the States of the entire world have an opportunity to be heard and to affirm their rights and their interests in complete freedom and security. This is particularly important for small nations, whose aim is to preserve their national independence while contributing to large-scale international co-operation.
2.	It is therefore a pleasure for my delegation to congratulate the Republic of Djibouti on its admission to this world Organization. We wish that brother country much success, and we are fully prepared to co-operate with it to our mutual benefit in accordance with the principle of respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of each.
3.	Senegal also associates itself with those States which have expressed their pleasure at seeing the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam finally admitted to our Organization. We have always striven to that end, spurred on by our faith in the principle of universality of the United Nations and the need to take action so that the Organization may represent all peoples and all the countries of the world, whatever their economic systems.
4.	With your permission, I shall now address myself to the main subjects on the agenda of this session which have been given particular attention by the Government of the Republic of Senegal. These items relate to decolonization, the maintenance of international peace and security, international economic co-operation and respect for human rights.
5.	As regards decolonization, Senegal's position has always been consistent. Indeed, long before the attainment of independence by many States in the 1960s, Senegalese leaders were among the first to affirm the right of peoples to self-determination, and our country participated in the drafting of resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960.
6.	Senegal regarded the victories won by the peoples of Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Angola, Sao Tome, and Principe, Seychelles and Djibouti as its own. These victories have contributed much to strengthening-the cause of the freedom and independence of Africa and have profoundly shaken the last bastions of colonialism and racism still persisting on our continent. True, we cannot conceal how difficult is what has still to be done in that respect on our continent. But we are convinced that the demands of peoples for changed conditions of life and for a way out of oppression and poverty are stronger than any violence which reactionary minorities can use and that, while liberation struggles may be held back temporarily by barbaric force, there can be no doubt as to their final victory. In these circumstances, in order to prevent useless bloodshed the Organization must exercise all its influence to assist the peoples in their efforts to achieve independence, social justice and human dignity.
7.	Thus, as regards the question of Mayotte, Senegal and all the members of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] have denounced and continue to denounce the presence of France there. The United Nations should be able to help bring about a speedy solution of this problem before the situation deteriorates completely, with unforeseeable consequences.
8.	As regards the situation in southern Africa, the picture there is a particularly sad one. Not only has our Organization not been able to act promptly to put an end to a situation which threatens international peace and security, but what is more, some of its most powerful Members refuse to assess the element of the tragedy objectively. Need I recall that the United Nations, which was established above all to safeguard international peace and security, is morally bound to take every appropriate measure to put an end to that dangerous situation? In the meantime, an explosion draws near, the struggle becomes more intense and the risk of useless violence and economic disintegration increases.
9.	At any rate, regarding the decolonization of southern Africa, no one can accuse independent Africa of not having warned the international community of the aggravation of the crisis in that part of the world. The President of the Republic of Senegal, Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, in his opening address on 5 January 1976 at the Dakar International Conference on Namibia and Human Rights, declared, inter alia:
"The time has come for the international community to assume its responsibilities. Is it possible that one of its Members can, in its daily conduct, run counter to its purposes and principles without, by so doing, itself bringing into question its ties with the Organization? The provisions of chapter VII of the Charter were drafted for the very purpose of preventing the conduct of any State from disturbing international public order. In the near future clear answers must be given to these questions."
These questions apply to all the parties still under domination in southern Africa.
10.	In Zimbabwe, where Ian Smith claims that his regime serves democracy as defined theoretically by the white man, the actions of the racist minority are in reality the opposite of democracy, because they, the majority, the most elementary human rights, which are the very foundations of democracy.
11.	Thus, because of its resolute support for the principle of total decolonization and because of the blindness of the illegal regime of Ian Smith, Senegal firmly supports the freedom fighters who constitute the nucleus of all those who are fighting in Zimbabwe. My country thus proclaims the legitimacy of the struggle of the Zimbabweans with every means at their disposal to secure the enjoyment of their rights through respect for majority rule. Yet we remain open to any initiative which could lead to a negotiated settlement of the problem. In particular, we welcome the latest decisions taken by the Security Council within the framework of the Anglo-American plan and we hope that the United Nations will take an active part in the matter so as to bring majority-rule in 1978.
12.	With regard to Namibia, Senegal has always forcefully denounced the South African Government for its persistent refusal to put an end to its illegal occupation of the Territory in accordance with the repeated requests of the Security Council and the General Assembly. My country condemns in the strongest possible terms the efforts made by the South African regime to consolidate its illegal presence by creating an atmosphere of terror and intimidation in the Territory of Namibia and by using tactics based on the inhuman system of apartheid and bantustanization, which is intended to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia.
13.	We are in favour of any measure taken by any country to find a happy and peaceful solution to this problem and in this context we take note of the initiative made by the five Western countries. But, for the action undertaken by the latter to win our complete support, it must in no way undermine the South West Africa People's Organization.
14.	Senegal unreservedly supports the position of SWAPO, which is the genuine representative of the Namibian people and which is totally opposed to any political settlement that does not meet the following prerequisites which were reaffirmed at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held in Libreville in July: the withdrawal of South African military and paramilitary forces from Namibia; the unconditional release of all political prisoners and the return to Namibia of all Namibian exiles; the endorsement of the United Nations Council for Namibia as an interim authority to be appointed for the Territory before its accession to complete independence; and the accession of the Territory to independence within its present boundaries, which include Walvis Bay.
15.	May I take this opportunity to welcome the positive results of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe, which was held at Maputo, Mozambique, from 16 to 21 May, and the United Nations Council for Namibia. Senegal was present at the Maputo Conference and fully supports the proposal to establish a University of Namibia and the convening by the General Assembly of a special session on Namibia. The Maputo Conference undoubtedly constituted a new stage towards the attainment of independence for those two Territories. It is to be hoped that this Assembly will take up the challenge.
16.	With regard to South Africa itself, the massacres at Soweto and its aftermath, which left hundreds of dead and thousands wounded or imprisoned, served to demonstrate that white supremacy does not hesitate to use the most brutal violence, because apartheid is, by its very nature, a system which cannot be maintained other than by force. In the circumstances one might doubt whether there are means other than violence to bring about significant change.
17.	Certainly Senegal continues to support all the resolutions of the OAU, of the non-aligned group and of the United Nations on the question of South Africa. In particular, we welcomed during the thirty-first session of the General Assembly the measures decided upon by the international community, which can be described as a genuine anti-apartheid code. But the problem is not only to adopt resolutions; it is essential to ensure their implementation.
18.	I have discussed Africa at length because it is the continent which I know best. But I am not unaware that our region is not the only one where armed conflicts take place. The situation in the Middle East and in Palestine is one of the most serious problems confronting our world. For many years this question has regularly been included in the agenda of our Assembly, which has considered it in an effort to find a solution, or at least to lessen its gravity. As I had an opportunity to emphasize from this rostrum during the previous session of the General Assembly:
"The most important result reached by the United Nations in this connexion may well be the decision taken by the international community to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization as the only authentic representative of the Palestinian people and to grant it observer status... It has become clear to one and all that the solution to the problems of the Middle East does not lie solely in separating the armed forces confronting each other nor in the partial or total withdrawal from the occupied territories, but rather in the settlement of the fundamental problem"
19.	Along this line of thinking Senegal fully endorsed the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty- first session approving the recommendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. My country considered the recommendations of the Committee as a basis for the solution of the question of Palestine.
20.	My country has always defended, and will continue so to do, the principle of the recovery of the inalienable rights of the Palestinians to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent Palestinian State. The constancy of our policy regarding the Middle East and the Palestine question was recently emphasized again by the President of the Republic of Senegal, Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, when he received Mr. Yasser Arafat at Dakar on 6 June last and said:
"Senegal supports the just cause of the Arabs in general and of the Palestinians in particular. In essence, that is because we are attached to respect for the territorial integrity of States and the dignity of nations we denounce any policy which is based on the oppression of peoples and usurpation of their national rights. That is why Senegal in the United Nations, in the Organization of
African Unity at meetings of the non-aligned countries, and today in the Socialist International, defends the concept of the recovery by the Arabs of their occupied territories, as well as the recognition of the rights of the Palestinians, including in particular the establishment of a Palestinian Arab State on the soil of Palestine. It is obvious that there can be no final peace in the Middle East unless both conditions are met. The ardent desire of Senegal is to have this era of stability come about soon. This justifies all efforts I am making to arrive at this objective in the interest of the parties to the conflict and, in particular, in the interests of our Arab brothers to which we black Africans are linked by so many ties."
21.	Today, while there still are a number of clouds, we continue to hope that wisdom will prevail and will lead the Israelis to respect United Nations resolutions.
22.	As far as Cyprus is concerned, my delegation reaffirms its support for respect for the territorial integrity and non-alignment of that State, and for a resumption of the intercommunal negotiations leading to an egalitarian and harmonious coexistence within it.
23.	The peoples of the third world have chalked up many victories won at great cost against colonialism and imperialism.
24.	Nevertheless, we still are confronted not only with the heinous practices of apartheid and racism as in Africa, but also with new threats to recent independence and territorial integrity, all of which jeopardizes our right to live in freedom and dignity. That means that peace and security are not fully guaranteed to all peoples.
25.	At its thirty-first session the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution reaffirming the inalienable sovereign right of every State to determine freely its political, social and economic system and its relations with other States. At the same time, it denounced any form of interference, and condemned all forms of overt subtle and highly sophisticated techniques of coercion, subversion and defamation aimed at disrupting the political, social or economic order of other States or destabilizing their Governments. But, in fact, peaceful coexistence does not yet extend to all parts of the world.
26.	In this connexion, I would say that detente has generally been presented to the world as a constructive step towards promoting international security by a reduction of tensions. That work has already been begun in Europe as a result of the agreements reached at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Helsinki, but Senegal considers that European security is inseparable from that of the rest of the world, and that genuine peace can never prevail as long as detente is limited to Europe. We will, in fact, always wonder whether this is not a case of mutual accommodation among the great Powers to maintain the status quo of insecurity and instability elsewhere, since their immediate vicinity would be spared, while the theatre of their activities and conflicts would be displaced to other areas, threatening the security and peaceful development of the nations of those regions. A universal reduction of tensions, based on the active participation of all nations, is the best guarantee of international peace and security.
27.	General and complete disarmament is one of the objectives proclaimed by the United Nations for almost three decades, but despite the many initiatives taken by the Organization in this field, the world has witnessed an unrestrained race for supremacy in destructive power.
28.	For its part, Senegal attaches particular importance to measures designed to lessen the danger of nuclear war. This means that the nuclear Powers must put an end to all nuclear weapons testing and continue, in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to negotiate effective measures of nuclear disarmament. This also means that all States of the world must seriously assess the risks of a proliferation of nuclear weapons and shoulder the resulting obligations. And, when nuclear equipment and technology is transferred from one country to another, there must be ways of guaranteeing absolutely that all nuclear energy- produced in the recipient country will be used exclusively for peaceful purposes.
29.	Today, more than $US 300 billion are spent annually for military purposes, while the total for assistance to development given by the rich countries to the poor represents in all only one fifteenth of that sum. These figures already indicate the gigantic and tragic waste of material and human resources in the world, a source of injustice within nations. Obviously, all these expenditures bring us no closer to the desired aim of increased collective security, whereas they could constitute a vast reservoir of resources for the attainment of a new international economic order.
30.	It is easy to grasp that there is a link between disarmament and world development; consequently the role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament must be bolstered.
31.	In that connexion, Senegal welcomes the idea of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament questions. Such a session would allow all States Members to contribute to the strategy for a genuine disarmament, and would mark the beginning of a new and fruitful era for the survival of mankind.
32.	Indeed, it is important to note the fact that resort to force in international relations is linked to the fundamental inequalities which characterize the modern world; it reflects a situation in which the weakest nations are subject to domination and interference on the part of other States.
33.	Accordingly, any instrument designed to promote the non-recourse to force in international relations cannot be dissociated from the task of establishing justice and order in the relations among States. Hence any treaty must include not only provisions prohibiting the recourse to force, but also measures enabling States to prevent the causes of such recourse, as well as procedures for the settlement of disputes, freely accepted by all States.
34.	Of course, such a treaty could in no way affect the right of peoples struggling for their independence to use all means at their disposal, including armed force, pursuant to Article 51 of the Charter and article 6 of the Definition of Aggression.

35.	Technical and economic international co-operation is the essential complement to military security in building a world of peace. In this respect, in recent years the United Nations has been the main forum for discussions on international economic and social solidarity. The Organization has, in fact, taken up a historic challenge by clearly defining the principles which must guide our quest for a more just new international economic order. The priority given to the needs of the poor countries among the concerns of the United Nations allows us to view with optimism the future role of the world Organization.
36.	Be that as it may, it is essentially because of the discussions held within the United Nations that it is now apparent to all, even to the rich countries, that the economic, social and cultural under-development of two thirds of mankind and its aggravation during the last decade, are no accident of history but largely the result of a system of international relations based on domination and exploitation of the weak. Although the recent accession to political independence of countries formerly subject to foreign tutelage has contributed to the retreat of the most visible forms of colonialism, the fact remains that the economically dependent situation of the third world has to a varying extent persisted; in some cases it has even been accentuated in recent years, in proportion to the growing inequalities in income, and hence in well-being, which is characteristic of the present-day world.
37.	An analysis of production and trade conditions among developed and developing countries shows the persistence of the relationship of unequal forces which underlies international relations; it explains the obstinate refusal which for long was the response to the requests of the third world for the organization of the international market in major commodities, the principal resource of the poor countries. This also explains the singular paradox of these raw materials; the recent situation has proved how essential they are to the prosperity of the rich nations, yet they are still undervalued in relation to the capital goods and raw materials which we import from the industrial countries. To take the example of Senegal, even though it is not among the poorest countries; from 1973 to 1975, the average price of our exports rose 57 per cent, while that of our imports rose by 196 per cent. Thus in two years there has been a deterioration of 139 per cent in our terms of trade. Since then, the price of our exports has stagnated or declined, while the average price of imports continues to rise.
38.	It is against that backdrop that Senegal, together with the members of the non-aligned group and the entire third world, calls for a larger contribution on the part of the developed countries to the efforts of the developing countries. This appeal is within the framework of cooperation between developed and third-world countries aimed at setting up a genuine association between them, without delay, for the sake of balanced progress.
39.	Regrettably, this has not yet materialized. Indeed, only a few weeks ago, after the very mediocre results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, the so-called North-South dialogue, at Paris, the Organization for- Economic Co-operation and Development published figures which show that the efforts of the rich countries to help the developing countries continue to decline. Government assistance from the former to the latter declined from 0.36 per cent of their gross national product to 0.33 per cent, while the commitment-of the industrialized countries, which is renewed from year to year, is 0.7 per cent of the gross national product. The more time goes by, the farther we seem to be from that goal, despite the generous declarations of the rich countries.
40.	Among the group of rich countries, the Scandinavian countries are the lone exception, and it is only fair to give due credit to their contribution to the development of the third-world countries.
41.	The rich countries must realize that what is called aid-whether bilateral or multilateral—is not, nor can it be, a permanent solution to the economic problems of the world. The realities of our time require genuine cooperation among rich and poor countries, because it is perfectly obvious that as the number of nations that are consolidating their sovereignty over their national resources is always increasing, interdependence in every sphere of international life is becoming a fact which one must take into account. No country, no group of countries—whatever military or economic power it may have—can completely resolve its problems unilaterally and independently of the rest of the international community. It is therefore urgent for the developed countries to take decisive measures to establish a new international economic order in order to lessen the danger of a confrontation which could threaten the very life of mankind.
42.	At any rate, the United Nations must continue to make sustained efforts to promote a process of real economic and social progress everywhere, in a spirit of international solidarity, so as to arrive at its final objective, namely, peace, justice and social development for all.
43.	-	The quest for peace and justice also implies, first and foremost, respect for human dignity. Through the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the international community assumed the responsibility of making known and defending human rights and of accepting that as a permanent obligation. In the course of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, as I pointed out:
"Unfortunately, a climate of civil and civic violence flouting elementary human rights and condoned more and more by the conscience of men and peoples has arisen almost everywhere since the end of the Second World War. Our Organization, however, has failed to react to such violations, preferring rather to imitate most of the Governments which remain silent, either because they wish to spare the feelings of friendly countries or for ideological, political or other reasons under the pretext of not interfering in the internal affairs of other States.
"The condemnation of such acts of violence is by no means unjustified interference because the respect of human rights is essentials to the establishment of friendly relations and relations of co-operation among States. But our Organization has as one of its tasks, as proclaimed in Article 1 of the Charter, the achievement of international co-operation in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without' distinction as to race, sex, language or religion."

44.	But today, and perhaps more so than in the past, the attitude that seems always to predominate in a number of countries is scorn for the most elementary rights of the individual. Certainly human rights are a delicate subject, because they are of vital importance, and complex, because of their economic, social and political aspects, but we believe that our Organization should as early as possible discuss that problem publicly and openly in the interest of all people, including the leaders themselves, who too often seem to forget that power makes mad and that, in any case, absolute power leads to absolute madness. The events which have taken place in many countries, including the African countries, have shown that it is above all political systems which, by excluding any real possibility of opposition, limit the right of a portion of the population and create barriers to the free expression of equally free thought.
45.	Certainly we are not going to preach anarchy. The construction of a nation, particularly when it emerges from colonial domination, requires some discipline from its citizens and imposes certain duties with respect to the national community. But too often this has been used as a pretext to deprive people of the most elementary freedoms and even to endanger their lives. My country cannot agree with such behaviour and will always refuse to be associated with the silence of complicity which seems to be fashionable today. But in the defence of human rights as well as in other matters, Senegal relies on the wisdom of our Organization.
46.	It is this confidence that we place in the United Nations which leads us at this thirty-second session to reaffirm in all sincerity our commitment and devotion to seeking a permanent solution to the burning issues of our time, so that relations among nations may be based on genuine peaceful coexistence. Conciliation and not conflict, co-operation and not confrontation, must become the rule in these relations. It is only in this manner that our ultimate purpose, which is the establishment of a total and permanent peace with prosperity and justice throughout the world will be attained. To that end a reform of the functioning of our Organization is urgently needed.
47.	In the unceasing change which is the fundamental law of our world—and this "world has never changed as rapidly as it is doing at present—peoples and institutions must adjust to new circumstances and the United Nations is no exception.
48.	The revision, or rather the adaptation, of the Charter to the present international situation, is particularly necessary at a time when many Members consider that the right of the veto is too often used against the rights of the weakest, in violation of the principles stated in the Charter. Thus, the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which met at Colombo in 1976, considered that the hegemony of the great Powers in the Security Council and their use of the veto have lessened the prestige of the United Nations and the importance of its resolutions. Accordingly, that Conference invited States Members of the Organization to review the Charter, particularly with respect to the right of veto.
49.	My delegation renews its support and confidence in the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization, and encourages it actively to continue its work so that it may speedily conclude the task entrusted to it.
50.	And yet, because of the role that it has played and still plays, our Organization, such as it is, remains the support and the hope of small nations and of the less developed nations, among which most of the third-world countries are to be found. And because of this, my country supports the United Nations and assures it of its co-operation in the accomplishment of its historic mission.


106. It is a great honour and privilege for me to be here today to address this assembly of world nations. As numerous representatives and other well-wishers have already done before me, I wish, in the name of the Nigerian Government and people, to convey our heartfelt congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. In view of the length of the agenda, as well as the complexity of the issues before us at this session, we have no doubt that you will have to draw generously upon all those qualities of statesmanship which have marked you out for this unique recognition. In considering also the universally acknowledged position of Yugoslavia as a bastion of the non- aligned concept and your personal calibre as a statesman, we are confident that you will acquit yourself most creditably in the discharge of your onerous duties.
107.	I should like to convey the greetings of the Nigerian Government and people to this Assembly and, in particular, their best wishes for a successful session. This is not simply one more routine annual session of the United Nations General Assembly, but rather one that must rededicate itself anew to those noble principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter and, in particular, to those that express the hope of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, of maintaining international peace and security, of developing friendly relations among States on the basis of equality of sovereignty, and of devising a way to solve existing disputes by peaceful means. It is against that background and in that spirit that we ardently hope that the current session will pursue its task over the next two months. We pledge the full co-operation of the Nigerian delegation in the fulfilment of those objectives in the over-all interests of world peace, justice and security.
108.	It might perhaps be pertinent to recall here that the world of 1977 is a far cry from those eventful days of the immediate post-war period of 1945, when the world, freshly emerged from the nightmare of a carnage unprecedented in human history, ardently desired and sought ways and means to prevent a recurrence of global war. On two occasions within this century mankind indulged in colossal and barbaric destruction of human life and property, only to discover at the end that the interrelationships of peoples must be based on justice, and that any other approach to the interaction of men and nations will sooner or later result in violence and tragedy for mankind.
109.	A substantial part of what has now come to be known as the "third world" was then completely unconcerned with the ideological issues or the historical events that led to the two wars. In the process of the evolution of colonial history after 1945, a different type of struggle on a global scale ensued. During that period only a minority of the nations now represented here today were considered capable of exercising the sovereign attributes that determined the course of human history over the next decade- and-a-half, until the irrepressible cause of human freedom eventually triumphed in the early 1960s, and the erstwhile colonial peoples took their rightful place within this august assembly of nations.
110.	The entire continent of Africa was represented at the historic United Nations Conference on International Organization at San Francisco by three independent States; and that was, moreover, the total African participation in the ceremony of signing the original United Nations Charter by the founding nations, three out of a grand total of 51 Member States.
111.	But the world has changed since then, and African States now constitute nearly one third of this prestigious Organization. Besides, if one considers the inherent imperfection of all human institutions, and the self-evident fact that all man-made institutions are subject to change, it seems quite clear that the newly independent nations of the third world in general, and of Africa in particular, are now grossly under-represented in practically all the major organs of the United Nations. Our struggles for a review of the relevant provisions of the Charter that would lead to a more equitable representation of nations on the basis of present- day realities will continue unabated, and we are confident that, given the necessary political will on all sides, this objective can be achieved.
112.	But Africa's struggles, and the struggles of the entire third world, go far beyond the cause of equitable representation within United Nations organs. They transcend the limited objectives of the United Nations Charter, touching as they do on the very foundations of justice and human freedom. Since its inception the idea of the United Nations and its system have been continuously subjected to intellectual and physical attack from all quarters and shades of opinion in spite of the self-evident nature of the superiority of justice over injustice, of peace over violence, and of freedom over bondage.
113.	At this point I should like to refer to the cause of decolonization and the eradication of racism from those parts of Africa that are still labouring under the oppressive rule of colonialism and of intransigent minority regimes.
114.	In Zimbabwe alone we have witnessed with dismay the strange phenomenon, unprecedented in recent colonial history, of a minority white regime in rebellion against the colonizing Power, and getting away with it for 12 years despite all the efforts to persuade the administering Power to acknowledge and discharge its obligations to the 6 million indigenous people, who continue to be denied their basic human rights in defiance of the Charter of our Organization. All our appeals have been met with half-hearted measures, and the invention of superficial economic sanctions that are full of loop-holes. Today, therefore, the racist regime in rebellion can still boast that the white minority has a more viable economy and enjoys a higher standard of living. But it still has to contend with the unwavering dedication, patriotism and grim determination of the nationalist liberation movements. The nationalists and freedom fighters will continue to stand ready to pay the supreme sacrifice rather than live ignominiously in perpetual bondage. Their cause is just, and their struggles sacred. Their sacrifices will not be in vain, because time is on their side and Africa stands by them, and they enjoy the full solidarity of all freedom-loving peoples throughout the world. In this regard it is necessary to emphasize once again that the Nigerian Government and people are totally committed to the cause of freedom and justice in that part of our continent. This we consider as a duty that must be performed, and we are determined to restore the honour and dignity that belong to that continent and to all its inhabitants, at whatever cost.
115.	I must also place on record here once again the appreciation of the Nigerian Government and people for the laudable role which the United Nations has played in the past, and has continued to play, so that even in southern Africa the basic right of man to freedom may be quickly restored. The United Nations archives are rich and overflowing with resolutions about ending the illegal regime in Rhodesia so that a free Zimbabwe may be born. The good intentions behind most of these resolutions have never been in doubt, and we would probably have achieved a positive result by now but for the combination of open support of the illegal regime by their fellow racists of South Africa and the clandestine support or tacit sabotage by those who profess to believe in democracy at home but prefer to espouse the cause of fascism in Africa.
116.	It is equally important that we mention in this regard the current proposals jointly made by the United Kingdom and the United States of America for a peaceful settlement in Rhodesia, otherwise known as the Anglo-American proposals, and recently made public in broad outline form. We have given very careful and exhaustive consideration to these proposals, and our view is that, in spite of obvious defects and weakness, mostly of an ambiguous nature, the proposals may well deserve to be given a chance. In working out the detailed implementation of these proposals these defects and weaknesses must be removed. For this reason among others, we have supported the steps taken by the Security Council to authorize the Secretary-General to appoint a representative in Rhodesia as required in these proposals. We note with satisfaction the expeditious steps taken so far.
117.	Having said this, however, I consider it imperative to sound a note of warning that Nigeria will never be party to any solution in Zimbabwe that could be remotely interpreted as a sell-out of the 6 million people of that land. Our objective is, unequivocally, a surrender of power by the minority to the majority of the population. We have, therefore, naturally condemned all manoeuvres, such as the frantic search by the rebel regime for a so-called international settlement, as totally unacceptable.
118.	And finally on this point, we should like to record warm tributes to the constructive role that the independent States adjacent to Rhodesia, otherwise known as the front-line States, have continued to play in the search for a solution there, by peaceful negotiations if possible, and through the barrels of guns if necessary.
119.	The former League of Nations Trust Territory of South West Africa, now Namibia under United Nations administration but still illegally occupied by the Vorster regime of South Africa, is one other area of our continent with which we are profoundly preoccupied. We believe, too, that the United Nations is equally preoccupied with events within the Territory on account of the special responsibility imposed on us for the suffering people of Namibia by the termination of South Africa's Mandate over the Territory, which has been so grossly abused. We are greatly encouraged by the enthusiasm which the Secretary-General has shown in his efforts to reassert United Nations control over the Territory and we can only hope that these efforts, in combination with the current dialogue by some Member States with the Vorster regime, will persuade the racists of South Africa of the utter futility of trying to stem the tide of freedom in southern Africa. We salute the leaders of SWAPO and-pay warm tributes to the devotion of that Organization and its determination to free Namibia from illegal occupation. We wish to assure this Assembly that we in Nigeria will not relax our efforts to see Namibia free. We look forward therefore to welcoming Namibia here next year to the comity of sovereign and independent nations.
120.	African liberation efforts will, of course, never be complete until the 18 million non-white people inside South Africa itself are free from the clutches of the minority racist regime. This case of man's inhumanity to man that continues to be perpetuated in South Africa is unparalleled within any other civilized society of modern times. In the context of apartheid the black man is considered subhuman, and he has been subjected to all forms of indignity in his own land—in order, we are told paradoxically, to defend Christendom and Western civilization. While the events in Sharpeville remain fresh in our minds, we are living witnesses to indescribable horrors perpetrated against innocent and defenceless youth and students in Soweto and other segregated areas of black concentration in South Africa. But the youths of Soweto have proved beyond any doubt—if anyone ever doubted— that a people's yearnings for freedom and human dignity cannot be suppressed by force of arms or by sheer intimidation. We have seen Hitler fall, and the history books are replete with accounts of the fall of similar dictators. We are firmly determined, therefore, that the case of Vorster's totalitarian regime in South Africa shall not prove an exception.

121.	The South African regime, of course, has been turned into a military power in Africa by those who would rather secure the economic and so-called strategic advantages of the Cape than consider the more legitimate yearnings of an oppressed people for justice and human dignity. At the recent World Conference for Action against Apartheid, which Nigeria had the honour and privilege of arranging in collaboration with the United Nations, we served notice to all such double-dealers, and in particular to the multinational companies, that they would have to decide to choose between our hospitality and their adventurism by which they prop up the oppressive regime in South Africa. This is a solemn undertaking of the Nigerian Government and I should like to repeat here that we have established an economic intelligence unit which will provide necessary information and recommend action against such collaborators with the racist regimes, who at the same time avail themselves of the hospitality and magnanimity of our people and the benefits of our economy.
122.	If I have dwelt at such length in my statement on the question of freedom and human dignity in southern Africa it is because this issue occupies a central and unique position in the Nigerian Government's policies. But this is not to say that we are not concerned with such other pressing international issues as disarmament, the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, the creation of a new and more equitable world economic order, the so-called North-South dialogue and the interplay of great Power rivalries in Africa and the Middle East.
123.	We have noted with satisfaction that steps are being taken to convene sometime in the coming year a special session of this Assembly on the vexed and seemingly intractable problem of disarmament, a solution to which, although urgent, has proved so elusive for us all these many years past. I note with particular satisfaction in this regard that Nigeria has the honour of participating in the preparatory work, and we look forward anxiously to a positive outcome at both the special session and the world conference that might eventually follow.
124.	The reasons for our anxiety over the question of disarmament and our serious concern in this regard derive, of course, from the recognition that if the unbridled race in the production of weapons of mass destruction and mutual annihilation between the super-Powers were to continue at the present pace we should be faced with the near certainty of a third world war, with all the attendant tragedy and human suffering that it would imply. In the eventuality of a nuclear holocaust there would probably be no victors, and the human race as a whole would be the loser since the generalized destruction that would result would obviously recognize no political barriers. We hope, therefore, that the gravity of the threat posed to world peace and security is equally well recognized by the super-Powers and that the time will soon come when the valuable resources at present devoted to such a dangerous pursuit will be more fruitfully deployed for the greatest good of the greatest section of mankind.
125.	In this regard I am encouraged by the growing detente among the super-Powers. Such co-operation in technological, economic and other fields is the surest way to develop mutual confidence through interdependence, to lead to less tension, and to encourage disarmament.
126.	The same remarks are equally applicable to the noble intentions that inspired the signatories to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. It is also essential to add here a note of caution: while we of the third world fully appreciate the wise objectives behind this Treaty we shall not sit down as helpless onlookers while the means of nuclear technology are being tacitly transferred to delinquent and racist enemies in South Africa. We condemn such collaboration with the apartheid regime, from whatever quarter, as strongly as We are determined that the rest of Africa shall not be found a sitting duck for racist aggression if and when such an eventuality should ever arise.
127.	It is our ardent hope and desire that Africa shall remain a nuclear-free zone, provided of course that this hope is not rendered naive by the merchants of horror and the enemies of humanity.
128.	I believe it is hardly necessary to repeat here again that the vast majority of our nations in the third world have chosen the path of non-alignment as a philosophy in the conduct of our foreign policy. This means, in essence, that we welcome the friendship and co-operation of all the nations on the basis of mutual respect and complete sovereign equality. We therefore have the greatest pleasure to welcome the assumption by the heroic Republic of Viet Nam of its rightful place in this assembly of nations.
129.	I commenced this address by referring to the Objective of our Organization, as enshrined in the Charter, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. In our view, this must be interpreted to include also the urgent need for peace, human rights and human dignity, all of which are inextricably tied up to tile restoration of economic justice and the establishment of a more equitable world economic order, Here again, it is our view that the fortunes of all nations in the modern world are totally interdependent; that, were the present economic inequalities between the rich and poor nations to continue unchecked, we would be facing a bleak future; and that ultimate prospects under these conditions could hardly be less menacing than those of a nuclear war. It is for this reason that we welcome the apparent commitment of the North-South dialogue to find a more equitable order that would end, once and for all, our present division into "haves" and "have-nots". We should all hope and pray that the United Nations will continue its present admirable role in this regard, particularly with regard to raising the living standards of those millions of people in the under
Developed nations of the world who are still living precariously below the subsistence level.
130.	We in Africa are profoundly concerned about the tussle for areas of political and military influence by the great Powers on our continent, which have tended to deny us the right and ability to settle purely internal African problems in the African way. Examples of foreign intervention at present exist in large numbers in that easily destabilized continent, and I need not mention any specific cases here.
131.	I do wish to mention, however, the case of the equally uncertain prospects for peace in the Middle East where the State of Israel has doggedly held on to Arab lands conquered by force of arms. Nigeria is unequivocally opposed to any expansionist policy by any one State against the territory of another, and we have therefore given full support to the deprived Arabs in their efforts to recover their territorial integrity. This we shall continue to do until Israel vacates every inch of the territory it acquired by force of arms and until the world has duly recognized that the Palestinians, too, are entitled to a homeland of their own, in exercise of their right of self-determination.
132.	In conclusion, may I say once again how greatly I value and appreciate this unique opportunity to participate in the work of the current thirty-second session of the General Assembly of our great Organization, and to share with you our thoughts on some of the various burning issues on your agenda.


132.	At the outset of my statement I should like, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, to express deep feelings of sympathy and condolences to the Government and the people of the Yemen Arab Republic on the sad occasion of the sudden and tragic deaths of Mr. Ibrahim Mohamed Al-Hamdi, the President of the Yemen Arab Republic, and his brother.
133.	Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to convey to you the sincerest congratulations of my delegation on your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly My delegation is confident that your well-known qualities of wisdom and good judgment will enable you to preside successfully over our deliberations. In extending its congratulations to you. Sir, my delegation also expresses to you its assurance of full co-operation in the spirit of the policy of non-alignment to which both our Governments are committed. We wish you every success in fulfilling the tasks of your high office.
134.	I should also like on this occasion to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, for his valuable efforts in the service of the United Nations during his presidency of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
135.	The untiring, efforts of Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim for the promotion of peace and progress have rightly earned him the high esteem of the Member States. I wish to associate myself with the many speakers before me who have paid a tribute to the Secretary-General in appreciation of his work in the interest of humanity.
136.	The corner-stone of my Government's foreign policy is its belief that neither regional nor international peace can be secured unless peoples under colonial or alien rule are granted the right to self-determination. It is on the basis of this belief that my Government has consistently supported the legitimate struggle of peoples to attain independence and to take charge of their own destinies. The consistency and determination with which we championed the cause of the people of Djibouti throughout its long struggle to be free from colonial rule is known to all. It is therefore with great satisfaction and joy that we extend a fraternal welcome to the Republic of Djibouti as it takes its rightful place in the community of nations. We are confident that the deep-rooted historical, ethnic and cultural ties which link our peoples will ensure continued goodwill and friendly co-operation between our two States.
137.	The struggle of the Vietnamese people for freedom from foreign domination and for national unity was an epic one. We express our satisfaction at the accession to United Nations membership of the Republic of Viet Nam after an unnecessarily long delay, and we extend our good wishes for the future of its people.
138.	The Middle East is an area where contempt for equal rights and the self-determination of peoples has led to a serious situation which poses an ever-present threat to International peace and security The usurpation of Arab lands by the Zionists through various means over the years can be seen today in the acceleration of the plan for the de facto annexation of yet another area of Arab territory—the West Bank.
139.	My Government believes it is of the highest importance that the General Assembly condemn, without reservations and without a dissenting voice, Israel's attempt to change the demographic and political character of Arab territories through the establishment of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, on the Golan Heights, in the Gaza Strip and in Sinai.
140.	The Palestinian question is at the heart of the Middle East conflict. My Government wishes to reaffirm its continued support for the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. While we welcome the momentum towards the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East and the growing acceptance of the principles on which the Conference should be based, we do not believe that this should be an end in itself. There are basic and fundamental principles that must first be recognized if a peaceful, just and lasting settlement is to be achieved. We firmly believe that full participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization in a reconvened Geneva Conference is essential for any meaningful progress towards peace.
141.	The long preoccupation of the United Nations with the problems of southern Africa reflects the enduring relevance of the Charter's emphasis on the equal rights and the self-determination of peoples. Despite the large body of resolutions on southern Africa, this Organization remains ineffective in implementing its own decisions and in assuming its responsibilities under the Charter.
142.	The lack of political will to pursue vigorously the application of internationally sanctioned principles encourages the racist minority regimes to persevere in their defiance and allows the traditional allies of racism to continue their collaboration with impunity.
143.	In South' Africa, the economic co-operation and friendly relations of its trading partners have not helped in the fight against apartheid, nor brought stability. On the contrary, they have strengthened it. The murder of prominent political personalities and of schoolchildren, and the atrocities committed against the people continue unabated.
144.	If the situation in South Africa was a potential threat to peace almost 20 years ago—as the Security Council concluded at that time—it is certainly a real threat to peace today
145.	Having supplied South Africa not only with sophisticated weapons and their patents, but also with nuclear power, its trading partners now express surprise and alarm because the monster they created has the capacity to produce and test nuclear weapons.
146.	If the United Nations action against South Africa is to have any meaning or effect, the international community, and in particular the powerful friends of the racist regime, should have the moral courage fully to assume their responsibilities under the Charter and to implement the decisions of the Organization.
147.	The liberation of Zimbabwe is another source of deep concern to my Government. Unfortunately, the situation there has been allowed to drag on interminably over the years and to deteriorate to the point where it constitutes a distinct threat to peace and security in the region.
148.	The reality of the situation is that no matter how much the Smith regime and its supporters twist and manoeuvre, majority rule will inevitably be established.
149.	My Government fully supports all efforts aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the problem in conformity with the principles of the Charter. Such efforts must not, however, be allowed to prolong the racist minority domination of Zimbabwe, nor should they compromise the aspirations of its people for genuine independence.
150.	In conformity with our policy in the past, my Government will continue to support to the fullest extent possible the liberation forces of the people of Zimbabwe so long as the intransigence of the minority regime and the realities of the situation render armed struggle necessary.
151.	With respect to Namibia, the illegal presence of South Africa in a Territory with international status and the racist domination of its people constitute aggression against Namibia.

152.	In recent months we have been informed about initiatives that have been taken by certain States to bring about a settlement of the problem. In the view of my Government, the United Nations would renege on its responsibilities if it failed to obtain, inter alia: first, a resumption of United Nations responsibility for Namibia by the establishment of an interim United Nations administration of the Territory; secondly, the termination of South Africa's administration of the Territory before the interim administration is set up; thirdly, the complete withdrawal of South Africa's troops from Namibia before an exercise in self-determination is conducted; fourthly, the territorial integrity of Namibia, including Walvis Bay.
153.	My Government hopes that there will not be a repetition of the sterile ultimatums, the successive periods of grace, and the vetoing of meaningful resolutions which have frustrated the will of the majority of Member States. We trust that South Africa's friends on the Security Council will give their powerful support to the only kind of pressure which the Vorster regime understands and which the situation merits: measures under Chapter VII of the Charter.
154.	I shall briefly touch upon the international economic situation. The slow pace of efforts to establish a new world economic order constitutes yet another threat to world stability. My Government regrets that the Paris talks, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, while achieving some progress, fell far short of reaching internationally established goals.
155.	Our world today is characterized by ever-growing interaction and interdependence of which the rising expectations of the peoples of the poorer nations for a better life and the tremendous technological capabilities and productive capacities of the developed nations are the essential components. In this respect, while the developing countries themselves should exert maximum efforts for speedy development, it is necessary that the advanced nations agree to utilize their resources and technical know-how for others to develop in turn their own resources without exploitation.
156.	Another matter which needs careful study and resolute action is the growing protectionism of the industrial States. This unfortunate development could well invalidate any progress made towards equalizing the conditions of world trade.
157.	My delegation hopes that the more widely representative forum of the General Assembly will be able, during its present session, to come to grips with the issues which still present obstacles to the establishment of a just and equitable world economic order.
158.	In this connexion, better terms of trade established through commodity prices and easier access to markets, the improved quality and increased flow of aid on concessional terms, easing of indebtedness and monetary facilities, sharing of technology and the accruing benefits, and a host of other equally important related issues constitute the necessary prerequisites for the attainment of the desired order.
159.	There are many situations obtaining in the world today where peace has either been shattered or rendered precarious as a result of the denial of the right to self-determination. I have already mentioned the dangerous situation in southern Africa, where the rights of the people have been cruelly denied by colonial racists. I have also mentioned the case of the Palestinian people, whose homeland has been usurped by Zionist settlers.
160.	Both situations have given rise to dangerous tension and to conflict and will continue to do so unless the rights of the people concerned are recognized and their aspirations given practical expression. The twentieth century has witnessed a decisive repudiation of outdated practices and justifications for territorial acquisition and the development of a new moral, political and legal ethic: the self- determination of peoples.
161.	The development of international law on the question of self-determination, particularly through the decisions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the International Court of Justice, as well as the various legal instruments agreed to by the United Nations, makes clear the principal points: first, that self-determination is a fundamental right in contemporary international law, and, secondly, that the right to self-determination is available to all peoples who are subjugated, that is, who are functionally subjected to colonialism.
162.	My delegation considers it necessary to draw attention to these fundamental principles because disregard for them is the source of the tension currently obtaining in the Horn of Africa. The threat to peace in the region is the direct result of the denial of the right to self-determination and independence of the people living in the area. The struggles taking place in Ogaden, and in other areas within the Ethiopian empire are manifestations of the determination of the people to free themselves from colonial rule in exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination.
163.	The western Somalia question is not of recent origin, as the Ethiopian Government attempts to portray it. Its genesis goes back to the late nineteenth century, at the time of the scramble for Africa. The international community has only recently become more aware of this problem through press reports on the wide-scale fighting taking place there. It is indeed a tragedy that in the past countless appeals for justice were left unheeded and international interest in the plight of the people of western Somalia had to be aroused only after much suffering and destruction. Unfortunately, there still exist some misconceptions on the origins of the problem, the objectives of the liberation struggle and the position of the Somali Government on this matter. I wish therefore to provide the Assembly with factual information on the question in the hope that it will then have a fuller understanding of the situation.
164.	It is important to note that until the European Powers came to the Horn of Africa in the 1880s the Somali people enjoyed an independent existence and controlled their own affairs. The Ottoman Empire exercised nominal suzerainty over the coastal areas and over some inland centres such as Harar, while the rest of the Somali hinterland enjoyed total independence. The end of Ottoman suzerainty in 1884 saw the arrival of the British, the French and the Italians. In the period between 1884 and 1887 the three Powers were busy concluding protectorate treaties with Somali representatives.
165.	At the time those agreements between the European and the Somali people were being negotiated, Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia took advantage of the situation and began an ambitious expansionist drive to extend the frontiers of the Empire. In this drive Ethiopia's territorial ambitions were facilitated by the collusion of the three European colonial Powers and by the cupidity of the European arms suppliers.
166.	In the ensuing political and military scramble the frontiers of the Ethiopian empire were extended beyond all expectations. Harar, which had been an independent Somali State since time immemorial, fell to Menelik's forces in 1887. Its occupation enabled Menelik to send his hordes into Somali territory. In 1891 Menelik brazenly stated in a circular letter to the European Powers:
"While tracing today the actual boundaries of my Empire, I shall endeavour, if God gives me life and strength, to re-establish the ancient frontiers of Ethiopia up to Khartoum and as far as Lake Nyanza, with all the Gallas.
"Ethiopia has been for fourteen centuries a Christian island in a sea of pagans. If Powers at a distance come forward to partition Africa between them, I do not intend to be an indifferent spectator.
"As the Almighty has protected Ethiopia up to this day, I have confidence he will continue to protect her and increase her borders in the future ..."
In the light of the version of this circular letter given on 10 October in this very hall, I emphasize the word "indifferent".
167.	Menelik successfully realized his ambitions for territorial aggrandizement through a series of pacts and agreements with other colonial Powers. These agreements were concluded without the knowledge and against the interests of the population concerned.
168.	The Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1897 was a typical example of the betrayal of the trust of the Somali people and the sacrifice of their interests and rights as part of a political bargain with Menelik. That treaty purported to transfer Somali territory to the Ethiopian empire. It was negotiated without consulting the people concerned, and its existence was not brought to their knowledge until 1934, when an Anglo-Ethiopian boundary commission attempted to demarcate the boundary. The Somali people expressed indignation and outrage in widespread disturbances. In fact, until 1935 the Ethiopian presence on Somali territory had been confined to a few areas on the periphery of the Ogaden and sporadic military forays from those areas.
169.	My delegation wishes to make it clear that Britain had no authority whatsoever to cede or in any way to traffic in the land of the Somali people. The treaties it concluded with the Somali people between 1884 and 1887 provided the only possible basis for whatever British authority may have exited with regard to those parts of Somali territory under British protection. The protectorate treaties were international agreements. If one seeks to separate the 1897 treaty from the prior protectorate treaties of 1884 to 1889, then the 1897 treaty falls, for lack of all authority.
170.	As for the agreement purported to have been concluded between Ethiopia and Italy in 1896 establishing the boundaries of former Italian Somaliland and Ethiopia, it should be noted that there is no official version of the agreement in existence. But that is not important. More significant is the fact that, as in the case of the Anglo- Ethiopian Treaty, the Somali inhabitants were not consulted at any stage of the purported negotiations. In any case, the question of western Somalia is today not one of boundaries between Somalia and Ethiopia; it is a colonial question. That colonial situation is in the process of being terminated by the people concerned, with the Western Somali Liberation Front and their vanguard.
171.	Ethiopia endeavours to mislead international, opinion by repeatedly claiming that until 1975 there had been no liberation movement western Somalia. This manoeuvre is not surprising, since throughout its occupation of the territory Ethiopia has resorted to every device to hide the facts. Until recently it was relatively successful in this regard because of the apathy and disinterest of the international community. Its ostrich-like attitude of denying the existence of the Western Somali Liberation Front is characteristic of all colonialists.
172.	The liberation struggle that is being waged in western Somalia is by no means a new phenomenon. It began at the turn of this century when Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan, a great Somali nationalist, rallied Somali forces in a war of liberation against Ethiopian, French, British and Italian colonialism. His struggle continued for 21 years, from 1899 to 1920. He was born in the Ogaden, and he died there. The liberation struggle he began has continued with varying degrees o/intensity until this day.
173.	The Western Somali Liberation Front, which was established in 1943, has on behalf of the entire people taken upon itself the sacred trust of carrying on the struggle until total freedom is achieved. If Ethiopia pretends ignorance of the existence of the Western Somali Liberation Front, it is because Ethiopia is afraid to recognize and accept the realities.
174.	Following the Italo-Ethiopian conflict in 1935, Italy occupied western Somalia and remained there until 1941, when it was driven out by British forces. When Emperor Haile Selassie was restored to power in 1942, Britain retained the administration of the Ogaden, recognizing that the area was a distinct entity separate from Ethiopia.
175.	There was hope that the wrong which had been inflicted on the people would have been redressed and that they would be given their right to self-determination. In fact a proposal along these lines was made at the time. Regrettably, because of power politics and the prevailing insensibility to human aspirations, the wishes of the people of western Somalia were again ignored. They were betrayed, and in 1948 were once more compulsorily transferred to Ethiopian rule. This transfer was not without protest. Violent demonstrations took place throughout the region and there was active opposition to the imposition of Ethiopian rule. Repressive measures by the Ethiopian authorities included the public hanging of 15 prominent elders of the community as 3n act of intimidation.
176.	The final act in the alienation of Somali territory came as late as 1954, when another portion of the Ogaden, officially known as the Reserved Areas, was handed over by Britain to the Ethiopians. This was again protested widely, though in vain, both by public demonstrations and by petitions to the United Nations and the British Government.
177.	In the years that followed. Ethiopia war, able to maintain a military presence in the region. Through massive supplies of modern armaments it pursued at dispense of colonial policy. Through torture, arbitrary arrest, intimidation, the confiscation of properties and other inhuman methods, it endeavoured to farce the people’s submission.
178.	Over the past three years, ever since the present regime came to power, various humanitarian organizations have amassed a substantial body of evidence on human right violations in Ethiopia proper. The details of these violations have caused widespread horror and revulsion in the international community. Yet in terms of scale and intensity, those should not be compared to the atrocities that have been committed by the Ethiopian regime against the Somali population of the occupied territories. In whatever place the Ethiopians have set foot in Western Somalia they have left a trail of hate, and have unwittingly strengthened the resolve of the population to secure their freedom at any price.
179.	Ethiopia continues to use every opportunity to exploit for its own purposes the principles of territorial integrity and the inviolability of frontiers. It would like the international community to ignore the fact that its political evolution is not that of a nation-State but that of an empire acquired through nefarious means.
180.	In order to maintain and to keep that empire intact Ethiopia is trying to claim protection under principles which are inimical to the decolonization process. In other words, it is trying to run with the hares and hunt with the hounds. Our Charter and the resolutions of the Security Council and General Assembly enjoin respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples,. The Charter sets out in paragraph 3 of its Article 1 as one of its objectives "... encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all .. .".
181.	Ethiopia's position will continue to be in direct conflict with the provisions of the Charter if it refuses to allow the peoples under its colonial rule their right to self-determination. The United Nations must not allow itself to be misled simply because Ethiopia happens to be a black colonial empire and not a white European one.
182.	Imagine what would have happened if the European colonial Powers had used the same arguments Ethiopia is advancing today and had succeeded! Very few countries would have been able to achieve their independence.
183.	By political manipulation, Ethiopia continues to solicit legitimacy for the illegally acquired territories on the grounds that the boundaries of Ethiopia have the same legitimacy 3S others.
155. Ethiopia is trying to convince the international community that, having ridden itself of an Emperor, the empire has automatically been transformed into a unitary State with all the rights and privileges of a State. It hopes by these means to incorporate the colonial territories and thereby pre-empt any demand for self-determination or any action which the international community may wish to make in this
186.	My delegation wishes to make clear that it will not be deceived for these manoeuvres and that it v/ill actively support the people in western Somalia.
187.	I hope that my intervention has provided the General Assembly with the necessary information enabling a clear understanding of the present situation in the Horn of Africa and of the historical developments that have led to that situation. The position of the Somali Democratic Republic is to seek a just and peaceful solution to the problem. In the past, we undertook several initiatives both at the bilateral level and through the OAU to achieve that end. Unfortunately, Ethiopia continues to be totally obsessed with its desire to hold on to its empire, and consequently has rejected any constructive proposal for a peaceful settlement.
188.	In the wake of major victories that have been scored by the Western Somali Liberation Front, Ethiopia has been engaged in a plan to make Somalia a scapegoat for the failure of Ethiopia's colonial policies, and to this end has done everything to precipitate direct military conflict. A series of acts of aggression has been launched against my country by Ethiopia, with considerable loss of life and destruction of property. In spite of constant provocations, my Government continues to exercise maximum restraint. In the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held in Libreville in July of this year, and in other forums, we demonstrated that Somalia was not involved militarily in the present conflict. If aggression had been committed, it is Ethiopia which has transgressed against the people of western Somalia and continues to violate their rights.
189.	These hostile acts on the part of Ethiopia, the severance of diplomatic relations and their refusal to acknowledge the existence of the Western Somali Liberation Front are a clear indication of Ethiopia's unwillingness to enter into meaningful negotiations and to come to grips with the political realities existing within its empire.
190.	It is our belief that durable and lasting peace in the area can best be assured through a political solution that recognizes the right of the people of Western Somalia to self-determination. This can only be achieved if the parties to the conflict, namely, the Ethiopian authorities and the leaders of the Western Somali Liberation Front, are prepared to enter into direct negotiation. Somalia, for its part, »s prepared to offer its good offices to facilitate the holding of such negotiations.
191.	There is one final point I wish to make: the conflict that is taking place in western Somalia is a war of liberation. Any interference by foreign Powers will exacerbate that situation and widen the area of conflict.


119.	 Mr. President, it gives me pleasure, on behalf of the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic, to congratulate you on your election as President of the United Nations General Assembly at its thirty-second session. We hold high hopes that you will meet with success in steering these deliberations towards the positive results to which we aspire and which we hope will constitute a step taken by the peoples of the world on the road towards a world where security and prosperity will prevail.
120.	While congratulating you on your assumption of this lofty post, may I also congratulate, through you, the Government and people of friendly Yugoslavia, a country to which we are bound by cordial and firm ties in the framework of the principles of the non-aligned movement, the provisions of the United Nations Charter and the norms which govern the family of nations to which we belong.
121.	Your election to this high office is but an expression of our need to benefit from your personal ability and experience as you guide the proceedings of this important session, as well as a mark of the appreciation of the Members of this Organization for the role played by your country and your great leader, President Josip Broz Tito, in consolidating international security and understanding through your pioneer action in the non-aligned movement.
122.	Your predecessor, our dear friend, Mr. Amerasinghe, the head of the Sri Lanka delegation and the President of the thirty-first session, left a remarkable impression as he presided over its deliberations. For this he deserve., praise and appreciation.
123.	I also express my Government's appreciation for the fruitful efforts deployed by the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, in order to find a just and lasting solution for the problems of Palestine and the Middle East and of the domination of the white minority in Africa. The efforts exerted by the Secretary-General, his dedication and his devotion to achieving peace and security in our troubled world will undoubtedly contribute to promoting the work of this Organization and increasing its effectiveness. The important role assumed by the Secretary-General merits co-operation from all Member States so that peace and stability may prevail all over the world.
124.	It has become an obvious fact in our day and age that co-operation has become a necessity for solving increasingly complex and interrelated problems. The technological revolution and the population explosion witnessed by contemporary generations have created great problems which transcend geographical as well as political boundaries and impose collective action for their solution. These variables in turn reaffirm the importance of the role played by this Organization as an effective instrument for directing the efforts of the international community towards appropriate solutions to the sum of problems, in all their aspects. The need for such a collective instrument increases day by day in a world parts of which are afflicted by conditions which contravene the principles of international law and the ethics of contemporary man. The United Nations is called upon today more than ever before to assume its responsibility for tackling the problems ensuing from aggression and usurpation, to put an immediate, end once and for all to the occupation of land belonging to others and to racial oppression and to halt the exploitation of poor States by rich States. These conditions constitute a challenge to our collective will and at the same time represent a derogation of the principles and goals of this Organization. In practice we have to reaffirm our compliance with the principles of justice, equality and self- determination in our bilateral and multilateral relations.
125.	The Yemen Arab Republic is fully convinced that the best method of dealing with contemporary international relations is by means of collective co-operation within the framework of this Organization and, given such a premise, we are extremely happy to witness the admission of two new Members to this Organization—the fraternal Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. These admissions confer greater universality on this Organization and secure the participation of almost all the peoples of the world in forging our common destiny.
126.	As we welcome the admission of the Republic of Djibouti to membership in this Organization, we are confident that that young Republic, through its strategic location and the vitality of its people, will play a constructive role in achieving understanding and cooperation between the countries of the region.
127.	The Yemen Arab Republic has associated itself, at an early stage, with those who have called for the avoidance of any obstacles which impede the exercise of the right of every country to membership in this Organization. We called upon the permanent members of the Security Council not to abuse their right of veto so as to prevent the exercise of such a right.
128.	The responsibility entrusted to the Organization is weighty and mankind is looking for peace to prevail all over She world. If the powerful States do not contribute to the implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly they will thereby fail the Organization and thwart the aspirations of mankind and its desire to achieve peace, security and prosperity.
129.	There are many issues under consideration by the General Assembly, issues which have been discussed at length in the past and on which numerous resolutions have been adopted. Had those resolutions been implemented, such issues would not figure on the agenda now, nor would they cause and give rise to complications and aggravation. There is no doubt that the lack of solutions to such vital questions constitutes a great threat to peace and stability in many parts of the world. The fact that certain Members of the Organization disregard some United Nations resolutions and that those resolutions remain unimplemented harms the effectiveness of this Organization, causes great anxiety and shows up the responsibility of all Member States and especially the great Powers, which are permanent members of the Security Council.
130.	Among the most important issues which concern the international community is the question of Palestine, which is still under consideration by the General Assembly after 30 years. The core of this problem is the usurpation by Israel of Palestine and its continued denial of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, its insistence on following an aggressive, expansionist and racist policy, and its repressive practices vis-à-vis the Palestinian people. This situation constitutes a challenge to the international community at large and clearly flouts the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
131.	We maintain that the realization of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East region cannot take place unless there is a solution to the Palestine problem, which is the crux of the conflict in the area. And prominent among the elements of a settlement is the recognition of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, including that of self-determination and the full exercise of their national rights, together with the establishment of their independent State on the soil of Palestine.
132.	In spite of the efforts made to solve the Palestine and Middle East questions with a view to achieving peace and security, the intransigence and stubbornness of Israel, its disregard of United Nations resolutions and its persistence in challenging the will of the international community are an obstacle to attainment of a just and lasting peace. Furthermore, Israel's constant efforts to distort the facts, to dilute the substance of the question and to preoccupy the international community with procedural and formalists questions undermine all the efforts made in this respect. Israel has utilized the procedure of holding the Geneva Conference as a dilatory tactic to water down the basic issues, and continues to seek to distort and deceive world public opinion, belittling the efforts of the superpowers to solve this problem and to hold that Conference.
133.	Israel continues undeterred in its policy of expansion, annexation, mass expulsion and repressive actions taken agar innocent inhabitants, and of setting up settlements in occupied lands, especially on the West Bank. Israel continues to take measures and to issue decrees aimed at changing the religious character of the City of Jerusalem and the political, demographic and cultural situation in the occupied Arab territories. Proof of this is the latest Tel Aviv decree whereby Israeli laws and regulations are applied in the occupied Arab territories.
134.	The new Israeli leadership continues its arrogance and recalcitrance in full view of the whole world, and continues to establish new settlements and to deny the rights of the Palestinian people. The international community is convinced that no just and lasting peace in the region can be established without a comprehensive settlement based upon the subsequent Israeli withdrawal from all of the occupied Arab territories, including the city of Jerusalem, the recognition of the full rights of the Palestinian people and the establishment of a Palestinian State on the soil of Palestine. In order to ensure the success of any efforts aimed at settling the Palestine and Middle East questions, the Palestinian people—as represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization-must take part in the deliberations of any such conference, because the Palestine issue is the crux of the problem and the core of the conflict. Israel has excelled in devising new methods of deceit, treachery, mass murder and political extortion, to an even greater extent than all of the repressive Fascist and racist regimes recorded by history.
135.	On the African continent, peoples are still suffering in the same way as the Palestinian people: from the usurpation of their rights and the most atrocious sort of human repression. The peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania continue to struggle under the yoke of the white minority. Hence, the United Nations must put an end to injustice and the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination by co-ordinating its efforts with those of the OAU. The African majority must be enabled to exercise its right to self-determination on its own land, according to its own will and aspirations.
136.	The Yemen Arab Republic would like to reaffirm the importance it attaches to the Korean question and to the reunification of the Korean people by peaceful means, as well as to the fostering of propitious circumstances for a continued dialogue between the Korean parties with a view to satisfying the aspirations of the Korean people.
137.	As for the situation in Cyprus, we wish to affirm that the United Nations must take effective steps to guarantee the implementation of its resolutions on Cyprus. We believe that continued serious negotiations between the representatives of the two communities, in an atmosphere of freedom and full equality, will eventually lead to a satisfactory agreement acceptable to both sides and thereby protect the interest of both communities in the practice of their respective faiths and in the conduct of their personal affairs, in such as a way as to consolidate the stability, independence and territorial integrity of the island.
138.	The Yemen Arab Republic, like all peace-loving Arab States, views with great concern the terrifying arms race and the production of lethal weapons which threaten human civilization and mankind itself with extinction. We that the special session on disarmament scheduled for the middle of next year will lead to an international convention to halt the anus race and to foster disarmament. We should like to reaffirm here our earlier position in support of making the Middle East, Africa and South Asia nuclear-free zones and of declaring the Indian Ocean, the Mediterranean and the Red Sea as peace zones far removed from the conflict and from competition between the great Powers so that the peoples of those regions may devote their efforts and resources to the development of their countries and to the exploitation of their resources, without having to face exploitation, repression or the fear of foreign interference.
139.	Consistent with that position, Yemen Arab Republic views with great concern the events unfolding in the Horn of Africa, that is to say, the foreign interference aimed at dragging that area into a conflict between the Powers.
140.	The Yemen Arab Republic has, on many occasions, taken the initiative in offering its good offices in an effort to solve the differences between the countries of the area, and has stressed the need for dialogue among the parties concerned and for adherence to peaceful means in the solution of their differences. From this rostrum we appeal to all interested parties to step up their efforts to solve their problems through dialogue and by peaceful means, in the light of the true facts, equity and fairness. Our country makes every effort to play a positive and effective role in the attempt to put a satisfactory end to the existing situation and to achieve better co-operation among the peoples and countries of the area.
141.	The determination of the Yemen Arab Republic to strengthen co-operation among the countries bordering the Red Sea has been demonstrated by our hosting the Quadripartite Summit Conference in Taiz on 22 March, at which President Gaafar Mohamed Nimeiri of Sudan; President Mohamed Siad Barre of Somalia; the Chairman of the Presidential Council of Democratic Yemen, Salim Robav'a Ali; and the President of the Supreme Command Council of the Yemen Arab Republic, Colonel Ibrahim Mohamed Al-Hamtli. confirmed in their  Declaration the need to keep the Red Sea as one of peace and co-operation for exploitation of its latent potential by the people of the region.
142.	The Yemen Arab Republic believe that the conclusion of a convention regulating the law of the sea is among the paramount issues before us. The sixth session of the Third United Nations Conference oil the Law of the Sea, held in May this year, has made its mark in terms of providing an exchange of views and fostering an understanding of the issues tinder consideration.
143.	We wish to reaffirm our position that provisions of any law of the sea should con form to the principle of the equal rights of States and should take Into full account the total sovereignty of the coastal States over straits located within their territorial waters. All efforts should be devoted to serving the Interests of all the peoples of the world, without prejudice to the sovereignty of the countries concerned.
144.	As a small developing country, we find in this august gathering an excellent forum for the exchange of views and ideas on matters of mutual interest, in the light of our firm conviction that, together with other peoples, large and small, we share the responsibility for creating a more prosperous and secure tomorrow.
145.	The new international economic order is but an expression of the sincere and intensive efforts that translate the will of the overwhelming majority of the countries of the world. We are gravely concerned at the obstacles being placed in the path of the implementation of United Nations resolutions and recommendations in that respect. Those resolutions and recommendations are really an expression of basic approach towards building the new international economic order, an approach that may break the grip of backwardness and economic crises and create new prospects for justice and equity for all States, with freedom from hegemony and encroachment on the rights and interests of developing countries in respect of their trade, economy, industry, science and technology.
146.	The Yemen Arab Republic regards the dialogue between the developing and developed countries that is known as the North-South dialogue as a positive beginning, as something which must continue. We regret, however, that this dialogue has not yet produced an over-all settlement of the main problems impeding the efforts towards the development of the developing countries. Solutions are within reach. What is lacking is the political will and determination on the part of the Governments of developed countries that is necessary to ensure success for this dialogue.
147.	The developing countries did mil voluntarily accept conditions of backwardness, rather, these conditions were imposed upon the peoples of those countries, thereby placing them at the tail end of the march towards economic progress and development.
148.	The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic is deeply involved in the march towards the prosperity and development of its people.  Every year new gains are being scored in many projects, in co-operation with the United Nations, other international organizations and friendly brother States. These gains have been made possible by the implementation of the three-year development plan, with an annual increase in the gross national product  at 12.6 per cent. That was followed by the drawing up of a draft of first live-year development plan, to be implemented between 1976 and 1980. The aim of that plan is the development of all sectors of the national economy; it is primarily on establishing an infrastructure. A conference to discuss this draft plan will be held next month in our capital.
149.	The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic, as it strives to shake of economic backwardness raise the standard of living of its people, is working at the same time to reunite the two parts of Yemen, through constant dialogue and co-ordination with the Government of the southern part of the homeland. We are cognizant of the lack that this continuing division is inconsistent with the historical social and cultural facts and cannot lead to the fulfilment of the aspiration of the Yemeni people in both parts of the country to achieve reunification.
150.	Finally, the Yemen Arab Republic, as it deals with the issues on which the attention of the world is focused, is making diligent efforts to rise above its own limited means and thereby to put into effect the exemplary goals of co-operation and understanding. This is reflected in the cordial and sincere ties binding us to the other countries of the Arab peninsula, which foster a climate propitious to redoubling co-operation and understanding between the peoples of the region.
151.	The Yemen Arab Republic, under the leadership of its President, Ibrahim Al-Hamdi, seeks to help in the solution of many regional differences through quiet diplomacy and responsible action, in connexion with any friction or provocation that it may face, including even intentional or unintentional violations of its territorial waters, land and air space. We thereby reaffirm our adherence to the United Nations Charter and our keen desire to seek appropriate solutions through dialogue aid bilateral contacts.
152.	We hope that the world Organization will remain strong, united and effective in order to be able to discharge its great responsibilities and meet all challenges, thereby ensuring that peace will prevail throughout the world and that tensions and the spectre of war and conflict will disappear from the international scene once and for all. We hope that this thirty-second session of the General Assembly will fulfil the hopes placed in the Organization by the peoples of the world. Hence, we shoulder our responsibility for ensuring that these deliberations produce positive results, in the interests of mankind.