Mr. President, as the united Nations celebrates the fortieth anniversary of its creation, I should like to convey to you the great satisfaction and the feeling of deep confidence it gives the Portuguese Government that the work of this General Assembly will be conducted by an experienced diplomat, whose brilliant career my country has witnessed through close, friendly and fruitful co-operation. Moreover, by your election the international community is paying a tribute to your country. The geographical, historical and cultural ties that closely link Portugal and Spain have now been given new expression in the accession of both countries to the European Communities, which will entail renewed co-operation and understanding between the two countries.
Thus, Mr. President, you can be assured of the full and sincere co-operation of the Portuguese delegation in the fulfillment of your high mission.
I should also like to express here our appreciation of the endeavors of your eminent predecessor, Ambassador Paul Lusaka, who represents a country with which we have close ties of "friendship and whose commitment to the achievement of international peace and security, especially in such hotbeds of tension as the region of southern Africa, we deeply appreciate.
My country would also like to pay a tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, whose constant dedication in difficult circumstances to the high office that has been entrusted to him deserves the full confidence and deep appreciation of all of us here today.
I wish to assure the Mexican Government and the Mexican people at this painful time of the full solidarity of the Portuguese nation. Given the close ties of friendship that link our two countries, the Portuguese people have been particularly affected and saddened by the suffering and the mourning now being
endured by the Mexican people. I should like to express here the sincere wish and the willingness of my country to participate, both bilaterally and multilaterally, in helping to meet the needs and promote the reconstruction of the affected areas.
It is a real honor for me to lead for the third time the Portuguese delegation to a session of the General Assembly, especially this year, when we are celebrating not only the creation of the United Nations 40 years ago but also the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly of a series of resolutions and declarations, including resolution 1514 (XV), which have made a decisive contribution to the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination. My country attaches special importance to those decisions and in the last decade has felt partially responsible for them.
Allow me to point out that this year Portugal celebrates the thirtieth anniversary of its admission as a Member of this organization. This is not the right place or the right time for a full analysis and assessment of the participation of my country in the activities of the United Nations during this period. It was only in 1974, with the establishment of democracy in Portugal, that we set aside the backward custom of taking refuge in concepts and principles that were clearly contradictory to those enshrined in the Charter. Only then did we put
an end to our diplomatic isolation and begin to demonstrate by our actions a constant concern for respect for the basic principles set forth in the Charter, which are the moral and legal foundations of this Organization. We attach particular importance to recognition of the right of peoples to self-determination, respect for human rights and, lastly, respect for and promotion of the application of the principle of the prevention of the use or the threat of use of force in the settlement of international conflicts.
We are fully convinced that these actions and motivations, which, furthermore, reflect the principles established in the constitutional law of my country, will be expanded and strengthened with Portugal's accession to the European Economic Community on 1 January next.
European integration is a primary national project which has progressively won the firm and sustained support of the immense majority of all Portuguese political sectors. Underlying this consensus has always been the premise that Portugal, open to contact with other civilizations, is a country whose geography, history and culture remain basically European. Through its membership in the European Economic Community, Portugal is incorporating itself into a region that has often been a pioneer and is still a major stronghold of the basic principles of international law enshrined in the Charter of this Organization. Thus we shall contribute to the enlargement of the Community, as a regional and especially dynamic body, carrying out a thorough search for new forms of development and adaptation to the constantly evolving international scene. Portugal will be fully open to promoting, widening and strengthening dialog with other regions of the world, namely, with African and Latin American countries. In the light of this pledge, within the framework of the Communities, my country will become in the short term an increasingly important link in the relationships with those regions of the world. May I just mention, for example, the advantages which can accrue from the right use of the provisions of the Lome III Convention in the field of co-operation with African countries.
With a special role to play in the North-South dialog, Portugal will certainly help to bring about greater sensitivity on the part of other Member States in the interest of the promotion and fostering of co-operation with Africa and Latin America. We may perhaps help to pave the way fox a new breakthrough, while participating in such achievement of the long-desired new balance c especially in the more sensitive hotbeds of international tension, thus establishing the necessary conditions for peace and development.
Concerned as it is about the North-South dialog, my country cannot but call the attention of its European partners to the meaning and importance of the concepts that have inspired the Movement of Non-Aligned- Countries.
A few days ago I had the opportunity of participating, as a "guest", in a meeting of Ministers of the Movement held in Luanda, a meeting that was a clear example of what I have just described.
The conflicts and tensions that have beset the international community in our day, particularly the striking lack of progress in the achievement of harmonious relationships between the northern and southern hemispheres, have seriously impaired the socio-economic situation of the developing countries.
At present, in spite of the slight improvement in a few industrialized economies, the impact of the world recession of the early 1980s still afflicts many of the third-world countries. We can see with great concern and distress that, in spite of its endeavors, the world still has a very long way to go before winning the battle against poverty.
The roost serious consequences of this situation can be found in Africa, where the great majority of countries particularly south of the Sahara, are facing extremely acute economic problems, which have been exacerbated by continuing drought and desertification that have been worsening every year. The situation prevailing in Africa has brought about a greater awareness of the international community; that has been reflected in initiatives taken in all parts of the world, aimed at alleviating the more dramatic aspects of that suffering. My Government stresses on this occasion our appreciation of the efforts carried out by the Secretary-General within the framework of the United Nations to mobilize the Member States and to make the best use of the help that has been provided. We also pay a tribute to the Governments of the African countries, which have spared no effort in their struggle for the achievement of decisive, strong and long-lasting forms of development.
In the past few years we have learned &:.at the world interdependence in which we all live requires the existence of solidarity among nations. And all the members of the international community, with no exception whatsoever, have to participate in such solidarity, assuming their respective responsibilities in the pursuit of a sustained and vigorous economic growth, and in the promotion of an international economic community in which realistic multilateral co-operation, geared towards action, should play a fundamental role. Portugal, as a European country at an intermediate stage of development, has speared no effort to shoulder its own responsibilities in this context.
Furthermore, my country has also contributed to the search for solutions to the problems that beset the world economy, participating in different forums in an effort to close the gap that separates the third world from the developed countries and contributing to the creation of the necessary consensus on money and finance, trade, debt problems and transfer of financial resources.
The world should spare no effort in the search for just and long-lasting solutions to the problems I have mentioned, problems that deeply concern the entire international community. The urgency of such solutions is clearly demonstrated by the negative effects that practically all these problems have in the field of human rights.
The world is increasingly aware of the fact that the consequences of the violation of human rights and human freedoms have led in several regions of our world to social and political instability, often resulting in armed conflicts. The recent events in South Africa are a clear example of the violation of human rights in its ultimate consequences. But the same type of dangerous situation can be found in other parts of the world, where the violation of human rights is caused not by internal pressures such as apartheid but by external interference. The case of Afghanistan, with such great international political implications, can be clearly placed within such a contexts its people are still suffering from the presence of foreign troops with powerful and cruel means of repression and destruction.
We are firmly convinced that only by applying uniform criteria can we make an analysis and assessment of the different types of violations of human rights which would make it possible to denounce and eliminate more or less covert cases of violations of such rights. We firmly believe also that this an imperative for overcoming the misleading concept that State sovereignty can be invoked to prevent international protection of human rights.
Similarly, we are firmly convinced that in the final analysis international peace and security can be fully preserved only if they are based on social justice and on respect for individual rights. Furthermore, they should rest on the premise that the development of different societies and their adaptation to the requirements of progress and development should take place in accordance with the free will of those directly concerned. In this framework, full respect for the right to self-determination of the individual and of peoples is a key element of international life. Equally important is respect for the integrity of the human being, for his right to be granted civil and political freedoms and to enjoy economic, social and cultural living conditions which allow for self-fulfillment, without discrimination. Any disregard for these principles of international law, which underlie the United Nations, places the people whose dignity and integrity have been violated in inhuman environments and sometimes even makes them exiles in their own country, or often gives them no other choice than to renounce living in their motherland, thus forcing them to to take refuge in foreign lands.

We should also pay special attention to all the different regions of the world where the human being is a prisoner of poverty. In an environment shadowed by hunger, illiteracy and the lack of minimum economic, social and cultural standards, civil and political rights can hardly be exercised in adequate conditions. The human being is entitled to development, and even though development must involve the entire international community, it is essential to bear in mind that man himself is the reason for such development and that States have the primary responsibility to ensure the full participation of their respective populations in such a process, without any kind of discrimination against the more vulnerable sectors of society. In view of this, Portugal refuses to accept the lack of existence of a new international economic order as a pretext for the constant and systematic derogation of civil and political rights.
"Participation, development and peace" was precisely the theme of the world Conference to review and appraise the achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women, held in Nairobi, with its important document "Strategies for the Future", the Conference made a valuable contribution to the search for the effective and equal integration of women in the entire gamut of activities both at the national and the international level. Portugal will constantly take into account the recommendations of the Conference in its endeavors to promote the full participation of women in national life.
Full participation and equality are also the theme of the Youth Year that we are celebrating this year and that will give the United Nations and the Member States one more opportunity to reaffirm the importance of the dignity and self-esteem of all human beings, regardless of race, sex or ethnic origin.
Portugal, as a country with a high rate of emigration, also intends to
continue to participate actively in the activities of the working group of this General Assembly entrusted with drafting a convention on the human rights of all migrant workers and their families - a program which deserves our full appreciation.
Before turning to another subject, and bearing in mind that the rights of peoples are a part of human rights, I should like to draw attention to the question of East Timor.
In pursuance of resolution 37/30, adopted in 1982, the General Assembly entrusted the Secretary-General with the mandate of trying to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the problem of East Timor, since then we have given all our support to the efforts of the Secretary-General. The results of those efforts can be seen in his most recent progress report, which has just been published, in which he describes in detail the substantive talks that have taken place since November 1984 and during this year in New York between the Secretary-General and his representatives and the representatives of Indonesia and of Portugal. In these talks humanitarian, religious and cultural questions have been discussed and there have been accomplishments in the solution of individual problems such as the repatriation of former Portuguese civil servants. The religious freedom of the populations, the preservation of the cultural heritage of the people of East Timor and the social and economic living conditions have been given special attention. For our part, we have insisted and continue to insist on the importance of respect for human rights in the Territory since we believe that all our expectations in this respect are still far from met.
We celebrate this year the fortieth anniversary of the creation of the United Nations' and we have already celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on decolonization. The Territory of East Timor is on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories. We firmly believe in respect for the fundamental principle of the self-determination of peoples, which is the core of the question of East Timor. Thus far, the right to self-determination has not been granted to the people of East Timor. And in this process of self-determination, in which the main beneficiary is precisely the people of the Territory in question, that people cannot be ignored when decisions are being made about its own destiny. We can say that the results already achieved in these talks are important, since such a wide range of problems has been dealt with, and we can only reaffirm here once more our support for the actions of the Secretary General in the fulfillment of his mandate.
We have already made clear on several occasions what our goals are: that is, the search for a dignified solution that will allow for full respect for the religious and cultural identity of the people of East Timor; for the full satisfaction of their legitimate aspirations; for the improvement of humanitarian conditions and for total respect for their right to self-determination. We are open to concerted action, an essential element in the settlement of international conflicts. We sincerely hope that some of the results already achieved, and the settlement of further difficulties, will lead us on the only path that we consider viable, and that, as stated by the Secretary-General in his report, the present constructive spirit that prevails in the talks will allow us to move on to the next stage, where other questions should be discussed, keeping in mind the achievement of a "just, comprehensive and internationally acceptable settlement".
When referring to human rights, I cannot but recall that ten years ago these rights were clearly recognized and enshrined in the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference, to which my country was a party and which convened together 33 States of different political positions which pledged themselves to the implementation of specific measures that would eliminate misunderstandings and violations of the . obligation of States to respect certain inalienable rights. An assessment of these developments has now been made in Helsinki, just as it had been before in Belgrade and in Madrid, to find out exactly how far apart are the theoretical commitments undertaken by States, the actual implementation of measures, and the achievement of practical results. Much to our distress, the conclusion was that the stage of implementation of the measures established in the Final Act was far from being reached. The same situation was noted again at the recent expert, meeting held in Ottawa on human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Nevertheless, Portugal, which has fully endorsed the spirit of Helsinki, sincerely hopes that the next Conference in Vienna will make a decisive contribution to this process begun ten years ago.
I should now like to refer to some of the problems affecting today's political world scene, that are matters of special interest and deep concern for my country.
Portugal, as a European country which has close geographical, historical and cultural links to Africa, cannot but express its great concern at the recent events taking place in South Africa. These events, that have acquired increasingly worrying proportions, have justly aroused the indignation and condemnation of the entire international community.
The position adopted by Portugal towards the problems that beset the populations of that country is well known to all, both within the United Nations and in the framework of its relationships with other countries, particularly our future partners in the European Economic Community (EEC). He clearly and decisively denounce and condemn the total lack of moral principles that characterizes all apartheid and bantustan systems, which sow the seeds of the serious internal strife with which we are all familiar. Portugal's staunch opposition to any form of racism or racial discrimination is a key element in our behavior and our understanding of the world. We thus consider inevitable, and it extremely urgent, that the South African Authorities should embark, without fear or hesitation, on a sincere effort to open dialog with all the different communities of their country, thus creating the necessary conditions for all its inhabitants to have equal access to political life, to freedom, to work and to social justice. Only after having achieved these conditions will the South Africans of any community be able to consider themselves free and full-fledged citizens of the South African nation.
Thus, from this international rostrum, my Government urges the Government of South Africa to begin as soon as possible, with decisiveness and flexibility, an open dialog with the leaders of all the communities that are part of the country so as to strike a fruitful agreement.
Similarly, I should also like to express to this Assembly the concern of my country at the delay in the exercise of the right to self-determination by the people of Namibia, as a result of the non-implementation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, in particular Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Portugal has paid special attention, and has always given full support, to the efforts carried out by the front-line States aimed at persuading South Africa to set aside its deplorable stance of confrontation - such as the recent invasion of Angola - and to take a constructive and flexible stand that would allow for a faster and more satisfactory solution of the problem. Thus, we not only hope that the South African authorities will decide promptly to work towards internal appeasement, but will also do everything in their power to put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia, in full pursuance and endorsement of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
The tense situation in the Middle East, a region to which Portugal is particularly sensitive, given its special historical and cultural links to the Arabnation, has not improved. On the contrary, it has not only persisted, but has even deteriorated.
Let us consider the development of the situation in Lebanon alone, where the confrontation of rival factions has persisted with increasing violence, and where acts of terrorism are perpetrated at a dramatically growing pace against both national and foreign targets. Portugal has since the beginning supported with material means the efforts undertaken by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNXFIL) and we trust that the re-establishment of the necessary balance will lead to national reconciliation through dialog among the different Lebanese communities. For this to be possible, it also seems essential to us that all foreign military troops withdraw from the Territory unless the Lebanese Government explicitly requests their presence.
We also believe that the solution to the crisis in Lebanon lies mainly in the achievement of peace in the entire region, and this in turn will depend not only upon the recognition of the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine, including the right to self-determination and to a homeland, but also upon the recognition of the right of the State of Israel to its own existence and security.
In this framework, the creation of a platform for negotiation between Jordan and Palestine is an encouraging sign. We believe it can make a positive contribution to a dialog among all the parties involved in the conflict. Another source of concern for my country is the prolongation of the armed conflict between Iran and Iraq, where the praiseworthy efforts of the Secretary-General and the repeated appeals of the united Nations have been unsuccessful in reaching practical results. In fact, the use of inhumane weapons has been escalating dramatically. Freedom of navigation in the Gulf is still seriously threatened, as are the economies of the two countries. The international community should therefore redouble its efforts to persuade the leaders of both countries to launch negotiations aimed at putting an end to the serious conflict.
Portugal also views with great concern the development of the situation in Central America. My country firmly believes that the solution to the conflicts in that region must be found in an essentially regional settlement, through dialog among the various factions involved. That dialog should draw an equitable balance among the different interests in question that could lead to respect for the integrity of boundaries, to a decrease in the level of armaments and to the establishment of free and pluralistic societies.
In this context I would like to recall that last September in San Jose, Costa Rica, my country participated in a meeting of the Governments of Central America, the countries of the Contadora Group, the countries members of the European Economic Community (EEC) and Spain. At that meeting the participating Governments studied means to reinforce not only political dialog among the countries of the region but also co-operation between those countries and the EEC at the economic and social levels.
Portugal sincerely hopes that the nations of Central America will pull together all their efforts of negotiation within the framework defined by the Contadora Group, which has been joined by four additional democratic nations of Latin America, in order to reach a global solution that will at last put an end to the conflicts that harm them internally and that have been a source of division.
In addition to the questions I have mentioned, I would also like to refer to the urgent need for the withdrawal of foreign troops frost Kampuchea and for the re-establishment of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country. I would also like to refer to another situation that affects the stability of the Asian continent and that can be solved only through a dialog that will prove conducive to a peaceful reunification of Korea. The entire Korean people legitimately aspires to be represented in the United Nations.
This enumeration of some of the hotbeds of international tension and the observations I have just made seem to have a logical corollary, namely, that now, more than ever before, the international community should find ways to achieve a more peaceful and a more secure world. For this reason, in the context of East-West relations, my country considers of utmost interest the decision by the United States and the Soviet Union to resume and proceed with the Geneva talks that have been placed on hold since 1983. Although we are aware of the difficulties such negotiations entail, we believe that the fact that they are being resumed is in itself extremely encouraging.
Furthermore, Portugal, an essentially peaceful country, cannot help but be very interested in problems relating to nuclear and conventional disarmament and in the reinforcement of international peace and security.
As we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of our Organization, I should like to reaffirm here my country's renewed confidence in the greatest international institution and in all its subsidiary bodies and specialized agencies. This pledge of renewed confidence is no more than the reflection of our belief that the Charter of the United Nations is the document that today best enshrines the highest principles of international law and that it will in the future be the instrument that will most faithfully reflect the ideals of universality shared by all mankind. Although the achievements and objectives of the United Nations have not matched the ideals of the founders of the Organization, it is nonetheless true that as the main, if not the only, representative of universality our Organization will, in the end, find the means to adjust to the diplomatic, political and spiritual requirements of our day. Portugal reaffirms and renews here at this time its confidence in the United Nations.


It is an honor for me to convey to you. Sir, the following message from the constitutional President of Ecuador, Mr. Leon Febres Cordero, on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the united Nations:
"In the name of the people and the Government of Ecuador, I pay the warmest tribute to the united Nations on the fortieth anniversary of its relentless search for peace and the development of all peoples, and in particular at this time, when in the world such nefarious enemies as violence, terrorism and the traffic in drugs attempt to displace the basic values of mankind and set themselves up as dominant factors on the international scene.
The Government over which I preside will resolutely continue to contribute to the task of strengthening the noble principles which inspired the creation of the United Nations and will participate with renewed faith and optimism in efforts to consolidate and implement the principles and purposes enshrined in the San Francisco Charter.
"Ecuador's international actions will always take as its norm of conduct the peaceful settlement of disputes and the promotion and unrestricted defense of human rights everywhere in the world, implemented by its democratic institutions, the universality of our Organization and em end to colonialism.
"Given the traditional, peace-loving vocation of Ecuador, X ratified the decision of our national Government to collaborate actively with the world Organization in the search for appropriate ways to maintain peace and strengthen international co-operation.
"I wish the President of the General Assembly success in the discharge of his important functions, so that the work of this Assembly may benefit all mankind."
In my capacity as Minister of Foreign Relations, I congratulate you, Sir, on your election. It represents recognition of your merits and your personal prestige, as well as the commitment to international peace and co-operation which has characterized the policy of the Government you represent.
I also congratulate Ambassador Paul Lusaka, permanent representative of Zambia, who presided over the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly and the preparatory committee of the fortieth anniversary with particular distinction.
I also extend my greetings to the Secretary-General of the Organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, together with the appreciation of the Ecuadorian people for the effective work that he has accomplished in his very delicate role.
I also express the solidarity of the Ecuadorian people and its Government with the fraternal people of Mexico and its Government in the face of the terrible earthquake that has struck them. Fortunately; the Mexican people throughout its history seems to have been able to draw strength precisely from such difficult tines. He wish Mexico a vigorous reconstruction in the face of this disaster.
Forty years have elapsed since the horror of the Second World War confronted the international community with the inevitable need to unite the best efforts of peoples and of their Governments in order to organize a lasting peace.
It is not easy to attain peace when political antagonisms, extremist ideologies and the very deep economic crisis of a considerable part of the world pose overwhelming problems every day. In certain circumstances, nothing seems easier than to resort to violence and war. Only a system of moral values to which mankind agrees can give a sure guarantee of peace and ensure the effectiveness of the organizations that seek it.
The balance sheet of these 40 years of the world Organization yields results which, if not altogether satisfactory, are in any case positive. Many regional conflicts have been held in check. Effective vigilance over the sovereignty of nations has been strengthened. Contributions have been made to systems of co-operation for development and foundations have been laid for the promotion of respect for human rights and the peaceful settlement of disputes.

We are still far from having fully achieved the ideals of peace, progress and well-being. The United Nations cannot but reflect the tensions and contradictions within and among the States that it comprises. One cannot demand from the Organization results that exceed the contents of its problems or the tendencies of the human groups operating within the international community. Peace cannot be stable unless based on the just solution of existing problems. Hell-being cannot be obtained if there is no will to co-operate, both on the part of the developed and the poor countries. There can be no progress as long as people are denied the possibility of continuous improvement, which cannot take place if peoples' rights are denied in an authoritarian manner and if totalitarian imposition by the State is preferred to the free play of democracy.
Regarding non-alignment, the climate of the present-day world is marked by confrontation. Two major ideological trends propose their own scale of values as being worthy of supremacy, and two styles - which, in turn, are two influences of universal scope - are vying for areas of domination. Faced with this phenomenon it is essential to have the presence of non-aligned countries, countries that, in fact, practice independence and autonomy that represents the essence of this historic stance. There such non-alignment is merely apparent and fails to reflect a deeply spiritual attitude on the part of the Governments forming the group, principles will be distorted and a position expected to have a moderating effect will become sterile. Because of such distortions, it risks becoming less serious and influential.
Ecuador states once again that it is prepared to continue its policy' of friendship and understanding with all countries in the world. It considers that the differences in political nuances or ideological tendencies cannot constitute an insurmountable barrier to dialog and negotiation. In its relations with other States, and in Multilateral relations, it seeks that which brings unity and not division, that which brings agreement, and not dissent. He seek convergence and not divergence.
I now turn to atomic explosions. Along the long and limitless road towards peace, atomic explosions for military purposes must be condemned. It does not matter where they take place, but it must be realized that those carried out in the South Pacific are a subject of particular concern to Ecuador, given its position within the region whose ecological balance may be most threatened. The Permanent Commission for the South Pacific, composed of Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, has repeatedly condemned such tests. My Government also supports the South Pacific Forum and its recommendation that a treaty establishing a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific be negotiated and adopted.
On the subject of decolonization, the United Nations must be the forum where all the peoples of the world are represented. Hence, Ecuador has always supported the process of decolonization and the admission of new States to this forum, thus recognizing the right of all nations to belong to the world Organization and the importance of the United Nations achieving full universality. For all these reasons we would view with satisfaction the admission to the United Nations of the two Republics of Korea, jointly or separately, since the right to belong to the world Organization cannot be made contingent upon peoples being able to act as one.
Concerning occupied territories, Ecuador has insisted upon, and will continue to insist upon the withdrawal of foreign forces from all territories which, directly or indirectly, are under occupation by foreign military forces. It is essential that the peoples and territories that are victims of foreign occupation in whatever continent regain the right to self-determination and to the exercise of their own sovereignty.
In the matter of relations with neighboring countries, the Government of Ecuador, loyal to its traditional policy of unrestricted adherence to the rule of law in relations among States, and convinced of the need to contribute to the strengthening of a creative peace which allows all peoples to satisfy their legitimate aspirations for progress and well-being, renews its decision to encourage and strengthen friendly relations with the governments of neighboring countries in order to contribute to the well-being of their peoples, destined to have close ties, and to provide the climate for a just, peaceful and honorable solution to the territorial problem within a framework of mutual co-operation.
Concerning the Beagle case, Ecuador views with great satisfaction the settlement achieved the peaceful solution of the Beagle Channel issue and congratulates Argentina and Chile for the clear example of Latin American brotherhood that they have given the continent by arriving at this agreement.
Regarding geostationary orbit, Ecuador reiterates its position with respect to outer space, to the geostationary orbit, and the frequency spectrum. These resources must be used exclusively for peaceful purposes and for the good of all States, in particular for the development of the developing countries, and with due regard for the rights of the equatorial countries.
With regard to the protection of human rights, Ecuador considers that all Member countries of the United Nations are obliged, by virtue of the San Francisco Charter, to protect and respect them. The universal nature of the norms proclaimed by the international community for the implementation of human rights cannot be distorted through selective or discriminatory criteria inspired by reasons of a political or ideological nature.
In Ecuador of human rights are fully respected. The rule of law has been consolidated. The present Government takes its inspiration from Christianity as a doctrine that defends the equality and dignity of the human person and is directed towards the goal of the welfare of the people under the rule of freedom and justice.
An important contribution to the international law of the sea has been made by the group of countries forming the organization of the South Pacific. The new Convention on the Law of the Sea enshrines the rights of the littoral States. This is clear progress towards the legal development of issues relating to the sea. These principles have been maintained by Ecuador and a large group of developing countries bordering the oceans.
My country reiterates its resolve to defend Ecuadorian rights and interests in the context of this branch of international law which is developing so quickly. A few days ago the President of the Republic of Ecuador proclaimed that the continental shelf of Ecuador comprised the sea-bed and marine subsoil situated between the Ecuadorian territorial sea and the insular sea pertaining to the Colon archipelago up to a distance of 100 miles from the 2,500 meter isobath.
Ecuador will continue to participate in the development of the new international law of the sea and of its related institutions. It will do so in the work of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-bed Authority and the International Tribunal, which it is attending as an observer.
A country devoted to peace, Ecuador feels deep concern at the arras race in which the world is now involved. It recognizes the obvious sovereign right of States to safeguard their internal security, but this fundamental right can very well be reconciled with reasonable policies. There must be no toleration of an aims race which benefits only the arms dealers, while- the safety of mankind as a whole is endangered.

In all international forums Ecuador has criticized the arms race, whatever its origin. Ecuador is a party to the Treaty of Tlatelolco which is intended to preserve Latin America as a nuclear-free zone.
Disarmament is the goal which mankind must seek, but the least we can do is to seek arms limitation. It follows that Ecuador welcomes the proposal by the President of Peru, Mr. Alan Garcia Perez, to stem the arms race. But we believe that we must go beyond that objective towards real disarmament, above all in the most conflict-ridden regions of the world.
Ecuador has traditionally respected fundamental human rights. It considers that the human being, and not the organization or the system, is the essential reason for the existence of the State, and his welfare the sole moral goal of governments.
Consequently we have eliminated all forms of discrimination, which can be justified only on the grounds that some human beings are considered to have greater rights than others. No distinctions are made or tolerated in Ecuador for reasons of race, religion, sex, age, nationality or political belief. Women have the same rights as men, and if a woman freely chooses a function within society she does so because of her natural vocation and not because there are laws or policies that bar her from any activity or that limit her aspirations.
The Government of Ecuador views with deep concern the increase in the illicit traffic in drugs, and in terrorism. These real crimes against mankind have become the scourge of our generation. Society finds itself threatened by terror as a weapon for domination or political destabilization, and by drug traffic as an -instrument for the organic and mental destruction of human beings and of young people in particular.
Ecuador supported the General Assembly's declaration last year in which traffic in drugs has been defined as a crime against mankind, and it is ready to continue to give its support to the world Organization in promoting co-ordinated action by the international organizations and States against terrorism and the drug traffic, in relation to which commitments to fight these scourges were made by various Latin American Governments in the Quito Declaration of 11 December 1984.
Terrorism has in recent days caused an international upheaval which deserves the unanimous condemnation of the international community. The daughter of the President of El Salvador, Mr. Napoleon Duarte, has become the victim of a kidnapping. The pressure of the crime of terrorism has gone so far as to involve the most personal feelings of a Latin American Head of State. Ecuador conveys to Mr. Duarte, President of El Salvador, its deepest feelings of solidarity. We strongly condemn this attempt to exert pressure on him. We are convinced that not only the action of the Government of El Salvador, but also the unanimous agreement of the international community in condemning this act will curb the action of terrorism so that the victories it attempts to obtain will in fact only lead to universal condemnation.
The debt problem must be the shared responsibility of debtors and creditors. Ecuador has an open attitude to dialog and negotiation with the industrialized countries and the financial organizations. But it stresses the need for renegotiation to allow the essential leeway needed not only for the survival but also for the progress of the debtor countries.
While Ecuador has brought to a successful close the process of debt renegotiation, in terms which allow for an acceptable development of our national economy, the only effective and permanent solution will have to come from a restructuring of the economic policies which, having been based on an ill-advised protectionism, are largely to blame for Latin America's growing current account deficit in the balance of payments.
Latin America needs access to the market of the Eastern and Western industrialized countries for its exports, with the elimination of restrictive measures that prevent such access. The renegotiation effected by the Government of Ecuador commits approximately 30 per cent of current export revenues to debt amortization. This figure, while still high, nevertheless allows for the development and progress of the Ecuadorian people.
Although Ecuador's acute problem has been substantially ameliorated, our international conscience is not dulled to the general problem of the debt and, above all, to the position of the South American countries. Consequently Ecuador supports and participates actively in the Cartagena Consensus group. For the peoples of Latin America the commitment of a disproportionate percentage of their export revenues to debt amortization is not a purely financial problem; it is a historic problem of survival.
In the context of this dramatic crisis, Latin America's social, as well as its economic stability, and even the political outlook of its democratic regimes, constitute separate elements in this one basic problem.
While it is not admissible for Ecuador to have any intent of declaring a unilateral moratorium, and still less to create debtor organizations directed to that end, Ecuador wishes to make clear to the Governments of the creditor countries, with complete frankness, the seriousness of the Latin American crisis.
The contribution of the world Powers to the developing countries must be intensified. Multilateral development projects need to be extended and increased. It is essential that both the donor countries, and the recipient countries should be clearly aware of the fact that capital inflows, the transfer of technology, and the opening of credits and markets by the most developed countries, are all essential in order to promote the economic development and ensure the social peace of the developing countries. With
respect to the Central American crisis and the Contadora Group, I wish to say that the serious breach of the peace which afflicts the Central American region is of continuing concern to the Government of Ecuador. Nothing that happens on our continent, much less something so distressing, can fail to be of concern to Ecuadorians. The Government of Ecuador considers that the enjoyment of true democracy in Central America is a sine qua non for the restoration of peace. It has therefore welcomed such electoral processes as those which took place in El Salvador last March and those about to take place next November in Guatemala. Moreover, it considers that the disarmament of the region is a necessity, since the imbalance of forces between States normally carries with it continuing threats to peace and constant breaches of the peace.
In the same spirit, Ecuador has indicated that the time has come to resume the the conversations between the Government of El Salvador and the rebel forces, and it has given its approval to the proposal by President Ronald Reagan to encourage a dialog between the Sandinista Government and its opponents.
In general, Ecuador believes that disputes between States must be resolved by peaceful means. Rational understanding, and not armed confrontation, is the way to solve differences. Consequently, the efforts of the Contadora Group are highly praiseworthy. Not only that means of dealing with the problem, but all those provided for under international law can be, and we hope will be, attempted in order to restore harmony in that afflicted region. To this end Ecuador looks with hope to the blossoming of the basic ingredient of peace, goodwill, that makes it possible to soften intractable intentions and overcome insurmountable obstacles.
With respect to our work in the future, the Ecuadorian delegation wishes to stress, as it did last year, that the work of the General Assembly should focus on specific actions which may make it possible to achieve practical results, and seek above all every opportunity for understanding and points of agreement, rather than further deepening the differences, which, by increasing tension, or excesses, hamper the work of the Assembly.
The action of States and of the United Nations must be based on the adoption of increasingly positive goals. We must move away from lofty rhetoric and concentrate on a modest but attainable objective. We must abandon the progressive dialectics of insult and instead stress common values. We must foreseen the primitive simplicity of fighting and make an act of faith in the effort of establishing brotherhood. In other words, we must seek harmony: that of man with nature, that of peoples among themselves, and that between nation and nation. The result of such an attitude will be progress and peace.
Let us hope that in the last years of this century we may be able to witness the fact these ideals have become an objective shared by all the peoples of the earth.


At the outset I should like warmly to congratulate you. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly and to wish you every success, in your highly responsible post.
I wish also to take this opportunity to express my thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Lusaka, for his contribution to the work of the last session, for which he has won the respect of all of us.
Being convened during celebrations of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, the present session is more significant than the previous ones. The United Nations is the outcome of victory in the world war against fascism. The United Nations Charter laid down the purposes and principles for maintaining world peace, suppressing acts of aggression, ensuring international security, promoting international co-operation, respecting the equality of nations, large and small, settling international disputes by peaceful means and refraining from interfering in the internal affairs of any State. Facts show that these purposes and principles established 40 years ago are still of great immediate significance four the just handling of the problems facing the world today. The purpose of solemnly commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations is to reaffirm the unalterable principles of the United Nations Charter and further strengthen the functions of the United Nations so that it may play a greater role in the noble cause of maintaining world peace and increasing international co-operation.
In the past 40 years tremendous changes have taken place in the international situation and the world as a whole. The vigorous movement for national independence has made colonialism a thing of the past as a system. A number of countries have taken the road of socialist development. The emergence of the third world and the numerous small and medium-sized countries on the world political arena has brought a fundamental change to the pattern of international relations. With the rapid development of modern science and technology, mankind has achieved successes beyond the imagination of the past generations in the effort to conquer nature, expand productive forces and enhance its own welfare and has broadened the vistas of a better future before it.
The changes of the post-War world are reflected in the changing United Nations. The emergence of many newly-independent countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and Oceania and the consequent big increase in the membership of the United Nations have strengthened the universality of the Organization. Despite the twists and turns the United Nations has gone through, we should on the whole give a positive appraisal of its efforts for peace, international co-operation and the greater well-being of mankind. We congratulate the United Nations on its achievements over the past 40 years and are ready to work with all other Member States to strengthen the role of the Organization.
Compared with the preceding year there are certain signs of relaxation in the world situation. But the root cause of tension remains. There is a universal desire for a genuine relaxation of international tension. To this end it is imperative to stop the arms race and seek fair and reasonable solutions to regional conflicts. Here, I should like to speak on those two issues.
In the past four decades of discussions on disarmament have been going on every year, both inside and outside 'he United Nations. Regrettably, the arms race has never ceased for a single moment. On the contrary, it has kept escalating. That is an undeniable historical fact. One may ask several questions: How many nuclear weapons were there in the world in 1963 when the partial nuclear-test-ban Treaty was signed? How many nuclear weapons were there in 1972 when the interim United States-Soviet agreement on strategic arms limitation was signed? And how many more nuclear weapons are there today as compared with 20 years ago? The number of strategic nuclear warheads alone has increased several times. This trend cannot but cause general concern. The arms race cannot possibly be a unilateral affair. Although both sides have claimed only to maintain parity, each is in fact bent on gaining supremacy over the other. When one side declares that it has fallen behind and must catch up, the other side will do likewise on the same excuse. This inevitably leads to an alternating escalation of their arms race. In order to change the long-standing situation in the arms race, in which each side tries to outdo the other, it is imperative for the two nuclear Powers that possess 95 per cent of the world's nuclear weapons earnestly to consider taking the lead in drastically reducing their nuclear arsenals. They will still have enough left to destroy each other even if their nuclear arsenals are cut by half, let alone by a quarter. It must be pointed out that the arms race between the super-Powers has been extended from land, sea and air to outer space. If this trend of large-scale qualitative escalation is allowed to continue unchecked, it is bound to increase the danger of war and to pose a grave threat to world peace.
We welcome the resumption of disarmament talks in Geneva between the United States and the Soviet Union. The two countries will also hold a summit meeting in the near future. It is hoped that through serious talks they will reach a practical and effective agreement without prejudice to third countries. Of course, it would be unrealistic to pin our hopes for peace on their talks only.
In view of the grave threat to world peace posed by the continued escalation of the arms race and in view of the strong desire of the people of the world for nuclear and conventional disarmament, the Chinese delegation wishes to put forward to the General Assembly the following four-point proposal:
First, in order to reduce the danger of a nuclear war and to create the conditions for the complete elimination of that danger, all nuclear States - and the two big nuclear Powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, in particular -should undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons in any circumstances and should unconditionally pledge not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states or against nuclear-free zones. Proceeding on such a basis, an international convention prohibiting the use of nuclear weapons should be concluded with the participation of all nuclear States.
Secondly, in order to avert the possible escalation of a conventional war into a nuclear war in areas with a high concentration of nuclear and conventional weapons; the two military blocs - the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Treaty organization - should reach an agreement as early as possible on the drastic reduction of their conventional weapons.
Thirdly, outer space belongs to all mankind and ought to be used for peaceful purposes for the benefit of all. The United States and the Soviet Union should immediately stop the arms race in all its forms in outer space. All countries with a space capability should refrain from developing, testing or deploying outer space weaponry. An international agreement on the complete prohibition and destruction of outer space weaponry should be concluded as soon as possible.
Fourthly, in view of the fact that the arms race in the development of chemical weapons has not been checked, the 40-nation Geneva Conference on Disarmament is called upon to complete its negotiations at an early date and to conclude a convention on the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of chemical weapons. Pending that, all countries capable of manufacturing and producing chemical weapons should stop testing, producing, transferring and deploying chemical weapons and should pledge not to use such weapons.
The aforesaid points are all reasonable measures for resolving the most pressing issues of our time. We hope that the above proposal will be considered by the General Assembly in the interest of promoting disarmament and a relaxation of international tension.
China's position on disarmament is clear and firm. We are resolutely opposed to the arms race and stand for practical and effective measures to reduce armaments. China's military expenditure has long been kept at a low level. Although there has been a fairly rapid growth in China's economy in recent years, its military expenditure has not increased correspondingly.
The few nuclear weapons China possesses and the United number of nuclear tests it has conducted are solely for the purpose of self-defense. On the very first day we came into possession of a nuclear force, we declared that China would never be the first to use nuclear weapons. China has also undertaken not to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States or nuclear-free zones.
Not long ago, China decided to reduce the size of its military force by 1 million. Part of China's military industry is being shifted to civilian production so as to meet the increasing daily needs of our people.
We have demonstrated our desire for peace and our policy of peace with actual deeds.
The existence of hot spots is an important source of world tension and turbulence. Where there are hot spots, there is a danger of expanded conflicts and crises and they deprive large parts of the world of tranquility. How to end conflicts and remove hot spots is a concern of us all. We are in favor of political settlement, but political settlement can only be achieved through peaceful negotiations on a fair and reasonable basis. In other words, there must be full respect for the sovereignty and independence of countries and strict observance of the international principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of any other country. Professed readiness for a political settlement with the intent to impose on others a fait accompli created by aggression, expansion and interference is nothing but a fraud. The Chinese Government has always maintained that international disputes should be settled through peaceful negotiations on an equal footing, in accordance with the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, without resort to the use or threat of force.
The Kampuchean question remains a matter of concern to the international community. While expanding the war in Kampuchea and incessantly violating the borders of Thailand and China, Viet Nam has resorted to political tricks by using "political settlement" as a means to split and destroy the Kampuchean patriotic forces one by one. But this attempt cannot possible succeed. The tripartite Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, headed by Prince Sihanouk, has closed its ranks and persevered in the struggle against the aggressors, winning extensive support from the international community.
China is firmly opposed to Viet Nam's occupation of Kampuchea and any big Power's support for such acts of aggression. In our view, the key to the solution of the Kampuchean issue is the withdrawal of all Vietnamese troops from that country. The so-called complete withdrawal of troops from Kampuchea by 1990 is a sheer hoax, the aim of which is to eliminate the resistance forces and perpetuate Viet Nam's control over Kampuchea. China sincerely hopes that Kampuchea will become an independent, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned country. We appreciate the position taken by the countries of the Association of South-Bast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in support of the Kampuchean people's struggle against Vietnamese aggression, for national salvation and in the search for a just solution to the Kampuchean question. The proposal for a Kampuchean solution put forward by the recent ASEAN Foreign Ministers' meeting is reasonable, as are the position and steps taken by Democratic Kampuchea in regard to the present situation. Viet Nam should make a positive response to all this if it really wants a solution.
The Afghan issue is in essence one of armed aggression against, intervention in and occupation of a non-aligned country by large numbers of troops dispatched by a super-Power, which have not only grossly trampled on the norms guiding international relations but also posed a grave threat to the peace and security of neighboring regions. We condemn the intensifying military suppression of the Afghan people and demand the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. We support the efforts made by the parties concerned to bring about a just solution to the Afghan question in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
We resolutely support the just struggle of the Palestinian and other Arab -peoples and strongly demand Israel's withdrawal from the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967. We maintain that all countries in the Middle East are entitled to exercise the right to independence and existence. We support the Arab countries and the Palestine Liberation Organization in their efforts to strengthen their unity and to attain their national goals through political negotiation and by other means. We are in favor of holding an international conference on peace in the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations so as to seek a just and comprehensive solution to the Middle Bast question and bring about peace in the region.
We are opposed to any outside intervention in the affairs of the Central American countries. The internal problems of Central American countries should be solved by the people of the respective countries. We support the Contadora Group in its continued efforts to arrive at a peaceful settlement of Central American problems and hope that the parties concerned will take practical steps and hold consultations on an equal footing so as to ease the tension in the region.
Recently, the situation in southern Africa has deteriorated drastically. In defiance of opposition from the international public, the South African authorities have clung stubbornly to the system of apartheid and racial discrimination, openly declaring a state of emergency in some towns and cities, in ruthless suppression of the black people.
They have set up an interim government in Namibia to obstruct its independence and intensified their acts of aggression and provocation against neighboring countries. That racism and apartheid should exist now, in the 1980s, is a disgrace to mankind. We indignantly condemn the South African authorities for their crimes perpetuating racist rule, bloody suppressing the black people in South Africa and willfully invading and threatening neighboring States.
We sternly demand that the South African authorities immediately abolish the so-called interim government they have rigged up in Namibia and terminate their illegal occupation of the country so that it may attain independence at the earliest possible date, in compliance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We will, as always, unswervingly support the South African people in their struggle against racism, the Namibian people in their struggle for national independence and the other peoples of southern Africa in their struggle for national security, peace and stability.
We support the proposal put forward by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea - namely, the establishment of a confederate republic with two coexistent systems and the holding of parliamentary talks between the North and the South, as well as tripartite talks. United States troops should be withdrawn from South Korea. We support dialog between the north and the south and appreciate all efforts conducive to the relaxation of tension on the Korean peninsula.
While discussing the danger of war in the current international situation, we must not lose sight of the growth and development of forces for peace.
For the sake of survival and development, the third-world countries, whose aggregate population accounts for three quarters of the world's total, resolutely oppose war and the arms race, and demand world peace.
Many member States of the East and West military blocs, having suffered the catastrophe of two world wars, are unwilling to be dragged into another war.
The many small and medium-sized countries in Asia, Oceania and Europe do not want war. They demand independent and equal participation in international affairs and oppose big-Power domination of the world.
Hundreds of millions of people in the world, including intellectuals, artists, scientists and religious leaders of different races and creeds, all hate war and desire peace. Engaging in different forms of activity against the arms race and the threat of a nuclear war. they constitute a mighty and irresistible force for peace.
In a word, the people are the motive force of history and the masters of the world. They will take their destiny into their own hands. Popular desire for peace is the general trend of the world. Whoever undermines peace by resorting to an arms race and the threat of war will be opposed by the overwhelming majority of the people. Drawing a bitter lesson from the Second World War, they are determined to take preventive measures against the possible danger and avoid the recurrence of the historical disaster. Both the nuclear super-Powers have overkill capabilities and neither of them can afford to ignore the calamitous consequences of a nuclear war for itself, therefore, so long as the people of all countries continue their efforts, persevere in struggle and develop the peace forces against war, there are good hopes for the maintenance of world peace.
Development is a major issue closely related to world peace. World economic development has been characterized by growing imbalance and instability in recent years as a result of the widening economic gap between the developed and the developing countries. At present, many countries still face grave economic difficulties. Latin America groans under a crushing debt burden. Africa is not only plagued with drought and famine but also beset by the debt problem. And Asia is suffering greatly from trade protectionism. Moreover, they are generally faced with lack of development funds, a fall in the prices of raw materials and primary products and sharp fluctuation in the money and financial markets. All this greatly hinders the growth of the developing countries.
Since achieving political independence, the developing countries have scored marked successes and accumulated valuable experience in their strenuous endeavor to develop the national economy. Facts have shown that the important point for the third-world countries is how to formulate a development strategy suited to their actual conditions so as to alleviate the current economic difficulties and ensure a steady economic growth. As an old Chinese saying has it, "Poverty gives rise to a desire for change and change will work out a way leading to success and success tends to hold out." The developing countries should be able to lift themselves out of their backwardness. They have rich natural resources and industrious people who desire development. Provided they bring into play all positive factors, tap their own potentials and take part actively in South-South co-operation, they can gradually overcome their difficulties in the course of development.
Of course, the development of the third world is not a matter of concern to the third world alone. The international community should take effective measures to create an international economic climate favorable to the economic development of the third world. In a highly interrelated world, the economic stability and growth of the developed countries cannot be based on the stagnation and poverty of the developing countries. The existing international economic order is evidently out of step with the changed world economic and political pattern. To change it into a fair and just economic order benefiting the people of all countries is the call of our time. Besides, the economic stability and development of the South are an important factor making for world peace and stability. The developed countries should be farsighted enough to proceed from the overall interests of the world and give serious attention to the question of the North-South relations. At present, it is imperative in particular to take effective measures in favor of the developing countries by alleviating their debt burden, lowering interest rates, opening markets and providing them with funds and increased economic and technological assistance.
In the international economic field, trade, money, finance and debt are interrelated. It is necessary for the international community to seek a composite solution to these pressing issues facing the world economy. The United Nations and other international organizations should step up their role of co-ordination in improving North-South relations. China supports North-South dialog and South-South co-operation in the hope that the joint efforts of North and South will lead to a stable and balanced development of the world economy.
Here we wish to mention in particular the critical state of the African economy. The 21st Summit Meeting of the Organization of African Unity, held not long ago, gave expression to the eager desire of the African countries for closer unity and co-operation and the revitaligation of the African economy. We call on the international community and especially the developed countries to do their part in helping the African countries overcome their economic difficulties and improve their economic position.
China is both a socialist country and the largest developing country in the world. We have achieved great successes in all fields since the founding of the People's Republic of China 36 years ago. However, prolonged efforts are required before we can thoroughly eliminate backwardness in China and turn our large country of 1 billion people into a modern socialist country with Chinese characteristics. We are carrying out an economic reform to invigorate the domestic economy and open the country to the outside world. This is a great experiment. Experience in our reform over the past few years gives us full confidence in its success. To attain our goal we need peace not only for the rest of this century but in the next century as well.
In international affairs, we pursue an independent foreign policy of peace namely we oppose hegemonism and maintain world peace; strengthen China's solidarity and co-operation with the rest of the third world and support the other third-world countries in their just struggles to safeguard their sovereignty and independence and develop their national economies; develop normal relations with all other countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence irrespective of the differences or similarities in their social systems as compared with that of China; do not enter into alliance or strategic relationship with any big Power or line up with one against another; make our own independent judgment on international issues; and support whatever is in the interest of world peace, international co-operation and common development and oppose whatever is not.
Proceeding from the fundamental interests of the Chinese people, China's independent foreign policy of peace is also in the fundamental interests of the people of the whole world. Fully aware of our responsibility and weight in international affairs, we are determined to do all we can to help relax tension, maintain world peace and promote international co-operation. China will never do anything detrimental to world peace. We will not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, nor seek spheres of influence or practice hegemonism. This is, and will remain, our position. China is a factor making for peace and stability. It is our hope that, with the growth of its economy and strength, China will be able to contribute more to the cause of peace and human progress.
Peace, co-operation and development are our goals. They are also our earnest aspirations, which we wish to reaffirm to the whole world on the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. The Chinese Government and people are determined to make sustained and joint efforts together with the peoples of other countries for the realization of these lofty aspirations.


Mr. President, at this session which is a high point in the life of the Organization, it is indeed fitting that the United Nations should have honored and singled out one of its most deserving and energetic servants. Hence I do not know what would be more appropriate: to congratulate you. Sir, on this honor and distinction that has been conferred upon you or to congratulate ourselves on our judicious choice which ensures for our Assembly an invaluable contribution from one of the most dedicated observers of the vicissitudes of the Organization.
At a time when the Organization is reviewing its past, probing the present and wondering about its future, it is extremely comforting to have a man of your commitment, lucidity and selfless dedication guiding us towards what we believe to be best for our turbulent and troubled world. To your country, Spain, we owe a debt of gratitude for having provided us with a citizen of the world dedicated to the ideals of the United Nations.
Your predecessor, Ambassador Paul Lusaka, also deserves an expression of great gratitude. This worthy son of Africa has left you the exemplary legacy of a kind-hearted man. The actions and convictions of a man of his stature and qualities gives hope and strength to those who believe that mankind has the necessary resources to work for justice and a better world for all.
A particular tribute must be paid to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. The excellent report he has given us is in itself sufficient proof of his determination and courage. In his vast undertaking and the reforms he seeks to be applied collectively, we wish to assure him that we will stand by his side and join forces with him.
The United Nations is currently commemorating its fortieth anniversary. In a human lifetime 40 years is already a generation, just as it is also an appropriate time for taking measures to correct, adapt or redirect actions towards goals, aspirations and ambitions in the light of past experience, and the same holds true for organizations. Forty years ago, in the last smoldering fires of a war which shamed mankind, the United Nations was born in a world which had categorically rejected war and made a wager on peace; at a time when colonialism had tarnished human civilization, it condemned the oppression of man by man and chose freedom; in a world living in poverty and destitution, it promised that progress would be made.
Emerging from total chaos born out of madness, the United Nations sought to restore order and reason - to its credit, its first step towards dignity for all. That the United Nations has brought together the greatest number of peoples and States mankind has ever known is due to the astuteness of its wager and the majesty of its promise. There is no doubt that this wager and this promise is still the order of the day.
The United Nations is an idea as well as an act of hope. It is an idea which will always hold that dialog offers more than an unbridled exercise of force; that fear, even organized fear, can never replace confidence; that the balance of terror still remains terror; that if freedom can accommodate even one single violation, it is no longer true freedom; and, finally, that no order can be acceptable where the opulence of a few draws on the poverty of the many.
•The United Nations, therefore, is an act of hope, because of its faith in the capacity of man to come to grips with problems and to make the right choices -especially when confronted with today's very serious problems and prevailing circumstance.
Indeed, we are daily coming closer to the ultimate choice: prosperity in solidarity or uncontrollable and inevitable turbulence; to consolidate the bases of guaranteed universal destruction and increase the risk of its happening or ensure harmonious coexistence and friendly ties that will enable mankind to survive.
At this period of stocktaking there is no principle of the United Nations that has been altered or made invalid in the 40 years of its existence. Time has not made any of its aims obsolete. Its outlook, its concept and its progress remain as meaningful as ever. The breadth of our ambition has lacked only the power of action and our great dreams have not been made everyday realities.
That the United Nations exists is already a meaningful achievement. If our Organization served only as a means of communication between peoples, that alone would justify its being maintained; if it served only as a forum in which our States could speak and listen to each other, it should still be upheld; if it served only to allow dialog to prevail over conflict, it would still deserve our every effort to make it strong.
But we expect more than that of the United Nations. If the United Nations is to fulfill our hopes and expectations we must believe in it and make of it a real instrument of peace and co-operation among nations by giving it the necessary means to carry out its universal mission.
None of this can diminish the achievements of the United Nations. Even if it has merely transferred conflicts from one arena to another, it has, for the present generation, exorcised the specter of world conflict; in their long march towards their destiny, all the oppressed peoples have seen the Organization join them in their struggle and have found in it understanding, solace and support. To a world divided against itself it has pointed out the path of true reconciliation based on a system of peace through collective security and co-operation.
Basically, the United Nations has carried the burden of bringing some semblance of order and justice to international relations. In so doing, it has set forth conditions, formulated guiding principles and outlined a framework. It is most regrettable that the collective effort has not been commensurate with the intentions and that the action taken has not been in line with the new vision of the world. The need for a system of collective security gave way to a stunning accumulation of armaments; true security through disarmament has been replaced by a distorted form of security based on deterrence, as if there were no choice between the imposition of power and collective suicide.
Surely this is an immoral state of affairs at a time when not all the people of our planet are assured of food, health, education and shelter and precious resources are fueling the forces of destruction. That represents a clear denial of all the things that constitute the essence and spirit of the United Nations.
We must note that the new order of international co-operation announced by the United Nations has not yet been put into practice. The United Nations has not responded to the challenge of a new international economic order, international development strategies or global negotiations. As was the case with disarmament, certain Members lacked the necessary will, conviction and foresight.
We need only look at the horizons of Palestine, Namibia, South Africa, western Sahara and other places to measure the extent to which one of the essential tasks of the United Nations has remained unaccomplished.
The victim of factitious political quarrels, tainted by the preference for selective bilateralism and oriented away from multilateral action or called upon to take sides when in fact it should be acting as judge, the United Nations is but the image of the society that gave it birth; torn between East and West, North and South, and the protagonists in the last enclaves in which the fate of freedom against oppression is being decided, that society cannot help but transfer its deep divisions to our Organization.
The nature of present-day international relations, which are characterized by conflict, reflects upon the United Nations and saps its effectiveness. The attachment of some to the privileges of a garish opulence acquired through their dominant positions and at the cost of the total deprivation of others has condemned the United Nations to inaction. Even the rights of peoples and the causes of freedom are subjected to obstacles that can be explained or understood only in the light of other calculations, other interests and other goals that have no connection with the work of the United Nations. Because we believe that the vision and action of the United Nations are part of the course of history, we cannot remain silent about its weaknesses.
Algeria cannot forget that it was at the United Nations that its struggle for freedom received one of the most striking manifestations of sympathy. It was here that Algeria found friends, comrades and brothers, and they were many; it was here, finally, that the martyrdom of its people and the justice of its struggle were made known to the world.
The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of our Organization is taking place in a situation that clearly reveals what remains to be done.
The world climate is disturbed. The reopening of East-West negotiations has occurred in an atmosphere of reciprocal mistrust and amid an escalation of shows of force in all environments, although nature intended them for other purposes.
In an interdependent world everything that can contribute, even in a limited way, to improving international relations should be given consideration. We remain convinced of the need to establish a world order free from the policies of spheres of influence, able to rely upon general and complete disarmament and based on a system of real collective security. The extension of the reopened. East-West negotiations to include regional or local tensions, crises and conflicts is meaningful in this regard.
There can be no detente unless it is universal, as indeed there can be no security unless it is shared by all.
If the continuation of tension, of crises and regional disputes are of concern to the whole international community, then it is essential that a settlement of disputes should not be tied to the geo-strategic interests of any particular Member.
In present-day international economic relations, we see proof of the many tasks that the United Nations has not been able to accomplish. We commemorate these 40 years of the existence of our Organization in a world which has been shaken by acute economic crisis. Whether we speak of international trade, of the monetary system, of the financial system, of agriculture, industrialization or the commodities market, it is the very structures of the world's economic system which has been shaken.
Worse than precarious, the present system of economic international relations is obsolete. It is not adapted to present-day problems or to the new conditions of our times. And this is undeniable. It was able to carry out its historic task when it was devoted to building up the exclusive prosperity of a few, but this system very quickly showed that it was inadequate when faced with the challenge of universal prosperity.
World indebtedness today is the revealing factor which shows up the disruptions and the inadequacies of the system.
The economic situation in Africa is another revealing factor, The drama of survival, which Africa lives through on a daily basis, must awaken our conscience. The United Nations has brought solace to Africa in its distress, but action and assistance at present under way are not commensurate with the scope and the reality of the needs in Africa. A consistent and integrated program of economic recovery remains essential for Africa. This constitutes a challenge for international
co-operation and development which must be recognized in order to reactivate its original spirit and reconcile us to its original vocation.
The twenty-first Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (GAU) showed! the way to the rehabilitation of African economies. The African States agreed on the responsibilities they were prepared to shoulder. They also told the international community and the United Nations system what they expected of them.
In so far as it is capable of meeting these expectations, the United Nations will find an ideal occasion to live up to its ideals.
Over and beyond its immediate intervention in areas of critical interest and its response to calls for assistance from certain countries or regions, the United -Nations has been faced with an overall problem by reason of the world economic crisis. From that standpoint the establishment of a new international economic order is consistent with the course of history.
In a world of interdependence, where obviously all problems are closely interrelated, there is no real alternative to global negotiations. In taking note of the obstacles which have prevented them from being initiated, and at the same time assessing their ability to bring a true solution to the problems before us, we cannot but maintain our belief that global negotiations constitute the future for a North-South dialog engaged in loyally and with determination.
The international financial and monetary system is one of the main parameters of the world economic crisis which we have to face. Its present inadequacy restricts growth and development. It must therefore be revised in the common interest.
The world economic crisis the source of serious instability in international relations. Its continuation will inevitably degenerate into further aggravations for which one day we will have to pay a very high price. Must that actually happen in order for us to effect, at a cost which we cannot count today, the essential changes and transformations which must be brought about in the world economy? The latter provides sufficient grounds for concern which should encourage us immediately to take collective action capable of reversing the present course of events. The world economic crisis, because of the diversity of its effects and its ramifications in international life, must lead us to seek solutions on the basis of shared political responsibility.
We can tackle that task provided we can draw, with lucidity and courage, from the lessons we have learned in the past.
The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has dedicated itself to that particular task, having always emphasized its importance.
This is the appropriate time to refer to the contribution made by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in identifying itself with the ideals of the United Nations.
The independence of peoples, collective security, disarmament and development, which form the very basis and essence of the United Nations, are also causes to which non-alignment is dedicated.
By the very fact that it stands aside from all blocs, non-alignment has made a contribution to peace which is already a fact of history.
But by placing Atself outside blocs, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries does not intend to remain passive. An independent source of reflection and action, it has sought to contribute to an improvement in international relations through proposals and initiatives. The difficulties experienced in carrying them out have not discouraged the Movement from persisting in its efforts.
After a quartet century of existence. the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has reason to take pride in having served the United Nations.
We have come here today to share our satisfaction and our frustrations with regard to the United Nations, but we are also here today to express our firm attachment to the ideals of the Organization. There is no better proof of this attachment than the principles which are the basis of at country's policies and action in our region. The principles are mutual respect, good-neighborliness and co-operation; the action is to mobilize the region's entire potential for the benefit of our stability and the progress of our peoples.
Together with all others displaying goodwill, Algeria is dedicated to the establishment of a united Maghreb achieved through reconciliation between all brotherly peoples and the removal of all obstacles, whatever their nature or scope. The Greater Maghreb can only translate vision into reality through a determined commitment of all those involved.
If those parties are convinced of the inevitability of the establishment of a United Maghreb, they must create the most favorable conditions for it. The only destiny for the peoples of the Maghreb is a common destiny. Their shared history has foreordained that destiny. Divided, we shall have no power and our voice will not be heard: united, we shall become a zone of prosperity.and be substantial partners as a result of our combined wills and capacities.
The choice before us is therefore crystal-clear, and so is the right choice. We in Algeria are confident that the right choice will be made.
But the Greater Maghreb cannot be built up through the sacrifice of any one of its peoples - to be specific, the people of Western Sahara - without abandoning our long-held aspirations and without losing our own souls.
The Western Sahara conflict is at the same time a national and an international fact. There is both a national and an international reality in that territory. Consequently any final and peaceful solution of that conflict must ensure that that dual reality will be fully taken into account.
The Organization of African Unity, the United Nations and, more recently, in Luanda, the Non-Aligned Movement have taken a common stand evoking that dual reality, and defining its framework and the appropriate means. The concept is a decolonization process to be concluded by implementing the right of the people of that territory to self-determination and independence. The framework would involve direct negotiations between the parties to the conflict. The means would be a free and fair self-determination referendum without administrative or military constraints, and both parties to the conflict, identified as such, would negotiate the modalities of such a referendum. There is full international consensus on such a step. It is well known where the responsibility lies for the fact that it has not been taken and also for the attempts to pervert the consensus and distort the settlement process which is the subject of that consensus.
In this respect, I would recall these facts. First, that since the conflict in western Sahara concerns a decolonization process that remains to be completed, there can be no viable and credible settlement that is not concluded by the combatants and guaranteed by them; secondly, formally declaring that it will have no other value than to confirm a fait accompli is not a referendum; and lastly i, the Organization of African Unity, together with the united Nations, have full responsibility for a decolonization process described as such by both organizations.
Having exercised all means within its power to put an end to this fratricidal conflict, Algeria reiterates; its appeal to reason as well as to the sense of responsibility of those who have still not shown a readiness to enable the peoples of the region to cease using their energies in the service of destruction and to join forces to build their country.
Now that the path to peace has been clearly indicated, we congratulate the Organization of African unity, the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement on what they have achieved. We would encourage the United Nations Secretary-General to collaborate with the authorities of the African organization to ensure strict application of the settlement plan, on which there is a universal consensus.
The United Nations has condemned apartheid as a crime against humanity. The racial oppression suffered by the South African people, the illegal occupation of Namibia and the aggression and intimidation suffered by the front-line countries cannot be described as anything but crimes against humanity.
Some among us here have believed the promises that apartheid would change, while others have actively encouraged those promises. Today that system has revealed itself to the world for what it really is and for what it always has been, it is within its own logic that its truly evil nature is to be found; it is within that logic, but also because of the toleration it has enjoyed that it has been able to survive for so long.
Since that awareness has taken considerable time to develop in some quarters, collective action is all the more urgent. That awareness can be expressed only through comprehensive mandatory sanctions.
Those who have never abandoned hope in the United Nations and those who have worked for the establishment of justice and peace in southern Africa will draw hope and faith from such action. The peoples of southern Africa and Namibia will be able to draw solace from it in their just struggle. The international community owes the African National Congress, the South West Africa People's Organization and the front-line countries - and through them the whole of Africa - this expression of support in their struggle for their freedom.
The crimes of apartheid in southern Africa recall those of Zionism in Palestine and in the Middle East.
In speaking here today on this subject I am forced to recall that it was a United Nations concept that led to the present martyrdom of the Palestinian people. In order to ease the conscience of some, a whole people was condemned to exile.
The unjust fate of that people, and its unfulfilled destiny, are at the heart of the Middle Bast crisis, with all its regional and international repercussions.
This Assembly has recognized the inalienable national rights of the people of Palestine. From henceforth those rights cannot be prejudged or predetermined against the will of that people.
Similarly, the General Assembly has bestowed international recognition on the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole, legitimate and authentic representative of the Palestinian people. This shows the imperative need for the PLO1s participation in any negotiations on the future of the Palestinian people and therefore peace in the Middle East.
Since inalienable national rights are expressed through the natural right to self-determination of all peoples, without exception, it is only logical that the Palestinian people should enjoy those rights without hindrance, particularly through the creation of its independent State in Palestine, its historical homeland. Therefore, any change in the PLO's representative status or its status as a participant in negotiations on the Middle East and Palestine would be totally unacceptable.
Finally, in view of the regional and international dimensions of the Middle East crisis and the question of Palestine, it is clear that an international peace conference under United Nations auspices is the only valid framework for a lasting solution.
Algeria, which has always believed that Zionist practices are a denial of peace, sees in the brutal aggression against our brother and neighbor, Tunisia, further justification for that belief. The genocide against the Palestinian people, which is a constant goal of Zionism, is being carried to the furthermost corners of the host countries in which the Palestinian people have found refuge. Algeria strongly condemns that new act of aggression and calls on the international community to shoulder its responsibilities and ensure that it does not go unpunished. In acknowledging the wisdom of the purposes and principles of the Charter, we can hope for nothing better than their observance in solving the conflict between Iraq and Iran. Nothing concerns and sadden Algeria more than the persistence of that conflict between two countries with which we maintain brotherly relations. Convinced that the interests of their two peoples lie in an end to the bloodshed and that the waste of energy and strength in the conflict is very 'damaging to their plans for development and progress, Algeria hopes that Iraq and Iran will finally, with faith and courage, prove able to rise above their differences and take up the challenge of peace.
Those same purposes and principles of the United Nations must prevail in Central America, where the peoples must together take up that same challenge of peace. The Contadora Group is persevering in a responsible manner to that end. In view of the importance of its task, it deserves broad support and merits our encouragement and our confidence.
During its 40 years of existence the United Nations has been the setting for hidden and declared differences, compounded by conflicts of conscience that have increased uncertainty. The United Nations and its multilateral work for peace and development are as valid as they ever were, but while that work has resulted in some worth-while achievements, much remains to be done.
The problems of our age demand respect for the ideals on which the United Nations was founded. Any strength that the United Nations possesses can come only from our strength; its rationality can come only from our reason; it can be effective only to the extent that we make the necessary means available to it. Having proclaimed the theme "United Nations for a better world", we must remember that that world will be only what we collectively make it.