54.	 I congratulate you, Sir, upon your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. I feel certain that your intimate knowledge of the United Nations and your wide experience in international matters will contribute to the success of our deliberations. I wish also to express our appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Imre Hollai, who presided with skill and diligence over the work of the Assembly last year.
55.	On behalf of my Government I should like to reiterate our full confidence in the Secretary-General. His wisdom and profound experience are invaluable assets for the Organization. We find that the stimulating analysis of the world situation contained in his report to the General Assembly	deserves the most serious consideration.
56.	We also welcome the most recent Member, Saint Christopher and Nevis.
57.	For several years we have been meeting in an atmosphere of anxiety and desperation. The scope of the nuclear menace to the human race defies our imagination, and yet we see that the level of resources allocated to the arms race has doubled since the first special session on disarmament in 1978. It has now reached the staggering amount of $800 billion. Ironically, during the same period, the transfer of resources from the developed countries to the developing ones has diminished, both in absolute and relative terms. The awareness of the interdependence which is required to solve global problems is sadly lacking. Tensions, conflicts and preoccupation with narrow national interests dominate the world today. The non-nuclear-weapon countries watch helplessly as the nuclear Powers seem oriented towards a new competition in the arms race. The recourse to force and the threats of the use of force are multiplying. Tens of thousands of people die in armed conflicts every year, and many more are suffering from the devastation and inhumanity engendered by wars.
58.	Lebanon is, in this respect, a tragic example. As our attention is focused again on the Middle East, we deeply deplore the events unfolding in that country. The Israeli aggression against Lebanon last year not only has caused vast human losses and untold suffering for the Lebanese and Palestinian peoples, but has also created conditions in which it is extremely difficult to restore peace, stability and national unity in Lebanon. Everything possible has to be done to prevent a civil war. We welcome the recent cease-fire and congratulate all those who contributed to it. Effective supervision of this cease-fire is indispensable, and we urge the Security Council to act without delay in this matter.
59.	The present situation in Lebanon is without doubt precarious. National reconciliation and the safeguarding of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon require a radical change of attitude on the part of the countries which have the power to influence developments. Lebanon cannot solve its problems under foreign occupation. The Israeli forces should withdraw promptly and in conditions acceptable to Lebanon. The other forces should also evacuate Lebanon. The continuation of the present situation can only lead to fragmentation and the de facto partition of Lebanon, with adverse consequences for the peace and security of the Middle East as a whole.
60.	While the primary concern is with Lebanon at this stage, we cannot overlook the broader problem of the Middle East. This issue is central for the entire international community. The plight of the Palestinian people epitomizes one of the great injustices of our era. The United Nations has been committed from the very beginning to the creation of a Palestinian State and it cannot acquiesce in the usurpation of Palestinian lands by Israel. In particular, effective pressure should be exercised on Israel to put an end to its policies of modifying the demographic character and the institutional structure of the occupied Arab territories. We condemn these policies, which constitute a major obstacle in the search for a peaceful solution.
61.	The International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held recently at Geneva, identified the main elements on which a viable and just solution of the problem should be based. We believe that the opportunity provided by the balanced approach of this Conference should not be missed. Turkey has repeatedly made clear its firm stand on the question of Palestine. We again express our support for the valiant Palestinian people and the PLO. We continue to believe that a comprehensive, durable and just settlement can only be based on the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, on the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and on the safeguarding of the right of every State in the region to live behind secure and recognized boundaries. There can be no valid negotiating process without the participation of the PLO.
62.	It is regrettable that the peace initiatives undertaken last year have lost their momentum. We earnestly hope that they will be revived and vigorously pursued. Yet for any effort to succeed there must be a fundamental change in the mentality of the Government of Israel. No country has the right to seek security by creating conditions of complete insecurity for its neighbours, for the region where it is situated and for the whole world. History has shown that the arrogance of military power is very costly for the countries which indulge in it.
63.	Since it started three years ago, the war between Iran and Iraq has been a source of profound concern to us. We deplore the heavy loss of life and the destruction it has caused. Its continuation would only aggravate the threat to peace and security in the region, exacerbate in the long run the elements of destabilization and inflict more suffering and devastation. The two countries, with which we have historical ties of friendship, owe it not only to themselves but to the region as a whole to end this armed conflict as rapidly as possible. Turkey took the view from the very beginning that as a neighbour of both countries it was its duty to maintain strict neutrality in the conflict. We have scrupulously adhered to this line and shall continue to do so in the future. We have also taken part in the multilateral efforts to stop the fighting. We have launched individually numerous appeals to the parties and indicated that we are ready to do whatever we can to help the peace process. We appreciate as well the initiatives of other countries and of the Secretary- General. We consider that new efforts should be undertaken to initiate a substantial and coherent peace mission which would have the support of the international community and the confidence of both Iran and Iraq.
64.	We continue to be distressed by the situation in Afghanistan. Out of a population of 15 million, about 5 million Afghans now live as refugees in neighbouring countries. Nothing could better illustrate the fact that the Afghan people reject categorically the foreign domination imposed on them by military intervention. We fully support the efforts of the Secretary-General to obtain a negotiated settlement. Such a settlement should restore Afghanistan's independence as a non-aligned country, enable the Afghan people to exercise their right to self- determination and ensure the withdrawal of foreign troops and the return home of the Afghan refugees. We appreciate the efforts made by the Government of Pakistan to facilitate a peaceful settlement.
65.	We feel equally concerned about the stalemate and the dangerous situation in southern Africa. The illegal occupation of Namibia offends the conscience of the world community. The International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence, held in Paris in April, emphasized the common desire for an early settlement. The efforts made by the Secretary-General during his recent useful visit to South Africa provided a fresh insight into the present situation there and the nature of remaining obstacles to the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. As a founding member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Turkey reaffirms its solidarity with the struggle of the people of Namibia for independence under the leadership of SWAPO. Turkey also shares the dismay of the international community about the lack of progress in the fight against apartheid in South Africa. The contemptible and inhuman practice of apartheid constitutes an affront to mankind.
66.	Central America is another region burdened with overt or potential political and economic conflicts. The present serious situation there is a source of particular concern. In fact, any military escalation in the region may have far-reaching consequences for global peace and security. Consequently, we believe that dialogue and negotiations constitute the only sensible way to bring peace and stability to that tormented region. We commend and fully support the recent efforts of the Contadora Group.
67.	Kampuchea is another international problem whose parameters have basically remained unchanged. The solution of the problem requires the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea and the recognition of the right of its people to self-determination. A search for a just and comprehensive political solution within this framework should be encouraged. In this respect, the efforts of the members of ASEAN are to be highly commended.
68.	I would also like to say a few words about the situation on the Korean peninsula. The division of Korea and the problems of the dispersed families have been painful for all Koreans for more than three decades. We believe that the Korean question should be settled peacefully through direct negotiations between the parties concerned, without outside interference. It is our earnest hope that further efforts will be made to start such a dialogue to reduce tension on the peninsula and pave the way for a peaceful settlement of the question in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and so that the national aspirations of the Korean people may be fulfilled.
69.	A just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus question continues to be one of the principal objectives of our foreign policy. The present Turkish Government has concentrated its attention on a rapid resolution of the question and has always firmly supported the intercommunal negotiating process.
70.	The Turkish community has also from the very beginning approached the matter constructively. In August 1981 the Turkish-Cypriot side submitted comprehensive proposals on all aspects of the problem. These proposals included a map indicating the Turkish-Cypriot negotiating position on the territorial aspect. It was in the light of this development that I voiced some optimism from this rostrum at the last session. I indicated that as a result of the sustained efforts of the Secretary-General the intercommunal talks were proceeding within a comprehensive framework encompassing fundamental aspects of the Cyprus problem. At the same time, I expressed some concern by saying:
"The two communities should now intensify their efforts to reshape their relations within a federal structure. They should concentrate their attention on the dialogue. They should not be swayed by the counsel of those who would prefer a continuation of the conflict for their own selfish ends”.
71.	Unfortunately, the Greek-Cypriot side has been swayed by such counsel. Recently they left the negotiating table and requested a debate in the General Assembly, knowing only too well that the Turkish community, because it has no opportunity to address the General Assembly, would feel extremely frustrated. The result was that the good faith created by uninterrupted intercommunal talks since 1980 was seriously eroded. The one-sided, unbalanced, unfair and unrealistic nature of resolution 37/253, adopted on 13 May 1983, served only to increase the resentment of the Turkish-Cypriot people. The Turkish Cypriots rightly reminded world public opinion that they were as much entitled as the Greeks of Cyprus to exercise the right of self-determination. They have so far chosen to exercise this right with the aim of contributing to the creation of a partnership between the two communities within the context of a federal State. But if the other side rejects this partnership, they will have no choice but to reshape their own destiny themselves.
72.	The Turkish Government perseveres in its support for a just and lasting settlement of the question through intercommunal negotiations. We hope that the ongoing efforts of the Secretary-General to bring about the resumption of the intercommunal talks on the existing mutually agreed basis will be successful, despite the misgivings that we feel about the ambivalent attitude of the Greek-Cypriot side which emerged during the recent controversy within the Greek-Cypriot community. When members of his administration and the political parties supporting him question the good faith of the leader of the Greek community, the Turkish community's suspicions and anxieties should come as no surprise.
73.	Only a few days ago President Rauf Denktas informed the Secretary-General that the Turkish-Cypriot side was in favour of the early resumption of the intercommunal talks on the existing mutually agreed basis. Mr. Denktas also suggested that a new summit meeting between himself and Mr. Kyprianou should be arranged under the auspices of the Secretary-General with a view to paving the way to further progress in the intercommunal talks. This constructive attitude on the part of the Turkish-Cypriot side should be seized as a historic opportunity to achieve a negotiated settlement. We hope that through the efforts of the Secretary-General the early resumption of the intercommunal talks on the existing mutually agreed basis will be possible. In this connection, I wish to reiterate our heartfelt thanks to the Secretary- General for his determined and untiring efforts to bring about a solution to the problem through intercommunal talks.
74.	At a time when great efforts are being deployed to put the two communities on the road to dialogue and conciliation, the Greek Government unfortunately adopts a negative stand. Only a few days ago the Foreign Minister of Greece declared from this rostrum that a political solution to the question of Cyprus was quasi-impossible. He rejected the very basis of the negotiating process under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. In doing so, he accused Turkey.
75.	Let me say openly that the historical responsibility for what has happened in Cyprus since 1963 rests squarely with Greece. The present conflict has been the result of the constant political and military intervention of Greece and of her ambition to dominate the island. None other than the Greek Prime Minister himself admits this in his book Mr. Papandreou gives a detailed account of the clandestine shipment of 20,000 Greek officers and men to Cyprus. That was in 1964. Ten years later, it was the late Archbishop Makarios who denounced before the Security Council what he called the Greek invasion of Cyprus.
76.	During the years preceding 1981 the Greek Government adopted a more restrained attitude and decided to support the intercommunal talks. This position was reversed by Mr. Papandreou's Government. The latest statement of Mr. Haralambopoulos, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Greece, confirms that Greece opposes a negotiated settlement.
77.	International terrorism remains a priority concern for Turkey, as it should for the entire international community. This scourge takes a high toll of innocent lives, challenges the internal peace and stability of countries, exacerbates international relations and disrupts the conduct of normal diplomatic activities. Turkey was afflicted by a wave of terrorism prior to 1980. We have been able to eradicate it and in the process have discovered that it has substantial foreign ramifications and strong links with arms-smuggling and drug-trafficking operations. The same underground organizations are engaged in all these activities.
78.	Although we have been able to deal effectively with political violence and its related activities within the borders of our country, we continue to face another sort of terrorism, now directed against Turkish targets in other countries by Armenian organizations. This type of terrorism can only be suppressed through international co-operation.
79.	I dealt at length last year with Armenian terrorism and the propaganda campaign, based on a gross distortion of history, which is behind it. I am not going to repeat what I said then. Let me only point out that since I spoke last year eight Turkish nationals have been killed and more than 50 wounded as a result of Armenian terrorist attacks in various countries. But the victims were not only Turks; there were also French, Yugoslav, United States, Portuguese and German citizens among the murdered and injured.
80.	Some countries have reacted resolutely to such criminal acts. They have understood that only a determined stand can prevent the repetition of such terrorist attacks. As a result, in the past year, six terrorists have died while perpetrating their odious crimes. Some others have been arrested and convicted. A number of Armenian terrorists await trial. In contrast, the countries which have faltered by allowing their territory to be used for activities against other countries, have themselves become the hunting ground for all kinds of terrorism.
81.	Armenian terrorism is bringing disgrace and shame to the Armenians throughout the world. Those who publicize and glorify the murder of innocent people, of women and children, are providing the best denial of the unfounded Armenian allegations. They show that history repeats itself and that Armenian extremists are again dominated by the urge to commit large-scale massacres as they did in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. We repeat that this violence will lead nowhere and will only bring greater stigma to the Armenians. As we appeal again for greater and more effective international co-operation to combat international terrorism, we also stress that the Armenian militants and those Armenians who support them should overcome their obsession with a myth based on the falsification of history, should stop being oblivious to their own sins, crimes and mistakes and should understand that their political ambitions are nothing but delusions and illusions.
82.	The record of the disarmament efforts in the past few years gives us little reason for satisfaction. A mood of pessimism and disillusionment characterizes this period. The ever-increasing incidence of armed conflicts all over the world aggravates the widespread feeling of insecurity and fuels the arms race.
83.	The two major nuclear Powers bear a special responsibility in the field of disarmament. They have a pledge, a moral and legal commitment in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to pursue negotiations on effective measures relating to the cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date. Success or failure in their efforts will determine the future of mankind.
84.	Consequently, the current negotiations at Geneva between the United States and the USSR on strategic and intermediate-range nuclear forces hold vital significance for all of us. A breakthrough in these negotiations can change fundamentally the present strained relationship between the East and the West. Therefore, we welcome and support the new United States proposals for the intermediate-range nuclear force talks at Geneva announced to the General Assembly at the beginning of this session. We sincerely believe that it constitute a very important step and will be instrumental in the elaboration of a fair and equitable agreement in this area. I wish also to express our satisfaction at hearing last night that the new negotiating position referred to as the "build-down" proposal is to be advanced by the United States at the strategic arms reduction talks at Geneva.
85.	There has recently been an encouraging development. After three years of negotiations and dedicated efforts the follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has reached a successful conclusion at Madrid. The agreement obtained at Madrid in spite of serious obstacles is important. It demonstrates that, even under adverse conditions, understanding and compromise on sensitive issues are still possible.
86.	In this context, the loss of innocent lives in the very regrettable incident involving the Korean airliner should be a reminder of the urgent need for collective efforts to reinforce basic rules of safety in civil air traffic with a view to preserving the process of detente from serious and unexpected setbacks.
87.	We welcome the agreement reached at Madrid to convene a Conference on Confidence- and Security- building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. We believe that the establishment of confidence among States is a prerequisite for the success of any disarmament initiative. That conference will determine in its first stage a set of militarily-significant, binding and verifiable security-building measures. In our view, the conference will be the first comprehensive endeavour in the field of conventional forces with the aim of initiating a gradual process of disarmament. The mutual and balanced force- reduction talks held at Vienna during the last decade have been limited to central Europe. This new conference will cover the whole of Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals. We believe that it will constitute a realistic and promising undertaking.
88.	Turkey has always followed the work of the Committee on Disarmament with utmost interest. We hope that next year that unique multilateral negotiating body will be able to accelerate its deliberations on all its agenda items, particularly, the negotiations on chemical weapons.
89.	Regarding the world economy, we are still confronted with grave and complex problems. The world economy continues to be under the influence of recessionary forces. Although we are detecting signs of recovery in some of the major developed countries, the danger exists that the trend could be only a temporary one. A cyclical upturn cannot be regarded as sufficient.
90.	We need to find solutions to the structural elements of the crisis which has acquired unprecedented proportions. The effects of this deep and prolonged recession have been particularly acute in the developing countries and especially in the poorest among them. While their population grows at a rapid pace, many of them face a fall in their gross domestic product and tremendous increases in unemployment. The very low levels of their production and trade, accompanied by stagnant markets and poor returns on their commodity exports, have weakened the capacity of many developing countries to service their growing external debts.
91.	Against this difficult and uncertain background, it is no longer possible to limit ourselves to the palliative measures of recent years. Our problems today require long-term solutions based on the reality of interdependence between North and South. Indeed, no one country or group of countries can provide the answers alone.
92.	We have witnessed throughout 1983 a number of summit meetings of the developed and developing countries alike. They have all addressed a wide range of world economic issues, such as the resumption of global recovery and expansion, the financing of renewed growth; the assurance of liquidity for the middle-income countries, the financing of development in the low-income countries, and the revitalization of the international trading system. To our disappointment and, I believe, to the disappointment of many others, these efforts have produced very little. The results have failed to bring any visible relief to the world economy.
93.	We more than ever need to intensify co-operative efforts among nations and institutions, both public and private, to overcome our common problems. We cannot afford to be paralysed by inaction. A search for concrete measures must go on in each and every forum that has a chance to succeed. We can venture to proceed in two strides—one in the short term, the other in the long term. The first would comprise immediate measures and the other structural adjustments, since the management of interdependence is based on the recognition that both its cyclical and structural aspects are parts of the same whole.
94.	In this context, we believe that South-South cooperation, that is, economic co-operation among developing countries, can positively contribute to the process of structural adjustment. Turkey, which is actively involved in economic co-operation on a regional basis, fully supports all realistic efforts that would be instrumental in the enhancement of activities in the field of economic co-operation among developing countries.
95.	Finally, the key approach, in our view, would be the revitalization of the North-South dialogue and the establishment of responsiveness to changing needs. Present structures were created by human imagination. They can again be changed by human vision.
96.	In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm our strong support for the United Nations and the principles of the Charter. We will persist in upholding these principles in our foreign policy and endeavour to enhance to the maximum extent possible the cause of peace and international co-operation. The inadequacies and deficiencies of the United Nations cannot be attributed to the Organization. They are the result of the lack of political will on the part of Member States. We have to maintain our faith in the United Nations. To do otherwise would mean that we have lost faith in the future of mankind.


1.
I should like first of all, Sir, to offer you on behalf of my delegation our warmest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We are convinced that your long experience in the important posts that you have held, in particular as Permanent Representative to the United Nations and as Minister for Foreign Affairs of Panama, ensures the smooth functioning of our work as our Assembly once again tackles the serious problems threatening the equilibrium of our planet.
2.	I wish also, Mr. President, to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, whose dedication and competence led to the smooth functioning of the work of the Assembly at the preceding session.
3.	I should also like to pay a particular tribute to the Secretary-General for his constant efforts in the defence of the sacred principles of the Organization and to safeguard world peace.
4.	My delegation is pleased to see in our midst Saint Christopher and Nevis as the 138th Member of the Organization. We offer our friendship to that country and wish it full success in its independence.
5.	As in past years we are meeting here in this Assembly to carry out an exhaustive assessment of the political and economic situation in the world. Unfortunately, we must face the facts: far from improving, the international situation, both politically and economically, has only worsened. How can we come to any other conclusion when we see that at the present time there is no continent in which there are not one or more sources of tension. The sacred principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations have been flouted, and even at times deliberately violated. Force and domination have taken precedence over law and justice. Dialogue and co-operation have yielded to hatred and violence.
6.	The tragic incident of the aircraft of the South Korean Air Lines which was shot down by a Soviet fighter, with the loss of more than 260 lives, is a vivid example of the serious consequences which can stem from the rivalry between the two super-Powers. It is obvious that whatever may be the cause and origin of the diversion of the aircraft from its itinerary, nothing can justify the destruction of the aircraft and the consequent loss of so many human lives.
7.	A few weeks ago we observed the sad anniversary of the massacres in the Palestinian camps of Sabra and Shatila. The direct responsibility of Israel in this collective assassination has been demonstrated unequivocally by various inquiries in the field. Today we must acknowledge that the situation in the Middle East has hardly changed.
Israel has refused to evacuate occupied Arab territories, notwithstanding the relevant resolutions of the Organization. Even more serious, Jewish settlements have increased in number in these territories, and this has been accompanied by a ferocious repression of the Arab- Palestinian populations, whose only fault is to want to continue to live on their own land. We realize that the Zionist entity would not have committed these acts had it not had the material and diplomatic support of its allies.
8.	We shall never cease to repeat that there can be no just and lasting peace in the Middle East until the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are recognized, guaranteed and effectively exercised. Moreover, this is the spirit of the Declaration and Programme of Action adopted at the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva last August.' On the basis of this principle, it goes without saying that any negotiations aimed at settling the problem of the Middle East must necessarily involve the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. I should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm once again the unstinting support of my country for the Palestinian people in its tireless struggle to regain its dignity.
9.	The situation today in Lebanon, formerly a land of peace, is more than alarming. We are greatly disturbed by the presence of the foreign forces which continue to occupy the country illegally, thus flouting its absolute right to exercise its sovereignty. It is high time that the Lebanese people, who wish only to live in peace and security, regained their dignity.
10.	The recent cease-fire in Lebanon, thanks to the mediation of Saudi Arabia, whose efforts we salute, has given rise to certain hopes. That is why we support any initiative to reconcile the children of that country so that its legitimate Government can exercise its authority over the whole of the national territory. This obviously implies the cessation of the rivalry among foreign Governments in Lebanon.
11.	The fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq continues to cause the loss of many human lives in both camps. In spite of efforts of the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Gulf Co-operation Council to bring the two belligerents to the negotiating table, the war continues amid intransigence and hatred.
12.	My country, which has already sent a mission of persuasion to Teheran and Baghdad, remains concerned about this situation, especially since this confrontation endangers two Moslem countries which are both members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement. We welcome the offers of a cease-fire which have frequently been made by the Iraqi Government, but which so far unfortunately have not met with a favourable response from the Iranian Government. We reiterate our appeal to these two countries to cease hostilities immediately in conformity with the sacred principles of solidarity and Islamic fraternity taught us by the Holy Koran.
13.	In spite of the resistance of the Afghan people, whose courage we hail, Afghanistan continues to lose its life-blood. More than 3 million Afghans have perished in the war so far and others have gone into exile. There can be no doubt that this situation is a serious threat to the peace and security of the region. I wish to reaffirm the complete support of my country for the Afghan people. We call for the immediate withdrawal of the foreign forces from that country, in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
14.	Turning to Kampuchea, we note with great disappointment that the General Assembly resolutions calling for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops from that country remain without effect. The people of Kampuchea, who have long suffered from the war, are entitled to peace and freedom. However, this will be possible only if they are allowed to choose for themselves, without any foreign interference, the system of government that most suits them.
15.	The situation in the Korean peninsula remains at a standstill. In spite of the affirmation by the two States of the north and south that they wish to reach agreement, no decisive action has yet been taken for the peaceful reunification of the country. We appeal to both parties to persevere in the search for a just and lasting solution, since a united Korea will be a guarantee of peace and stability in that region.
16.	The situation in southern Africa remains explosive and is of great concern to the international community. My country, which condemns the odious system of apartheid
practiced by the Pretoria regime, unreservedly supports the struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization
17.	We remain convinced that only the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which was the subject of an international consensus, can lead to a peaceful negotiated of that distressing problem. We welcome the recent initiatives of the Secretary- General, who went to several of the capitals concerned in order to make the necessary contacts to facilitate the settlement of the conflict. The contact group of five Western States must now make the necessary effort to complete the mission assigned to it by the Organization in spite of all the obstacles. The international community also must do its utmost to safeguard the existence of the front-line countries—Angola, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Botswana—so that they can pursue their development in peace and security.
18.	The situation in Chad calls for special vigilance. That State, a founding member of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], has for more than 16 years suffered from a civil war that has brought untold suffering and loss of life. Today this conflict, as the result of interference by foreign forces, is reaching a stage of internationalization that may jeopardize the chances of national reconciliation.
19.	We have welcomed the recent appeals by the N'Djamena authorities to all Chad citizens to make the necessary effort to set aside their quarrels, be reconciled, and achieve national harmony and peace. We urge them to follow the path of reconciliation, but we remain convinced that any solution of the conflict in Chad must be based on respect for the territorial integrity of that country and consequently on the withdrawal of all foreign troops.
20.	Turning to Western Sahara, we welcome Morocco's commitment, given from this rostrum on 27 September by His Majesty King Hassan II, to accept the results of a referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara. The holding of this referendum, which is in conformity with the decisions taken at the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Nairobi, would constitute a step towards the peaceful settlement of this problem.
21.	My country, like all the other littoral countries of the Indian Ocean, is concerned over the increased military presence in that zone. This situation creates tension and accentuates the rivalry between the great Powers. We reiterate our desire that that region should become a true zone of peace in conformity with the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, contained in resolution 2832 (XXVI), and we earnestly hope that the international conference scheduled to be held at Colombo will finally take place.
22.	The gloomy picture of the international political situation I have just sketched out is unhappily reflected in the world economic situation, which is undergoing its worst crisis since the 1930s. The causes of this crisis are obviously inflation, the disorder in the international monetary system, with the resuming soaring interest rates, the restoration of certain protectionist practices in trade, the recession, the unequal development of nations, and many other factors.
23.	This session is being held exactly three months after the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July last.
24.	The discouraging results of that meeting are a reflection of the intransigence of certain developed countries which stubbornly concentrate only on the defence of their own interests. The recovery that has been so anxiously awaited has not yet occurred, which demonstrates the inadequacy of the various piecemeal efforts made to solve the structural problems of the world economy. In our humble opinion, only a global approach that covers all aspects of this complex situation, including the grave financial difficulties of the third world, is capable of ridding us of this scourge.
25.	The countries of the third world have seen a steady decline in the prices of their raw materials; this reduces their export earnings, and thus the resources of the State at the very time when the debt burden has become intolerable.
26.	This crisis which has afflicted the fragile economies of the least developed countries inexorably accentuates their underdevelopment and makes it even more difficult for them to gain access to the international financial markets, where there is an increasing tendency to lend only to the richer countries.
27.	The Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, like the other least developed countries, has been one of the main victims of the disorder in the international economic system. Being an island country newly independent and with limited resources, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros has had since 1977 a continuing decrease in the average growth of its purchasing power and a steady falling off in per capita foreign exchange earnings.
28.	This situation seriously jeopardizes the efforts to bring about economic and social recovery of the Comorian Government, which is doing all it can to rescue our young country from the vicious circle of underdevelopment. Under the leadership of the President of the Republic, Mr. Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane, the Comorian Government has implemented a development policy whose objectives and priorities are based on the recommendations of the new programme of action, the

Monrovia Strategy and the Plan of Action and Final Act of Lagos.
29.	This development strategy has been set forth in our interim plan for 1983-1986 and in the national document prepared by my Government for submission to the next round-table meeting of donors at Moroni, our capital, to be held at the end of the first quarter of 1984.
30.	The main aim of our Government for the next three years is to achieve a substantial increase in our growth rate. To that end a number of measures have been taken that are designed to restore public finances to a sound footing, restructure the productive structure and stimulate private and foreign investment through a loan allocation policy.
31.	We are convinced that the Government's efforts to improve the situation, however praiseworthy and often with disturbing social consequences, cannot alone solve the structural problems which impede my country's economic development. That is why increased support from the international community is indispensable. Moreover, that is what is recommended in resolution 37/154 of 17 December 1982, entitled  Assistance to the Comoros . On the basis of that resolution, I should like to make an earnest appeal to the entire international community, to all donor institutions and organizations and to all the wealthier countries, to come to the assistance of the Comoros in its struggle against underdevelopment.
32.	We are thoroughly convinced that the round-table meeting of donors in support of the Comoros, to which I have just referred, will be an opportunity for us to gather all good will in our country and for them to show us proof of their solidarity and support.
33.	I should not like to conclude my statement without speaking briefly about a problem which is of major concern to the Government and people of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros. This is not just a Comorian problem, since it concerns in more than one way the African continent and the entire international community. I am referring, of course, to the problem of the Comorian island of Mayotte. We must return to this question because, as in past years, it has not been resolved, and it is on the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly. It will therefore be the subject of a separate debate later.
34.	For the present, I should like merely to reaffirm the Comorian Government's determination, shared by its people, to fight until their just cause triumphs. What is really at the heart of this question? It is nothing other than the flagrant violation of one of the sacred principles of the Charter of the United Nations, namely, the violation of the territorial integrity of my country, thus depriving it of its most legitimate right to exercise its sovereignty over a part of its national territory.
35.	All States, regardless of their size, are equal before the law. Hence, we must not have a double standard in securing respect for the sacred principles of territorial integrity and national sovereignty.
36.	As far as we are concerned, we are completely open to dialogue and to a meeting of the minds in an effort to bring about a just solution to this problem, in conformity with the recommendations of the relevant resolution of the Assembly.
37.	It is therefore time for our voice to be heard. It is also time for our country, which has been insultingly referred to as  a three-legged cow  to get back its fourth leg, the island of Mayotte, and be given a chance to develop harmoniously and serenely to the benefit of all its inhabitants.
38.	It is therefore in a very friendly spirit that we would appeal to the French Government to take the necessary steps that would lead to a settlement of this problem.
39.	In conclusion, I should like to express a few thoughts which, even if they are already in the minds of some members, need to be stated over and over again.
40.	In this troubled world where, if I may put it this way, the law of the jungle may soon be the rule of law, now is the time more than ever before to give to the Organization its proper role as arbiter and to comply with its judgments and resolutions without any false pride. That is in keeping with the noble mission we have entrusted to the Organization, that of safeguarding peace in the world. However, that will only be possible when each Member of the Organization scrupulously respects the sacred principles embodied in the Charter.
41.	It is only if we act in that way that the world today will enjoy a calmer climate in which relations among nations will be based on mutual confidence and reciprocal interest, and no longer on distrust and discord, or even hatred and contempt.


66.	 May I, at the outset, Sir, express to you the sincere felicitations of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and my own congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We feel certain that, experienced diplomat of high calibre that you undoubtedly are, your very able and efficient guidance of the present session will ensure its success. I wish to assure you of the full co-operation of my delegation in carrying out your responsibilities.
67.	I should also like to pay a warm tribute to Mr. Imre Hollai, President of the thirty-seventh session, for the excellent and exemplary manner in which he conducted the work of that session.
68.	Our appreciation also goes to the Secretary-General for his untiring endeavours to enhance the effectiveness and moral prestige of the Organization.
69.	The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, like any other nation of the world, has a high stake in preserving the United Nations as a universal instrument for
maintaining peace and security and promoting friendship, co-operation and detente among nations.
70.	Another year of turbulence, insecurity and innumerable political, social and economic problems is added to the history of our world. No doubt it was the wish of the entire membership that we would be able to report on the achievement of those goals which we ourselves set in the Charter of the United Nations as of primary significance to all of us.
71.	Separate and isolated examples notwithstanding, not only did the problems of a global nature, to our disappointment, maintain their grim character, but some of those international problems acquired a sharp turn for the worse.
72.	The threat of a nuclear war has never been more imminent than it seems to be in the present state of international relations. Not only has the psychological and material drive towards such a catastrophe continued unabated, but the pace of the nuclear arms race, as well as the conventional arms spree, reached unprecedented levels.
73.	The horrendous doctrines of security through force, negotiating from strength, limited or protracted nuclear war, have been the predominant shadows hanging over the life of our planet during the last year. The threat to the very survival of the human race is ever more evident, particularly in the light of the present United States Administration's policy of rearmament and all-out confrontation.
74.	The powerful cry of the masses throughout the world for an immediate halt to the arms race and for disarmament, particularly in its nuclear aspect, has gone unheard. The numerous resolutions of the General Assembly to that end have been irresponsibly shelved by those in United States warmongering circles. In total disregard of the demands and against the interests of the overwhelming majority of nations, which found reflection in those resolutions, the United States Congress hastened to approve one bill after another allocating billions of dollars for the production of such monstrous and horrifying weapons of mass destruction as MX, Pershing II and cruise missiles, so-called binary chemical weapons, Trident submarines, B-l strategic bombers, and so on. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as a member of the family of nations which would inevitably become innocent victims of a nuclear world war, cannot but vehemently condemn the militaristic course adopted by the United States Administration and Congress.
75.	It is with that consideration in mind that we follow with great concern the developments resulting from the United States plans to deploy hundreds of Pershing II and cruise missiles on the European continent, where disproportionately large destructive potential has already accumulated. If that United States aggressive design to gain military superiority over the Soviet Union in Europe and elsewhere is carried out as planned, we are certain that another spiralling arms race will become all the more probable, thus threatening more than ever before the existence of mankind.
76.	Therefore, it is the first and foremost task of the international community to avert the danger of a thermonuclear holocaust.
77.	The constructive and realistic proposals of the Soviet Union on the limitation of nuclear weapons in Europe, its unilateral declaration that it will not be the first to use nuclear weapons and the recent proposals put forward by Yuri Andropov have received the overwhelming support of the international community. We reaffirm our full support for those initiatives and for the proposal of the States parties  to the Warsaw Treaty that a treaty on the mutual non M , of military force and the maintenance of relations of peace be concluded between them and the member States of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. We support the proposals recently put forward by the Soviet Union in the letters of Andrei Gromyko to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and associate ourselves with the request that they be included in the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly.
78.	Questions relating to the world economy, to international economic relations and to development are directly related to those of peace and stability. The outlook for world economic development and co-operation depends on the success of peace-loving forces in achieving the principal purpose of the Charter of the United Nations, which is to save succeeding generations from the scourge and horrors of war and to preserve and strengthen peace. It is a fact that the enormous resources being squandered on the unproductive arms race could very usefully be allocated to development activities and international economic co-operation.
79.	This session of the General Assembly is held against the background of extremely difficult and severe international economic conditions. The prolonged crisis in the world capitalist system has adversely affected the national economies of the developing countries and international economic relations as a whole.
80.	The gap between the levels of economic development in the developed and the developing countries is widening, and it is becoming more difficult to carry out the tasks and reach the targets of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. The process of restructuring international economic relations and the implementation of the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order have been drastically slowed down and even halted. I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to the alarming situation and economic crisis being faced by the least developed countries, particularly those in a more disadvantageous situation because of their geographic location as land-locked countries. The painfully slow pace at which the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries' is being implemented is especially disappointing. We urge the international community to implement fully and effectively the Substantial New Programme of Action and provide financial assistance to the least developed countries in amounts and on terms which correspond to their immediate and long-term development needs.
81.	The enormous burden of economic problems weighing on the vast majority of nations has become all the heavier as a result of the increased use of the international financial system as a means of pressure and intimidation to promote the selfish political and economic interests of the world's capitalist masters.
82.	Hotbeds of tension and trouble spots throughout the world have been further inflamed by a higher profile of imperialist military presence, particularly that of United States imperialism, that tends to internationalize some internal, bilateral or regional problems. There is hardly any place in the world where the ominous presence of the imperialist interventionist forces has not resulted in the escalation of the threat to the security and stability of the countries in those regions.

83.	In the Indian Ocean the United States naval presence has increased many times over the past few years, and the nations of the region still await the realization of their long-cherished aspiration to turn it into a zone of peace.
84.	Acting in stark contrast to the desires of the surrounding nations, which want to see the Indian Ocean and the adjacent areas free from foreign military bases and installations, the United States has drastically increased its military build-up on the Mauritian island of Diego Garcia. It was in conformity with its expansionist policy that the United States and its allies torpedoed the holding of the Conference on the Indian Ocean, which
- the non-aligned members of the 4(7 Committee on the Indian Ocean had proposed should be held last May at Colombo.
85.	The call of the President of Madagascar, Mr. Ratsiraka, for a summit conference of hinterland and littoral States of the Indian Ocean, which initiative is fully supported by my Government, also encounters obstacles put up by those in imperialist quarters.
86.	We expect this session of the General Assembly to call for the expeditious conclusion of the preparatory work and for the convening of the Conference on the Indian Ocean not later than 1984.
87.	The cold and negative response of some countries to such an important initiative as the proposal by the Mongolian People's Republic for a convention on mutual non-aggression and non-use of force in relations between the States of Asia and the Pacific has put off the achievement of overall peace and stability in those regions.
88.	Despite the obvious failure of imperialistic and hegemonistic designs against the People's Republic of Kampuchea, those countries have yet to submit to realities that are not to their liking. It is high time for the international community to restore to the people of Kampuchea their legitimate right to be represented in the Assembly. Numerous proposals by the three countries of Indo-China, and especially the recent proposal advanced by the summit conference of those countries aimed at normalization of the situation in the region of South-East Asia have opened up promising prospects for the cessation of regional hostilities.
89.	In the Middle East, the course of events has been anything but encouraging. Palestinian and other Arab territories, including Jerusalem and Syria's Golan Heights, remain under the heels of Israeli occupation forces. The denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, which constitutes the core of the problem, together with the Zionist ambitions for & Greater Israel, have turned the whole region into a permanent threat to the security of the entire world. It is our belief that Israel's arrogant defiance of international norms and principles would long since have submitted to the moral pressure of world public opinion had United States imperialism denied Israel the political, financial and military means that it so generously extends to the Zionist war machine.
90.	Since last year the situation in Lebanon has continued to be fraught with the danger of provoking another all-out war in the Middle East. The replacement of Israeli forces in Beirut by the contingents of NATO countries and their brazen intervention in the internal hostilities have added seriously to the concern that the conflict in Lebanon may quickly become internationalized. We condemn the barbaric shelling of the Lebanese towns and villages by United States naval forces.
91.	The events of the past few years have delivered a rebuff to all attempts to isolate the integral components
of the Middle East crisis by prescribing separate deals and collusive agreements for their solution.
92.	The cessation of the Israeli aggression against Arab countries, the immediate and complete evacuation of Israeli forces from the occupied Palestinian and other Arab territories and the exercise by the Palestinian people, under the leadership of their sole and legitimate representative the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], of their right to self-determination are thus the prerequisites for achieving the long-overdue comprehensive settlement.
93.	The International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983, has given us the most recent evaluation by the international community of this unfortunate problem that has been weighing on its conscience for almost three and a half decades. There it was reaffirmed once again that there could be no lasting, comprehensive and just solution of the problem of the Middle East unless the people of Palestine effectively exercised their inalienable rights, including the right to establish their own national State in Palestine. In conformity with paragraph 6 of the Geneva Declaration on Palestine, we call on the Security Council to create appropriate institutional arrangements for the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East.
94.	Here we should like to reiterate our firm support for the valiant Palestinian, Syrian and Lebanese patriots in their heroic struggle against imperialist and Zionist aggression and occupation.
95.	The southern part of Africa remains a constant target of the Pretoria regime's policy of racist repression within South Africa, occupation and suppression in Namibia and aggression and acts of intimidation against independent African countries of the region.
96.	The period under review has not failed to produce much new evidence of apartheid regime's intransigence with regard to the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia; nor has it been without new examples of Pretoria's destabilizing and aggressive designs against Angola, Mozambique, Lesotho and other neighbouring countries. The brutal murder by the
regime of several South African freedom fighters, in complete disregard of the repeated demands for clemency, proved once again that the regime in South Africa has no intention whatsoever, despite what is said in certain capitals, of introducing any meaningful change in its criminal and abhorrent system.
97.	The heavy reliance of the Pretoria regime on the support it receives from capitalist countries, particularly from United States imperialism, has enabled it to block any solution to the overriding problems for which that regime is responsible. We pledge our total support to the front-line States, to the heroic people of Namibia under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and to the oppressed people of South Africa and their vanguard, the African National Congress.
98.	We stand by our Libyan brothers in the face of repeated open violation of their sovereignty and independence by the United States, and we call for an immediate end to such threats.
99.	The situation in Central America has become a source of increasing concern, not only for the people of the region, but for the entire international community as well. That the main cause of tension and hostility in the area lies in the interventionist and aggressive policy of the United States is beyond question.

100.	Plots and machinations aimed at Nicaragua through the organizing, training and arming of the Somozist counterrevolutionaries and their dispatch into that country from neighbouring countries to commit acts of subversion and sabotage and to undermine the revolution have continued to increase. The piratic air attack on the city of Managua demonstrated the brazen nature of the escalating aggression against Nicaragua.
101.	During the course of the past year the imperialist blockade of the revolutionary peoples of Cuba, Grenada and Suriname has tightened, while resort to the use of economic assistance as a means to bring pressure to bear against a number of other Latin American countries has become an increasingly important part of the United States design to challenge the free will of the people of the continent.
102.	We demand the early return to Cuba of its territory illegally occupied by the United States naval base at Guantanamo.
We reiterate our support for the initiative of the States members of the Contadora Group in finding an amicable and peaceful solution to the present situation in Central America. Our solidarity is always with national liberation movements, including those of El Salvador, Chile and Guatemala.
106.	We would like to express our disappointment at the failure of the many different endeavours by the international community to bring about the cessation of hostilities between the two neighbouring Islamic countries of Iran and Iraq. Continuation of that senseless bloodshed, which has already led to enormous material and human losses, can only serve the interests of imperialism by providing it with a pretext for military intervention in the region. It is our earnest hope that an end can be put to this fratricidal war as soon as possible.
107.	Our position on the question of Cyprus remains unchanged. We express our full support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non- aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus. We demand the withdrawal of occupation forces from that country.
108.	We reaffirm our support for the peaceful reunification of Korea on the basis of the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
109.	The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as a staunch fighter in the cause of decolonization, is in favour of the speedy exercise by the people of Puerto Rico of their right to self-determination and independence, of restitution of the Malvinas Islands to the Argentine Republic, of recognition of the right of the people of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic to self-determination and of the return of the Malagasy Islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Europe and Bassas da India to the Democratic Republic of Madagascar.
110.	We had hoped that the period since the last session of the General Assembly might witness a decrease in the tension in the region of South-West Asia that could pave the way for the creation of an atmosphere of trust and confidence conducive to negotiations among Afghanistan and two of its neighbours. The unfortunate reality of the continuing undeclared imperialist war of reaction being waged against my people, principally Rom the territory of Pakistan, constitutes the stumbling block to the conclusion of an agreement on the basis of which the future relationships of our countries will be founded.
111.	This unholy war, which is in fact a regional extension of the global imperialist plot to destabilize and subdue independent and sovereign nations and to force them into the imperialist orbit, is masterminded by aggressive circles in the United States and carried out with the hegemonistic and other reactionary countries and forces of the region as accomplices. The destructive inhuman, medieval and uncivilized nature of that undeclared war indicates the true outlines of the self-proclaimed posture of humanism, morality and freedom adopted by United States imperialism and Chinese hegemonism and their reactionary allies.
112.	The losses suffered by our people since the beginning of the undeclared war against our revolution are of enormous proportions. As a result of the subversive activities of the counter-revolutionary gangs, exported mainly from Pakistan, half of all schools in the country, 50 per cent of our hospitals, 14 per cent of public-transport motor vehicles, 75 per cent of all communication lines, a number of hydroelectric and thermal power installations of the country, and other public facilities have been destroyed. The total cost to our economy comes to some 24 billion Afghanis, which amounts to half the total development investment made in the 20 years prior to the 27 April 1978 revolution.
113.	Let me declare before this gathering that the heroic Afghan people will not be deterred from the principled path they have chosen. They are prepared to make further sacrifices to safeguard their revolution and their socio-political system.
114.	Thanks to the determination of our toiling people, to the carefully planned economic policy of the revolutionary Government and to the all-around assistance received from fraternal countries, especially the Soviet Union, our national economy has been steadily stabilized and has already embarked on the path of consistent growth. In light of the present pace of implementation of the five-year socio-economic development plan, we look forward to exceeding the targets set by that plan.
115.	The devotion of our revolutionary armed forces, the active participation of the masses in the defense of the evolution, the surrender en masse of the counterrevolutionary gangs to the security forces and their subsequent organization into committees for the defence of the revolution have, all in all, contributed to the continued process of normalization throughout the country and to the strengthening of the local organs of State power.
116.	I should like to put on record my Government's sincere appreciation of the efforts of the Secretary- General of the United Nations and his representative to normalize the situation around Afghanistan. Despite the complexity of the issues involved, and in view of the present format of negotiations, tangible progress has been made in the course of the negotiating process being carried out at Geneva between Afghanistan and Pakistan through the intermediary of Mr. Diego Cordovez, the representative of the Secretary-General.
117.	As is obvious, armed interference aimed at the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from the territory of Pakistan is the root cause of the problem around Afghanistan. It is therefore the cessation of that interference which should constitute the main purpose of the negotiations. With the solution of this aspect of the problem, and after reliable international guarantees on the non-resumption of interference have been secured, conditions would prevail which would facilitate the return of the Afghans temporarily living beyond our frontiers. This is clearly envisaged in our proposals of 15 May 1980 and 24 August 1981.
118.	We are certain that with a sense of realism, political will and sincerity it should be possible to achieve through direct negotiations a final agreement which, if faithfully
implemented, would serve the cause of stability and peace in the region.
119.	Afghanistan pursues an independent, peaceful and active non-aligned policy. We are determined to follow that course in the future, in conformity with the aspirations of our people regarding their potential. This position is also based on our overall analysis of the increasingly crucial role being played by the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries in international relations. We are committed to the decisions of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983 under the very able guidance of the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. India Gandhi. We shall spare no effort, individually and in co-operation with others, in order to give effect to the decisions of that Conference, in conformity with the principles and objectives of the Movement.
120.	I should like to conclude with some words of Babrak Karmal, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and President of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, who said that peaceful relations with all countries and peoples of the world, including our neighbours, on the basis of internationally recognized principles of peaceful coexistence, non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and national independence, friendship and co-operation remain the prime objectives of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.


149.	 Mr. President, first of all I should like to express our satisfaction at seeing you preside over the work of the thirty-eighth session. We are quite certain that with your experience and vast knowledge of the Organization you will wisely and skilfully discharge your functions.
150.	We also wish to thank your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, for his work in the last session.
151.	We also welcome Saint Christopher and Nevis as a new member of the Organization. It is a country also belonging to the family of Latin American nations.
152.	Before beginning my address, I should like to express our sympathy to the victims of the attack against government officials of the Republic of Korea. We extend our condolences to them. This deed demonstrates the state of violence in the world and deserves the most emphatic condemnation.
153.	Uruguay comes to this session of the General Assembly to renew its commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. The efforts made by the Organization and the activities of the various organs of the system to attain faithfully all their noble goals, therefore, merit our firm support.
154.	We must observe, unfortunately, that many centers of conflict and political tension persist and contribute, in one fashion or another, to keeping the world in an unstable and dangerous state of affairs. Given this uncertain situation in which the peace and security of mankind are at stake, we cannot permit procrastination or omissions, for the United Nations has a vital role to play to prevent conflicts and to contribute to the peaceful solution of disputes.
155.	Today, more than ever before, we must do our utmost to attain peace, through the full implementation of the principles of international law.
156.	Our country is deeply committed to this goal and has reiterated our steadfast confidence in the peaceful settlement of disputes, in moderation and in constructive dialogue, inspired by respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States.
157.	We have come to the Assembly deeply disturbed at the extremely difficult times that mankind is going through, a time of deep crisis in supreme spiritual values, a time of economic crisis, of distrust and lack of understanding between States, bringing in their train difficulties and confrontations which affect international relations more every day and endanger peaceful coexistence between nations—the supreme purpose of the Organization.
158.	It is vital, therefore, for each Government and each representative to help produce the political will necessary to resolve the serious questions with which we are concerned. I shall deal next with the main factors of those questions, for it is only through political will that we are able to meet the just aspirations of our peoples.
159.	In this connection, we must emphasize, in the first place, the grave situation of the international economy. This situation has a world-wide impact, but it has the most serious effect on the developing countries—not merely because of the temporary difficulties, however grave they may be, but because our countries seem to be immersed in a protracted crisis in which various factors work together to hamper our possibilities. I am referring in particular to external debt servicing, to the protectionism practiced by the industrialized countries, to the fall in the prices of export commodities and to the drastic reduction in development financing, both public and private, as well as to the high interest rates in the international financial market.
160.	In that context, it is hard to imagine how some countries can find the resources to finance new projects and to modernize our industries, when there is a reduction in the flow of investments and when our exports cannot be placed in the protected markets of the developed world, at the same time that our financial obligations are increasing.
161.	In describing the present situation—leaving aside exercises in economic abstractions or in the performance of variables in mathematical models—we must bear in mind the very serious social and human condition, inseparable from the crisis which affects us all.
162.	That is the harsh reality besetting us; it calls for solutions and answers. That is why the understandable frustration at sterile efforts must be replaced by a renewed impetus to seek solutions within the international community.
163.	The more than limited results of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development should be grounds for deep reflection. There can be no doubt but that all countries, developed and developing, have a sovereign right to direct and administer their economies and to foster their progress as each sees fit. But it is also clear that the developed countries, given their weight and impact, have a primary responsibility in the present situation and in the possibilities to correct it.
164.	These circumstances should not lead, however, to confrontation or a dialectical showdown, since we know that in an interdependent world we all need each other, but it is essential that we test out together new paths in order to explore new prospects for real and effective cooperation.
165.	The search for new paths must be carried out urgently, with sharp imagination and full awareness of the responsibility of the present grave crisis, the solution of which, in terms of trade and in more dramatic terms of external debt financing, makes a real commitment absolutely vital.
166.	The industrialized countries can no longer ignore the evidence that their own well-being and prosperity as well as their prospects for progress and peaceful development are indissolubly linked to the purchasing power of the developing countries. Therefore, the international community, in particular the developed countries, must
bear in mind that the progressive and accelerating financial and economic strangulation of the developing countries that we are now witnessing will without any doubt sweep along the industrialized countries, whose standards of living and, consequently, political and social stability will inevitably be affected, placing the world in a situation of generalized chaos. Should that happen, there will be no solution in time to prevent suffering by all the peoples of the world.
167.	The past 40 years have provided a wealth of evidence that armed conflicts have ceased to be the exclusive province of the nations with real might in terms of armaments. Development has ceased to be a guarantee of peace; it cannot be unless it is universalized. Hence, an enormous responsibility will be borne by those who, able to contribute to eliminating differences, instead increase them. Similarly, there will be inevitable consequences for all who take irresponsibly protectionist stands, believing that by generating greater wealth for themselves they will promote in others the meekness and resignation of poverty.
168.	In that connection, Uruguay wishes once again to emphasize two matters that are closely linked and that are of the greatest significance. I have in mind the production and marketing of foodstuffs, on the one hand, and malnutrition and hunger, on the other.
169.	It is clear that until restrictions and disparities in the marketing of agricultural products and foodstuffs are eliminated, the productive capacity of the developing countries will be limited, with tragic consequences in regard to food supply.
169 My country hopes that this crucial matter, affecting the larger part of mankind, will be tackled with determination. In this connection, we firmly call for the elimination of protectionist mechanisms and export subsidies used by the industrialized countries.
170.	It is obvious that it is the nations with the greatest possibilities and economic power that, using various means and mechanisms, are currently practicing the greatest protectionism and providing the largest subsidies for their exports. To the extent that this situation persists, there will be an ever-increasing gap between the rich and the poor countries, with the inevitable consequence of internal conflicts with international implications.
171.	Unless the developed world plays a real, positive role in this respect, prospects for the growth of the other countries will be non-existent in real terms and the world economy will continue to go through crisis and confrontation.
172.	The difficulties facing the developing countries in financing their external indebtedness are notorious. If in the final analysis the only real way to meet cur financial obligations is through exporting our products, the urgency of the present circumstances requires the adoption of special, imaginative solutions in keeping with the gravity of the situation. Among these could be an increase in special drawing rights, the renegotiation of external debt with favourable rates of interest and repayment terms and the necessary co-operation by financial organizations, public and private, operating in the international sphere.
173.	Progress in those areas could make possible new breakthroughs in other areas, within the context of a constructive global dialogue, in tune with the reality of a world economy that is becoming increasingly interdependent and integrated. In this connection, my country supports the efforts to launch the global negotiations in which the elimination of barriers to trade in foodstuffs will necessarily have to be faced.
174.	Multilateral co-operation for development within the framework of the United Nations is of course not immune to the difficulties besetting the international economy. Nevertheless, the agreement reached on the institutional aspects of science and technology for development shows that progress can be made if we work with good will to preserve and perfect the multilateral instruments for co-operation that have been created through so much effort.
175.	Against the background of the serious international economic situation the increase in nuclear and highly sophisticated conventional weapons looms menacingly. It is clear that this phenomenon, negative from the economic and security angle, cannot be disassociated from the existing international tensions and conflicts. It is wishful thinking to imagine really effective disarmament if that is not preceded and accompanied by measures to re-establish confidence and to create an atmosphere of dialogue and understanding.
T76. In this context, direct negotiations between the parties should lead to gradual, mutual and verifiable disarmament with the necessary guarantees.
177.	Uruguay firmly supports United Nations efforts for disarmament, especially the efforts directed towards a comprehensive programme.
178.	Likewise, the creation of denuclearized zones, following the example set for Latin America by the Treaty of Tlatelolco would be a positive and practical step worthy of our every encouragement.
179.	As I said at the beginning of the statement, Uruguay is completely at one with the need to mobilize the political will required to reach real solutions. If we believe we will attain such results by simply talking, if every period of tranquillity is interpreted as weakness that can be exploited to pursue a destabilizing armaments policy, we shall not be able to translate into reality the demands of our peoples. That can be attained only with the clear and uniform conviction that peace is the essential and supreme good. Inevitably, all efforts must be aimed at reaching this inescapable goal, leaving aside rhetoric and dialectics.
180.	The question of the Malvinas Islands occupies a significant place among the matters deserving the attention of the international community. My country has taken a clear and well-defined position on the substance of the question, the legitimate rights of the Argentine Republic to sovereignty over the islands.
181.	Twenty years ago, the Uruguayan delegation stated the need for a negotiated solution. Today we reiterate that position based on international law. It is therefore necessary, as we requested at the thirty-seventh session and as was approved by an overwhelming majority, that this dispute be placed firmly in the framework of negotiations within the United Nations and with the participation of the Secretary-General.
182.	It is necessary to avoid military preparations and to set aside all the factors which could provoke confrontation. Uruguay once again reiterates its fervent appeal for a search for peaceful and worthy solutions and again expresses its readiness to co-operate with other nations to this end. The United Nations can and must play a proper role in the creation of a legal and political framework that will make such solutions possible.
183.	My country, as a member of the family of Latin American nations,   particularly affected by the scale of suffering afflicting many human beings because of the persistence of violence in Central America.

184.	Security Council resolution 530 (1983), which was adopted unanimously, traced a path for resolving the tragic crisis situation in that region. In that legal and political framework, Uruguay firmly supports the efforts of the Contadora Group to find satisfactory solutions. Of particular importance are the basic principles set forth by the Group to that effect, which are in keeping with international law. It is to be hoped that this work will continue, reaching a stage of practicalities in order to consolidate peace, which is the goal of our collective efforts.
185.	My country is always prepared to co-operate constructively at both the regional and international world levels to attain this goal, to rescue Central America from global tensions and conflicts and from outside interference.
186.	We should also note that, unfortunately, no progress has been made in the Middle East situation. The valuable peace initiatives taken in 1982 and the encouraging talks held in 1983 by various parties have not produced tangible results, and there now seems to be general uncertainty as to the future.
187.	However, it is useful to recall in this connection that was the United Nations which managed to produce a set of solution-oriented principles, and those principles are still fully valid.
188.	We therefore believe that any solution must take into account, inter alia the following considerations.
189.	A negotiated solution is needed which will provide for the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to exist within secure and internationally recognized frontiers, with justice and security for all peoples. It must at the same time ensure recognition and exercise of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to establish their own form of political organization. Also, the time factor is of essential importance in attaining a just and equitable solution.
190.	Hence, as  we stated at the thirty-seventh session, our country  will firmly support any action designed to bring about peace in the Middle East. ... It should be brought about through agreements negotiated among the parties involved without violence and with justice . . . in accordance e with international law and the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.

191.. The situation in Lebanon is deeply disturbing. Uruguay, which has close ties with that country for so many reasons, would like to take this opportunity to reiterate its firm support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and self-determination of Lebanon. The authority of its Government must be consolidated and extended throughout the territory. Foreign armed forces, whether of a regular or irregular character, must be all withdrawn, except for those which the Lebanese Government freely requests to remain, and for the period specified. We trust that the United Nations, in co-operation with the Lebanese Government, will be able to play an active role in the vast political, social and humanitarian enterprise ahead.
192. The Security Council has dealt with the question of Namibia on many occasions. The General Assembly, for its part, has supplemented those decisions with solid support for Namibian independence. It is therefore very regrettable that there is still no sign of Teal progress in implementing the decisions of the United Nations. There can be no doubt that the occupation of Namibia should cease as soon as possible and that, under an interim United Nations administration, the people of Namibia must freely choose its own future and build up its own political organization.
193.	Similarly, United Nations bodies and the international community have repeatedly condemned
and called for an end to it.
194.	Uruguay most strongly opposes the apartheid regime and all forms of racism and discrimination.
is basically contrary to the philosophy and institutions of the Uruguayan people, in addition to being a violation of international norms.
195.	This unvarying position of my country is reflected in its being a party to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination  and in the fact that we were the first State to accept the competence of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination to receive individual complaints.
196.	The Uruguayan delegation is ready to co-operate with other like-minded delegations in the search for international means, in accordance with the Charter, of bringing about the speediest compliance with resolutions relating to these questions adopted by the Organization.
197.	In this context we should emphasize the importance we attach to the attainment of a peaceful solution to the question of the unification of Korea, arrived at independently through direct negotiations and dialogue between the two Koreas. This could help establish lasting peace in the area, based on mutual understanding.
198.	We sincerely hope that the international community will make a positive contribution to the resolution of this problem. In this connection, we support the activities of the Secretary-General, including the use of his good offices to bring about the resumption of the essential dialogue between South Korea and North Korea.
199.	The magnitude of the outstanding questions and the limited progress that has been made, not to mention the outright setbacks, undoubtedly give rise to feelings of frustration. However, we should not become discouraged.
200.	Despite the difficulties, the United Nations continues to provide an irreplaceable forum for world dialogue. It is the most important centre for organizing multilateral co-operation, and within its framework there are important contacts and negotiations that should be encouraged. The reasons that gave life to the Organization and the goals set for it continue to be essential for the peoples of the United Nations: namely, preserving peace and promoting economic and social progress.
201.	That is why Uruguay firmly supports the plan put forward by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization to the previous session and the new approaches in this year's report	We also welcome the valuable considerations and suggestions put forward by other countries.
202.	Uruguay has transmitted to the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization some comments intended essentially to suggest procedural means for more expeditious action by the Security Council in critical situations and to support the full development of the powers of the Secretary-General, whose role should be enhanced with the whole-hearted support of the Member States.
203.	I emphasize that my country fully shares the view that has evolved about the need to strengthen the Organization and to make it more effective. This trend should be continued and deepened. My delegation will co-operate at all times with the efforts to attain that goal.

204.	The efforts to rationalize the Organization's budget and expenditures without at the same time paralyzing programmes of real benefit to our peoples are worth mentioning as a major practical consideration. They imply consideration of co-ordination with the other bodies and agencies within the system.
205.	Before concluding, I should like to make some brief comments about the situation in my country. These remarks are to give the international community some information and are not intended as any kind of justification. My country obviously could not escape the grave difficulties arising from the international recession.
206.	Faced with this crisis, the Government took the measures which it deemed the most appropriate to deal with the present situation with the means at our disposal, despite protectionist barriers and other adverse factors to which I referred when speaking about the international economy.
207.	We are convinced that we have been doing everything possible, and we have made progress during these very difficult times. We have had to make sacrifices and do without certain things, but we have done so with confidence and faith in the future.
208.	At the same time, now that the scourges that devastated our country in the past, with a violence incompatible with the naturally peaceful spirit of our people, have been neutralized, Uruguay is advancing firmly and with determination along the path back to true democracy, in keeping with the feelings of the Uruguayan
people and Government.
209.	Despite temporary procedural difficulties, the Government has prepared, and is keeping to, an institutional schedule, some important stages of which have already been completed, such as the reorganization of political parties and the election of their officers by popular vote. The schedule, recently reaffirmed, provides for the holding of general elections in November 1984 and the transfer of power in March 1985 to those elected.
210.	This is the path on which the Government has embarked with unswerving determination, a path that leads, with peace and moderation, towards the institutionalisation of full democracy, in keeping with our secular, civic traditions and with the consent and understanding of the Uruguayan people.
211.	The Government will maintain its firm determined and genuine commitment to institutionalize the country.
212.	In concluding by offering a summary of the international situation, I must recognize, realistically, the existence of divergences, divisions and even outright conflicts within the international community. This situation is often the reason for lack of action by United Nations organs.
213.	In this respect, as I said at the beginning of my statement, no real progress will be possible without the political will and collective determination of Member States to act in all matters in accordance with the Charter.
214.	We must make a renewed commitment to work together in common endeavours, acting with full respect for the sovereign right of each State to direct its own destiny without outside interference, without attempts by some to exercise hegemony over others and without patronizing lessons which would be as unacceptable as they would be inappropriate.
215.	It is necessary to speak frankly and sincerely. It is imperative to maintain an open dialogue and to work in a constructive spirit. It is essential to reaffirm our faith in law and in the United Nations. It is essential to make a supreme effort with courage and dedication to continue our progress, overcoming scepticism and current difficulties.
216.	Only thus shall we meet the crucial challenge of the hour and fulfil the mandate of our peoples, building a future of peace and happiness for all mankind.