250.	May I first of all congratulate the President on his election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of  the General Assembly of the United Nations. I wish him every success in his high office and assure him of my delegation's full co-operation.
251.	Secondly, I take great pleasure in joining previous speakers in extending a most cordial welcome to Solomon Islands as the one hundred fiftieth and newest Member of the world Organization.
252.	Representing my Government here for the first time, I should like to point out that the foreign policy of Denmark is solidly based on a broad parliamentary majority reflecting a deep belief in the basic values and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
253.	Our membership in the United Nations is therefore regarded as a corner-stone of Danish foreign policy, and we see the world Organization as a unique instrument for bringing us closer to the overriding goal: a world at peace based on greater respect for the individual and his fundamental needs.
254.	In. this connexion I wish also to stress the great importance we attach to the role of the Secretary-General and his. staff.
255.	The United Nations was founded upon a recognition of the joint responsibility of the great Powers for the maintenance of peace in the world, and, although the trend today is towards the increased involvement of the whole world community, the role of the world's most powerful States is still crucial. The general recognition of this is clearly brought out by the attention which all nations devote to the development of the relationship between the United States of America and the USSR. The Danish Government is pleased to note the increased co-operation between the two in many all-important fields. For obvious reasons we are, however, observing with particular interest the efforts to control and reduce the ongoing arms race. It is our sincere hope that an agreement resulting, from the second series of SALT can be concluded in the very near future, and that it will be followed by an agreement concluded as a result of the third series and involving a true reduction in the weapon arsenals of the two military super-Powers.
256.	Deliberate efforts to achieve detente have had an important impact on the easing of the tensions between East and West stemming from the Second World War. We are satisfied that the process of detente is developing. But we must admit that progress has not been as marked as we had hoped it would be and that certain problems have emerged in the development of detente.
257.	In the area of arms control little progress has been achieved, and that includes the talks on mutual and balanced reduction of forces in Central Europe, although we have recently noted certain openings in those talks. Further progress in the military field is of the utmost importance if we are to keep the detente process going. This, was one of the main reasons for the active Danish participation in the United Nations' tenth special session on disarmament and our strong emphasis on the follow-up of that high-level meeting.
258.	It is essential that the process of detente be of significance to the individual citizen. As the process, of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe goes on, Denmark will continue its efforts to this end.
259.	The East-West conflict must not spread to continents and countries, which had nothing to do with its origin. Such an extension not only undermines detente and its credibility in general, but also is, harmful to the countries concerned, since it prevents, a genuine, solution of the urgent problems of the third world. I am, therefore, in full agreement with the views, expressed on this point by the Secretary-General in his, annual report on the work of the Organization [A/33/1, sect II]. In my. view, solutions to these problems, must be found on a regional level without intervention from outside. But world peace cannot be secured only by the super-Powers; all nations have an important responsibility in this, respect. It is of particular importance that the People's Republic of. China is taking an increasingly active part in-international co-operation within the framework of the United Nations and elsewhere. Denmark has, always tried to develop a positive cooperation with all countries,	irrespective of their, political,
economic, and social systems. We arc, therefore, most pleased every time we sec yet another nation Intensifying its participation in international co-operation. We view such a development as a useful and constructive attitude towards the problems which we nil face, and which can be solved only if we work together without fear, suspicion or resentment.
260.	The world scone should not, however, be viewed only in political terms. Economic problems are gaining Incensing prominence. When last year the General Assembly adopted resolution 32/174 it was felt that a framework had been provided for the continuation of the North-South dialogue within the United Nations system, is most regrettable that at the outset of this session we must face the fact that the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 has not been able to function as we had expected. What has gone wrong? Did we expect the Committee to do too much at a time? Did we try to find compromise language where, no compromise did in fact exist? These are among the questions to which we must try to find the answers during this session. A prerequisite for solving the problems surrounding the- Committee is, however, that all parties demonstrate the necessary political will.
261.	The Danish Government finds if of overriding importance that solutions be found to the grave economic problems of the developing, countries. In this context, my Government remains of the belief that effective management of the process towards the establishment of a new and more equitable international economic order is essential.
262.	The continuing world-wide economic stagnation has made progress towards a new international economic order more difficult, but not less, urgent. The developing countries have; been affected even more severely than the industrialized countries. However, the growing recognition of interdependence in the world economy offers new hope for intensified international co-operation for the benefit of all nations, taking, into consideration, of course, the national differences in economic capability and the special needs of the developing countries.
263.	Viewed in this perspective, it is the achievement of concrete results of the North-South dialogue which is of importance. The progress made during the past year should therefore not be overlooked. I find it very positive that it proved possible at the meeting in March of the Trade and Development Board, at ministerial level, to reach agreement on a resolution on the debt and development problems of developing countries [see A/33/15, port two, annex I, resolution 165 (S-IX)].
264.	In this , connexion I should like to underline that the Danish. Government made it clear already at that time that we were prepared to enter into negotiations with individual developing countries-concerning adjustment of the conditions, of past official development assistance with a view to finding the most appropriate solution in each. case.
265.	Other important aspects of the North-South dialogue will be taken up in the near future.
266.	It has become widely accepted that stabilization of commodity prices would strengthen the economies of
developing countries and at the same time facilitate the planning and production policies of the importing countries. Price stabilization would thereby contribute to renewed economic growth for all countries. I sincerely hope that the negotiations of the common fund which are to be resumed in November of this year will lead to positive conclusions of the important elements and thereby give renewed impetus to the negotiations under the Integrated Programme for Commodities. Denmark has already expressed its support of the principles that financing of the common fund must include direct government contributions, and that the fund must have capacity to assist in financing not only stocking but also "other measures".
267. Science and technology play an important role in the development process. Next year's United Nations Conference oft Science and Technology for Development should aim at intensifying the international co-operation in this area. One important aspect would be to strengthen the scientific and technological infrastructures of developing countries so as to enable these countries to develop a technology reflecting their own needs and priorities.
26k. The economic recession has increased the pressure for protectionism to the detriment of all nations participating in world trade, developed and developing countries alike. It is, therefore, extremely important to reach an early and successful conclusion of the multilateral trade negotiations within GATT. A successful outcome would mean a confirmation of our commitment to maintain an open world trading system. It would also make for a better Integration of the developing countries into this system on the basis of special and preferential treatment.
269,	In our opinion there should be a special set-up within the United Nations framework for discussion of global energy issues. We are convinced that such a dialogue would be of benefit to both developing and developed countries. We have therefore noted with interest Economic and Social Council resolution 1978/61, which recommends to the General Assembly that it convene a conference on new and renewable sources of energy at the earliest possible date.
270,	During its last session the Trade and Development Board was able to approve a provisional agenda for the fifth session of UNCTAD. My Government is prepared to participate constructively at that session with a view to broadening the area of understanding and reaching agreement on as many as possible of the important issues which are to be discussed in Manila.
271,	It remains a fact that for many years to come the poorest developing countries in particular will have to rely strongly on external resources in the form of official development assistance. When the present International Development Strategy was adopted, [resolution 2626 (XXV)] a target of 0.7 per cent was set. At tins juncture, when we are approaching the end of the Second United Nations Development Decade, there seems to be very little basis for optimism concerning the possibility of meeting the target. As expressed in the communiqué of the ministerial meeting of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, held in June, we have noted with much regret the disappointing over-all recent level of aid flows. Denmark, for its part, finds that very regrettable, but we are determined to fulfil the 0.7 per cent commitment and expect to meet the target by 1979.
272.	New and interesting proposals on how to increase non-concessional flows from developed to developing countries, in particular through private investment, have been brought to the attention of the international community during the past year, but it is important to emphasize that efforts to that end should in no way detract from the efforts of developed countries to augment their official assistance.
273.	A significant part of Denmark's development assistance is channelled through UNDP. We appreciate the extremely important work which is being carried out by UNDP and so we welcome the recent increases in the contributions of some major donors. We feel, however, that we are still far from equitable burden-sharing in contributions to UNDP. We feel also that a more stable resource basis should be ensured for the programme by way of contributions over a multiyear period.
274.	Turning to some of the more specific political problems before the General Assembly, the conflict in the Middle East continues to be one of the most serious issues, if not the most serious one. That is due both to the human suffering involved and to the dangers which the conflict poses to world peace. By the General Assembly's adoption in 1947 of the partition plan for Palestine [resolution 181 (II)], the world community assumed a commitment to the existence of the State of Israel. At the same time it also assumed a responsibility towards the Palestinians. Against that background the Danish Government has throughout the years advocated a just and lasting over-all settlement of the Middle East c inflict, taking account of the rights and concerns of all the interested parties. Peace cannot be secured through the acquisition of territory or solely by military means. It requires of all parties concerned foresight and a bold reappraisal, mutual understanding and a will to co-operate.
275.	Together with our Western partners, the Danish Government supports the ongoing peace efforts in the Middle East. We hope that the outcome of the Camp David meetings, courageously convened by President Carter, will be a further major step on the path to a just, comprehensive and lasting peace and that all parties concerned will find it possible to join in the process to contribute to that end. Denmark w3I lend its strong support to all efforts to achieve such a peace.
276.	The situation in Lebanon also presents a very serious problem. Together with our partners in the European Community, Denmark has whole-heartedly supported President Sarkis's persistent efforts to safeguard the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, as well as efforts to re-establish peace and security in the country.
277. Denmark has for a long time been deeply committed to the attainment of independence for all former colonies and to the elimination of racial discrimination, and we have worked actively for those goals in the United Nations and elsewhere. It is thus a matter of great concern to my country that the problems in southern Africa remain unsolved- These conflicts often manifest themselves in horrible and repugnant human suffering. Such acts of violence must be condemned, but they will not disappear until the fundamental causes behind the conflicts have been eliminated.
278.	If the present regime in Salisbury does not realize very soon that time is rapidly running out, it is hard to see how a dangerous escalation can be avoided. It is our hope that the Anglo-American initiative, together with the efforts of African States, will bring all the. flies to the negotiating table, because only there can a peaceful, balanced and internationally acceptable solution be worked out.
279.	At the same time we noted with relief the apparently very positive and important developments with regard to Namibia, which made us believe that there was substantive cause for optimism and hope. In fact we expected Namibia to provide evidence that peaceful settlements of conflicts stemming from colonialism and racism were within reach. Security Council resolution 431 (1978) of 27 July 1978 appeared to clear the way to the implementation of the proposal worked out by the five Western members of the Security Council [Sj12636] in close collaboration with the parties directly involved. It would indeed be deplorable and condemnable if South Africa really chose to revert to a policy of confrontation with the United Nations in this matter. It would indeed be irresponsible and dangerous to promote an arrangement which would not be internationally acceptable. Certainly Pretoria cannot have said the last word in this matter.
280.	We are still eagerly waiting for the implementation of the proposal of the five and for. the report of the Secretary-General /Sj12827] to be carried out promptly and correctly and Denmark is ready, in accordance with our traditional principles, to provide personnel to the United Nations Transition Assistance Group. We are prepared also to support an internationally accepted, independent Namibian its economic build-up and development.
281.	I should like to pay a tribute to the efforts of the African States, and peoples concerned aimed at supporting negotiated and internationally acceptable solutions for Namibia: and Zimbabwe. Without their constructive efforts, prospects. for peace would have been rather bleak.
282- Denmark continues to condemn the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, and we find it necessary to bring increased pressure to bear on South Africa with the aim of eliminating the apartheid system. The historic, decision of the Security Council in its resolution 41&(1977) on a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa met a long-standing Danish desire. But it is hardly sufficient to convince the South Africans that they must accept a non-racial system with equal rights for all. Their apartheid system not only violates all our
principles and ideals; it is also dangerous and a threat to international peace. The Danish Government put the mandatory arms embargo into force a long time ago and, together with our Nordic neighbours as well as with our partners within the European community, we have taken steps to intensify our pressure on the South African regime.
283.	Before turning to the last point of my statement, 1 should like to underline Denmark's strong support of all efforts to suppress international terrorism. My Government fully supports all realistic initiatives taken within the United Nations or in other forums to prevent and to combat international acts of violence, hijacking of civil aircraft and the taking of hostages by which human life is endangered.
284.	Finally. I want to comment on a matter which is intimately linked to the work of this Organisation. I am referring to the thirtieth anniversary this year of the adoption by the United Nations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [resolution 217 A (III)] which recognizes:
". . . the inherent dignity and . . . the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family as the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world".
285.	During these 30 years the implementation of human rights has attained increasing prominence in international politics and international co-operation, and is now being considered a continued task at the national, as well as regional and international levels. It is also generally accepted that improvements in this respect are badly needed. Daily reports of repeated and gross violations of human rights in many countries all over the world testify to that.
286.	It is noteworthy, however, that Governments as well as international organizations, non-governmental
organizations and individuals, are showing increasing concern about violations of human rights, be they civil and political rights, on the one hand, or economic, social and cultural rights on the other.
287.	The fact that economic, social and cultural rights have been recognized on a par with the traditional civil and political rights implies, in the view of my country, a human outlook that not only respects the right of the individual to assert himself; it also implies genuine obligations towards fellow men. Both categories of human rights need to be guaranteed as essential parts of- an integral whole where human beings enjoy simultaneously freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want.
288.	Having touched upon only a few important issues, I cannot help thinking of the many other problems which likewise demand our attention. We may have different priorities, different approaches and different proposals for solutions, but we have to be realistic. We have to acknowledge publicly that we may only be able to solve a few of those problems before we meet here next year. We cannot continue to use inflated rhetoric thereby implying that this year there is somehow, miraculously, cause for special optimism. If we continue to speak like that we shall lose, the confidence of the public. Action is needed if the public is not to grow cynical about the United Nations and its possibilities of solving problems. That, in our view, would be disastrous.
289. We must not forget our goals and objectives, and we must always fry to accomplish them. In that spirit of realistic idealism I should like to pledge that Denmark will do its utmost to assist in promoting the principle that conflicts and disputes must be solved through a constructive dialogue and peaceful negotiations, and in fin ding realistic ways to eliminate injustice, inequalities and outdated privileges among the peoples of the world.


35.	Mr. President, the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics wishes to congratulate you on your election to the post of President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and to wish you full success in that high office.
36.	It has become customary for representatives of practically all States to expound the views of their Governments concerning the crucial issues of war and peace at regular sessions of the United Nations General Assembly. Indeed, the United Nations, the most representative international forum, is the right place to raise in their full dimensions issues on whose solution largely depends the future of mankind.
37.	The United Nations was established specifically for that purpose. It emerged immediately after the fiery steamroller of the Second World War had driven over Europe and a considerable part of the rest of the world. Today, memories of those days are still fresh in our minds. Words fail to describe fully what that war visited upon mankind.
38.	Both the generation that had to live through the war and the present generation realize that the victory won over the forces of fascism and aggression is of historic world significance. It changed the political image of the planet and brought to an unprecedented pitch the activities of forces working for peace, national liberation and social progress. The sword of justice smote those who had instigated the aggression. Such are the lessons taught by history itself-history, the most authoritative teacher.
39.	Looking back over the path traversed in international affairs over the post-war decades, including the troubled years of the "cold war", peoples, Governments and political figures—unless of course they are laymen in politics—cannot afford to ignore the major imperative of bending every effort to prevent another military catastrophe which would be even more disastrous for mankind than the two world wars taken together.
40.	The fact that it has proved possible to avoid a major war for almost a third of a century is undoubtedly a great achievement of the peoples. They are increasingly showing that they hate war, reject and curse it as a means of resolving international disputes and controversies.
41.	Representatives of the Soviet Union, speaking in various international forums on behalf of our people and of the Communist Party, which is the nucleus of the political system of Soviet society, have always emphasized the theme of peace, and will continue to do so. The fundamental law of the Soviet State, its new Constitution, declares: "The USSR steadfastly pursues the Leninist policy of peace and stands for strengthening the security of nations and broad international co-operation."
42.	We are implementing that policy, hand in hand with our friends and allies. The recent meeting in the Crimea of Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev with the leaders of fraternal parties and States has shown with new strength that the socialist community firmly follows the course of peace, detente and international co-operation.
43.	The fraternal socialist States are justly proud of the fact that through their consistent activities year after year, month after month, almost day after day, they are making no small contribution to preserving peaceful conditions for the life and creative work of peoples on earth.
44.	Yet it would be naive to deny another thing: peace will not become more durable, detente more reliable, unless the efforts of socialist States are reciprocated by other countries. That in turn calls for a willingness, despite differences in social systems, to resolve controversial issues at the negotiating table, without seeking unilateral advantages.
45.	The participants in this General Assembly session will probably agree that we have not gathered here merely to express our satisfaction at the fact that, so far, peace has been preserved. What is much more important is to mobilize additional efforts and find new possibilities of shielding the peoples from aggression and from a world conflict in the future as well.
46.	The will of the Soviet people and the policy of our State was expressed in a penetrating and meaningful manner by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev in these words:
"The major thrust of our struggle for peace in the present conditions is to lessen the risk of another world war, of the mass annihilation of people through the use of nuclear weapons."
47.	It is indeed true that all peoples are inspired by one idea, one aspiration: peace. Yet the situation in different parts of the world is taking shape differently, for the world is full of contradictions and the influence exercised by those forces which are working for stronger international security and the freedom of peoples and that exercised by those who on the contrary are attempting to encroach on them is felt differently in various parts of the world.
48.	The continent of Europe has made the greatest headway towards establishing durable peace. It is in Europe that major moves towards peace on a collective and bilateral basis have been accomplished in recent years. Several hurdles have been surmounted, one after another, in improving relations between countries with opposing social systems. The political climate in Europe today is clearly healthier than before.
49.	The results of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe have been a fresh and considerable impetus. It is no secret that from time to time attempts are made to put the durability of those results to a test. However, detente has been and continues to be the dominant trend in European international life. And surely this is demonstrated by the development of relations between the Soviet Union and other socialist countries on the one hand and France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Finland and the Scandinavian and many other States on the other.
50.	Europe now appears to have reached a stage where the opponents of detente are hard put to it to reverse the course of events. However, this does not mean that (he fruits of improved relations between States will fall by themselves into the hands of the peoples. On the contrary, sustained efforts are required, and. provided States are on the side of detente, they have great opportunities for mutually beneficial co-operation in the most diverse fields. For its part the Soviet Union will spare mi effort to this end.
51.	Close attention is riveted today on the continent of Africa. Africa, with its 400-million population, is seething, Newly-liberated States are in the process of self-assertion, shedding the last shackles of colonialism. Following the adoption by the United Nations in I960 of the historic Declaration oil the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples almost all of them hare gained their national freedom almost all, but not all. The colonial order still persists in Rhodesia, Namibia and the Republic of South Africa, with its barbaric forms of racial discrimination.
52.	How many words and how much paper are wasted in casting aspersions on the policy or the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in connexion with the situation in some parts of Africa. And who is doing all this'? Those who are clinging to the remnants of colonialism and racism. Aware that what they are doing is hardly popular, to say the least, they are attempting to cover up their neo-colonialist moves and to deceive the peoples. Apparently such devices will be resorted to m the future as well. Yet, deceit will get no one very far; the peoples will know how to tell the truth from a lie.
53.	Colonialism and racism must be fully and irrevocably eliminated from the African continent too. Those who want to preserve the racist regimes, which are so odious to the peoples of Africa, must realize that their cause has been lost, and lost irretrievably.
54.	As in the past, we make no secret of the fact that our sympathies are tin the side of the peoples fighting for their national independence and social progress. But we are not seeking any advantages fur ourselves either in Africa or in the developing countries in other continents. The Soviet Union does not covet political domination, concessions or military bases.
55.	When the States of Africa or other parts of the world request aid to repel aggression we repeat, aggression or an armed attack, they have every right to expect support from their friends. Or perhaps the provision of the United
Nations Charter on the "inherent right of individual or collective self-defence" is no longer valid?
56.	The objective, inexorable laws of historical development will prevail. The day is not far off when the hour of independence will strike for the peoples of southern Africa, too. and when the entire African continent to the last inch will become free.
57.	There is an area at the crossroads of three continents which could be described as a "powder keg", as the Balkans once used to be called. That area is the Middle Hast. Hardly anyone would dare to say that the situation in the Middle East is not fraught with the danger of another explosion.
58.	What is the root-cause of such a situation? It lies in the fact that 10 years after the aggression its consequences have still not been eliminated, while the aggression itself goes unpunished. Israel continues to hold sway over territories it has seized. Unfortunately, even in the Arab world there are some politicians who display no concern about Arab lands and who are inclined to neglect the legitimate rights of the Arabs, especially the Palestinian Arabs, and to cringe and surrender to the demands of the aggressor and those who protect him.
5V. The Soviet Union has repeatedly stated its willingness to play a part in ensuring peace in the Middle East and to participate in the most stringent international security guarantees for alt States of that area. Israeli spokesmen contend that they have no use for international guarantees. This is no more than empty polemical bravado. If Israel genuinely cared for its security - real, not illusory, security it would seek a political solution. For the fact is that with existing means of warfare the distance from the borders to which a neighbouring State has withdrawn its guns is of little consequence. What is required here is a radical breakthrough towards a situation in which the guns would be altogether silent.
60.	Only a solution that would guarantee the right to independence and security of all States and peoples in the Middle East, including the Arab people of Palestine, who are fully entitled to a national home, a State of their own, can lay the foundations for a lasting peace in that part of the world.
61.	All the accumulated experience, particularly recent experience, indicates that a radical and comprehensive settlement in the Middle East can be achieved only oil the basis of joint efforts by all the parties directly concerned. Separate deals at the expense of the Arabs have only side-tracked the solution of the problem.
62.	And such, precisely, is the nature of the understandings reached at the recent three-sided meeting at Camp David. If one looks at things realistically, there are no grounds for believing that they, as claimed, bring a Middle East settlement closer. On the contrary, what this is all about is a new anti-Arab step making it more difficult to achieve a just solution of this pressing problem. That is why a campaign of artificial and affected optimism can mislead no one.
63.	There is machinery specifically established to achieve peace in the Middle East, and that is the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. The sooner an end is put to attempts to keep it in a state of paralysis, the nearer will be the moment when the solution of the Middle East problem can be tackled with a chance of success.
64.	For many years, many decades, the peoples of Asia, the most heavily populated continent in the world, have been concerned about how to ensure peace, security and possibilities for development and progress in that area. The key to this, in our view, lies in joint action by all Asian States without exception. This is particularly urgent in the present conditions when developments in Asia are revealing certain disquieting traits. It is not fortuitous that among Asian countries there is a growing realization of the fact that conflicts, crude pressure and interference in internal affairs, which not so long ago went so far as to assume the dimensions of military intervention, and attempts to pit Asian States one against the other should give way to a stable peace.
65.	It is in this perspective that the creation of a unified Viet Nam, which had expelled the aggressors from its territory and is today pursuing a peace-loving policy, is of tremendous importance. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which has heroically lived through all the hardships of a long and bitter war, is now courageously defending its sovereignty. From the United Nations rostrum the Soviet Union once again declares its solidarity with Viet Nam and states that the hegemonistic claims with which it is being confronted are totally inadmissible.
66.	The Soviet Union favours good relations with those Asian States which in turn seek mutual understanding and good-neighbourly relations with us. Such are our relationships with most Asian States, and in several cases they go back a good many years. Along with equal and mutually advantageous co-operation based on the principles of mutual respect, strict observance of sovereignty and the principle of non-interference in each other's internal affairs, we are united with those countries by our common concern for strengthening peace and security in Asia, our joint struggle against the designs of the forces of imperialism, colonialism and racism.
67.	One striking example of multifaceted friendly cooperation, of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, is the relationship between the Soviet Union and India. This relationship, with long-standing traditions of good-neighbourliness, is steadily on the rise, in its development on the firm basis of the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co-operation.  It is consonant with the vital interests of the peoples of the two countries and constitutes an important and effective factor for peace on the Asian continent and throughout the world.
68.	If we do not have such relationships with all Asian States, the responsibility for that is not ours. It rests squarely on those who persist in following a hostile line with regard to our country, a line which is hostile to the cause of peace in general. Those who, while themselves pursuing hegemonistic aims, try to peg the label of hegemonism on others are making a travesty of the facts.
69.	Of course, it is not immaterial to the interests of peace in the Far East and the Pacific to note what policy is followed by Japan. Unfortunately, its policy has been showing some disquieting trends. One may well wonder whether that country might not eventually step on to the path that has led in the past to enormous sufferings for other peoples and plunged Japan into catastrophe. I should not like to draw any final conclusions; yet serious attention should be paid to all this. We believe that our concern is shared by many.
70.	Our policy with regard to Japan has been and will remain a policy of principle. We stand for good relations with that country, for genuinely good-neighbourly relations. However, appropriate moves by Japan are also required.
71.	Let us now turn to another continent, Latin America. Its role in world affairs is on the rise, and what is particularly noteworthy is that Latin American countries increasingly seek to have an independent voice. Accordingly there are growing opportunities for co-operation between those countries and States in other parts of the world. This is a positive and important factor of international life. The Soviet Union wishes the countries and peoples of Latin America nothing but good.
72.	During the current session of the General Assembly another independent State, Solomon Islands, has become a Member, the one hundred and fiftieth Member, of the United Nations. Oceania is very far from us, but we wish to maintain normal and, where possible, friendly relations with the countries of that area as well. Here, too, we regard with sympathy the aspirations of the peoples to gain independence and to free themselves from foreign tutelage, in both the literal and the figurative meaning of the word.
73.	In this connexion, one cannot ignore the actions of the United States in respect of Micronesia in a bid to lay its hands on a Territory which is temporarily under its trusteeship and to make those islands serve its own military and strategic plans in violation of the United Nations decisions and in circumvention of the Security Council.
74.	What follows from this review of the state of affairs in the world, brief as it is? First of all, despite the contradictory nature of the current world developments, the international situation on the whole is better than, say, 10 or 15 years ago.
75.	At the same time, it is clear that the international situation does not depend solely on the state of affairs in this or that area of the world. There are international problems which it is difficult or even impossible to fit into a geographical framework. The most crucial, most burning and most truly global problem affecting all countries and peoples is the ending of the arms race and disarmament.
76.	The truth which is recognized today by all is that enormous resources are being spent to manufacture engines of destruction. It is indeed a fact that in this time of peace more than 25 million men are in military uniform; and there are many more people who are directly or indirectly engaged in military production. All this represents a colossal drain on the material and intellectual resources of mankind.
77 There are those who may say that something is nevertheless being done to contain the arms race. Recently, for example, a special session of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament was convened. It reflected the determination of peoples to do away with the arms race and to direct the course of events towards disarmament and eventually general and complete disarmament. The session did adopt a comprehensive Final Document [resolution S-10/2/ which on the whole is a good one.
78.	The Soviet Union can note with satisfaction that many ideas that it proposed became an organic part of the Final Document. Like all those who are not merely paying lip- service to disarmament but are actually seeking disarmament, we believe that the decisions taken at the special session must be translated into the language of practical deeds by States, failing which they will remain empty phrases.
79.	If one is to take a sober view of things, one must recognize, however, that the arms race has not diminished one whit. A group of States and everyone knows which- has decided to earmark huge additional appropriations for an arms build-up over many years to come. The decision taken by the North Atlantic Council session of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Washington and the subsequent steps to intensify military preparations in a number of countries can only be interpreted as a challenge to those who are working for disarmament.
80.	Regardless of all the attempts of the instigators of the arms race to make things look as if the security of States will be all the more reliable the bigger their military arsenals are, the facts are quite different. As the number of weapons grows, as new and ever more destructive types of weapons emerge, the risk of war also increases. People will not accept any excuses such as references to a "threat from the USSR". Such references are completely spurious.
81.	Who but the Soviet Union is making one proposal after another designed to halt the arms race, to check it from this or that angle, and to prevent the development of new means of warfare? And who is rejecting these proposals out of hand0 The opponents of disarmament are doing this.
82.	By now and Western statesmen recognize this-there exists an approximate equality or parity in weapons. The Soviet Union-and we reaffirm this does not intend to change this correlation in its favour. What is more, we have been and are proposing now that the levels of military confrontation be reduced that is, that the security of each and every one be ensured with lesser quantitative and qualitative parameters of armaments and armed forces.
83.	As was clearly emphasized by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, ". .. there is no type of armaments, and above all weapons of mass destruction, that the Soviet Union would not be prepared to see limited and banned reciprocally, in agreement with other States, and then eliminated from the arsenals".
84.	Our country has a comprehensive programme for curtailing the arms race. Our proposals were put forward here in the United Nations only a few months ago. It will be recalled that they will remain the subject of further discussion in various bodies dealing with disarmament. We shall never tire of taking such initiatives, and they will not become tarnished because of this, since the need for specific action in all the sectors of the struggle for disarmament, for the prevention of another war, is increasing rather than diminishing.
85.	In circumstances where the arms race is being stepped up and the world is sliding downhill in this respect, the first thing to do is to stop completely and further quantitative and qualitative build-up of arms. Clearly, this applies above all to States with large military potentials.
86.	It will be recalled that on a practical plane the Soviet Union has urged the discussion of a set of sweeping measures which could be carried out within a. specified limited period; cessation of the production of all types of nuclear weapons; cessation of the production, and prohibition of, all other types of weapons of mass destruction; cessation of the development of new types of conventional armaments of great destructive capability; renunciation by the permanent members of the Security Council, and by countries which have military agreements with them, of the expansion of their armies and the build-up of their conventional armaments. We expect those proposals to be treated seriously and to be examined in practical terms.
87.	The greatest threat to peace-and this is something that is now recognized everywhere-stems from the nuclear- arms race. Consequently, priority should be given to nuclear disarmament. On this matter we see eye to eye with most States of the world, including the developing countries.
88.	Why is it not possible to couch in treaty language an obligation by States to discontinue the production of all types of nuclear weapons so as to move then to a gradual reduction of their stockpiles, and all the way to their complete destruction? But such obligations cannot materialize out of thin air; they are produced in the course of negotiations-and we have been insisting on the necessity for such negotiations.
89.	In the opinion of the Soviet Union, what is required is that all the nuclear Powers as well as a certain number of non-nuclear States get together at a conference table and that an exact date for the beginning of the negotiations be set And this session of the General Assembly should have its say in this regard and make an appropriate appeal to all the nuclear Powers in the first place.
90 Any major task, and particularly that of nuclear disarmament, calls for maximum realism once you have begun to tackle it. In the world of today it is inconceivable that such a task can make any headway unless action is taken at the same time to strengthen political and international legal guarantees for the security of States. In this connexion, the proposal to conclude a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations is becoming ever
more urgent.
91.	While emphasizing as a great achievement of the peoples the fact that peace has been preserved for more than a third of a century now, we should not forget even for an instant how great are the dangers that lie in wait for mankind. Fully to deliver the peoples from the threat of nuclear war: this is what underlies our proposal.
92.	The same purpose is served by concrete initiatives of the Soviet Union, and today we are stressing them again, expecting that they will elicit the understanding and support of the General Assembly.
93.	What is involved here in the first place is the strengthening of security guarantees for non-nuclear States; and secondly, the non-stationing of nuclear weapons on the territory of States where there are no such weapons at present.
94.	It will be recalled that recently our country has taken a step conducive to instilling among non-nuclear States greater confidence in their security. The Soviet Union has declared that it will never use nuclear weapons against countries which renounce the production and acquisition of nuclear weapons and which do not have them on their territory.
95.	Following our lead, the United States and the United Kingdom, for their part, have made declarations to the effect that they would not use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States. On the whole, this could be regarded as a positive fact, were not such declarations replete with all kinds of reservations rendering them valueless.
96.	The Soviet Union has not confined itself to a solemn declaration regarding the non-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States which renounce the production and acquisition of nuclear weapons and do not have them on their territory. We have expressed our readiness-and this still stands—to enter into special agreements to that effect with any of those countries. The USSR calls upon all the other nuclear Powers to act in a similar manner and to assume corresponding obligations.
97.	At the same time, it is clear that, if the problem of safeguarding non-nuclear States from the use of nuclear weapons against them is to be tackled in the most effective manner, agreed guarantees on the part of the nuclear Powers and a multilateral arrangement are required. In other words, it is necessary that we have an international agreement based on a pledge by those Powers not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States parties to such an agreement provided the latter do not produce, acquire or have such weapons on their territory. A similar obligation could be extended to armed forces and installations under the jurisdiction and control of non- nuclear States—that is, to make it even more sweeping in scope.
98.	Do non-nuclear States stand to benefit from their participation in an international agreement of this kind? Of course they do. They would be provided with security guarantees universally formalized in international law, whereas they themselves would not be required to do anything but strictly to observe their non-nuclear status. At the same time, this would be to everyone's advantage, for the threat of a nuclear conflict would diminish, and the climate throughout the world would improve.
99.	Taking all this into consideration and in response to a relevant appeal of the United Nations General Assembly at its tenth special session, on disarmament, the Soviet Union has proposed the inclusion in the agenda for this session, as an important and urgent matter, of an item entitled "Conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States" [A/33I241 J. Seeking to put things on a practical footing from the outset, we have also submitted the draft text of such a convention [ibid.].
100.	We feel that one of the merits of our initiative is that, given the goodwill of States, and of course of the nuclear States above all, it may yield practical results fairly soon. Following discussion on this question at the current session of the General Assembly, the Committee on Disarmament could immediately proceed to negotiate the text of the convention so that it would as soon as possible be open to signature by all States of the world.
101.	I should like to turn now to our second proposal, concerning the non-stationing of nuclear weapons on the territories of States where there are no such weapons at present. It can hardly be disputed that this is a reliable way to prevent nuclear weapons from spreading all over the globe.
102.	Here, too, we take into account the point of view expressed by a large group of States. Many countries are becoming increasingly aware of the risks stemming from nuclear weapons and they are not at all eager to have them on their territories.
103.	In our view, this could be achieved through an international agreement to be based on a clear and simple pledge by the nuclear Powers not to station nuclear weapons on territories where there are no such weapons at present. Such an obligation would cover all types of nuclear weapons—warheads, bombs, shells, mines and so on— whether deployed as combat systems or kept in depots and storage facilities. At the same time, non-nuclear countries would formalize their intention to refrain from any steps which directly or indirectly could lead to the presence of nuclear weapons on their territories.
104.	If all the nuclear Powers were to agree not to station nuclear weapons where there are no such weapons at present—and our country has already declared its willingness to do so—it would not be too difficult to reach international agreement. The Soviet Union would like to hope that the United Nations General Assembly will respond favourably to its proposal.
105.	The implementation of the initiatives which we are putting forth at this session would also result in a much stronger regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons without affecting in any way the possibilities of using nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. By the same token, our proposals, which are consonant with the idea of creating nuclear-free zones, provide even greater leeway for putting these ideas into practice through the collective or individual efforts of States.
106.	The need to prevent the development of new types and new systems of weapons of mass destruction is being increasingly felt. Upon our initiative, the Committee on Disarmament has started negotiations to that effect; but these negotiations are proceeding very slowly. The Soviet Union is in favour of the reaching of agreement on this extremely important matter and of the stepping up of the preparation of special agreements on individual types of weapons wherever necessary.
107.	This applies first and foremost to such inhuman weapons as the neutron weapon. The situation would become much more dangerous if the plans for its production, stockpiling and deployment materialized. It is in the interests of peace that those plans be irrevocably abandoned.
108.	Rapid progress in military science and technology- this frenzy of armament, so to say is increasing the risk that a point could be reached beyond which it would become absolutely impossible to verify compliance with the existing arms limitation agreements or those in the process of preparation.
109.	Wherever disarmament negotiations are taking place and whoever the participants arc, our line is directed towards achieving concrete results. An early conclusion of the Soviet-American talks on limiting strategic offensive arms is of particular importance. The essence of the problem lies in setting limits for the deployment of the most dangerous and destructive types of armaments, to be followed by negotiations with a view to a substantial decrease in their levels.
110.	It is to be hoped that a sober-minded and well- considered line in United States policy with regard to this extremely important matter will prevail, because a new agreement is needed equally by the Soviet Union, the United States and the world at large.
111.	Many countries on various continents welcomed the beginning of negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States on certain questions related to the problem of disarmament and the cessation of the arms race, including the talks on the limitation and subsequent reduction of military activities in the Indian Ocean and on the limitation of the sales of conventional weapons.
112.	Positive results could have been achieved long ago at the talks concerning the Indian Ocean. However, ever since last February they have been "frozen" -through no fault of ours. This is giving concern to many States which cherished hopes that the talks would help turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace.
113.	What is required, in the first place, to limit the sales of conventional armaments and their transfer to other countries'' The political basis for solving this question is to be found in criteria of international law which would take care both of the task of limiting arms sales and of the legitimate interests of peoples fighting against aggression, for their freedom and independence.
114.	Of late, some progress has been achieved at the negotiations between the USSR, the United States of
America and the United Kingdom on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests. It has been agreed that the treaty under preparation must impose a ban on any test explosions of nuclear weapons in any environment. It is all the more important to bring these negotiations to a successful conclusion. But for some reason or other our negotiating partners are stalling,
115.	It is in all earnestness that the Soviet Union has been raising the question of limiting conventional armaments and armed forces. Even today the role of conventional armaments is quite important, while the efforts by States to limit them are insufficient.
116.	No real headway has yet been made at the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. Throughout the talks we have witnessed one and the same line pursued by our Western partners: "You socialist countries", they say, "should reduce more and we less". Of course there is no proof—there could not possibly be any proof-that such a unilateral approach is justified. This is nothing but an artificial piling up of obstacles.
117.	Our position is simple: without effecting any changes in the correlation of armaments and armed forces, their level should none the less be reduced by both sides. Some people who want to inflict damage on the socialist countries by changing the ratio of forces in favour of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization ought to curb their appetites.
118.	The socialist countries have recently put forward in Vienna new proposals whose constructive nature is recognized even in the West. We are expecting a practical and positive response to them.
119.	In connexion with the problem of disarmament, it is appropriate to stress how acute are the problems of economic development of many countries which are asking for assistance. They are compelled to overcome great difficulties. Suffice it to say that according to United Nations data 1.5 billion people, that is to say over one third of mankind, are deprived of elementary medical attention, while some 700 million people suffer from systematic malnutrition. At the same time, enormous amounts of money, unprecedented in history, are being wasted on war preparations. And, what is more, military appropriations continue to swell.
120.	The Soviet Union has for a long time been proposing that military budgets, primarily those of the States which are permanent members of the Security Council, be reduced by a certain percentage, and that part of the funds thus saved be used to provide assistance to developing countries. This would be a major step of tremendous importance. Yet, what are we told in reply is that before cutting down military budgets they should be made the subject of study. But such a study could last for decades, and go on and on. To reduce means to reduce military budgets without any red tape-even under a pseudo- scientific cover. This calls for a political decision.
121.	In order to overcome the stalemate, we propose that an agreement be reached on the reduction by States having
a large economic and military potential of their military budgets, not in terms of percentage points but in absolute figures of analogous magnitude. Such reduction could begin as early as in the coming fiscal year and cover a period of three years, with 10 per cent of the funds released as a result of reductions being channelled towards increasing aid to developing countries.
122.	It must be emphatically stressed that the reduction of military budgets is being given priority not only as an urgent task but also as one which can fairly easily lend itself to solution—provided, of course, there is a desire to solve it.
123.	The peoples of the whole world would heave a sigh of relief if the burden of taxation were reduced. Today, many are reflecting upon the causes for which some States - and not least the economically developed ones-are experiencing economic upheavals. Our answer is as follows: instead of throwing away immense material values on the conveyers which are continuously producing missiles, tanks, planes, guns and other means of killing people, these resources should be diverted to peaceful purposes. The resources thus released could be used to improve the living standards of the peoples of the world, to satisfy their primary needs such as housing, better medical care, education and science, and finally simply to combat famine.
124.	All this emphasizes the great responsibility for solving the problems that face mankind in the field of disarmament, a responsibility which rests primarily with those who determine the policies of States and their line in international affairs.
125.	So, from whatever angle one views the problem of ending the arms race and of disarmament, the Soviet Union is ready to seek appropriate international arrangements. We have submitted concrete proposals to that effect. Naturally, we shall be willing to consider the proposals of other States, too, aimed at achieving this historic task.
126.	The Soviet Union appreciates the efforts by non- aligned States to help get the disarmament problem off the ground. The activity of the non-aligned countries in this direction, just as in other areas of the struggle for peace, is growing, and that is a positive phenomenon in international life.
127.	The General Assembly can do a good service to peace if it facilitates the convening of a world disarmament conference. It is at such a forum that decisions binding on States could be adopted.
128.	It is all to the good that the United Nations is now more actively involved with questions of disarmament. This helps to put the relevant talks more in the limelight of public opinion. Let those who are spurring on the arms race, contrary to the will of the peoples, feel ill at ease. Everywhere in the world a moral atmosphere should be created which would make the opponents of disarmament feel pilloried.
129.	There is no people that does not crave peace. As to the Soviet people, we can say with full responsibility that it does not seek war, nor will it start one. This applies fully to our friends and allies as well. But outside the socialist community, too, there is no people that does not want peace. We are convinced of that. In States that pursue a militarist course the watershed lies not between the peoples themselves, but when the peoples, on the one hand, and the leaders at the helm of policy-making in these States, who have sold their heart and soul to the interests of small groups which are deriving profits from military production.
130.	States are faced with a great many international problems, whose number and complexity are unlikely to diminish with time.. But what are the conditions and what is the atmosphere in which it is easier to solve those problems'? Clearly, it is easier in the atmosphere of detente in the world, not in conditions of an aggravated situation, in a heated atmosphere. This is proved by the experience of many years.
131.	The principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, no matter what contrived pretext is used to violate it, has been and remains a corner-stone of international life, of the further progress of detente. Every people that respects itself and every State with self-esteem has given and will always give decisive rebuffs to such attempts. The Soviet Union has not tolerated and never will tolerate interference in its internal affairs.
132.	The course of Soviet foreign policy for peace, detente and disarmament is a firm course. It stems from the fundamental requirements of the social system of our State, expresses the will of the entire Soviet people, and translates into reality the directives and principles adopted by congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
133.	Despite the complexity of the international situation, the Soviet people are looking to the future with optimism. Our confidence rests on the fact that the will of the peoples for peace is indomitable, that the forces favouring the maintenance and consolidation of peace prevail over those who would like to turn the course of world events in the opposite direction.
134.	Assessing world developments in this manner, we ourselves are ready to work without respite, and we call upon all other States to be ready to do the same, notably within the walls of the United Nations, to bring all peoples closer to a reliable peace and to make impregnable and invincible the buttress built against war.


140.	Mr. President, I wish to extend to you my warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly and to wish you success in your noble mission. The delegation of my country will co-operate in every way in ensuring the success of the activities at this session.
141.	I wish also to commend Mr. Lazar Mojsov for the constructive role he played as President of the thirty-second session and for handling the work of that session and the three special sessions with such ability, flexibility and wisdom..
152,. I also welcome the State of Solomon Islands, which has been admitted as a new Member to our international Organization, and wish it prosperity and progress.
153.	During the one-year period between the present session and the previous one, many significant changes and developments have occurred and some serious international problems have persisted. The world has witnessed some set-backs in the process of international detente and the emergence of tendencies to revive some aspects of the cold war, the continuous spiralling of the arms race and a deterioration in the situation in some areas of the world, as is happening in the Middle East. The main reason for this new phenomenon is the lack of progress in solving the most important international issues by the eradication of their causes. This international Organization must therefore deal with such problems and phenomena, which constitute a real threat to international peace and security. The policy of easing tensions can be neither stable nor fruitful unless just solutions are found for the crises and problems by eliminating their causes, and unless detente becomes comprehensive and universal and is developed so that it may be a positive factor in creating a more equitable order in international relit ions covering all areas of the world and all aspects of international relations. This cannot be achieved without the full and strict application of the United Nations Charter and the participation of all States, on an equal footing, in resolving key international issues, because just and durable solutions for such issues can be found only through the joint efforts of the international community as a whole. The General Assembly could play a key and effective part to this end since it is the only international body qualified to play such a great role.
154.	The main causes of the tensions threatening international peace and security are the activities and practices of the forces of imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, Zionism and foreign domination in all its forms, which seek through pressure and threats or the use of force to slow down the political and economic liberation of the developing countries and maintain the existing relations, based on inequality and injustice, which govern the international community, thus denying the peoples of the world their inalienable right to freedom and self- determination.
155.	The tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, attracted the attention of world public opinion, which clearly reflects the wish of the international community as a whole to undertake a large-scale international move through the United Nations to check the arms race and start a process of real disarmament, in particular nuclear disarmament. The world has welcomed the principles agreed upon to govern future deliberations and decisions on disarmament while allowing the participation therein of all States. In this connexion, we find it imperative to express our concern and regret at the fact that the arms race, especially the nuclear arms race, is still continuing, thus constituting a grave danger to mankind and jeopardizing its future. We must also emphasize that the evils resulting from colonialism, racism and Zionism are the main causes of this drive to continue the arms race.
156.	It has been proved that full and comprehensive disarmament, which is the desired objective, can be realized only when all peoples enjoy security based on justice and equality, and are assured of respect for their territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty, their right to self-determination, and their right to choose the system they wish to have, and only after the elimination of all manifestations of aggression, exploitation, colonialism, occupation, domination, racism and Zionism.
157.	My country reiterates its full support and unreserved backing to the granting to the peoples of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia of their right to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. If we review the struggle of the African continent to rid itself of colonialism and racism, we find that the enemy is persisting in its obstinacy and manoeuvres. The racist regimes in those territories continue to apply policies of aggression, apartheid and racial discrimination, as well as terrorism, which make that region one of the hot-beds of acute crisis in the world. They are thus directly jeopardizing the security and independence of the African continent, particularly that of countries of confrontation. The conspiracy of colonialism and racism becomes more obvious when the racist regimes consolidate their relationship and co-operation in various fields with the racist Zionist regime in occupied Palestine. It is certain that these regimes could not have survived and persisted in their oppression and aggression were it not for the political, military and economic support that they receive from certain Western States. We are confident that the peoples now suffering under the yoke of racism will be victorious and that the peoples of South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Palestine will be liberated.
158.	Cyprus still lives in a state of tension and disquiet. It is necessary to expedite the search for a negotiated solution between the two communities under the aegis of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and on the basis of the relevant United Nations resolutions, within the framework of respect for the sovereignty of Cyprus, its independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment.
159.. What is said about the situation in Cyprus also applies to the situation in Korea, which remains a dangerous hot-bed of tension. This prompts us to reaffirm the need for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Korea, for the dissolution of the United Nations Command and for a permanent peace agreement to replace the present military Armistice Agreement. It is necessary also to start a dialogue between the two sectors of Korea to bring about the peaceful reunification of the country.
160. The problem of economic relations in our contemporary world is characterized by a sharp contradiction between what has been laid down by the United Nations and the attempts of certain forces to place obstacles and difficulties in the way of the restructuring of world economic relations. This indeed is one of the main and most crucial problems facing our Organization. We were of the opinion that the New International Economic Order, the basis and principles of which were laid down by the General Assembly, would solve this problem. However, the practice of some of the major economic Powers and their adverse policies have prevented the implementation of what has been agreed upon. Thus the crisis has become more complicated. More difficulties have hampered the growth and development of the world economy. The developing nations were and still are the first victims of such policies, while the advanced nations are continuing their exploitation of the developing nations. This prompts us to deal with this dangerous situation, because the solution of international economic problems contributes greatly to the achievement of international prosperity and stability, and consequently to the maintenance of peace and security in the world. We find it imperative to stress that the solution of these problems can be found only through the equal and full participation of all States, and that it is necessary to effect a basic change in the structure of present economic relations through the establishment of a New International Economic Order.
161.	The main feature of the present international situation is the struggle for the full political and economic emancipation of peoples, for the unfettered development of the peoples who struggle against all forms of exploitation and dependence. Hence, there is a constant intensification of efforts to establish new democratic relations in the world, based on respect for the right to self-determination of peoples still under colonialism, occupation and foreign domination, and on safeguarding freedom and basic human rights. In this connexion, we wish to stress that human rights cannot be enjoyed in conditions in which the use of force, oppression and the practice of colonialism and racial discrimination prevail, or in conditions that deny human beings their homeland and their homes. The most striking example is the suffering of the African under the racist regimes in South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia, and the suffering of the Palestinian under the Zionist racist regime in occupied Palestine and in exile.
162.	Very recently the Middle East region has witnessed serious developments of a sort that violate the principles of the United Nations Charter and resolutions, and contradict international justice and legitimacy, whereas it is our urgent duty to promote compliance with the Charter and to strengthen the role of the United Nations in order to save humanity and to preserve international peace and security.
163.	By this, I mean those developments that started with the visit of President Anwar El-Sadat to occupied Jerusalem and have continued lately with the Camp David meetings. At those meetings, a series of inequitable negotiations took place under the shadow of Israeli occupation of Palestine and Arab territories and while the Palestinian people are living in exile or under occupation. Therefore, the documents and memoranda signed by the Egyptian President, Anwar El-Sadat, are inequitable and marred by surrender to the fait accompli. They are also devoid of any basis in the resolutions of this international Organization and the rules of international law. They are in contravention of the basic interests of the international community and the parties directly concerned in the conflict, and are contradictory to the decisions of the Conferences of Arab Heads of State or Government, which President El-Sadat committed himself to adhere to.
164.	There is no doubt that under the conditions and circumstances that prevailed throughout the negotiations at Camp David, no agreements could have been achieved that did not run counter to the principles of the United Nations and ignore all legal and political developments cherished by humanity. The principles that were ignored at Camp David were the recognition of the right of peoples to self- determination, the territorial integrity of sovereign States, the rule of law and justice, resistance to aggression, the rejection of occupation, the eradication of racism, the inadmissibility of rewarding the aggressor for his aggression and the necessity of isolating him from the international community..
165.	In the documents that emanated from the Camp David meetings all those noble principles are trampled underfoot and an attempt is made instead to do with various issues, but not with the substance of the problem for which the conferees claimed to have met—namely, the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and withdrawal from the occupied territories. These documents, instead of going to the heart of the problems, have erected a curious structure on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip, which is described as "autonomy". It is based on the system of terror and relies on the bayonets of occupation by the use of which the aggressor carries out its administration and maintains security. It justifies the maintenance of the occupying forces, thus equating the invading intruder and the legitimate owner. It ignores the Palestinian people and its national identity, allowing the aggressor to continue to create settlements, and change the demographic and other features of the occupied territories.
166.	President El-Sadat has signed documents laying down obligations that are supposedly to be assumed by other sovereign and legitimate parties. That contravenes the principles of international law, President El-Sadat has no right to claim to represent the Palestinian people or the Syrian Arab Republic. Therefore, what has been agreed upon at Camp David should be considered null and void from the point of view of international law.
167.	The documents of Camp David, while violating international norms, in effect recompense the Israeli aggressor by granting him his gains, the inalienable rights of the victim of aggression that he usurped. The authors of the agreements, in order to reduce the impact of these violations and transgressions, have described them as a framework for negotiations rather than final peace. One wonders why there is any need for a framework for negotiations when the resolutions of the United Nations, both in the Security Council and in the General Assembly, have clearly defined the appropriate framework for negotiations.
168.	In resolutions 338 (1973) and 344(1973), the Security Council created a clear structure for negotiations with a well-defined objective, which was referred to as "a peace conference on the Middle East", granting the United Nations Secretary-General a particular role and conferring upon him the chairmanship of its meetings. The relevant aspects and methods of work were clarified in the exchange of letters between the Permanent Representatives of the USSR and the United States of America on the one hand and the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council on the other. Those letters, dated 18 and 19 December 1973, are contained in Security Council document S/11161,'5
169.	I have referred in some detail to those documents in order to show that the Camp David meetings were outside international legitimacy, since they did not take place under the aegis of the United Nations. They did not include all the parties concerned; and, above all, they ignored the components of peace while substituting for them a so-called special concept of peace. This is a peace of occupation based on the subjugation of the will of the Palestinian people Peace based on such components cannot be just, comprehensive or durable.
170.	The Camp David documents are outside the framework defined by the international community and thus are in violation of international legitimacy. Therefore it is not surprising that they should permit one of the parties to speak for other sovereign peoples and States, to lay down rules of behaviour and means of negotiation on their behalf and to place limitations and restrictions on their national soil. The Camp David documents have violated the essence of the Charter, namely, the principle of equality among sovereign States. Once this fundamental principle has been violated, what is left of the international order?
171.	The policy of the Syrian Arab Republic will not be affected by this set-back since it is permanently based on international justice and the resolutions of the United Nations. Syria is proud of the support of the international community, which upholds the principles of the Charter on which the security of the Members and their protection against aggression and expansionist ambitions depend. The policy of Syria is based on the following basic principles: the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force; the right of peoples to self-determination; and the inadmissibility of rewarding the aggressor for his aggression.
172.	In light of these principles and in view of the will of the international community as most widely represented in the General Assembly of the United Nations, Syria still calls for and strives towards a just, lawful and comprehensive solution in all seriousness and sincerity. Such a solution would be based on the fundamental principles I have already enunciated, and in practice would entail complete withdrawal by Israel from all Palestinian and Arab territories, recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and the exercise by the Palestinian people of these rights, and first and foremost the right of return, the right of self-determination and the right to establish an independent State on its national soil.
173.	In this connexion and in reaffirmation of the components of the desired solution, namely, comprehensive

and all-embracing legitimacy and justice, Syria called for the convening of the Third Summit Conference of the National Front for Steadfastness and Confrontation, which met in Damascus from 20 to 23 September. The Conference condemned the Camp David agreements and adopted certain decisions in order to overcome the setback, spare the region a cold war and ensure that the problem and its solution would remain within the framework of the United Nations and its principles, aims and resolutions.
174.	The Camp David agreements outlined a way to consecrate the fruits of occupation. They included solutions likely to protect expansionist practices and contravene the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations as well as the resolutions of the non-aligned countries, the Islamic Conference, the Organization of African Unity and the Arab summit conferences. It is therefore incumbent on the General Assembly, this international body in which the States and peoples of the world are represented on the widest scale, to define the means of implementing the resolutions of the United Nations concerning the question of Palestine and the Middle East problem in both procedure and substance. It should safeguard the rights of the Palestinian people against usurpation and loss, and reaffirm the principle of withdrawal from territories occupied by force and aggression. This principle is non-negotiable and its application cannot be postponed. It is inadmissible for the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories to remain the hostage of the Israeli aggressor, who tries thus to impose his own conditions. If the Assembly does not follow this course it will contribute to setting mankind back to the era of invasions and colonialism, war and destruction.
175.	While on the subject of the Middle East it is also necessary to mention the situation in Lebanon, where the civil war continues to have a deep impact on the Lebanese people. Syria went to the assistance of that brotherly country and provided forces within the framework of the Arab deterrent force in order to stop the fighting and re-establish security. It has furnished all possible assistance to the legitimate authorities there. However, certain foreign circles, primarily Israel, have tried to exploit the Lebanese situation. Israel, as a result, invaded the south of Lebanon. Following the withdrawal of the Israeli forces, Israel encouraged, and still continues to incite and protect, certain outlawed armed elements near the southern Lebanese frontier. It has thus prevented the implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978). Moreover, Israel incited its agents inside Lebanon to aggravate the security situation and carry out acts of provocations against the Arab deterrent forces in order to force clashes with them. They were thus hoping to spread chaos and confusion in order to impose their domination on the whole of Lebanon, obstruct national reconciliation and prevent the legitimate Lebanese authorities from carrying out their constitutional functions.
176.	We cannot but reaffirm in a most determined and clear manner the need to protect the unity of Lebanon and the independence and sovereignty of its territory, and the importance of enabling the constitutional legitimate authorities to carry out their functions, particularly with the aim of bringing about national reconciliation and rebuilding the institutions of the State over the whole country. It is
imperative that any attempt at partitioning Lebanon or creating sectarian entities within Lebanon be firmly resisted.
177.	I have already outlined before this Assembly the current situation and its salient features, showing the dangers to which the Charter of the United Nations and peace and security in the Middle East are exposed and the effects they could have on international peace and security. I am certain that the General Assembly will adopt all the necessary measures to preserve the principles and objectives of the Charter and to spare our region and the rest of the world any unforeseen crises, with their destructive and untoward effects.
178.	In conclusion, I should like to repeat that Syria will continue to struggle by all means provided in the Charter to recover its usurped territory. The Palestinian people will continue to struggle, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, to recover its inalienable national rights.
179.	We draw our strength in this struggle from the Charter and its principles and therefore we are confident that this struggle will earn the blessing and support of this body.