In the name of God, the merciful and compassionate.
5.	It is indeed a pleasure and privilege to express to you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of Saudi Arabia, my whole-hearted congratulations on your election to the presidency of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. As you hail from Latin America, I cannot but refer with pride to the kinship between the Arabs and the people of Latin America on account of the common culture that flourished in Andalusia prior to the discovery of the new world.
6.	It is fitting that I should recall the efficiency and dignity with which your predecessor, Mr. Trepczynski, presided over the last session of the General Assembly.
7.	It also behoves me to pay a tribute to our Secretary- General, Mr. Waldheim, not only for his dedication to the purposes and principles of the Charter, but also for his unremitting efforts to establish direct contacts with many leaders of the States Members of this Organization.
8.	Notwithstanding the apparent detente which continues to prevail amongst the super-Powers, the established spheres of influence amongst them in many regions of the world still hamper serious endeavours to find just solutions for major problems besetting this Organization.
9.	His Majesty King Faisal ibn Abdul Aziz has repeatedly declared since 1947, when the partition of Palestine was wantonly effected at Lake Success, that no peace without justice could be secured in the Middle East.
10.	Year after year we have, with other Arab and Moslem leaders throughout the world, made abundantly clear our position that so long as the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are not restored and so long as the Holy Places in Jerusalem, sacred to Moslems and Christians alike, are usurped by the Zionists, turmoil in our region may inadvertently trigger a world conflict.
11.	Zionism has insidiously permeated the socio-political systems of all the countries where it has been allowed to thrive. Furthermore, Zionism has brought pressure to bear on certain Powers to open the gates of immigration for the ingathering of as many Jews as it has been able to indoctrinate by deluding them into believing that Palestine was their ancient homeland. All this is happening to the detriment of the right of self-determination of the Palestinian people and renders this problem more insoluble than ever. It is a well-known fact that the Zionists control and manipulate the mass media of information in many countries of the world.
12.	It seems that the establishment of Israel in the heart of the Arab world was for the purpose of serving the interests of the major Powers, regardless of the fact that those Powers, by establishing that State, flouted the principle of self-determination which is enshrined in the Charter. We would like to ask the major Powers which claim to have vital interests in our region whether they are so afraid of subversive Zionists in their respective countries that they do not dare to influence the leaders of that artificial State they created to come to reason and recognize that they are playing with fire which may set the whole world aflame. Do not the major Powers which claim to have multifarious interests in the Middle East understand that the people of the whole Arab world are in political ferment, the cumulative effect of which may one day push them to the point of no return, where common interests might be swept away by the winds of regrettable hatred and a desire to revenge the tragedy that has been perpetrated on them at large? Or is it that the leaders of major and smaller States have learned hardly anything from the mistakes of the past, such as those that were committed at the Versailles Conference after the First World War?
13.	It is high time that wisdom should prevail, lest dangerous situations in various parts of the world, and especially in the Middle East, further deteriorate, beyond repair. Therefore, we should not be carried away by what might be called the euphoria of detente among the major Powers so long as those Powers continue to play their antiquated game with the destiny of oppressed peoples, whether they are to be found in Asia, Africa or other parts of the world.
14.	We decry racial discrimination no less than we do the colonial oppression of peoples.
15.	Developing countries cannot thrive so long as the spectre of fear forces them to spend huge sums on armaments and thereby enrich the merchants of death who manufacture their lethal wares in the highly industrialized countries. Even the industrialized countries themselves are becoming insolvent by squandering a large portion of their revenues on the instruments of war. How paradoxical it is that these highly industrialized countries claim that they are the world leaders of civilization and the promoters of a better way of life while their leaders spend the substance of the taxpayer on lethal weapons that could, by miscalculation, bring an end to the human species on this planet.
16. Hence, it becomes understandable why rampant inflation has spread like an epidemic in most parts of the world. These major Powers, and those who ape them, are spending astronomical sums, well beyond their means, on diabolical weapons in the name of self-defence, which quite often is a camouflage for waging wars to serve spurious national interests.
17.	We are indeed at the cross-ways of either opting for the establishment of justice as defined in our Charter or' surrendering to despair which, inevitably, will push all of us into the chasm of destruction.
18.	Last but not least, I would be remiss were I to keep silent about the policy of my Government regarding the question of energy, especially since much of what has been disseminated about this question in the international press and other mass media of information has quite often distorted the truth. In spite of the fact that the question of energy is within the scope of our domestic jurisdiction, nevertheless it would be appropriate to state that His Majesty King Faisal has defined the guidelines which shape the policy of Saudi Arabia concerning oil production. His Majesty's last declaration on this subject is self-evident and constitutes our policy. I hardly need repeat what His Majesty made clear pertaining to the question of oil, as all he actually said has already been quoted by the various mass media of information.
19.	Finally, I pray God to inspire all of us to do what is just so that true peace may prevail in this troubled world.


42.	 On behalf of my Government I have the great pleasure to extend to the President my sincere congratulations on his election to the office of the President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. I welcome him as an eminent representative of  Latin America. I am confident that under his leadership the Assembly will fulfil its task efficiently.
43.	For a long time it has been evident that the situation in the Middle East has been serious and explosive. Once again arms have been resorted to as a means for achieving a solution. The situation in that part of the world is now acute and very dangerous. The outbreak of hostilities may constitute a threat to the international political situation as a whole. I must voice the profound and sincere hope of the Finnish Government that resort to force will be terminated forthwith. It is now the responsibility primarily of the parties concerned and the great Powers to bring about, through peaceful means, a solution based on the provisions of Security Council resolution 242 (1967). In this search for a peaceful solution my Government gives its full support to the efforts and good offices of the United Nations, the Secretary-General and his Special Representative. We believe that this is the only way to secure lasting peace in the area. It is also the way to secure and consolidate the general trend of international detente.
44.	For some years we have in fact witnessed a positive trend, a detente in the international situation. My Government sees detente not as an end in itself but as a means further to improve relations between independent and sovereign States Members of this Organization. A positive development in the relations between the major Powers is a necessary pre-condition for the improvement of the over-all international situation. But genuine detente, in our view, is possible only if the interests of the medium and small size countries, which form the majority of the voice of the United Nations, are also duly taken into account. This Organization is a forum where the interests of the great, medium and small Powers alike can be harmonized. By giving their full support to the United Nations Member States serve not only the interests of the world Organization but ultimately also those of their own.
45.	In the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A/9001/Add.l], the Secretary-General has stated that Member States should make a realistic judgement of the Organization's potential and decide on contemporary and imaginative ways in which it can be used to meet the problems it faces. The time is, indeed, ripe to try to translate detente into concrete action in the political as well as in the economic^ and social activities of the United Nations. As a small country pursuing a neutral foreign policy and fully committed to the Charter, Finland supports this approach. In our view the membership should now undertake concerted self-searching to further improve the capacity of this Organization to fulfil its primary functions.
46.	This year we welcome here three new Members, among them both German States. Finland has consistently advocated the application of the principle of universality. The accession of both German States to the United Nations is of vital importance in this respect. In pursuing reconciliation with each other and in committing themselves to the principles of the Charter the two German States have given fresh impetus to our work for peace and security.
47.	The accession of the German States to the United Nations became possible thanks to detente and its impact on developments in Europe. We must guide these developments further towards decreasing political tensions and fear. We must work towards increasing co-operation and mutual confidence on the basis of equality and the right to self-determination. Thus we must also show willingness and make determined efforts towards compromise and conciliation.
48.	The Finnish Government is happy to note that its initiatives, especially the multilateral preparatory talks in Helsinki for the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, have helped to set in motion extensive negotiations covering many sectors. The multiplicity of fields and the working methods applied* which underline the equal rights of all participants, give the Conference depth and strength. They will ensure that detente will not only affect the actions of Governments but will also enrich the lives of individuals. At the same time co-operation in the economic and humanitarian fields will reduce causes for political tension.
49.	The serious commitment of the parties concerned show the existence of a political will to achieve concrete results. Finland expects that the Conference as a part — as an important part — of international and European cooperation will lead to a situation where agreed principles guiding international co-operation and their equal application can be made more effective. We consider the idea of elaborating a method for the peaceful settlement of disputes to be of great importance. We support measures to strengthen confidence and to increase stability. The bilateral and multilateral negotiations on disarmament in Europe — the objectives of which are close to those of the Conference on Security and Co-operation — constitute essential elements in the broader process towards peace and stability on the continent. It is natural, therefore, that these negotiations are also followed with great interest by countries not directly connected with them.
50.	The Finnish Government holds the view that the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations must also be the main guide-line in the efforts to achieve the objectives of the European Conference. The Conference is not directed against any non-participating State or continent. Europe may now see the beginning of a new era of security and co-operation, but we in Europe cannot afford isolation — to withdraw into a citadel of peace and plenty —  while the greater part of mankind still suffers from underdevelopment and over-population.
51.	My Government had hoped that the prevailing international situation would have created favourable conditions for new measures in the field of disarmament. We welcome the recent accord between the Soviet Union and the United States to conclude an early agreement on further limitations of strategic weapons,  including qualitative restrictions. But, to our regret, there has been no real progress in completing the treaties on a prohibition of chemical weapons or a comprehensive test ban. I sincerely hope that the remaining difficulties can be surpassed so that these treaties can be finalized in the near future. A World Disarmament Conference, if well prepared and if all nuclear Powers participate, would permit a universalization of the discussion on the subject. From such a Conference new impetus and new ideas could emerge to the benefit of us all.
52.	My Government has been encouraged by the fact that the method of dialogue and negotiation has successfully been employed in several areas of unrest and tension. We have welcomed the peace agreement on Viet-Nam and hope that an early political settlement can be reached in the whole area of Indo-China. We also welcome the agreement on humanitarian problems concluded between India and Pakistan at Delhi on 28 August 1973. It is our hope that the positive development in the Korean peninsula can continue and that the dialogue between the Korean States can advance.
53.	The Government and the people of Finland have been deeply shocked over the recent developments in Chile. In addition to profound disappointment and sorrow caused by the violent elimination of a legally elected President, we in Finland are seriously concerned at the future of peaceful democratic progress not only in that country but also in a wider context. My Government joins in the appeals of world public opinion addressed to the present regime in Chile that violence should cease. The Government of Finland hopes that a democratic system will be restored in Chile as soon as possible.
54.	Some of our most serious problems are in southern Africa. Finland has consistently advocated that the African peoples should be given the right to self-determination in accordance with the Charter. We reject and condemn the policy of apartheid practised by the Government in South Africa. As the sanctions against the illegal Rhodesian regime have not been successful, we support the efforts of the sanctions committee of the Security Council  to work out realistic measures through which the sanctions could be made fully effective. We firmly urge Portugal to abandon her colonial policy so that the peoples in the territories concerned may be granted their inalienable right to self- determination.
55.	On the question of the law of the sea, we consider it important that the international area of the sea-bed should be exploited for the common good. Furthermore, it is our opinion that in the field of fisheries certain privileges should be given to those coastal States, such as Iceland, whose economy is overwhelmingly dependent on fishing.
56.	International co-operation in the economic, social and human rights fields has reached a scale and intensity unforeseen when our Organization was established. Over the years new problems have emerged, bringing with them the necessity to create corresponding institutions. This development has not always taken place under a systematic or co-ordinated plan. As a result we have today a very complex network of organizations and institutions, without a clearly defined division of responsibilities and work. This does indeed necessitate a reassessment by the membership of how the capacity and potential of the Organization can best be used to meet present and future needs. My delegation believes that the invitation of the Secretary-General for such a reassessment is timely.
57.	This becomes all the more urgent today as the world community is embarking on new ventures of global importance. The new round of multilateral trade negotiations, the reform of the international monetary system, our determination to fight against the threats to our environment, the necessity to achieve a minimum of world food security and the World Population Year prove that the United Nations system is well aware of the challenge and of its own responsibilities. But these problems must be dealt with comprehensively and in an integrated manner.
58.	Our ultimate objective under the International Development Strategy of the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] must be to improve the condition of man, of the individual. The implementation of the Strategy is at present under review. One cannot but agree that there is cause for frustration and criticism; but there is still time for determined efforts to bring the Decade to a successful conclusion. The responsibility for mobilizing, guiding and co-ordinating action towards that end rests, inside the United Nations system, with the Economic and Social Council. The Council has recently shown an increasing awareness of this responsibility. My Government will continue to give the Council its full support in that task.
59.	The responsibility for achieving the goals and objectives of the Strategy lies, however, ultimately with the Member States themselves, developing and developed alike. Although the impact of the contribution of a relatively small country cannot be decisive, Finland also has its share of this global challenge. Thus my Government in submitting its budget proposals for next year, has included appropriations for international development assistance which represent an increase of 36 per cent as compared to 1973. In this connexion I can announce that my Government is ready to participate with an increasing share in the replenishment of the resources of the International Development Association decided upon only a few days ago at the Joint Annual Meeting of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in Nairobi.
60.	A prerequisite for the attainment of the basic goal of the Strategy — the improvement of the conditions of man —  is that no one should be excluded from the benefits of the development process on any discriminatory grounds, be they of race or of religion, or on any other grounds. It is therefore deplorable that today, 25 years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, one still has to reaffirm from this rostrum the necessity of eliminating racism and racial discrimination. The Continued existence of systematically exercised racial discrimination in southern Africa and other tragic events in that part of the continent unfortunately prove that we are still far away from the goals of the Charter. My delegation will therefore fully support the launching at this session of the international Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination.


78.	 Mr. President, on behalf of the Government and the people of Peru, may I express my cordial congratulations to you on the fitting choice this great Assembly has made in electing you to preside over its twenty-eighth session. This election is a well-earned recognition of your outstanding qualifications as a diplomat and your brilliant career as a jurist and an internationalist. For Ecuador, a country with which we are very closely linked by fraternal ties of friendship, it is a just tribute with which all Latin America can identify. We are sure that with your abilities you will preside over this session of the Assembly with the necessary skill, capacity and firmness and that this will be a further success in your triumphant diplomatic career.
79.	May I also express my friendly greetings to Mr. Stanistaw Trepczyriski, whose efficient handling of the last session confirmed the qualities that we all recognized in him and whom my Government had the pleasure of receiving in Peru.
80.	I should also like to offer my sincere appreciation to our illustrious Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his effective and devoted efforts to bring about a full application of the principles and tenets of the Charter to the relations among our countries.
81.	1 should also like to express our greetings to the new States Members of the United Nations — the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the Bahamas. The participation of these new Members will certainly be a valuable contribution to our endeavours to achieve fulfilment of the purposes and principles of the Charter and a manifest expression of the universality of the Organization.
82.	The process of relaxation of tension encouraged by the great Powers has proceeded apace, reducing the risk of a nuclear confrontation. There are signs of improvement in the world situation. The Viet-Nam agreements, the International Conference on Viet Nam, held in Paris, the initial approaches between the two Koreas concerning reunification, the agreements between India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the convening of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and the admission to membership in the United Nations of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic are so many proofs.
83.	The East-West rapprochement taking place at present stands as a solution to the problems inherited from the Second World War, although basically limited to the developed areas of the world and the result of strategies of nuclear deterrence between the two greatest rival Powers.
84.	However, the security and peace yearned for by two thirds of mankind — that is, the countries of the third world — is not included in the blueprint for detente, for aggression and intervention are still sources of permanent danger that thwart the liberation of peoples struggling for their freedom.
85.	The Paris agreements are not being fully complied with in the countries of the Indo-Chinese peninsula, for foreign interference still continues and self-determination of the peoples is ignored. There is no reason to be encouraged about a solution to the Middle East question. The impasse persists without withdrawal from the occupied territories, respect for the existence and sovereignty of all the States of the region or recognition of the rights of the Palestine people. In sum, Security Council resolution 242 (1967) is not being carried out, nor is there determined support for the important efforts being made by the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
86.	The rivalry among the great Powers in the Mediterranean continues, and this aggravates the already existing situation in the Middle East. Tensions flowing from power politics create insecurity in the Persian Gulf.
87.	Tension in the Caribbean countries continues; the persistence in keeping Cuba semi-isolated shows that. In the same region an anachronistic neo-colonial mentality stands in the way of the effective exercise by Panama of sovereignty and jurisdiction over the entirety of its territory.
88.	In Africa, cruel and retrograde colonial wars and repressive policies of racial discrimination and apartheid continue to cause suffering to the peoples of Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa.
89.	In the South Pacific, the pronouncements of international public opinion and justice are overlooked and atmospheric thermonuclear tests continue.
90.	One of the principal tasks of the Organization should be to strive to extend the present detente to all regions of the world, thus eliminating the sources of stress that I have listed. Regions like the Mediterranean, the Caribbean, the South Pacific and the Persian Gulf must be constantly kept under surveillance by the United Nations so as to ensure in them respect for national independence, the renunciation of the use of force, the dismantling of military bases, the prohibition of nuclear tests and the development of peaceful co-operation in general. It will thus be possible to establish international security that will encompass all areas of the world and be equally applicable to all countries, both of the prosperous zones and of the third world.
91.	The impoverishment of the populations of the regions outside the main centres of world power is increasing at an accelerating rate, and with it there emerge new forms of domination and dependency in economic, political and technological fields.
92.	But within this general scene the absence of a nuclear conflict between the great Powers does not spell security for the third world. In the underdeveloped areas uncertainty and social unrest are rife, appearing in new shapes and forms. Security for the third world lies in an over-all and self- sustaining development, the basic liberating instrument for peace. It is for that reason that both here and elsewhere we have stressed the concept that security must be completed in a new and significant dimension that will define the reality of the developing countries. I refer to what I have already mentioned, that is, that in our revolutionary experience security and development have been shown to be aspects of the same reality, and for that reason security cannot be described only as the absence of warlike conflict.
93.	By the same token, it is appropriate to recall that of the 55 conflicts that have broken out since the founding of the United Nations and of the 255 subversive movements that have shaken world peace, 95 per cent have had their roots in the third world, as the lamentable result of the imperialist policies and neo-colonial pressures on our countries. For this reason, any peace that overlooks that majority of mankind, any peace that ignores the liberation of the people of the third world, any peace that is merely the absence of hostilities among the great Powers is a precarious, unreal, unjust peace. It does not spell security or stability for us, much less justice for our development. It is peace in opulence — which is not that of the third world.
94.	Security among the States Members of the United Nations must also include the concept of an economic security that will guarantee the right of the majority of mankind to a comprehensive development and prevent threats of economic coercion or pressures of any sort.
95.	Collective economic security in international relations would imply the renunciation of the use of economic force and unilateral power politics and assure respect for the overall development of States. Collective economic security would also imply a commitment to take "collective action" to repel measures of economic force tending to oppress the sovereignty of States, and also united action to help meet emergency situations that cannot be resolved by the internal effort of a developing country, in order to provide the necessary assistance.
96.	The Security Council meeting in Panama in March this year was proof of a qualitative change of approach regarding the use of force in international relations. The Security Council considered that in Latin America there did exist threats to international peace and security, not only due to armed aggression but also to structural situations of dependency, domination and colonialism. Resolution 330 (1973), adopted by the Council at that meeting, is a significant step in the repudiation of the use of force.
97.	We believe that resolution is a great contribution by the developing countries to the strengthening of the United Nations as a mechanism for safeguarding the development of the countries of the third world. Without doubt it will also serve as the foundation for the system of collective economic security under study that must urgently be set up, and for this reason it is imperative to accelerate the studies being done by the United Nations.
98.	Aware of the changes taking place in the world today and of the situations arising from the constant emergence of new States, Peru joins those who contend that the Security Council, as constituted at present, is not representative of the aspirations of peoples. The present composition of the Security Council, in which a small minority of Powers wields the veto, is a situation that must be altered, since within the organ itself it allows the play of power politics by the great Powers.
99.	The right of veto was intended to meet a political reality arising from the Second World War. For this reason we should weigh the need to devise a formula to avoid the paralysis of the Council in the exercise of its high functions due to an abuse of powers which in themselves violate the political and juridical equality of States and gainsay the true democratization of international relations. A first step might be to apply the provisions of the Charter itself which provide that the States parties to a dispute shall not vote. Likewise, as some have stated, the General. Assembly should be empowered to reject a veto cast by a single State against the votes of all the other members of the Security Council, who do in fact represent the international community.
100.	Peru considers that a further indispensable step for strengthening international peace and security is the convening by the United Nations of a world disarmament conference with the participation of all States.
101.	The objective of such a conference would be first to achieve a qualitative disarmament, that is, the suspension of all nuclear tests in all environments to forestall any improvement in such weapons. Secondly, the conference would go on to quantitative disarmament through the elimination of existing nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.
102.	Despite the pronouncements of the General Assembly, of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment,  of the International Court of Justice and of the coastal States of the South Pacific, atmospheric tests on the atoll of Mururoa continue.
103.	The Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces of Peru is aware of its moral authority to oppose such tests and considers that the United Nations should take up the request of the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held this month at Algiers, that an end be put to the atmospheric nuclear tests in the South Pacific.
104.	We also consider it imperative that the United Nations strengthen the effectiveness of the Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation, so that it may be able to complete its work with the assistance of, and benefiting from the experience of, all peace-loving countries and provide information, as objective as possible, requested by the countries affected by nuclear explosions. The Committee can no longer continue to depend on information supplied by nuclear States, when it is very often unable to detect the explosions and the magnitude of the radiation.
105.	True to the principles and purposes of the Charter, and in keeping with the evolution of the international situation, Peru considers it its duty to reinforce and universalize peace and security through effective and realistic inter-American co-operation reflecting the process of detente among the great Powers.
106.	In the American region, the Organization of American States [OAS] has supplied the purely formal framework for political, ideological, economic and cultural institutions of intracontinental co-operation and solidarity. Although its charter  prescribes the principles and norms for international conduct in the hemisphere, we cannot overlook the fact that behind these stand countries possessing differing economic and social structures and at different stages of development. On the one hand, there is a world super-Power with its opulent and expanding market economy, and on the other, developing countries with disjointed, economically dependent societies.
107.	From the very outset the basic standards of inter- American relations were warped because of the hegemony of the United States over the countries of Latin America. The creation of inter-American organs and institutions, such as the Interamerican Development Bank, though they are apparently multilateral, in no way changed this structural flaw in our relations. Thus, a lopsided and imperfect system has grown up based on domestic and foreign domination and within the context of the defence of spheres of influence of the cold war.
108.	Recent developments in Latin America attest to the emergence of growing community awareness, the result of common and parallel histories, of shared conditioning from the outside and a common destiny which we now begin to see clearly. The restructuring of the inter-American system now taking place is a clear proof of the degree of awareness and compromise that our countries have achieved along these lines. It also anticipates the new profile we seek for our continent. The Revolutionary Government of Peru, together with other nations, called for the convening of a special commission for the restructuring of the inter- American system; that was an act which we believe clearly shows our dedication to a true America and for the effective application of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations in our region.
109.	The work being done by that special commission in Lima and Washington should lead to the outlining of a restructuring that we trust will permit a true adaptation to the new inter-American reality. It could then become a regional system that would effectively serve the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
110.	In one word, we want an end in Latin America to all forms of imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. We want a Latin America united on the strength of a genuine development with justice for its peoples, and, finally, the promotion of Latin America to the forefront of the international dialogue as full-fledged spokesmen and free actors in our own destiny.
111.	The contribution of the third world to world peace is an objective reality primarily confirmed throught the non- aligned movement. The evolution of international relations has only gone to prove the certainty and permanence of the objectives of the policy of non-alignment.
112.	The growth of the progressive forces of peace, independence and the progress of mankind is proved by the fact that more than half of the States members of the international community were represented at the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Algiers. Once again non- alignment showed its dynamism and pluralist vitality with the presence of Latin American countries in an evolving world, thus reaffirming their stand against all types of imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.
113.	For the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces of Peru, its foreign policy of non-alignment is a correlative of the profound commitment of the Peruvian revolution to insuring the participation of our people in both the process and the benefits of development through a society in keeping with our national realities. Thus, we have devised a coherent ideo-politica! formulation that impresses its independent and autonomous personality on our revolution. The goal of our revolution is to transform the economic, social and political system of our country. To do so our revolution draws its inspiration from the richest currents of humanism and socialism, which by nature are imbued with the concept of liberty and therefore imply a clear stand on dogmatism and totalitarianism. In practical terms our objective is to establish in Peru a pluralistic economy with full participation for all.
114.	I should like to recall a paragraph from the message by the President of Peru, General Juan Velasco Alvarado, on the one hundred fifty-second anniversary of national independence:
"The achievement of the great ideal of full participation, the very essence of the revolutionary humanism which we advocate, presupposes the gradual but definitive abandonment of manipulative behaviour and intermediary machinery that in the past deprived our citizens of the right to share in and decide upon all aspects of social life. It also calls for the equally gradual but also definitive break with paternalistic and authoritarian conduct that illegally presupposes a position of inferiority for those who are humble and poor. All this is in order to safeguard and defend the basic concept of dignity and the pre-eminence of man as a specific social being and as the forger of history and life."
115.	We are witnessing a qualitative shift in history; the contradictions of the opulent societies of the industrialized States have become obvious. The enormous concentration of capital, the disorderly use of technology, the greed for power and endless wealth are all producing dire situations which are manifested in the energy crisis, raw materials and the dehumanizing conditions of life. At the same time we are witnessing a growing inflation in the developed economies.
116.	The countries of the third world are confronting immensely important political possibilities. It is within our grasp to achieve our total liberation and it is up to our political will to turn weakness into strength with our unity. Replacement of the strategy of claims by one of uniting for negotiation is a legitimate way to defend our national resources.
117.	The non-aligned nations, and Peru among them, consider recovery and full exercise of permanent sovereignty over natural resources and control of the basic economic activities of those resources to be some of the immediate steps to be taken. The right of the developing nations to nationalize their natural wealth and to adapt the payment of compensation for them to their own domestic systems has been supported by the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries meeting in Algiers.
118.	Furthermore, exploitation and direct merchandising, as well as support for and creation of associations of raw material-producing countries, are very effective meats for strengthening our negotiating power and obtaining mutually advantageous international trade both for the producers and for the consumers. That will also strengthen our development. In this respect, the non-aligned nations have agreed to the convening in the near future of a conference of developing nations to co-ordinate a global strategy on raw materials in the light of the critical situation that could activate irrational exploitation of our resources and unjust price policies.
119.	Two agreements which are examples of the increasing solidarity among the non-aligned nations and which allow of a certain optimism regarding the future of our countries are to favour the creation of a fund for development and solidarity among the non-aligned nations, to promote financial and technical co-operation among them; and the establishment of a system of consultations and emergency measures within the group for mutual assistance in cases of aggression in economic relations, such as pressures, coercion, economic blockade, the freezing of credit and any direct or indirect measures aimed at limiting the sovereignty of States and curtailing the right of all countries to their own autonomous development.
120.	The controversy over the law of the sea has finally been understood as one of the basic chapters of the struggle against underdevelopment and against the hegemony of certain Powers that would confine the sovereignty and jurisdiction of other States to narrow limits while remaining free themselves to exploit the natural resources of distant seas.
121.	The Algiers Conference saw more than 60 Heads of State or Government support the 200-mile limit without prejudice to the freedom of navigation or to the regime of the continental shelf. They also supported the notion of regional solutions, the elimination of threats to the security and sovereignty of States and the establishment of an international authority empowered to undertake the exploitation of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction as the common heritage of mankind.
122.	For 26 years Peru has defended its maritime sovereignty and jurisdiction over the 200-mile limit, and therefore we are gratified by this support, which reaffirms the reasons and validity of a cause once deemed unrealistic and rash, and allows us to foresee, as set forth at Algiers, "the establishment of a new regime governing ocean space which is based on the principles of justice, security, peaceful coexistence, development and well-being for all peoples."1"
123.	We trust that this new order will be established and that there will be an end to the obstinacy and shortsightedness of those who would extend to the sea the very imperialism we are fighting. Be that as it may, Peru will maintain its resolve to preserve its maritime sovereignty and jurisdiction with the unshakable and unyielding will of one who knows that he defends his own independence and destiny as a nation.
124.	Co-ordination, co-operation and solidarity among the developing countries are characteristics of the present international situation, but together with this laudable effort on the part of the countries of the third world external conditions must also be created propitious to self-sustaining and independent development.
125.	I cannot fail to mention the concern of the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces of Peru over the steadily deteriorating economic conditions of the developing countries caused by policies foreign to their own efforts. Interference in the sovereignty of States multiplies;
neo-colonialism in the developing countries and the unfettered activities of transnational corporations continue; trade and monetary agreements among the developed countries tend to diminish the participation of the third world in world trade and to flout the principles of international cooperation.
126.	It therefore becomes imperative for the developed countries to realize that international co-operation for development is one of the basic components of a permanent, universal peace that will permit full security for all States.
127.	According to United Nations surveys, everything seems to indicate that by 1975 — that is, just half-way through the Second Development Decade — the trade and financial deficit of all the developing countries will amount to at least $17 billion. Half this amount, or perhaps more, will be to cover the flow of capital to pay for utilities from foreign private investment and invisible services and the other half to cover the trade deficit caused by the deterioration in terms of trade. We must therefore abandon our role as exporters of capital and importers of inflation.
128.	This circle of domination that characterizes the structure of the economic relations between the third world and the industrialized countries makes it impossible to fulfil the modest objectives of the International Development Strategy. The countries of the third world, with 70 per cent of the world population, subsist on a meagre 30 per cent of world income, and by the end of this decade the average per capita income will be $3,600 for the developed countries and a paltry $265 for the developing countries. Surely we must all agree that the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade is failing thus far. International action is required, as called for by the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in the Action Programme for Economic Cooperation adopted in Algiers in order to convene "a special session of the General Assembly at a high political level devoted exclusively to the problems of development," including the achievement of the objectives of the International Development Strategy and the revitalization of the organizations of the United Nations system devoted to international co-operation.
129.	Among the efforts of the developing countries to make international co-operation more dynamic, Peru supports the holding of the Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization in 1975, and we reiterate our offer of the city of Lima as the venue for the Conference.
130.	The present international situation is characterized by the coexistence and convergence of the great Powers and by the multipolarity of the world. But this is the result not only of the bold diplomacy of the powerful nations but of the long historical struggle of new forces and social values emerging in the world of today. These new social forces have challenged the established order and set forth an undeniable need for world coexistence as a basis for ideological pluralism. The development of these progressive forces is manifested mainly in the regions of the third world and is embodied in the unshakable struggle of the peoples of those areas for more just living conditions and for their own autonomous solutions for freeing themselves from domestic and foreign domination. Because of the increase in world poverty and the just struggle against it, the centre of gravity of international relations and conflicts is shifting to the third world, thus giving our people considerable revolutionary weight which is making them new protagonists in contemporary history.
131.	The new historic moment in which we find ourselves calls for a new approach on the part of the developed countries, an approach that must understand that the interrelation between development and underdevelopment required co-operation and solidarity.
132.	Once again Peru reaffirms its faith in the world Organization as the forum most apt to know the problems affecting international peace, security and co-operation and as the appropriate institutional framework for just solutions to disputes occurring among States.


111.	This is the first opportunity that the present Government of Chile has had to state from the highest world rostrum the background and the facts that led the armed forces and police to take control and establish a regime of national restoration and dignity. I shall deal at some length with this subject, although I am aware that one of the fundamental principles of the Charter is that the United Nations shall not intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of States. That principle, which also governs bilateral relations among members of the international community is one to which I will refer more especially later.
112.	However, because of the events that have taken place in Chile, a campaign that is so false, so malevolent, so vicious, so well orchestrated has been launched, with the intention of distorting the facts and the intentions, that I felt it both fitting and proper to refer to those events, even though I firmly contend that no State, and no international organization, has the right to meddle in or judge what has taken place in my homeland.
113.	I understand that the events in Chile have not left world public opinion indifferent. Although many countries, in the most varied regions of the world, year after year for different reasons undergo changes in their political and social life, the case of Chile is a very special one, for two reasons.
114.	The first reason is that my country, after more than a century and a half of independence, has stood as an example of civic life and has never tolerated dictatorships, racism or totalitarism and that our eminently apolitical and professional armed forces have been an example to the world. We who wear the uniform are proud of that tradition.
115.	The second is that Chile, having agreed to the establishment by democratic means of a Government imbued with foreign doctrines, loyally collaborated in the search for a socialist direction compatible with our own national reality and our traditions of freedom, justice and dignity; so much so that, at the beginning of the socialist experiment, the political parties unanimously supported the Government, as in the nationalization of the copper industry, and likewise the armed forces, when called upon in moments of grave crisis, accepted upon their shoulders the burden of heavy responsibilities.
116.	But these generous, democratic and selfless attitudes proved futile, since they were able only briefly to contain, and not to stop, the disastrous course along which the Unidad Popular, in its eagerness to consolidate a tyrannical power, was forcing the country. Chile, alone, without the help or inspiration of any, its patience exhausted and drawing on the courage, drive and inner resources that are a feature of our people, was able to react and put an end to a totalitarian system that has subjugated so many countries of the world, before it was too late.
117.	I shall refer to what happened in my country three years ago. In September 1970 Chile was confronted with a procedure that was normal in our history of democracy: a presidential election was to be held. On 4 September the candidate representing the Unitad Popular won 36.2 per cent of the popular vote in a free, democratic election, precisely in keeping with the historic traditions of Chile.
118.	This triumph was a surprise and upset to the majority of the people, since the ideology professed by the winning candidate made many of my countrymen fear that the country might adopt a course very contrary to the tradition and history of Chile.
119.	Under the political Constitution of the State, the election had to be ratified by the National Congress, since none of the candidates had obtained an absolute majority of the popular vote. The political parties that had supported the Marxist candidate were a minority in the Chilean Congress; consequently, interpreting the national feeling, the majority political parties made the confirmation of the candidate who had obtained a relative majority conditional on solemn respect for the provisions of the Constitution, supplemented by a special Statute of Guarantees.
120.	From the very dawn of our independent life, Chile has been careful to preserve, both in reality and in our fundamental Constitution, the basic human rights of the individual and respect for the common good. In the case of the Unidad Popular candidate, the majority parties insisted that these guarantees must be more precisely confirmed, even in specific matters, through the supplementary Statute to which I referred earlier. As a result of this requirement on the part of the parliamentary majority, the National Congress unanimously, and with the favourable vote of the candidate himself, approved constitutional reforms intended primarily to reaffirm the independence of the armed forces and respect for their professional function. This stood in the way of the creation of military groups outside the Constitution and the law. The reforms would also reaffirm the freedom of the information media, the political rights of citizens and the gains achieved by the workers in organized labour and
ensure the participation of professionals, technicians, employees and workers in the process of economic development.
121.	It was only after the approval of this Statute of Constitutional Guarantees that the congressional majority, which, I repeat, had opposed the posture of the Unidad Popular candidate, agreed to confer upon him the presidency of Chile.
122.	The Chilean political system is based upon the absolute independence of the public authorities and upon their unlimited mutual respect. The President of the Republic, the National Congress and the courts of justice have rights and powers specifically defined in the political Constitution of the State, which also defines the way in which they shall relate to one another.
123.	Furthermore, there must be added the fundamental role played in the Chilean legal system by the Comptroller-General of the Republic, since his decisions and rulings determine the administrative process of the nation.
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124.	In other words, when the legitimately elected President took over the highest office in Chile, he swore to respect the independence and authority of the other organs of the State. He committed himself to respect the legality of the Chilean State, the heritage of the people, which over the years has been moulded to reflect the basic consensus enabling them to live together. Any assault on legality is, therefore, not only a destruction of the cultural and moral heritage of the nation, but also a denial of any practical possibility of democratic life.
125.	In a veiled and surreptitious way at first, but quite openly later, the Government entirely ignored the basic principles that I have enunciated here and, what was even more serious, repeatedly violated the constitutional provisions that the National Congress had demanded as a guarantee after the elections of September 1970. The cynicism with which the Government was acting was amply demonstrated when the head of State later made known in a press interview that he had accepted the Statute of Constitutional Guarantees as a tactical necessity to assume power, and that what was most important at that moment was to take over the Government.
126.	Under the tolerant eyes of the Government, the. media of the free press were harassed and, instead of. implementation of the Agrarian Reform Law drawn up by the previous administration, a system of illegal takeovers were established. Authorities arbitrarily took over small, medium-sized and large industries; politicians, villagers, students and representatives of law and order were murdered with impunity. Labour leaders and union representatives who did not support the Government were persecuted and imprisoned, and an attempt was made to impose a totalitarian educational system on all Chilean children.
127.	I think a separate mention must be made of the Government's attitude towards armed groups of civilians. It not only permitted them, but openly encouraged them and thus illegally allowed the entry into the country
of foreign agitators and weapons. By 11 September this year, more than 13,000 known foreigners, most of them extremists, were known to be in the country in an illegal manner. Their sole mission was to set up a parallel army to oppose the regular armed forces. Representatives in the Assembly can well understand what that number of persons could mean to a country with 10 million inhabitants. But the conduct of those foreigners went even further. They took over management positions in the public administration, in illegally sequestered factories and in the direction of the national economy. We saw, with shame, how foreigners became part of Chilean delegations entrusted with the task of negotiating international agreements.
128.	To all this must be added the inability of the Government to draw up an economic plan that would meet our real national needs, and this failure led to a catastrophe from which Chile will not recover for many years. The economic experience of Marxism in our country, because of the damage it has done, will be difficult for my countrymen to forget.
129.	Let me cite a few figures to support what I am saying.
130.	According to the latest official statistics of the Government of the Unidad Popular, agricultural production dropped by 20 per cent last year, industrial production by 9 per cent, and mineral exports, the fundamental mainstay of our economy, by 28 per cent.
131.	In 1970, the total currency in circulation in Chile was 12,114 million escudos. At the end of this year, according to projections, the currency in circulation will be at least 23 times greater.
132.	In 1970, Chile's external debt was $2,630 million. By 31 December 1973, that debt will have reached $3,450 million. And, to make things worse, this increase in foreign indebtedness was due primarily to the import not of capital goods destined to increase production, but of food and other perishables which the Marxist economy had been unable to produce inside the country.
133.	In 1970, Chile's trade balance showed a surplus of $78 million. Thus far this year, it shows a deficit of $438 million; and to this must be added the fact that, under the management of the Unidad Popular Government, the country lost its entire reserves of foreign exchange, which in 1970 had reached $448 million.
134.	In 1972, the deficit in fiscal expenditure amounted to 40 per cent of the total budget. For this year, it is estimated that the deficit will surpass 50 'per cent of total public expenditure.
135.	All these economic facts caused the country to sustain the highest inflation rate in the world: 323 percent over the last 12 months.
136.	In March of this year, under the control of the armed forces, as required by law, normal parliamentary elections took place, although it was later discovered that the registers of voters had been very cleverly altered and tampered with.
137.	Nevertheless, those elections clearly and precisely confirmed the fact that the Government of the Unidad Popular could count on the support of only a minority in the country. The opposition parties obtained a large majority in the Senate and in the Chamber of Deputies.
138.	Even so, the Government refused to alter its line of conduct and, ignoring the will of the people, formed a bellicose Cabinet that intensified its assaults on the lawful structure of the State. This forced the other public institutions to assume a daily more energetic defence of institutionality in the country.
139.	The Government was careful to demonstrate apparent respect for the judicial branch for the benefit of the outside world. It is true that it took pains not to interfere visibly with the structure itself; but it drew upon all sorts of resources in order to undermine the hard-won prestige of the judiciary as the guardian of civic rights. It had no compunction about carrying out defamatory campaigns; its officers indulged in all sorts of disrespectful acts, and judgements were deprived of all meaning, being disregarded whenever it suited the partisan interests of the Government of the Unidad Popular. Moreover, the authority to grant pardons was abused in the most inconceivable manner and the courts were denied the use of police power to enforce their decisions.
140.	Time and again, the Supreme Court entered its protests, but the Government, far from changing its mistaken plan of action, pushed harder and harder, until the Court ultimately, in communication with the President of the Republic, felt obliged to denounce these events as conducive to "a crisis in the legal system about which this Court cannot keep silent". The abuse of the law became worse and worse until, last May, in a note to the head of State, the Supreme Court stated publicly something that was even more serious: namely, that the country was faced with "a peremptory and imminent breakdown of the legal system".
141.	And yet, the Government continued with its policies, and the head of State even tried to justify them by instigating a public polemic with the Supreme Court, which only succeeded in reinforcing the Court's original position.
142.	But the judiciary was not the only institution that had to try to defend the public interest and to point to the serious misdirection of the Government: the Office of the Comptroller-General of the Republic was also the object of increasingly inflammatory attacks and repeated slights. The Government abused the instrument of "mandatory decrees", thus implementing a ruling system bypassing Congress; and the President of the Republic even went so far as to ignore the opinion of the Comptroller-General when it came to the promulgation of a constitutional reform approved by the parliament, which the Executive proposed to enact only partially.
143.	After fighting hard to find a political way to protect the national interest, the parliament itself finally assumed a position comparable to that of the judicial branch and of the Comptroller-General of the Republic. Even the possibility of submitting the Government to a plebiscite had been rejected by the Unidad Popular, thus proving its lack of democratic support even more openly.
144.	On 22 August last, the Chamber of Deputies, which is the controlling branch of Congress, clearly and energetically denounced the Government's headlong path to destruction. By 81 votes to 47, the Chamber adopted a very important resolution, the main points of which I should like to quote.
145.	To begin with, the resolution pointed out that sovereignty is vested essentially in the nation, that the authorities can only exercise powers delegated by the nation, and that a Government, by assuming rights not conferred by the people, is liable to charges of sedition. The resolution went on to declare:
"It is a fact that the present Government of the Republic, since its inception, has been engaged in the conquest of total power with the obvious intention of subjecting all persons to the strictest State economic and political control in order thus to achieve the installation of a totalitarian system absolutely opposed to the representative democratic system established by the Constitution."
And, it added:
"To accomplish this objective, the Government has not violated the law and the Constitution in isolated instances; rather, these violations have become permanent policy, to the extreme of systematically ignoring and encroaching on the power of the other branches of government, continually violating the guarantees that the Constitution assures to every inhabitant of the Republic, and allowing and sheltering the creation of illegitimate parallel powers that constitute a grave danger for the nation, all of which has led to destruction of the basic elements of our institutions and of our government of law."
146.	The Chamber of Deputies also indicated that the Government had committed inter alia the following violations and abuses:
"It has usurped the principal function of Congress —  that is, to legislate — by adopting a series of highly important measures for the economic and social life of the nation, which are indubitably a matter of law, by mandatory decrees abusively issued or by simple administrative rulings based on legal loop-holes. It must be stressed that all this has been done with the deliberate and acknowledged purpose of changing the nation's structures, recognized by the law in force, by the sole will of the executive, with absolute disregard for the will of the legislative branch.
"It has continually mocked the functions of control of the National Congress by depriving of all real effect the congressional power to dismiss from office cabinet ministers who violate the Constitution or the law or who commit other crimes or abuses specified in the Constitution. And, what is most serious of all, it has done away with the high function of the Congress as the constituent power by refusing to promulgate the constitutional reform covering the three areas of the economy which was approved in strict accord with the rules established by the Constitution."
147.	The resolution of the Chamber of Deputies did not stop there. It went on to enumerate the Government's principal abuses of the fundamental guarantees and rights afforded by the Constitution and, furthermore, added:
"In this breakdown of the rule of law, the formation and development of armed groups under government protection is especially serious since, apart from being a danger to the security of individuals and their rights and to the internal peace of the nation, such groups are intended to confront the regular armed forces. It is also especially serious that the police force is kept from performing its most important functions in the face of criminal attacks perpetrated by violent groups supporting the Government. Because of their grave importance, notorious and public attempts to use the armed forces and the police force for partisan purposes cannot be passed over in silence; neither can attempts to break down their institutional hierarchy and politically infiltrate their ranks."
148.	For the benefit of the Executive, the Chamber of Deputies' resolution closed with a description of the serious breakdown of constitutional and legal order that confronted the Republic and the need immediately to rectify precisely defined situations and facts, the urgency of channelling the actions of the Government in a lawful direction and the need to ensure constitutional order in Chile.
149.	As I have already pointed out, there was a long and patient wait by the citizenry and the other branches of government, which were always ready to facilitate solutions to the situation. As I have mentioned, the armed forces also loyally and professionally collaborated with the Government. Their mission was stretched beyond the limits of their vocation, since a number of times they were required to assume responsibilities with serious political consequences. Thus, in October 1972, confronted by a tenacious civil strike and in order to calm public opinion and guarantee parliamentary elections scheduled for six months later, representatives of the Chilean army, navy and air force assumed cabinet posts. I myself acted as Minister of State at that time and bent every effort loyally and efficiently to fulfil the mission entrusted to me by the President of the Republic.
150.	We ministers who were members of the armed forces repeatedly tried to convince the head of State of the need to adopt measures that might change the course of the nation. We did achieve some revisions, but everything was erased once our mission of ensuring fair and honest elections had been accomplished and we left our cabinet posts.
151.	After the elections of March of this year, and in order to comply with our sacred duty to preserve the democratic system, we repeatedly tried to convince those in charge of the country of the extremely dangerous path they were following. We were answered with promises that were always broken and with assurances that bore absolutely no relation to reality. While astute campaigns were organized to prevent a possible civil war. surreptitiously professional agitators, weapons and other highly destructive elements continued to enter the country with the specific purpose of preparing for the bloody coup de grace to our democratic system. I shall not tax the patience of the Assembly by describing the entire background that proves this. The caches of weapons and explosives; clandestine hospitals and blood banks; plans for violence, assassination, sabotage; the division of the armed forces and the organizing of mercenaries and guerrillas — all showed us that the abyss towards which our country was heading was even deeper than we had discovered when we adopted the historic resolution of 11 September.
152.	It was not only the knowledge of those threatening plans that moved the armed forces and the police force in Chile to take the decision imposed upon them by their oath to protect the homeland.
153.	With the public demoralized by so much abuse and so many threats upon their lives, humiliated by so much illegal and discriminatory rationing, and ruined by a black market directed and organized by government supporters, a strike erupted in one of the great copper mines. It lasted 74 days, and was followed by a civilian uprising of vast proportions. The truckers' union, the professional associations, retailers, large groups of craftsmen, workers and labourers, still not intimidated by foreign slogans, joined to protest with the only weapon they still possessed: the paralysing of the country. And in that historic uprising of the civilian masses, noble and true to their traditions, the long-suffering Chilean women and large groups of young students were in the vanguard.
154.	The situation was becoming extremely dangerous and the Government, incapable of solving any problem and basically oriented towards the seizing of total power through violence, once again resorted to the patriotism of the armed forces and the police force of Chile. Once again those of us in uniform gave generous assistance by assuming cabinet posts. From the vantage-point of our high offices, we were very soon able to confirm the speed with which the country was heading towards total chaos. We noted the deep deterioration of national security. The irritating injustice of a regime that called itself "popular" while its leaders lived in ostentatious luxury, outraging the people who had to form long queues for food, was brought home to us. We could prove, too, the extremely dangerous level of foreign intervention in our affairs, as well as the way in which bands of actual criminals were preparing to administer the final blow to all those who were not already unconditionally enslaved.
155.	Crime increased from day to day. One high naval officer, aide-de-camp to the President, was the fatal victim of a nefarious attack; a young army officer was assassinated by a foreign extremist; military intelligence services uncovered criminal acts of subversion within the ranks of the Navy, instigated by important members of the regime, including the Secretary-General of the Socialist Party, to which the President himself belonged.
156.	Our final effort to participate in the Cabinet of the deposed Government did not successfully prevent the avalanche of events. Civic protest did not cease; the danger of a confrontation between the majority of the unarmed citizens and the strong paramilitary cells organized by Unidad Popular, which had drawn up a plan to assassinate civilian and military authorities and thus assume power completely, made it imperative for the armed forces and the police force to carry out their fundamental obligation and save the integrity of our nation.
157., On 11 September we acted, guided only by the oath we took many years ago, to defend our country and combine our efforts to preserve Chile as a sovereign nation, prosperous and free. We acted in concord with the immense majority of our countrymen, who, in fear and desperation, saw how an ideology alien to our history was cleverly taking advantage of our legal structure in order to impose upon us a totalitarian regime. We acted as institutions, without the influence of any leader. The Government junta that currently presides over Chile, with the support of the nation, is made up of men who do not seek power and who lack personal ambition. They are one body, patriotically united, that has taken on the immense but inevitable responsibility of restoring our homeland.
158.	I must draw the attention of representatives to the resolution adopted by the full Supreme Court of Justice two days later, on 13 September, whereby the highest court of the Republic, recognizing the intention of the new Government to respect and implement the decisions of the judiciary without prior administrative review of their legality, ordered the nation's courts to continue their work, certain that the administrative authority would guarantee the normal discharge of its obligations.
159.	The present Government has sought and immediately received the patriotic co-operation of professional people, technicians, workers, employees, businessmen and craftsmen. The Government has emphasized that its basic purpose will be the implementation of effective social justice, which will never be achieved through deceit, easy promises, bribery or the criminal division of our people. Rather, it will be done through honest work, a common dedication and community of interest. The present Government is not the return to a recent or remote past. The workers have fought far too long and far too hard defending their legitimate rights for that. The armed forces are a part of this noble people and we shall never betray those who, like ourselves, have dedicated their efforts to returning Chile to the place history has reserved for it.
160.	We maintain our traditional respect for and hospitality to foreigners; but we shall be very careful to avoid a repetition of the reprehensible acts of foreign intervention that have caused the country so much suffering. With the assistance of everyone, we shall rebuild Chile.
161.	The armed forces and the police force have assumed the task of redirecting the country along the path of liberty and law. Once we have achieved our goal, we shall not hesitate to withdraw to our barracks and to our ships. The time it takes to return to normality will be as brief as possible and will depend to a large extent upon the efforts of all Chileans dedicated to that noble end.
162.	Now I should like to refer to the fundamental principles of the foreign policy of my Government.
163.	As I reaffirm Chile's total commitment to its legally contracted international obligations and respect for its treaty obligations, which are the basis of world order, peace and security, I wish to state also that my country's foreign policy will be based upon its loyalty to the purposes and goals of the United Nations and to each of the provisions of the Charter. We signed the Charter in San FranciscO and we have always co-operated not only with this institution itself but also with all the organizations directly or indirectly connected with it. You may rest assured that that traditional policy of Chile will not be altered in any way. In fact we shall emphasize, loyally and without excesses, our co-operation in the work undertaken by the United Nations. This Organization is the most effective instrument for the achievement of international peace and security, for the growth of friendly relations and for respect for the fundamental rights of States. We must all dedicate our political will to these endeavours and comply fully with the resolutions of the principal organs of the United Nations. We must act in good faith and recognize that progress in the organized international community is achieved mainly through compliance with the basic resolutions of the Organization, such as the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], the Declaration on the Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)] and the conclusions and recommendations of the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. We reiterate our commitment to the principle of the universality of the United Nations and to the need to guarantee equal participation for all its Member States. The Organization should not be isolated from the mainstream of world events and, as the Secretary-General has said in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization, it must be recognized that bilateral diplomacy and multilateral diplomacy are mutually complementary and that, therefore, it is necessary to explore all the paths that might possibly lead to peace.
164.	I take this opportunity to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, on his strong leadership of the Organization. I should like to express our thanks for his constant concern for the problems of Chile and for the effective co-operation of the United Nations in our development plans. We have confidence in his ability to lead the Organization in new directions that will strengthen it as the main instrument for the achievement of international co-operation. We extend our best wishes for the success of his efforts towards peace in different parts of the world.
165.	Another guiding principle of our foreign policy will be, as always, the principle of non-intervention in the domestic or external affairs of other States. But as we solemnly promise to respect national sovereignty, and therefore its obvious corollary, the self-determination of peoples, so must I categorically declare that we shall never allow foreign intrusions in our internal affairs or in the conduct of our international policy.
166.	To comply with this fundamental principle, one of our first acts was to sever diplomatic and consular relations with the present Government of Cuba. We have been able to prove that over the last three years there has been constant interference by Cuban agents, some official and some unofficial, in our internal politics and even in our foreign policy. When the break came, 42 Cuban diplomatic officials were accredited to Chile — as opposed to six Chileans in Havana — of whom only two belonged to the foreign service. Last September, 987 Castro Cubans were discovered to be illegally in my country. In the course of the present year, from 1 January to 31 July, 633 people came to Chile from Havana on diplomatic or official business. They intervened in every political, economic and functional organ of the State and, above all, in the presidency of the Republic. Instructors and top leaders of the paramilitary groups were either Cuban or had been trained by Cubans.
167.	It has been fully proved that gun-running was systematically protected by the Government. For example, in March of last year, 13 cases were known to have arrived in Chile, flown in on a regular Cuban airline flight and intended for the purposes of the presidency of the Republic. Those cases did not go through customs, but were received directly by the Chief of the Chilean Political Police. When the Chamber of Deputies duly protested, the then authorities maintained that the cases contained "works of art sent as gifts by Prime Minister Fidel Castro". Now we have learned what those "works of art" were: 13 cases containing 472 side-arms and machine-guns, two sub-machine-guns and 40,000 cartridges.
168.	The weapons and ammunition thus far found in the hands of the misnamed "people's militia" are not the type used by the Chilean armed forces, and their numbers are really surprising. They included not only side-arms and sub-machine-guns, but also heavy machine-guns, rocket launchers, anti-tank guns, 106 mm. cannons, as well as large amounts of explosives. This arsenal, brought into Chile principally from Cuba through the surreptitious procedures I have described, was mainly manufactured in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. What has been thus far discovered is enough to equip an army of 20,000 men.
169.	I do not wish to go into details of this Cuban infiltration in Chilean internal affairs. But I should like to read out a hand-written letter from Prime Minister Fidel Castro to the President of Chile, dated 29 July 1973. In order better to understand its terms, I must recall that a short time before, in circumstances that are still mysterious, the aide-de-camp to the head of State, Commander Araya, had been assassinated. The reaction to that new political crime was so great in Chile that the head of State instituted a dialogue with the chief opposition party, the Christian Democrats. That dialogue turned out to be hopeless because the President's desire was obviously to gain time and not arrive at any concrete solution. At that moment, Cuban Minister Carlos Rafael Rodriguez and the Chief of the Secret Police, Manuel Pineiro, arrived in
Santiago, ostensibly to discuss the Algiers Conference of non-aligned countries. They carried with them the handwritten letter from Prime Minister Castro. I have a photostat of it in my hand and any representative who may wish to read it can ask for a copy from the Chilean delegation. I shall read out the contents of the letter; it is extremely important because of its implications. It reads as follows:
"Havana, 29 July 1973.
"Dear Salvador:
"Under the pretext of discussing with you questions concerning the meeting of non-aligned countries, Carlos and Pineiro are coming to see you. The real purpose is to discuss with you your situation and, as always, to offer you our willingness to co-operate in the face of the difficulties and dangers which hinder and threaten the process. Their stay will be very short, since they have many pending obligations here, and it is not without sacrifice to their work that we decided that the trip should be made.
"I see that you are now taken up in the delicate question of the dialogue with the Christian Democrats in a serious atmosphere created by the brutal assassination of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck- owners' strike. I can therefore quite well imagine the great tension that exists and your desire to gain time, to improve the relationship of forces in case a battle breaks out and, if possible, to find a way to allow the revolutionary process to continue without civil strife, while protecting your historical responsibility for what might occur. These are laudable goals. But if the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to evaluate from here, should insist upon a treacherous and irresponsible policy that would exact an impossible price from Unidad Popular and the revolution, which is in itself quite likely, do not for one minute forget the formidable strength of the Chilean working classes and the strong support they have always offered you in your difficult moments. If you should call upon them because the revolution is in danger, they can paralyse those that threaten to overthrow the Government, preserve the loyalty of those who hesitate, impose their conditions and decide once for all, if necessary, the future of Chile. The enemy should know the working class is forewarned and ready for action. Their force and combativeness can tip the balance in the capital in your favour, even though other circumstances might be unfavourable.
"Your determination to defend the process strongly and honourably, even if it means risking your own life, will draw to your side all the forces able to fight and all the decent men and women in Chile. Your courage, your serenity and your daring in this historic moment for your country, and above all your strong resolve and heroic leadership, are the key to the situation.
"Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help you.
"Once again I send you the affection and unlimited confidence of the Cuban people.
"Fraternally, "Fidel CASTRO."
170.	Now I wonder — do we need any more barefaced proof of intervention in Chilean political life? Can there be any doubt regarding the origin of the political directives and the support for illegality?
171.	I do not need to take up any more time of the representatives here by describing the recent and absurd Cuban attempt to accuse Chile in the Security Council. It can only be explained as a futile and desperate attempt to cover up the seriousness of their intervention in the internal affairs of my country.
172.	Chile, in line with the tradition that it has always followed, reserves the right to turn to the appropriate international organizations if and when necessary.
173.	On the basis of the fact that we can maintain normal relations only with those countries which respect us, we also severed relations with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea — after we were able to prove that there had been intervention in our internal affairs and an involvement of that country's diplomatic representatives in the training of guerrillas.
174.	On the other hand, we wish to maintain diplomatic relations with all countries of the world, irrespective of their ideology or their political, social or economic systems. We believe that the diversity of governments has nothing whatever to do with relations among States. Ideological pluralism is and will be another element of our foreign policy. For these reasons we regret that certain Governments to which we had expressed Chile's desire to maintain relations on a normal basis have nevertheless decided to break off such relations with a curious uniformity and under the most varied and false pretences. We ask ourselves, what has happened to the principle of ideological pluralism, so often exalted by those Governments? In the future they will have to take the initiative of resuming diplomatic relations with Chile, since they have, again with surprising uniformity, stressed the fact that those ties are merely suspended. They will find no opposition on our part — so long as our future relations can be based upon mutual respect and non-intervention in internal and external affairs.
175.	We are particularly interested in strengthening our ties with the Latin American countries. United as we are by a common origin, we face a common destiny, and to achieve it we must work together.
176.	I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your well-deserved election. My country feels deep affection and respect for yours, and our history has always been closely linked to that of Ecuador. For many years we have learned to appreciate your intelligent, active work in international affairs. Today these qualifications and this experience guarantee the success of your difficult task as President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
177.	Imbued by that Latin American spirit, we shall fully support all the regional and subregional integration procedures that involve Chile, such as the Latin American Free Trade Association and the Andean Subregional Integration Agreement. We also support and endorse the
Special Committee on Latin American Co-ordination as a basically Latin American Forum where our countries can analyse and adopt unified positions on matters of particular interest and concern to them.
178.	The Chilean Government wishes emphatically to repeat its support of the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources of the earth, the sea, the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof for the economic development and welfare of the peoples of the world.'
179.	We also press most firmly for the right of nations freely and independently to dispose of their own natural resources. We unreservedly support all the principles, agreements and resolutions adopted within the framework of the United Nations and within the sphere of the regional and subregional Latin American organizations on this important subject.
180.	We thoroughly support the efforts of the developing countries to gain approval for a charter of economic rights and duties of States that, once implemented, would establish the basic economic and social principles to govern the international community in these matters. This initiative of the President of Mexico has our wholehearted support.
181.	Within the dynamics that govern international economic relations, foreign investments must be in harmony with the goals and programmes established by the host Government and must also reflect the welfare of that Government and that country. Just as we do not accept imperialism, so with the same emphasis do we reject economic imperialism, whether it comes from States or from great transnational corporations.
182.	In the United Nations, Chile will fight against any form of colonialism or neo-colonialism. That policy was not, as some may have believed, an innovation by the Government of the Unidad Popular. It has been the traditional policy of my country for many years. It is the result of a deeply rooted feeling in our country's traditions.
183.	The economic independence of developing countries has been, is and always will be one of the fundamental goals of Chilean foreign policy.
184.	I wish to reiterate to representatives my Government's commitment to non-alignment, a position that reflects the aspirations of all countries which like Chile are fighting to obtain for their peoples true economic and political independence.
185.	Within the strange tangle of falsehoods that have been spread abroad as a result of the events of 11 September, reports have been circulated that Chile would return foreign refugees from political, racial or religious persecution to their countries of origin. From the very outset I assured the Secretary-General of the United Nations — and I do so again from this rostrum — that such refugees who are in Chile legally and have not been implicated in any crime are fully protected, and that any others who are expelled will not be returned to their countries of origin but will be allowed to choose their destination. After very pleasant discussions with the Regional Representative for Latin America of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees we have reached a general and entirely satisfactory agreement. We stated that we will accept his help when it comes to practical solutions that might affect refugees who have decided to seek Chilean hospitality.
186.	The international negotiations regarding the law of the sea have proceeded to their decisive phase. The current session of the General Assembly will have to decide on a date for the already planned second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
187.	Chile was and continues to be a supporter of this international negotiation, to which we attach the greatest importance. The future of the seas and oceans that cover more than two thirds of the earth's surface is extremely important economically, politically and even militarily. New legal provisions are being established and progressively developed; internationally accepted rules are being updated to conform with the economic, technological and political realities of today.
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188.	This new law should clearly cover economic development. It should set up an international regime for the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction that would give adequate expression to the fact that they are the common heritage of mankind. In treaty form it will have to express the natural right of the coastal States to dispose of the resources of their adjacent seas, specifically of the 200-mile zones which have an essentially economic meaning — a theory which is being supported by a large majority of nations today.
189.	The statement of the representative of Chile has been lengthy and I must apologize for that. But I felt in duty bound to give a broad outline of the foreign policy of my Government and also to go into some detail regarding the events that took place in my country last month.
190.	I understand the interest that these events have aroused in the world, even in countries distant from my own, countries which are relatively unfamiliar with our idiosyncrasies, our traditions, and the vigour of our people. There is no doubt that the so-called "Chilean experiment" of setting a course towards socialism aroused the curiosity and even the sympathy of many who saw in the example of the so-called Unidad Popular, a path worthy of imitation or at least of assimilation. But it is one thing to assess a foreign experience from afar, seated in comfortable armchairs or in discussion around a well- served table, and it is quite another thing to experience it.
191.	Contrary to what the Chilean people themselves believed at first, it was not evolution or social progress that was taking place in Chile. There was simply a power machine being set up by which, through the use of legal loop-holes at first, and later through open and outright illegality, the country was being led to tyranny and consolidated totalitarianism.
192.	The Chilean people did not deserve to pay such a high "cost of revolution", as some came to call the loss of lives, suffering, discrimination, hunger and sectarianism brought about by the Unidad Popular. Worse still, my country, on the verge of financial and economic bankruptcy, plagued by misery and divided into irreconcilable camps, was on the point of falling into chaos and into actual dissolution of the nation. In a supreme effort, and after having exhausted every legal possibility, my country has been able to avoid the most cruel and brutal of civil wars and set its feet on the road to national reconstruction.
193.	None of this could escape the uncommitted foreigners who live in Chile, much less the diplomatic representatives of friendly nations who looked on impartially, but with anguish, while the country disintegrated. Politicians and ideologists outside the country may of course have another view. I remind them of the words of Bossuet: "The worst aberration of the mind consists of seeing things as one would like them to be and not as they are".
194.	Chile has now taken a different road. The new Government will not retreat one step from the victories won by the workers, or from its policy of absolute national independence. We will whole-heartedly defend the interests of Chile in the face of any kind of imperialism.
195.	But it is not easy to rebuild out of so much rubble and debris. Nevertheless, we trust fully in the aid of divine providence and we know that, thanks to the spirit of sacrifice and patriotism of every good Chilean, there will be no difficulty that cannot be overcome.
196.	The costly and painful experience we have suffered has left us something positive. We now know the lurking poison behind deceiving mirages. Suffering has brought the Chileans together, overcoming the selfishness of the powerful and the hate which the weakest had been led to feel. The country will not forget the lesson that has allowed it to recover self-confidence. Once again it has been proved that in the spirit of Chile there still flames the fire of those who created a free and independent nation, embodying in its history what Ercilla sang of our strong indigenous race: a nation never "mastered by foreign yoke".