To the powers, to the
voices, to the four winds: I greet you all.
 I have addressed the Assembly in Te Reo Maori,
the indigenous language of New Zealand, and I bring
warm Pacific greetings from all New Zealanders.
 I am deeply honoured to lead New Zealand’s
delegation to the General Assembly for the first time.
Like every New Zealand Prime Minister since 1945, I
stand here today to reaffirm my country’s commitment
to the United Nations and the United Nations Charter.
 The founding Members of the United Nations
gathered in San Francisco in 1945 to create this
Organization out of the ashes of the most destructive
war and the most debilitating depression in modern
history. They believed in the larger freedom of a world
where collective action might avert common crises.
They believed in the rule of law, by which all States
would be held to a universal standard, and in a world
where all peoples, faiths and cultures could flourish.
They believed in a future in which every human being
would be free from want and free from fear. And they
wanted an international Organization and architecture
that could deliver those benefits.
 New Zealand was active among those founding
Members in San Francisco. And, as a small,
independent and diverse country in the Pacific, New
Zealand still has a stake in the United Nations — this
great meeting place for all States.
 I have benefited personally from efforts to secure
those ideals. My family fled persecution in Europe, and
I was privileged to grow up in a new world where a
child of immigrants is now accorded the extraordinary
privilege of leading his country and addressing this
Assembly on its behalf.
 We meet at a time of many challenges. With
130 heads of State and Government assembled here
this week, the present session of the General Assembly
represents our greatest opportunity since the 2005
World Summit to reaffirm our collective resolve. New
Zealand embraces that opportunity. Today, I will focus
on some of the most pressing issues demanding
collective responses from us.
 The crisis in the global economy continues. We
must remain resolute in our efforts to stabilize the
global economy in order to permit a return to
sustainable growth. New Zealand welcomes the actions
of the Group of 20 (G-20) over the past year. But, in
commending those efforts, we call on the G-20 to heed

31 09-52470

the voices of the world’s small economies and to
ensure that they are also heard in global decision-
making.
 Free and fair trade will be the principal engine for
driving developing countries out of poverty and
bringing greater prosperity to all. An essential
component in our response to the global economic
crisis must therefore be a balanced and ambitious
conclusion to the Doha Round of world trade talks. A
genuinely global agreement that reduces tariffs,
eliminates export subsidies, reduces domestic subsidies
and increases market access will see benefits flow to
all States. At a time when all countries are suffering
from the brunt of the current economic crisis, further
delay is inexcusable.
 As one of the world’s first truly open economies,
New Zealand has an unwavering commitment to trade
liberalization and to the pursuit of bilateral, regional
and global free trade agreements. We support the call
of the Secretary-General for the immediate suspension
of price controls and other agricultural trade
restrictions, in order to reduce soaring food prices and
help millions cope with the highest food prices in
30 years.
 Therefore, I call on all those States and groupings
that have broken their undertakings and reintroduced
protectionist measures to reconsider. Those actions are
as harmful as they are unacceptable. Agriculture, which
is so important for developing countries in particular, is
one of the sectors most affected.
 The escalation of poverty is a result of the
economic crisis. New Zealand is, naturally, proud of
the efforts of the United Nations Development
Programme to strengthen its focus as the largest United
Nations development agency on poverty and the
achievement of the Millennium Development Goals.
 For its part, New Zealand pledges to continue to
increase its official development assistance, with a
clear focus on the Pacific Islands region. Aid
effectiveness is just as important as the quantum of aid.
That is why, last month, we committed to the Cairns
Compact, which will strengthen development
coordination in the Pacific islands.
 The major focus of the General Assembly this
year must be on the challenge of climate change.
Climate change demands innovation and a global
response. The world cannot afford to contemplate
failure at Copenhagen. Political leadership is needed,
and it is on display.
 At the Summit on climate change this week, the
leaders of the world’s three biggest economies showed
their determination both to make Copenhagen a success
and to take action themselves. All countries must take
action that reflects our individual circumstances,
responsibilities and capabilities.
 For our part, New Zealand is committed to
securing a durable and meaningful agreement on
climate change — an agreement that is both
environmentally effective and economically efficient. I
have set a target for New Zealand of reducing
greenhouse gas emissions by 10 to 20 per cent below
1990 levels by 2020, if there is a comprehensive global
agreement. That amounts to a per capita drop of 35 to
42 per cent since 1990.
 New Zealand is acutely conscious that most of
our greenhouse gas emissions come from livestock
methane emissions, which so far no technology can
reduce. At the same time we are proud of our role as a
food producer to the world and the contribution we can
make to assuring food security for the world’s people.
 Our challenge is to find a way to balance growth
in agricultural production with the need to reduce
emissions and reach climate change targets.
 That is not just a challenge for New Zealand, but
one for the world. Agricultural emissions make up
14 per cent of all emissions worldwide. As demand for
food rises, so will those emissions. Yet so far the only
known way to achieve emission reductions from
agriculture is through reductions in output, which is
not an acceptable response — not for New Zealand,
and not for a growing world that seeks freedom from
hunger.
 A better response to this challenge must be found.
In my view, the response must draw on the power and
possibility of science. Just as New Zealand is proud of
its agricultural producers, so are we proud of our role
in agricultural research. This research has resulted in
scientific and technological advances that have
improved production and fed virtually millions of
people.
 But advancing research in the area of emission
reduction requires a commitment so broad that it is
beyond the capacity of any one individual country.

09-52470 32

That is a challenge that requires collective action, and
it is collective action that I call for today.
 New Zealand has developed a proposal for a
global alliance on the reduction of agricultural
emissions. This alliance would undertake international
research and investment into new technologies and
practices to help reduce agriculture-related emissions
and would seek to achieve greater coordination of
existing efforts.
 Through a global alliance we can find solutions
faster, make better use of the money that is being spent
around the world and encourage all countries and
companies to do more. We have been delighted with
the interest that our proposal has received so far, and
we will continue working with others to explore the
concept. Today, my call to other agricultural producers
of the world is to rise to this challenge and join New
Zealand in this research effort.
 I now want to address some of the security crises
that we confront. Yesterday I had the honour to observe
the high-level Security Council meeting on
disarmament and non-proliferation. As a country with a
proud record of promoting nuclear disarmament and
non-proliferation, I was heartened by the expressions
of support for a world free of nuclear weapons. We
must all take full advantage of this historic moment to
advance the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation
agenda. We owe it to our generation and to those who
follow us to move our vision for a world free from
nuclear weapons forward. As a proudly nuclear-free
nation and a country that has been at the forefront of
that debate since the 1970s, New Zealand stands ready
to play its part.
 We are optimistic about the prospects for
progress. Last week, New Zealand presided over the
General Conference of the International Atomic Energy
Agency in Vienna, Austria. Preventing the spread of
nuclear weapons through the implementation of
safeguards under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
is a fundamental pillar of the Agency’s work. Next year
sees the quinquennial review conference of the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty.
 New Zealand will actively work with our New
Agenda Coalition partners for a meaningful outcome at
that conference to bring us closer to a truly secure
world.
 We will also continue to address the humanitarian
harm caused by conventional weapons. We will work
for a robust, action-oriented outcome later this year at
the second review conference of the Ottawa
Convention on Landmines.
 Looking back, I am proud of the role that New
Zealand was able to play in the negotiation of the
Convention on Cluster Munitions. The Government
attaches priority to passing legislation to enable us to
ratify this very significant treaty. New Zealand also
continues to play its part in maintaining and promoting
international peace and security.
 Peacekeeping remains one of this Organization’s
most essential tasks and most solemn responsibilities to
its Members. While United Nations peacekeeping has
been significantly strengthened since the testing it
underwent in the 1990s, the demands now being placed
on it are severe.
 I want to express my profound gratitude to those
civilians and military personnel who place their lives at
risk to support peace and live up to the ideals of the
Charter of the United Nations. Ensuring that United
Nations peacekeeping is as effective and responsive as
possible must therefore remain one of the
Organization’s most urgent priorities.
 The United Nations provides the legal mandate —
and often the operational effectiveness — for our joint
efforts to achieve and maintain peace and security. New
Zealand is firmly committed to supporting United
Nations peacekeeping — both its own operations and
others that it has mandated, such as those in which we
are involved in Afghanistan, the Solomon Islands and
Timor-Leste.
 All too often, however, the United Nations has
found itself unable to respond to emerging crises. New
Zealand therefore strongly supports the concept of
responsibility to protect. I am pleased at the solid
foundation that the General Assembly’s recent debate
on that responsibility has laid for its implementation.
 New Zealand also strongly supports the
International Criminal Court (ICC). It is a fundamental
tenet of our domestic legal systems that wrongdoers
must be brought to justice. The ICC is the mechanism
for applying that same principle to persons accused of
the most serious international crimes.
 New Zealand takes very seriously its
responsibilities for creating and maintaining peace and

33 09-52470

security in its region and in the world. I am therefore
pleased to confirm New Zealand’s candidature for the
United Nations Security Council for 2015-2016 in the
elections to be held in 2014. In advancing its
candidature, New Zealand does so as a State committed
to upholding the international rule of law and to
providing a strong and principled Pacific voice on
behalf of small States like ourselves with an interest in
a fairer and more secure world.
 We all have a stake in a world where peace and
the rule of law prevail, where all States are secure and
can prosper and where all people are guaranteed the
human rights and fundamental freedoms promised
them in the Charter.
 But we also know that solutions to the problems
we collectively face do not lie with inspirational goals
and promises that can be — and far too often are —
quickly and quietly forgotten and ignored. Hard,
pragmatic decisions must be made. Enforceable
solutions must be implemented.
 We know that effective, collective action is in
every country’s long-term, national interest. That is
what New Zealand believed in 1945, and I recommit
now to taking action to live up to the ideals of the
United Nations Charter, here, in this great Hall, this
evening.


Mr. President, on behalf of the African continent, allow
me at the outset to congratulate our sisterly country,
Libya, and you personally, on your assumption of the
presidency of the General Assembly, and to express our
confidence that your leadership will lead to achieving
the success to which we aspire. I would also like to
reaffirm the full support of Egypt and the Non-Aligned
Movement for you in the fulfilment of your mission.
 Our session this year convenes against the
backdrop of international crises unprecedented in their
nature and scope. The list of global challenges we are
facing, such as climate change, the food crisis and the
crises in international peace, is supplemented by
additional emerging global challenges that make it
essential for us to redouble our efforts in a coordinated
and collective manner.
 The global financial crisis, together with the
spread of diseases, such as the H1N1 virus, threatens
public health worldwide. Meeting this challenge
requires a high degree of conscientious collective work
and a shared awareness of the effect that such a crisis
could have in many of our countries on stability in the
economic, social, even political, and perhaps security
spheres.
 With regard to collective work on the
international level, we should not overlook the fact that
the current international structures designed to manage
the realities of the global economy must reflect a
balance between the present and future. Therefore,
those structures must be subject to change, so as to
become more compatible with current reality.
 The change I refer to here is a gradual and
strategic shift, one which would make membership in

41 09-52586

such structures accessible to a larger number of
developing countries and would grant them a stronger
and more effective voice in determining the course of
the world economic order and its future.
 A few days ago, we all took part in the climate
change summit, convened upon the initiative of the
Secretary-General, and listened to all the pledges made
and the concerns expressed. While Egypt is aware of
the seriousness of the phenomenon in question and the
gravity of the challenges that climate change is
imposing on all of us, we believe in the possibility that
collective work could provide new opportunities for
advancing development in developing societies in a
manner that would allow the agreed sustainable
development principles to be fulfilled. In this respect,
we look forward, as was stated by President Mubarak
at the L’Aquila summit in Italy in July 2009, to
arriving at a fair and balanced deal at the upcoming
Copenhagen conference in December that would take
into consideration the aspirations and rights of
developing countries and, at the same time, address all
crucial issues, including mitigation, adaptation,
financing and technology transfer.
 A fair and balanced deal should further ensure the
fulfilment of commitments by developed countries, and
enable our developing countries to implement their
voluntary commitments within the framework of
honest application of the principle of common but
differentiated responsibility.
 The world financial crisis did not originate in, nor
was it caused by, developing countries. However, they
are all suffering from its consequences in different
forms and at different levels as a result of the decrease
in the volume of international trade, the tightening of
international credit terms and the decline in tourist
inflows and monetary remittances.
 The current international economic recession has
no doubt negatively affected most States. However,
States of the South remain the most affected, due to the
negative repercussions of the recession on public
spending in health care, education and sustainable
development in general. The parallel economic,
financial and food crises that we are still confronting
undoubtedly compound the hardships faced by the
countries of the South in particular, and place
enormous burdens on us in terms of preserving
economic and social security in our countries.
 To confront such challenges, serious and genuine
international support and solidarity are required, based
on enhancing agricultural development with a view to
increasing production and productivity. Furthermore,
there is an urgent need to launch an international
dialogue between exporting and importing countries in
the developing and developed worlds alike, in order to
agree on an international strategy to confront the crisis,
and to formulate an international code of conduct to
review the policies that govern the use of biofuels. In
addition, we must reach an agreement under the
umbrella of the World Trade Organization that
eliminates agricultural subsidy programmes that are in
operation in some developed countries.
 To confront the energy crisis, it is important to
have a genuine, broad dialogue among the relevant
parties to identify the best available options. The
situation requires securing increased development
assistance and further investments in the markets of
energy-producing developing countries, as well as
confronting irresponsible speculation on international
markets.
 In this context, Egypt hopes that the 2010 high-
level meeting to follow up on the implementation of
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will
expedite renewal of international commitment and
solidarity towards achieving the Goals. A
comprehensive assessment of what has been achieved
thus far in the implementation of the MDGs must be
carried out and a mechanism established to follow up
on implementation. This should lead to full
implementation by 2015, particularly in Africa, which
is witnessing low implementation rates, an issue which
needs to be effectively addressed.
 Undoubtedly, all of these challenges oblige the
countries of the South to strengthen mutual
cooperation. As current Chair of the Non-Aligned
Movement, Egypt will work to enhance South-South
cooperation in coordination with the Group of 77 and
China. We look forward to a successful United Nations
conference on South-South cooperation, to be held in
Kenya later this year, aimed at further strengthening
this cooperation.
 Having spoken of the interlinked crises facing the
world today, I would like to address an important issue
related to the human rights architecture of the United
Nations system. Despite the radical reform ushered in
by the establishment of the Human Rights Council,

09-52586 42

Egypt is still dissatisfied with respect to the
politicization of human rights issues. This
politicization weakens the potential to reach consensus
on a variety of issues that should not be subject to
differences as they are of concern to us all and affect
the credibility of the work of the United Nations in this
vital field. Hence, Egypt is determined to exert its
utmost effort to engage with other States in order to
bring divergent views closer together and to establish
common ground to restore the international consensus
that binds us all, which forms the basis for our actions
in this important area in the Human Rights Council and
in the General Assembly.
 In that context, we look forward to a greater role
for the Human Rights Council. Every one of us should
address the issue of the incitement of religious hatred
and racism under the pretext of freedom of expression.
We look forward to, and in fact have already begun to
seek, commonly agreed language for a draft resolution
on freedom of expression, to underscore the
importance of this freedom as an indispensable
cornerstone of any democratic society, while avoiding
the depiction of acts of incitement to religious, racial
and other forms of hatred as legitimate acts of freedom
of expression. We categorically reject such a depiction.
 Turning to issues of international peace and
security, I will begin with disarmament. Egypt attaches
great importance to a successful conclusion of the 2010
Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), in the
hope that nuclear disarmament and the nuclear
non-proliferation regime will be put back on the right
track. This will depend on dealing effectively with the
decisions and the resolutions of the 1995 and 2000
Review Conferences, in particular the resolution on the
Middle East.
 It is crucial that the international community as a
whole support the current active momentum in the
international arena with regard to disarmament issues,
especially in the light of developments in the positions
of the main nuclear-weapon States, in particular the
United States. We have listened to their statements, in
particular the address by President Obama to the
Assembly on 23 September (see ), and we
hope that these evolving positions will provide an
opportunity for making historic progress in this regard.
 In the same context, it is necessary to effectively
deal with the issues of regional stability and security,
mainly through eliminating the incomprehensible and
unjustified lassitude in dealing with the issue of Israeli
nuclear capabilities and the persistent threat they pose
to security and stability in the Middle East. This is
especially true in the context of intensified efforts to
expand the commitments of the non-nuclear States
parties to the NPT, without due regard for the need to
achieve the Treaty’s universality — and if there is no
commitment, there should be no universality — and to
subject all nuclear facilities in the Middle East to the
comprehensive safeguards regime of the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Egypt will continue its
diligent work to address this situation in all relevant
international forums and to highlight the risks, with the
aim of effecting changes in the situation.
 The situation in the Middle East region is still
dominated by considerable tension, a tendency towards
confrontation and lack of stability. Notwithstanding the
tireless efforts exerted to stabilize the situation, many
parties still consider it beneficial to exacerbate that
tension.
 The question of Palestine clearly remains far
from being resolved, despite international concern and
all the serious efforts, pressure, contacts, visits and
meetings. Since I questioned in this Assembly last year
(see A/63/PV.13) the existence of genuine Israeli
determination to achieve a just peace with the
Palestinians, events have thus far justified our
scepticism.
 Throughout this year, Israel has shown a lack of
the political will necessary to engage in serious and
credible negotiations that aim at reaching a final
settlement to the conflict, a settlement which
encompasses all the elements, tracks and topics and
which leads to the establishment of an independent
Palestinian State on the complete Palestinian national
territory, occupied since 1967, with East Jerusalem as
its capital.
 In this respect, I would like to sum up the
Egyptian view of the situation with the following
elements, including what we hope to achieve.
 First, intensive work during the coming period is
necessary in order to resume the negotiating process as
soon as possible. The international community should
put forward a formula for a final settlement to the
conflict — the so-called end game — cognizant of the
need to waste no more time in studying details that

43 09-52586

everyone knows will not help to realize the desired
settlement.
 Secondly, Israel’s commitment to completely
freeze settlement activity in all occupied Palestinian
territories, including East Jerusalem, must be secured,
not only because such activity is contrary to
international law and should be halted, but also in
order to build a climate of trust between the two
parties, thus allowing final-status negotiations to bear
fruit. Such Israeli commitment would pave the way to
restoring lost credibility in efforts to achieve peace. On
the other hand, any retreat from that commitment
would inflict severe harm on the prospects for peace in
the coming period.
 Thirdly, the freeze of Israeli settlement activity
should occur simultaneously and in parallel with the
negotiations, in order to bolster Palestinian trust in
Israeli intentions.
 Fourthly, if an agreement is reached on the final
borders of the State to be established on the Palestinian
national soil occupied in 1967, on the understanding
that the State’s borders are essentially those of 1967, as
had been agreed by both parties during the 2008
negotiations with the participation of the United States,
that agreement could be gradually implemented at a
pace to be agreed upon by both parties and within a
time-bound framework.
 Fifthly, East Jerusalem is an integral part of the
occupied Palestinian territories. As one of the issues to
be included in final status negotiations, it should under
no circumstances be excluded from any future
negotiations.
 Sixthly, Israel’s engagement in a serious,
credible, clear and time-bound negotiating process
would restore the situation on other issues to that
which prevailed in the 1990s in terms of Arab
interaction with Israel, with a view to enhancing
mutual trust and thus boosting negotiating efforts as a
whole.
 Egypt is closely following the situation in sisterly
Sudan with the same high level of interest, not only
because of the historical bonds between our two
peoples and nations but also out of concern for the
Sudan’s future, stability and territorial integrity and our
awareness of the numerous threats facing it. Egypt is
working earnestly with all Sudanese parties, foremost
among which is the Sudanese Government, and in
coordination with influential regional and international
stakeholders to resolve existing problems. Our sons
take part in the United Nations forces in South Sudan
and in Darfur, and we contribute — out of our limited
resources — to efforts to support development and
provide health care to our brothers and sisters in the
south and west of the Sudan. We hope that the
Sudanese people, in their wisdom and with the support
they receive from their neighbours and international
partners, will be able to weather the upcoming critical
phase, so that the Sudan’s unity can withstand all
future tests and so that unity becomes the first and the
most attractive option for all Sudanese. This is an
important objective, which Egypt is working diligently
to achieve.
 We cannot conclude our comments on the Middle
East without referring to security in the Arab Gulf
region, which is among Egypt’s main interests and at
the top of its foreign policy priorities. This focus is not
only based on the strong bonds that connect us with the
member States of the Gulf Cooperation Council
(GCC), but also on our firm conviction that Egypt
represents a strategic asset for its Arab brothers in the
Gulf area. For this reason, Egypt will work with GCC
countries to ensure Arab regional security and that any
security arrangements that are being contemplated by
international or regional parties will correspond fully
to the needs and concerns of the Arab Gulf States.
 In conclusion, the fifteenth Summit Conference
of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned
Countries, held in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, on 15 and
16 July 2009, adopted four main declarations. The first
is the Sharm el-Sheikh Declaration, which contains our
member States’ clear vision on the most critical current
issues that constitute a priority for our work within the
United Nations. These include in particular the issues
of disarmament and international security,
peacekeeping and peacebuilding, human rights and
democracy, the right of peoples to self-determination,
the situation in the Middle East and the Palestinian
question, the reform of the United Nations, unilateral
sanctions, the global financial and economic crisis,
internationally agreed development goals, food
security, Africa’s special needs, diseases and
pandemics, the role of civil society, climate change,
energy, human trafficking, international terrorism and
dialogue among civilizations and religions. The second
declaration is on the necessity of ending the economic,
commercial and financial embargo imposed by the

09-52586 44

United States of America against Cuba. The third is on
designating 18 July as International Nelson Mandela
Day. The fourth is a declaration on Palestine. These
declarations will be issued as official documents of the
United Nations.
 Last July, following the chairmanship of the
friendly country of Cuba, Egypt assumed leadership of
the Non-Aligned Movement for the next three years.
We are determined to implement the provisions of the
Summit’s final document according to the priorities set
out in those declarations. We shall put forward at this
session the pertinent draft resolutions and decisions to
implement those documents. The delegation of Egypt
will be pleased to work with all Member States in a
spirit of openness and determination to make this
session a success. We extend a hand to all States with
an open mind and the resolve to achieve success on the
international agenda before us.


At the outset, I should like to express our
congratulations to Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki on his
election to preside over the General Assembly. We
wish him the best for his work in leading the Assembly
at its sixty-fourth session.
 Given the sweeping changes occurring at all
levels of global development, the role of the United
Nations as a universal international forum is difficult to
overstate. The contribution of all Member States to
increasing the effectiveness of the United Nations can
considerably contribute to strengthening international
peace and security, development, human rights,
environmental protection and sustainable development.
 We believe continuing United Nations reform to
establish an efficient mechanism to address
contemporary challenges and threats is important for
the further strengthening of the Organization’s
capacities and credibility. We call for broader
representation in the Security Council and for
improvement in its working methods. We propose
expanding the number of permanent members of the
Council by giving seats to Asia, Africa, Latin America
and the Caribbean.
 I would like to confirm that my country, being
cognizant of our full responsibilities, is for the first
time nominating itself as a candidate to become one of
the non-permanent members of the Security Council,
for the period 2012 to 2013. The Kyrgyz Republic,
located in the heart of Central Asia, is taking an active
part in maintaining peace and security, economic
cooperation and environmental stability at both the
global and regional levels. We are prepared to
contribute as much as we can to the work of that key
body of the United Nations.
 The election of the Kyrgyz Republic to the
Human Rights Council in 2009 illustrated the
international community’s recognition of our
achievements in building a developed society. I should
like to take this opportunity to thank Member States for
their support of the candidacy of the Kyrgyz Republic.
I assure them that Kyrgyzstan stands ready to make
every effort to promote issues related to the protection
of human rights and respect for the rule of law and

11 09-52586

international law, as well as other issues on the
Council’s agenda.
 The Kyrgyz Republic welcomes the decision of
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to visit the Central
Asian countries. We look forward to great results from
that visit.
 The overall situation in Central Asia remains
complicated. In many respects, it depends on
developments taking place in neighbouring
Afghanistan. No one would today dispute the fact that
there is a need to work out and apply fundamentally
new comprehensive and viable approaches in the
humanitarian, politico-anthropological and
socio-economic sectors, which will ultimately
contribute to the building of a strong and prosperous
Afghan State. It does not appear to be possible to
achieve a final and complete stabilization of
Afghanistan by military means alone.
 On 4 March 2009, President Kurmanbek Bakiev
of the Kyrgyz Republic announced an initiative to
establish at Bishkek, capital of the Kyrgyz Republic, a
permanent forum and centre for hosting international
conferences on security and stability in Afghanistan
and Central Asia. This was called the “Bishkek
initiative”. We are convinced that this “Bishkek
initiative” will become a forum of practical
cooperation in the area of security, with priority on the
problems of jointly bringing about peace, security and
stability in the region, combating terrorism, separatism
and extremism and countering illegal drug trafficking
and cross-border organized crime.
 Along with global challenges, every country
faces its own specific problems. Addressing them will
ensure that we move steadily towards the achievement
of the Millennium Development Goals.
 At the same time, in this era of globalization,
existing problems have proven to be very closely
interrelated. The Kyrgyz Republic, as a landlocked
mountainous country and one of the world’s
developing nations, believes that the world community,
under the leadership of the United Nations, can and
must more actively assist in using the foreign-debt-
swap mechanism to achieve sustainable development.
 With respect to Kyrgyzstan, given the global
economic crisis, we propose considering several
options, namely, a swap of the Republic’s debt for
providing assistance to Afghanistan in pursuit of its
socio-economic development, and a debt swap for the
sustainable development of poor mountainous
countries and the rehabilitation of uranium tailing
ponds.
 The Kyrgyz Republic calls for the active
involvement in Afghanistan’s recovery of neighbouring
States that possess relevant scientific, industrial and
agricultural capacities. Kyrgyzstan stands ready to take
part in the restoration of communications, construction
and the training of medical, educational and
agricultural specialists. We are pleased to inform the
Assembly that our country and the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) signed an
agreement on the development of a customs centre in
the city of Bishkek for training Afghan specialists.
 The General Assembly has adopted a number of
resolutions on mountainous countries that contain
analyses of their socio-economic situations and
recommendations to international financial institutions,
relevant United Nations agencies and Governments on
how to assist them in overcoming obstacles to their
sustainable development. The delegation of the Kyrgyz
Republic, one of the initiators of a draft resolution on
sustainable mountain development, would be grateful
for support for that draft at the sixty-fourth session of
the General Assembly.
 We discussed problems related to planetary
climate change at the high-level Summit of the General
Assembly. Kyrgyzstan shares the opinion that
environmental and ecological security problems are
posing new challenges and risks in the twenty-first
century. Kyrgyzstan will give highest priority to active
preventive measures in the sphere of environmental
protection as a foundation of its sustainable
development and to maintain the balance between
human rights, society, nature and the preservation of
unique natural sites for our descendants.
 The numerous uranium tailing dumps containing
large volumes of the toxic waste of uranium production
and other harmful technological wastes are of great
concern to our region. They pose a grave danger to the
health of the people and to the cleanliness of
transboundary river basins and arable lands.
 Kyrgyzstan is working tirelessly with other
countries of Central Asia to draft international legal
documents on the prevention of radiation pollution in
Central Asia. Two framework documents have been
adopted within the framework of the Treaty on the

09-52586 12

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons — one on the
environmental danger of tailing dumps and the other on
the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central
Asia. I would like to inform the Assembly that the
Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in Central Asia
entered into force on 21 March 2009, and we appeal to
nuclear Powers to support this Central Asian initiative
and to sign the protocol on negative security
assurances.
 I am pleased to note that the High-Level
International Forum held in Geneva on uranium
tailings in Central Asia demonstrated a new model of
effective regional cooperation aimed at practical
resolution of this urgent issue. The great interest and
concern expressed by all participants — including
representatives of Central Asian and other States,
international organizations and donors at the national,
regional and international levels — give us cause for
optimism. I take this opportunity once again to express
my gratitude to all our partners at the Forum, the
United Nations system, the United Nations
Development Programme, the International Atomic
Energy Agency, the European Commission, the
Eurasian Economic Community, OSCE and the
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
 In furtherance of the Forum agreement, the
countries of Central Asia shall submit a draft resolution
for consideration by the General Assembly on the role
of the international community in the prevention of the
radiation threat in Central Asia. We hope for timely
action on the part of our international partners, donors
and international organizations to address the problem
of uranium tailing dumps and to provide sufficient
financial, technical and other assistance to the region.
 The challenges facing the United Nations are
complex and demand consolidated efforts from all
States. The representatives of the United Nations
provide broad assistance to countries on a wide variety
of issues. We appreciate their constructive cooperation
on and support for Members’ initiatives. The United
Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for
Central Asia, established in Ashgabat in December
2007, has already proven itself in a short period of
time. The issues raised by the Centre are relevant and
require prompt responses. We support the intention of
the Centre to expand its representation in each country
of Central Asia and request the appropriate committees
take our views into consideration.
 Central Asian countries pay considerable
attention to water and energy problems. Despite the
activities to increase the effectiveness of water and
energy regulation in Central Asia, pursued within the
framework of integration organizations and regional
structures, rallying countries around this issue remains
the most pressing problem in our region.
 We believe that mutually beneficial cooperation
is the basis for long-term intergovernmental
cooperation in the water and energy spheres. It is
essential to create conditions to improve incentives to
store water in reservoirs during the winter and then to
make it available for irrigating fields in the summer. If
this proposal were pursued, the largest reservoir in
Central Asia, on the Naryn and Syr Darya Rivers, the
largest watershed of the region, would have the
required stocks of water in times of drought and be
able to provide water at least to maintain food and
energy security for all the countries of Central Asia.
 If decisions are taken only for short-term benefit,
and water is depleted and regulating capacities are lost,
that would inevitably have dangerous consequences for
the entire region. These strategic issues can be solved
only by merging the irrigation and energy schedules for
supplying water and providing compensation fuel
deliveries that should be the subject of
intergovernmental cooperation among stakeholders.
Water conservation technologies should also be
exploited.
 In conclusion, I would like to reaffirm the
adherence of the Kyrgyz Republic to the goals and
objectives of the United Nations aimed at ensuring
peace and security and the welfare of all nations and
peoples on the Earth.


I should
like at the outset to congratulate Mr. Ali Abdussalam
Treki on his election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fourth session and to express my
appreciation to his predecessor, Father Miguel
d’Escoto Brockmann, for his efforts. I should also like
to thank in particular His Excellency the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his comprehensive
annual report on the work of the Organization (A/64/1)
and for the special attention that he has consistently
devoted to the concerns of Lebanon and its people.
 Lebanon closely follows all political, economic,
social and legal issues on the agenda of the General
Assembly, and we are hopeful and confident that we
will be elected as a non-permanent member of the
Security Council for the period 2010-2011, with the
full support of brotherly and friendly nations in that
regard. Lebanon looks forward to that election with
great confidence, because we are a founding member
of this universal international Organization and
contributed significantly to the drafting of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
 For thousands of years, the people of Lebanon
have made vital contributions to the development of
civilization, including innovations that have promoted
communication, interaction and dialogue among
nations and peoples. These are the same people who set
sail in search of new horizons of cooperation and
communication and have played a vital role in
spreading the values of freedom and democracy,
reinforcing the concept of Arab nationalism and
establishing the pillars of the intellectual and literary
renaissance of the Arab world.
 Today, from this rostrum, Lebanon reaffirms its
commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and
to the resolutions of international legitimacy, in
particular Security Council resolution 1701 (2006), as
well as its willingness to contribute seriously and
responsibly to the deliberations and resolutions of the
Council for the coming two years, especially those
aimed at ensuring peace and security in the Middle
East. Furthermore, Lebanon will give special
consideration to the deliberations on reform of the
United Nations and its organs that will enable it to
become more effective in addressing the challenges of
today’s world.
 Therefore, it comes as no surprise that the
Lebanese Constitution, which was adopted in 1926,
two decades before the United Nations was established,
stipulates that “There shall be absolute freedom of
conscience. The State ... shall respect all religions and
creeds and guarantees under its protection, and the free
exercise of all religious rites”.

09-52463 16

 The model of coexistence embodied by Lebanon,
which allows various confessional communities to
participate actively in its political life in an
environment of democracy and freedom of thought and
expression, runs counter to all trends towards ethnic or
religious cleansing and doctrines of the single-thought
theory. That is why, last year, I called for the
establishment of Lebanon as an internationally
recognized centre for dialogue among civilizations,
cultures and religions, in keeping with our role as a
bridge of communication between East and West and
our message as a country in which 18 different
communities interact in a unique and exemplary
manner.
 One of the primary tasks entrusted to the Security
Council is to strive to maintain international peace and
security. Indeed, it is very unfortunate that the Arab
Middle East, a region that gave rise to the three
monotheistic religions, has been an area of tension,
conflict and war ever since the Nakba, the tragedy that
befell Palestine in 1948 and displaced its people.
 Any settlement of the Middle East crisis must be
based on a predetermined and comprehensive plan
whose basic elements have been set out in the
resolutions of international legitimacy, at the Madrid
Peace Conference and in the Arab Peace Initiative.
Above all, such a settlement requires the genuine
political will of the parties to commit themselves to
peace and its obligations.
 However, the Israeli side has not demonstrated
such will, because the soundness and usefulness of a
just peace are still being discussed both by the
Government and at the grass-roots level in Israel.
Furthermore, Israeli threats of attacks and wars
continue as ways to exert control and hegemony and
impose a fait accompli, if not to bring about expansion,
displacement and further encroachment on the rights of
Palestinians and Arabs. Meanwhile, Arab countries
have together introduced a comprehensive Peace
Initiative, which was unanimously adopted at the 2002
Arab League Summit, held in Beirut.
 It is thus essential that the international
community take appropriate measures to compel Israel
to fulfil its international obligations under the peace
process within a specific and reasonable time frame, in
accordance with the Declaration of the recent Arab
League Summit held in Doha, Qatar. How can we
persuade our peoples that the international community
is capable of achieving a just and comprehensive peace
and thus of putting an end to the various aspects of the
Middle East conflict, including through an Israeli
withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories and the
establishment of an independent and sovereign
Palestinian State with Al-Quds as its capital, if it
cannot force Israel to halt its settlement construction,
lift its unjust siege on Gaza and stop the Judaization of
Jerusalem?
 In that context, it is important to note that people
have the right to reclaim their occupied territories by
all legitimate and available means, in accordance with
the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and
the relevant United Nations resolutions. Everyone here
knows how Lebanon was able to liberate most of its
territories occupied by Israel in the spring of 2000 after
Israel had refused to implement resolution 425 (1978),
which called for its immediate and unconditional
withdrawal from all Lebanese territories. That
occupation lasted 22 continuous years.
 Our meeting this year coincides with the sixtieth
anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations
Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the
Near East (UNRWA). On this occasion, Lebanon would
like to stress that the Palestinian refugees’ solution is
first and foremost a political solution. We fully support
all efforts aimed at reinforcing the programmes and
capabilities of UNRWA, enabling it to improve the
living standards and human conditions of the refugees,
in collaboration with the host countries, until a just and
final solution to the tragedy of the Palestinians has
been reached.
 Clearly, such a just and final solution for the
Palestinian refugees cannot deny them their natural and
legitimate right of return to their lands and homes, nor
can it be achieved without the host countries’
participation or in violation of their sovereignty, their
special circumstances and their national interests. This
is why Lebanon rejects any form of settling Palestinian
refugees on its territories, for by such rejection it
upholds the Palestinian refugees’ right of return, in
accordance with Lebanon’s Constitution and national
pact. Let it be clear that such a position will not be
reversed. Nor will it be subject to compromise or
negotiation. I take this opportunity to express our
gratitude to the countries that have lent their support to
the Lebanese position on this issue and shown a
willingness to defend it.

17 09-52463

 Throughout last year, Lebanon was able to
maintain its internal stability and dismantle many
Israeli spy networks and terrorist cells while striving to
implement resolution 1701 (2006) and strengthen its
relations with brotherly and friendly countries.
Furthermore, Lebanon was able to hold parliamentary
elections. The world witnessed the transparency and
integrity of those elections, and the results were
accepted by all competing parties. Lebanon has also
been able to improve its credibility, avoid the aftermath
of the global financial crisis, attract many tourists and
investors, and raise its economic growth rate to almost
6 per cent. It is now preparing to host the sixth
Francophone Games in a few days.
 While parliamentary consultations are taking
place in accordance with constitutional provisions and
the requirement to forge a national consensus, we are
looking forward to forming a national unity
government very soon. Such a government would
reinstate government dynamics and launch the
political, administrative and judicial reform process the
Lebanese people aspire to. The fruits of such a process
will serve the people and the authorities, thus ensuring
its success and continuity.
 In parallel, and on the third anniversary of the
adoption of resolution 1701 (2006), Lebanon stresses
that Israel should be forced to comply with all the
provisions of that resolution, especially its withdrawal
from all the Lebanese occupied territories, including
the Shaba’a farms, the Kfarshouba hills and the
northern part of the village of Ghajar, to stop its daily
violations of Lebanon’s sovereignty and its persistent
threats against Lebanon, its institutions and
infrastructure.
 In this context, Lebanon would like to commend
the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)
for the role it is playing in the south of the country, in
accordance with the rules of engagement agreed upon
and in full coordination with the Lebanese Army. In
addition, Lebanon would like to reaffirm that it
remains keen to preserve the safety of this Force and
reiterates its appreciation for the efforts deployed by its
commander and soldiers and for their sacrifices in the
service of peace and stability.
 Lebanon will pursue its international efforts to
force Israel to pay due compensation for the enormous
damage it caused through its repeated acts of
aggression against Lebanon, including the damage
caused by the oil slick resulting from the Israeli
bombardment of the Jiyeh power plant in the summer
of 2006.
 The experience acquired over the past 61 years
has confirmed a set of truths. First, the Palestinian
cause is at the core of the Middle East conflict.
Secondly, Israel’s resorting to force to impose a fait
accompli is futile and will weaken neither the will nor
the determination of the Arab people to restore their
rights. Thirdly, partial and unilateral solutions will not
achieve genuine peace, and unjust solutions are short-
lived.
 Since the middle of the last century, the world has
witnessed fundamental political, intellectual and
ideological shifts that have had a profound impact on
nations and their interactions, along with a troubling
accumulation of economic, social and environmental
predicaments. No matter how local or regional some
conflicts and crises have been in the past, in the current
era of globalization they have become global in nature
or acquired a global dimension. Such has been the case
for the phenomenon of international terrorism, the
global financial crisis and the contagious diseases that
are spreading across continents.
 In ancient times, and now in the modern world, as
told in the fiercest epic tales, wars beget tragic and
painful events and give rise to costly and horrific
experiences where endless blood and countless tears
are shed and disappointment and tragedies prevail. We
therefore hope that the United Nations, which from the
outset was established to prevent wars and resolve
conflicts through peaceful means, will persist in its
endeavour to achieve righteousness and establish
justice through active and unbiased international
efforts.


A few weeks
ago, the Empire State Building was lit up in orange, the
national colour of the Netherlands. The reason was
that, precisely 400 years ago, the Dutch East India
Company commissioned Henry Hudson to find a
shorter sea route to Asia via the north. After a brutal
voyage filled with hardships, Hudson decided to
change course. He never found his shortcut to Asia, but
he did become the first person to map the area around
the river that would one day bear his name, including
the place where we are gathered today. Ever since then,
the origin of the great city of New York has been
closely linked with the courage and resolve of Henry
Hudson. Today more than ever before, we must make
those qualities our own.
 In the past year, we have faced the harsh reality
of a financial and economic system on the brink. The
crisis has been so severe and so rapid that courage and
resolve are now required of us all — the courage to
place shared values and interests above narrow self-
interest, the resolve to adapt existing global
governance structures to a new reality and the courage
to make decisive choices that take account of all
interests, especially those of the world’s weakest and
poorest people. That is my clear message to the
General Assembly.
 The Dutch Government has no doubt that a
strong, decisive and efficient United Nations will be
vital to that process. Only an integrated global
approach will deliver the stability, solidarity and
sustainability that the world needs so badly. The last
few days in New York and Pittsburgh have shown that
there is a clear realization that the world has changed
and that we must work together more closely than ever
before. Our interdependency gives us a shared
responsibility. We can see now that the problems we
face are too big for any single nation.
 There is therefore strong will to address the
underlying causes of the economic crisis, to work on
systemic imbalances and to once again make finance a
tool for growth. The agreement we reached in
Pittsburgh on a framework for strong, sustainable and
balanced growth is a big step forward. It shows that
there is a widely shared conviction that we have much
to gain from stability, solidarity and sustainability, both
as individual countries and collectively. I would like to
say a few words about each of those core concepts.

9 09-52586

 The current crisis offers clear proof that in a
globalized world instability anywhere is a threat to
stability everywhere. The international policy response
has shown that that is widely understood in the
financial and economic context. That is a positive sign,
even if there is still a long way to go. The Pittsburgh
agreement on compensation systems should end a
bonus culture that has grown out of control. We cannot
allow the greed of a few to endanger the jobs of many.
We must therefore prevent that kind of crisis from ever
happening again.
 Mr. Valero Briceño (Bolivarian Republic of
Venezuela), Vice-President, took the Chair.
 Institutional reform should not stop with the
financial and economic sector. There is a clear need for
new arrangements that will allow us to manage a range
of global governance issues at the same time. In the
long term, the greatest threat to a stable world order is
to allow the crisis to push the world’s other great
problems into the background: climate change, for
example, the energy and food crisis or the pressing
issues of peace and security, poverty and human rights.
We cannot let that happen. In some cases, we simply
have to honour commitments that we have already
made, such as the Millennium Development Goals. In
others, we need the courage to see beyond this crisis to
the world of tomorrow, as we must show at the climate
summit to be held in Copenhagen.
 In any event, the current situation demands that
we place our common global values and interests
above our acute domestic problems, however serious
they may be. Therefore, now more than ever, we need a
strong, decisive and efficient United Nations. We need
it here in New York, but we especially need it on the
ground. In that context, I would highlight the vital
importance of the One United Nations Initiative, which
needs follow-up, and soon.
 Stability cannot be achieved without respect for
human rights. As friends of the Iranian people, we are
concerned about the worsening human rights situation
and the violent crackdown on popular protests. The
Iranian nuclear issue represents a major challenge to
international peace and security, to regional stability
and to the non-proliferation regime. The recent
revelation of a nuclear facility that was long kept secret
is additional reason for great concern. It calls for a
strong reaction by the international community and for
total transparency by Iran. Iran must regain the trust of
the international community, comply with relevant
Security Council resolutions and contribute to peace
and stability in the Middle East.
 In June of this year, the United Nations showed
leadership by holding a major conference here in New
York on the effects of the crisis for developing
countries. The Netherlands fully supported that
initiative, as there can be no stability without
solidarity. After all, there is nothing more destabilizing
than poverty, hunger and a future without hope. The
economic crisis and rising food prices are threatening
to sweep away a great deal of hard-won progress. In
2009 alone, the number of people forced to live on less
than $1.25 a day will grow by at least 55 million.
 There is a real danger that those who had no part
in causing the crisis will be the people who suffer most
deeply. In rich countries the crisis means the loss of
jobs and assets. In developing countries it means rising
child mortality and rising hunger. Therefore, in rich
countries the crisis is serious; in poor countries it is a
matter of life and death.
 Let the donor countries honour an old promise
and set aside at least 0.7 per cent of their national
income every year for development aid; and let the
current crisis also inspire recipient countries to use the
funds as effectively as possible. Now more than ever,
public support for development aid depends on
transparency, good governance and an effective fight
against corruption.
 I would also add that international solidarity is
not simply a question of development budgets. It also
concerns the private sector. More and more businesses
now recognize the importance of corporate social
responsibility. I believe there is still a world to be won
in that regard, not only for society but also for
companies themselves. Corporate social responsibility
makes good business sense.
 My third subject, sustainability, is essentially
about making choices and sacrifices, not for our own
sake but for future generations. This session of the
General Assembly is our last major stop on the road to
Copenhagen. We should be aware that the progress we
make there will affect the lives of our children, our
children’s children and so on, down through the
generations. That must be our main motive for seeking
a radical change in the way we live.

09-52586 10

 In Copenhagen we must reach an ambitious, fair
and comprehensive agreement. We must be ambitious
and set our sights high. Therefore, at Copenhagen the
Netherlands will call for worldwide carbon dioxide
emissions to be halved from 1990 levels by 2050. We
should be fair to developing countries. Every country
should contribute to the common goal according to its
means. Every country will be expected to play its part.
But those that need help in designing and
implementing sound adaptation policies must receive
it. That is why the Netherlands has set aside
€500 million to promote the use of renewable energy in
developing countries.
 Comprehensive also means that we should not
simply pave the road ahead with good intentions, but
with concrete agreements — for example, agreements
on developing the global carbon market, on sharing
knowledge and on financial arrangements. We simply
cannot fail at Copenhagen.
 The world is much smaller than it was in the days
of Henry Hudson, but it is far more complex as a
result. Any solution to the issues I have raised today
starts with recognizing our mutual dependence and
responsibility. Within the concepts of stability,
solidarity and sustainability we will find the shared
values and interests that should guide us on the road
ahead. It is a road that requires courage. But to echo
the words I heard recently from the Italian Nobel Prize
winner and senator for life Rita Levi-Montalcini, on
her one-hundredth birthday, “Don’t fear difficult
moments. The best comes from them.” Let us go
forward in that spirit.


Please permit me to
congratulate Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki, on behalf of
the Prime Minister, Government and people of Belize,
on having assumed the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fourth session and to wish him
every success in his stewardship. Permit me also to
extend my Government’s thanks to Mr. Miguel d’Escoto
Brockmann for his excellent stewardship of the work
of the sixty-third session of the General Assembly.
 Belize is pleased to discharge its obligation by
participating in the general debate of the sixty-fourth
regular session of the General Assembly on the theme
“Effective responses to global crises: strengthening
multilateralism and dialogue among civilizations for
international peace, security and development”.
 Just over one week ago, we celebrated the
twenty-eighth anniversary of our independence.
Joining us in the celebrations were members of the
diplomatic core drawn from the four corners of the
globe. And even as we made merry, our collective
minds were silently cogitating upon the crises that are
threatening to destroy our collective way of life and,
indeed, the very planet which sustains us.
 All indications are that the aftershocks of the
global economic crisis have now begun to affect
Belize’s real economy. We are experiencing declining
levels of revenue, a worrying reduction in productivity,
diminishing remittances, crushing debt-servicing
obligations, unrelenting budgetary pressures and a
drying up of resources on which to draw.
 These challenges are aggravated by other ills that
plague our day-to-day existence. Annually, we are
threatened by hurricanes and floods of ever greater
intensity, which reduce the yields of our farmers, erode
our beaches and wash away vital infrastructure.
Warmer seas damage our great barrier reef and impair
its capacity to incubate and nurture the fish and other
marine organisms that depend upon a healthy reef
system for their survival. Illicit traffickers in drugs and
arms penetrate our borders at will, leaving drug
addicts, broken families, violence, death and
destruction in their wake. Our population is also being
ravaged by HIV/AIDS. Other non-communicable
chronic diseases are approaching pandemic
proportions. All these crises have placed the attainment
of the Millennium Development Goals in Belize in real
jeopardy.
 The globalization that was the tide to lift all boats
has not been so even. Its networks of interdependence
have compounded how we as national Governments
can secure the basic needs of our people. Its evolving
system of global governance is unresponsive to the
cares and concerns of middle-income countries like
ours, for despite the devastating impact it is having
upon our economies, we are yet to be invited to the
table to participate in the discussion on the global
economic crisis. Our pleas for an ambitious climate
agreement are yet to be honoured with serious
contemplation in the current negotiations, although the

09-52598 38

viability of our countries hangs in the balance, and the
global commitment of a development-oriented trade
round seems to have been perfunctorily relegated to the
annals of trade-negotiating history. Our demands,
although ceremoniously acknowledged in countless
resolutions and declarations, remain unceremoniously
unmet.
 If we are to define an effective global response to
the converging global challenges that confront us, we
must first examine how we are governed. While we, as
Member States of the United Nations, have endorsed
the principle of sovereign equality, it is apparent from
the structural relationships engendered in our
institutions that the principle is honoured more in the
breach than in the observance. The United Nations has
its Security Council and the Permanent Five; the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have
their weighted voting and the World Trade
Organization has its green room. In the larger global
arena, we have a proliferation of convenient
groupings — the Group of Six, the Group of Seven, the
Group of Eight, the Group of Twenty and the Major
Economies Forum, to name but a few. The club model
of cooperation is deeply entrenched in our multilateral
system.
 While we cannot deny that this model has
facilitated some decisions and agreements, we also
cannot ignore the costs associated with that facilitation.
This model of global governance has progressively
accumulated a debt of trust and confidence among the
wider international community not only as a result of
its manner of exclusive decision-making, but also
because of the lack of implementation of global
decisions and agreements. The club model of
multilateral cooperation suffers from a crisis of
legitimacy.
 If we accept that we operate as sovereign equals,
we cannot continue to acquiesce to governance by a
few. We must accept nothing less than equal
representation. In that regard, we recognize and
applaud our brothers from the South who have, through
their economic prowess and political deftness, taken
the mantle of leadership in some international issues.
We are all entitled to be heard and, what is more, we
are all entitled to have the decisions that are made
reflect our concerns if not our demands.
 We need a new model for multilateral cooperation
framework in which all nations have meaningful input
into the decision-making process on issues that have a
direct impact on their interests. This requires
fundamental structural reform and not mere cursory
efforts for technocratic coherence. Given the far-
reaching geopolitical consequences that the global
economic crisis has touched off, we now have the
perfect opportunity to redress the shortcomings of the
exclusive club model, thereby restoring trust and
confidence in our multilateral institutions. The time for
inclusive multilateralism is now upon us.
 Allow me to now address some of the issues that
bear upon the immediate interests of my people and my
country, Belize. Belize falls within the World Bank
category of middle-income countries. Middle-income
countries play a pivotal role in the global economy and
in global politics. We account for some two thirds of
the world’s population. Our economies provide
important and growing sources of export demand and
investment opportunities. Some economies of middle-
income countries are now even big enough to create
systemic risks in global financial markets. On strategic
issues, middle-income countries have not infrequently
emerged as key players, and one half of the world’s
protected areas are to be found in our countries.
 Still, poverty remains prevalent in our countries.
Some three quarters of the world’s poor live in middle-
income countries. We also account for an estimated
47 per cent of global carbon dioxide emissions.
 Given the aforementioned, it is evident that
whatever happens in middle-income countries affects
the entire world for better or for worse. For this reason,
if for no other, it is in the interest of the world
community that middle-income countries remain
viable, vibrant and dynamic.
 In order for that to happen, however, bilateral and
multilateral institutions must redefine the terms of
engagement with our countries. Rather than focusing
on per capita income, a needs-based analysis is
necessary. Financing arrangements that tend towards
the short and medium term must also be revisited. In
order to build capacity, improve our institutions and
spur economic growth, we need direct fiscal and
budgetary support. Moreover, in view of the high ratio
of debt-to-gross-domestic-product (GDP) in many of
our countries, which has been further exacerbated by
the recent global economic crisis, the need for
concessionary financing and debt relief is ever more
critical.

39 09-52598

 During the 1980s and 1990s, the integration of
markets spurred significant growth in high-income
nations, while low-income nations exploited their
comparative advantage in cheap labour. However,
middle-income countries had neither advantage in
knowledge nor low-wage products and consequently, in
real terms, experienced economic stagnation. Many of
us were forced to embark upon a process of
diversification to ensure our continued growth and
development.
 Therefore, in the early 1990s, Belize made rapid
strides in building up its international financial services
industry. We did so in accordance with the best
practices of the industry internationally, and we were
guided every step of the way by the recommendations
of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD). As a country whose GDP is just
over $1 billion, the contribution of this industry to our
economy is significant. A large percentage of the
deposits from the international banking sector has been
used to finance development projects, support our
citrus industry and commercial free zone and export
processing zone businesses, which account for some
$1 billion worth of investments in our country.
 Furthermore, since this sector finances only
foreign exchange earning businesses, it enables the
generation of millions of dollars in foreign exchange
that directly supports our fixed exchange rate system.
It is also a source for the creation of relatively high-
quality jobs for many Belizeans. On the whole, in 2008
the international financial services industry accounted
for some 9 per cent of Belize’s GDP and 10 per cent of
its gross imports.
 Considering the vital role that this industry plays
in the Belizean economy, ensuring its integrity is in our
best interests. We have developed a regulatory
framework and enacted legislation for its
reinforcement. We have also made commitments to the
OECD to improve transparency and establish an
effective exchange of information. But now, in the
midst of an economic crisis that had its origin in the
financial markets of the developed world, the Group
of 20 (G-20) finds it convenient to reactivate its
harmful tax initiative at the expense — and to the
disadvantage — of an industry we have so
painstakingly and carefully groomed into a productive
sector of our economy.
 Beyond the calls for reform, we have heard some
G-20 members call for a complete annihilation of the
industry. If that were to occur, I shudder to think of the
suffering and hardship it would occasion for our
country and people. We are convinced that a more
equitable and effective way to address the issue of
offshore financial services is through a mechanism for
multilateral cooperation in which all States participate
on an equal footing.
 Climate change poses perhaps the most serious
threat to our sustainable development and viability. I
need not remind the Assembly of the emerging
scientific evidence, which prognosticates more rapid
climate change and sea-level rise. Let me take this
opportunity to applaud the Secretary-General for
making climate change a priority and for convening
last week’s Summit. The urgency of a global response
to this issue is inescapable. We welcome the various
national and regional efforts to construct mechanisms
to address climate change and its impact. In our region,
Belize hosts the Caribbean Community Climate
Change Centre, which has benefited from the support
of the international community and has been
recognized as a centre of excellence.
 However, we know all too well from the impacts
we are observing today that piecemeal action is not
sufficient. In fact, notwithstanding national and
regional action, global greenhouse gas emissions
continue to increase. We can only begin to respond
effectively to this problem by agreeing to implement
ambitious mitigation targets and increasing our support
for adaptation. Considering that small island
developing States and other particularly vulnerable
coastal countries are already experiencing dangerous
climate change, avoiding adverse effects on these
especially vulnerable countries should be the
benchmark for determining our targets and our levels
of support. In that regard, the prophetic words of the
President of the Maldives resonate with good reason:
“If you can’t save the Maldives today you can’t save
yourself tomorrow.”
 Building upon the momentum of the much-
proclaimed new era of engagement, we are hopeful that
longstanding issues on the international peace and
security agenda may achieve progress. In some cases,
change is already afoot. Cross-Strait relations between
Taiwan and China have improved and, for the first
time, Taiwan has participated as an observer at the
World Health Assembly. Haiti held elections earlier

09-52598 40

this year, in a relatively peaceful and orderly fashion.
After 47 years, the Organization of American States
has now lifted Cuba’s suspension from that body.
 We welcome these developments and expect that
they signal a change in approach that will allow for the
full integration of our sisterly nations of Taiwan, Haiti
and Cuba into their rightful place in the international
community. However, for that integration to occur, we
must find an appropriate way for Taiwan to participate
in the activities of the specialized agencies of the
United Nations, we must sustain our support for Haiti
and we must urge that efforts be made to end the
anachronistic embargo against Cuba.
 In cases where processes have stalled, let us
renew our engagement. We cannot fail in realizing the
vision of two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by
side within secure and recognized borders. We also
cannot fail in resolving the political stalemate in our
neighbour country of Honduras. Peace and security are
not options, they are imperatives.
 My Government is committed to securing just
and lasting peace for our people. Last year, we happily
concluded a special agreement with Guatemala that
will pave the way for the referral of the Guatemalan
territorial claim to our country to the International
Court of Justice. A preliminary and critical phase is
upon us, in which we must prepare our people to
determine by referendum whether the case shall be
referred. My Government is beginning a
comprehensive public education campaign to raise
awareness and ensure that, when our people decide,
they will do so having been fully informed of the
issues. We are approaching what could be a definitive
moment in our history.
 I began my statement by addressing the
governance dilemma — to govern and to be governed.
What is consistent in the demands that we
as developing countries — and small States in
particular — have made is that we want to have a
meaningful role in the governance of our affairs at the
international level. We want to have meaningful input
into the solutions that are being crafted for the
problems that we face and of which, in some cases, we
bear the disproportionate burden.
 For us, the model of multilateral cooperation
must be imbued with legitimacy. For that to happen,
we must work for a more inclusive process. Twenty-
first century challenges require a new dynamic for
international relations, one that must be inclusive and,
dare I say, democratic. The United Nations Charter is
founded upon the premise of democracy. “We the
peoples of the United Nations” assert our
determination not only to be governed by the principles
set out in the Charter but also to govern by these
principles.
 As such, the Charter itself vests in us a role in our
own governance. We in Belize accept that role, and we
are thus empowered, notwithstanding the pressing
challenges in satisfying the basic needs of our people,
to return our country to a path of sustainable
development. No effort will be spared to draw upon
our limited resources as well as other available
resources to invest in our human resources, to improve
our political and legal institutions, to support
traditional and niche industries, to practise fiscal
responsibility and to protect and preserve our
environment for present and future generations.
 We solemnly agree that our development is our
own responsibility. We welcome the support of the
international community in the spirit of multilateral
cooperation as we take action to achieve our high
aspirations.


Mr. President, the theme
that you have chosen for this session of the General
Assembly — “Effective responses to global crises:
strengthening multilateralism and dialogue among
civilizations for international peace, security and
development” — is both timely and relevant.
 We meet against the backdrop of some of the
most serious challenges mankind has confronted in a
long time. The financial and economic crisis, climate
change and issues of international peace and security
are but some of these challenges. No other organization
is better placed than the United Nations to find
solutions to them.
 In June, your predecessor, Mr. President,
convened a high-level Conference on the World
Financial and Economic Crisis. We all had the
opportunity then to identify and agree on the causes
and effects of and solutions to this crisis. I shall not
revisit the deliberations of that Conference. Suffice it
to say that it seems obvious that Governments can no
longer abdicate their responsibility of oversight and
regulation of the global financial systems to financial
institutions.
 The least developed and developing countries
have been the hardest hit by the financial crisis. Their
exports have been severely reduced and their capital
flows choked. The impact of the crisis is felt in all
aspects of life, be it in the increase in unemployment,
illiteracy or the incidence of HIV- and AIDS-related
deaths due to the unavailability or unaffordability of
drugs.
 Lesotho, as a small economy, is highly vulnerable
to external shocks and is therefore one of those
adversely affected by the financial crisis. Demand for
textile exports has dropped dramatically, resulting in
unprecedented loss of livelihoods and erosion of the
gains we had made in eradicating poverty.
 However, all is not lost. I note in this regard the
efforts of the Group of Eight, which has pledged a
stimulus package of $1.1 trillion, the major part of
which will be made available to developing countries.
My concern is that this initiative seems to have stalled
and it is unclear how the funds will be distributed. It
will be fair only if the disbursement is informed by the
needs of individual countries, and I hasten to add that
the disbursement should be free of quotas and
conditions. While I remain optimistic that the pledge
will see the light of day, I appeal for the fulfilment of
commitments that have been made regarding overseas
development aid. I further appeal for the requisite
political will to complete the Doha Round of
negotiations as a matter of urgency. These negotiations
are the anchor of our hope for the dawn of a fair and
equitable international trade regime.
 I congratulate the Secretary-General on
convening the just-ended Summit on Climate Change,
at which we were unanimous in our belief that the
challenges posed by climate change are beyond the
capacity of any individual country to deal with alone.
Response to the impact of climate change must be a top
priority for the whole of mankind, for at stake here is
the preservation of the very elements responsible for
the sustenance of human life on our planet.
 Lesotho is hopeful that the Copenhagen
Conference will usher in a new global agreement that
will result in the reduction of greenhouse gas
emissions. We must never forget that at the forefront of
those most affected by the impact of climate change
are the poor and the innocent. Our call for the
industrialized nations to help improve developing
countries’ capacity for mitigation and adaptation is
therefore not misplaced. Those who are responsible for
causing pollution of the environment have the
responsibility to make cuts in harmful emissions and to
help those adversely affected. We acknowledge that
climate change may not be our collective fault, but it is
surely our collective responsibility.

09-52586 30

 Another challenge confronting us is that of
international peace and security. This challenge is a
matter of utmost interest to my delegation, for it
reminds Governments of their obligation to protect
their peoples from mass atrocities, including genocide,
ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against
humanity. I am referring here to the principle of the
responsibility to protect.
 The Rwanda genocide is still fresh in our minds.
Though the wounds may have healed, the scars remain
pronounced and serve as a painful reminder of man’s
inhumanity to man. They also serve as a sad reminder
of how the international community can fail a people.
Beyond Rwanda, and I dare say even post-Rwanda, we
have witnessed mass atrocities committed with
impunity against the most innocent and vulnerable
populations. And sadly, the Security Council, in whose
purview the power to act is centralized, has failed to
act, thereby incapacitating the international
community’s ability to act also.
 In our resolve never to fail any population again,
we adopted the principle of the responsibility to protect
at our 2005 World Summit. This principle seeks to
restore the confidence of populations in the United
Nations system. In July, the General Assembly held a
debate on the Secretary-General’s report on
implementing the responsibility to protect (A/63/677).
Lesotho welcomes that balanced report, especially the
proposed practical measures for its implementation. We
view the report as a good basis for negotiations in the
General Assembly on how to implement the principle.
It is true that the scope of the principle is narrow and
limited to genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and
crimes against humanity. I would nonetheless
discourage any reopening of the debates on paragraphs
138 and 139 of the World Summit Outcome Document
(resolution 60/1).
 I find a linkage between this principle and other
critical issues that continue to feature on our
international agenda. Among these are reform of the
United Nations, especially the Security Council,
disarmament and the International Criminal Court.
Needless to say, the principle of the responsibility to
protect is meaningful only if it is grounded in
multilateralism and collective action by the
international community. The forums through which
the responsibility to protect may be achievable is the
Security Council and, beyond that, the General
Assembly. Unfortunately, the Council, as presently
composed, is not capable of exercising effective
leadership in this area.
 The Security Council reflects the situation that
obtained 64 years ago. It is not a true reflection of the
current membership of the United Nations. Its
composition is therefore irrelevant and undemocratic.
For all intents and purposes, the Council lacks
legitimacy. For as long as it remains undemocratic, it
will continue to fail the vulnerable and defenceless. It
will continue to use double standards and remain a tool
of the foreign policies of certain States. The desired
multilateral path will continue to give way to the
unilateral one. It is imperative, therefore, to hasten the
United Nations reform process. The intergovernmental
negotiations that were held during the sixty-third
session of the General Assembly have advanced the
reform process a step or two. However, more still
needs to be done and rather urgently.
 The United Nations was formed on the ashes of
the two World Wars. Its main purpose was and still is
to save succeeding generations from the scourge of
war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold
misery to mankind. But the continuing possession and
development of nuclear weapons cast doubt on whether
this objective can indeed be realized. At a time when
the world is hungering for nuclear disarmament, why
should some countries be testing, modernizing and
producing new generations of nuclear weapons?
 It is our obligation as the international
community to strive for a world free of nuclear
weapons. We remain disappointed in those countries
that are engaged in the testing of nuclear weapons. We
must, however, reiterate the right of every country to
the development and use of nuclear technology for
peaceful purposes. The peaceful use of nuclear
technology can be beneficial to all mankind.
 We are delighted that the third session of the
Preparatory Committee for the 2010 Review
Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has adopted the
agenda for the 2010 Review Conference. This historic
achievement strengthens our optimism that our
commitment to the disarmament process will gain
renewed momentum and enthusiasm.
 In 1998, the Statute establishing the International
Criminal Court was adopted in Rome. The Court is,
inter alia, an answer to war crimes and crimes against
humanity. It safeguards the rule of law in the

31 09-52586

international arena and is therefore well placed to
complement the implementation of the principle of the
responsibility to protect. Consequently, we should, as
the international community, unconditionally extend
our support to the Court. We must preserve its integrity
and independence. There should be no State or organ of
the United Nations that interferes with the Court’s
processes. Most importantly, the Court must uphold the
highest standards of impartiality, integrity and fairness.
Lesotho supports the principle of universal jurisdiction.
However, we reject selective application of that noble
principle because it erodes its acceptability and
credibility.
 During the past year, we witnessed a resurgence
of piracy off the coast of Somalia. This development
has had a negative impact on maritime security and
safety. There is a need for the international community
to adopt a comprehensive approach to tackling the
phenomenon of piracy off the coast of Somalia and
beyond. In this regard, Lesotho joins the voices of the
heads of State and Government of the African Union in
calling for the convening of an international conference
to discuss the adoption of an international convention
on the phenomenon of maritime piracy and to eradicate
its underlying causes.
 I would be remiss not to refer to the plight of the
peoples of the State of Palestine, the Saharan Arab
Democratic Republic and the Republic of Cuba. These
are peoples who continue to experience untold
suffering, ranging from war to political, economic and
social injustices. We call on Israel to cease all
settlement activities, including the so-called natural
growth in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. By the
same token, we call on both sides to cease all acts of
hostility and attacks. In particular, Palestine must halt
the indiscriminate launching of rockets on Israeli
civilians, while Israel must desist from the use of
disproportionate force against Palestinian civilians.
 We welcome the intensified efforts of the Quartet,
the Arab League and other members involved in
brokering peace in the Middle East. We are mindful of
the fact that the quest for peace in the Middle East
should be the responsibility of all of us. We express our
solidarity with the people of Palestine. At the same
time, we reiterate the inviolability and, indeed, the
right to exist of the State of Israel.
 The struggle of the Saharan people is a struggle
for self-determination based on the principles of
decolonization and sovereignty of nations. Both the
General Assembly and the Security Council have
recognized the inalienable rights of the Saharan people
to self-determination and independence. We urge the
Saharan Arab Democratic Republic and the Kingdom
of Morocco to continue with their negotiations on an
equal footing and without any conditions. The
aspirations of the Saharan people to self-determination
must take paramount priority in these negotiations.
 We also hope that the positive signals of
engagement between the Republic of Cuba and the
United States of America will bring an end to the
unfortunate financial and economic embargo imposed
on the Republic of Cuba. Lesotho shall continue to
support the call for the lifting of the economic embargo
against the people of Cuba as a matter of principle and
of urgency.
 I wish to conclude by saying that no obstacle can
beat the might of the United Nations. We must continue
to pursue and indeed to cherish the purposes that have
brought us together. The responsibility to secure the
future of mankind relies heavily on our ability to use a
collective approach to resolving the challenges of the
world. We cannot ignore our responsibility to build a
better and more united world, for the future
generations.