At a stage of unprecedented significance for the international system, I should like to congratulate Mr. Shihabi on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. The renaissance of the United Nations is a stimulating challenge that we must undertake in a creative spirit if we are to enter the twenty-first century with a world body capable of responding efficiently to the increasing demands of today's world.
A clear symptom of the period of transformation that we are experiencing is the incorporation of States whose membership of this Organization would have seemed inconceivable only a few years ago. The admission of the Republics of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia represents the rescue, affirmation and historic reparation of the principle of peoples' right to self-determination. The full membership of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and of the Republic of Korea symbolizes the removal of the anachronism of the ideological factor in international relations, as well as recognition of the need to face issues from a practical perspective by overcoming traditional confrontations. Likewise, the admission of the Marshall Islands and of the Federated States of Micronesia reaffirms the universal character of our Organisation.
Seldom in recent history hive mankind's opportunities consciously to build its future been affirmed so clearly. The irrelevance of ideology in international affairs has offered a wide margin of freedom to create, to innovate, to establish principles and criteria that reflect the concerns and needs of all peoples. At the same time, however, it has sown the seeds of great uncertainty.
There has been an increasing concentration of power on a worldwide scale, with the possibility of its consolidation as a unipolar system.
The globalization of the international economy constitutes a parallel stream, which calls into question the narrowness of productive forces restricted to national contexts. This calls for a reshaping of commercial blocs and a restructuring of economies, based on regional criteria. Thus, the interrelationships of political, economic and social factors in the international community are today more evident than ever.
In this context, the North-South relationship becomes all the more complex with the emergence of global issues, such as narco-terrorism, the sustainable protection of the environment, human rights, and other issues that, by their very nature, demand a more imaginative approach.
At such a complex juncture what is the role of the United Nations? We face an international climate of an unprecedented nature which provides us with the opportunity to shape our own future. The United Nations, as the highest forum of the system and as the only truly universal body, must play an essential role in the management of the international system at this time of great fluidity. To this end, it is imperative to maintain the balance among its organs and to strengthen the political role of the Secretary-General, in order to avert a monopoly in the handling of multilateral affairs as a result of the concentration of power within the Security Council.
One of the clearest signs of the need for the United Nations to adapt to the new international reality is the intense practice of dialogue and consensus. Towards this objective, my country, and Latin America at large, are -filling actively to participate in the strengthening of diplomacy and the operative restructuring of the United Nations, by enhancing our own regional mechanisms for agreement.
In the same vein Peru hopes to contribute to making the Non-Aligned Movement a key protagonist in the dialogue with developed countries in order to define a new model of international relationships taking into account the just aspirations of all members.
In this new context my country welcomes the steps taken by the Secretary-General which have helped the people of El Salvador to envisage a peaceful future after long years of suffering. The action of the United Nat ions has also enabled the people of Western Sahara to decide on their own future and has opened a promising path to the definitive solution of the Cambodian conflict.
We cannot lose sight of the fact that the impressive changes to which we have referred have taken place against a backdrop characterised by the persistence of, and in many cases the worsening of, poverty levels in vast sectors of the world population. The redefinition of international cooperation for development must, therefore, be the new central item on the multilateral agenda.
It is thus indispensable to elaborate a broader approach to such cooperation, placing special emphasis on countries that, like those in Latin America, are now engaged in a sustainable development process based upon their own efforts.
International cooperation should be the expression of the commitment of the international community to create an economic international climate conducive to development. It must, therefore, not be conceived as an exercise in paternalism or charity.
To the degree that international security is today determined by elements beyond considerations of a mere military and strategic nature, these affect the internal stability of States and are closely related to social and economic challenges. Therefore, they should become decisive factors in the magnitude of the flow of international cooperation.
It. must also be noted that the existence of highly destabilizing factors in emerging democracies, such as terrorism and drug trafficking, make it necessary to re-examine the social concepts which have guided the action of the United Nations.
This new approach must assess whether action taken in the social field has, to some degree, laid the foundations for the political stability of States, particularly the developing countries.
For this reason and with the same keen interest and dedication currently applied to negotiations on global issues, a new and enhanced approach to social issues must be taken within the United Nations. Peru considers this to be one of the key elements in the process of renewal that now inspires the work of the United Nations.
In order to attain this objective, Peru considers one of the most appropriate possibilities to be the convening of a world summit for social development and this goal must be reached through substantive work, the main characteristic of which must be the frank and open exchange of views based on realities rather than on purely academic considerations.
Today's multilateral agenda encompasses a new set of problems generically called "global issues", that includes questions that link the developed world with the developing countries.
Therefore, and in order to make the handling of these issues truly effective, it is necessary to include the developmental component in whatever international commitments are undertaken. In this manner, a new North-South dialogue, characterized by agreement rather than by confrontation, can be achieved. Such a dialogue must be based on the following three guidelines: first, the dialogue must be fundamentally of a social and economic nature; secondly, the development variable muse be included in this new generation of international issues, such as the environment, narco-terrorism and the growth of a dynamic entrepreneurship for a free, just and equitable economy; and, thirdly, the new international agenda must react to those initiatives that stem from civil society as well as from governments.
Interdependence has produced an increasing indivisibility between the internal affairs of countries and their external environment. Peru is perhaps a model case of such a relationship. My country has made and continues to make enormous efforts to develop a new relationship with the international system,
After one year of implementing a rational economic programme and the launching of a plan of structural reform designed to adapt the country to new world realities in the midst of hardships accumulated over a long period, democracy has reaffirmed itself in my country. We have successfully controlled hyper-inflation, we have started again to meet our financial obligations and have been readmitted into the international financial community. We are committed to limiting and eliminating non-productive spending. We have visibly improved the human rights situation, and have intensified our frontal attack against drug trafficking.
The most serious questions on the agenda of this session of the Assembly are present in Peru. For this reason Peru can be considered as a characteristic and special case in the new international cooperation which should be promoted by the United Nations system.
The Peruvian people, with an exemplary spirit of sacrifice, has set in action a process of national renovation that should deserve the recognition and support of the international community. I wish to acknowledge here the generous cooperation received during the first year President Fujimori's administration. He are confident that this cooperation will be expanded and deepened, especially in the coming two years, as this will be crucial for the consolidation of the Peruvian economic programme.
This represents the culmination of a long process in which international cooperation has played a fundamental role. A support group, composed of the United States, Japan, Canada and European and Latin American countries and providing generous cooperation, has recently been established. They are giving their generous assistance to enable my country to raise the necessary funds to meet our arrears to multilateral financial institutions. The normalisation of our relations with these institutions has facilitated the reintegration of Peru into the international financial community.
My Government has also endeavoured to establish a new investment policy with a law which ensures secure and favoured treatment for foreign capital. Likewise, it has laid down norms to facilitate the admission of foreigners who wish to channel capital to Peru. Furthermore, a law on private investment in public enterprises, aimed at achieving an effective alliance between the public and the private sectors, has been adopted.
The results of our economic policy must also be tolerable for society. The people of Peru are not poor, they have become impoverished. This is a people that has been consistently hard-working and historically master of its own destiny. Peruvians do not deserve a bleak future of continual adversity; this is why we urgently need tangible achievements in the social sphere.
Therefore, in honouring the strong commitment made at the World Summit for Children in September, 1990, Peru was the first country to put forward a comprehensive plan in favour of the child, and it is now time to implement that plan. This is why the participation of the international community is indispensable. It is our hope that we will be granted, on the basis of our own efforts, specific resources to complement the measures now being taken by the Government of Peru to protect the future of our children.
The criminal action of drug trafficking associated with terrorism has had profound and adverse effects on my country. To deal successfully with this situation, the President of Peru, in October, 1990, made public an initiative which includes an integrated policy of drug control and coca substitution.
Traditionally, as a part of the Andean way of life, the coca leaf has been cultivated in Peru. However, nowadays its production has been distorted by the external stimulus of the indiscriminate international consumption of one of its derivatives, cocaine. This is an objective fact that clearly confirms that the Peruvian peasants engaged in the cultivation of coca cannot, under any circumstances, be considered as drug traffickers. Moreover, differentiating them from traffickers might provide the key for a comprehensive treatment of the problem.
Today, 60 per cent of the coca leaf is produced in Peru and 80 per cent of the illegal production of cocaine is consumed in the United States. Therefore, the understanding that exists between the Governments of the United States and Peru on cooperation in the fight against drug trafficking is of crucial importance to Peru, to the United States and to the international community at large. The Government of Peru, together with the international community, has the most resolute political will to eradicate drug trafficking
In this context, on 14 May 1991, the Governments of Peru and of the United States signed an agreement on drug control and on alternative development policy. This document contains essential elements for the Peruvian policy on drugs, such as the recognition by both parties of the failure of the exclusively repressive measures hitherto employed, and of the causal relationship between consumption and production of drugs.
Regarding the innovative role the United Nations must play in this field, Peru offers its resolute support to the new international drug control programme of action and commends Mr. Giorgio Giacomelli on his work as head of the programme. The issue of the environment is also one of high priority to the Peruvian Government. He are confident that the international community will reach balanced agreements to prevent the preservation of the environment from becoming a new conditionality for the development of our countries. This requires innovative efforts in the field of international cooperation in order to make available additional financial resources and to ensure the transfer of environmentally sound technologies to the developing world on preferential and non-commercial terns.
In this effort, a country's sovereign right to manage its own natural resources should be upheld, as should the principle that those who most contribute to environmental degradation should be held most responsible. The mechanisms which may be devised should include debt relief schemes.
Another serious problem Peru is confronting is that of terrorism. My country suffers from the scourge o£ one of the most cruel terrorist groups in the world. Their criminal actions over the past 11 years have meant the loss of more than 22,000 human lives end have resulted in economic losses equivalent to 90 per cent of our GDP.
Democracy is Peru, by free election and encompassing all political parties and ideologies, is prevailing and will prevail over the scourge of terrorism financed by drug trafficking. He are acting transparently, openly and legally, in order to enforce human rights effectively and fully in the amidst of the conflict with the democratic system and against fundamental freedoms which terrorism initiated more than a decade ago.
This is what is really happening in Peru. For us it is essential that Governments, the United Stations, private organizations and everyone committed to the defence of human rights assist us in telling the world and explaining to it that terrorism is the main source of violence.
We cannot tolerate the persistence of unbalanced, distorted and even conspiratorial Information that tries to justify the criminal actions of terrorism against our people, our society and its institutions. The Government of Peru has noticeably improved the situation of human rights through practical measures that are transparent and legal. It is convinced that the fight against violence must be carried out with respect for human rights, for that is precisely the foundation of the legitimacy of its actions against the crimes perpetrated by narco-terrorists and violent groups that consider human rights bourgeois rights that should be eliminated.
My country has established the Council for Peace in order to ensure the strict observance of human rights, complementing it with a legislative decree authorising criminal prosecutors in zones declared to be in a state of emergency to enter police and military compounds and any other place of detention in order to verify the situation of persons under arrest and of those reported as missing.
As I have previously pointed out, international security in the post-cold-war era is inextricably associated with the need for a new approach to socio-economic matters. Without greater progress in this field, international security will continue to be seriously threatened.
In the same vein, President Fujimori, at the First Ibero-American summit, held in Mexico in July 1991, proposed an initiative for regional disarmament based upon the renunciation of the use of arms of mass destruction and the utilization of the resources thus made available to promote economic and social development in Latin America.
The peace-loving attitude Peru in reflected in its permanent commitment to regional disarmament as an effective measure for general and complete disarmament; in its active participation within the framework of negotiations, currently being carried out in Geneva, for the establishment of an international convention on chemical weapons; in its reaffirmation of the terms of the international convention on bacteriological weapons; in its role as promoter of the initiative for a complete ban on nuclear testing; and in our peace-loving efforts to make the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty an effective instrument for cooperation and universal understanding.
The President of Ecuador, Mr. Rodrigo Borja, during his address delivered yesterday, 30 September 1991, stated that Ecuador has an unsolved territorial problem with Peru which endangers peace in the region. He has proposed the arbitration of His Holiness Pope John Paul II as a means of resolution. In this regard, with all due respect and admiration for His Holiness, we find ourselves in the imperative need to firmly put forward two rectifications:
Firstly, the President of Ecuador has attempted to ignore in his statement the very existence of the Protocol of Peace, Friendship and Boundaries of Rio de Janeiro of 1942, which definitively settled the boundary problem existing between Ecuador and Peru. Ecuador cannot disavow this treaty, duly signed, approved by the respective congresses, and ratified by both countries, under the solemn guarantee of four other American Republics that also signed it as guarantors: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States of America.
Hence, there is no territorial problem between Peru and Ecuador. It was settled half a century ago by a treaty between the two countries and with the guarantee of four American republics.
The second rectification is designed to alert the international community to the Ecuadorian attempt to move into a different context a matter that should be solved through the contractual mechanisms of the Protocol of Rio de Janeiro of 1942, thereby trying to distort the nature of this bilateral question by internationalising it. In fact, according to Article VII of the above-mentioned treaty, which definitively established the borders between Peru and Ecuador, any disagreement or doubt regarding its application must be solved by the parties with the participation of the guarantor countries of the treaty: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States of America.
Circumventing this mechanism by trying to invoke the worthy, respectable intervention of His Holiness John Paul II has the sole objective, the hidden purpose, of disavowing an international treaty, signed by the Governments of both countries, approved by their respective congresses and ratified according to international law, under the guarantee of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States of America, who signed this treaty in said capacity of guarantors. If this attempt were to be accepted, no international treaty would be able to stand, since the basic principle of respect for international treaties would be ignored, thus tearing apart the international legal structure so painstakingly built over the years on the basis of peaceful coexistence. This would endanger continental and world security.
The inviolability of borders and the respect for international treaties are principles without which it would not have been possible, for example, to build the new Europe or to consolidate peace between Iraq and Kuwait, which is based upon the undeniable legal foundations of United Nations Security Council resolution 687 of 3 April 1991.
For these reasons, from this highest of international forums we call upon our sister Republic of Ecuador and demand that aha fit her deeds to her declarations of peace, justice and respect for law by submitting any disagreement or doubt on the implementation of the Peruvian-Ecuadorian Protocol of Peace, Friendship and Boundaries of 29 January 1942, or on the verdict of the Brazilian arbitrator Bras Dies da Aguiar, to the guarantor countries of said treaty, for it is they, as guarantors with the authority to do so, not us, who must resolve these questions, in accordance with Articles V and VII of the above-mentioned Protocol.
It is not Peru, therefore, that is avoiding a peaceful and immediate solution to the alleged territorial problem. It is Ecuador that refuses to resort to the final say of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States of America, countries that have repeatedly offered to fulfil their commitment as guarantors of the Protocol, as they have recently affirmed in their declaration issued in Brasilia on 15 September 1991.
The existence of a fully applicable legal instrument makes improper the appeal to His Holiness for arbitration, whose moral authority is beyond any doubt, as are the profound religious sentiments of the peoples of Peru and Ecuador.
In the present context, with the restoration of the validity of international peace and security, the peoples of Peru and Ecuador expect a great deal from their Governments' capacity for agreement and cooperation, with a view to projecting harmoniously into the future the profound historical, geographical, social and cultural roots that link them and that should turn them into a powerful integrating nucleus at the core of the Andean community, which will be indispensable if Latin America is to fashion itself into a true some of peace.
That is why the proposal made yesterday by the President of Ecuador for the establishment of a some of peace in South America is fully consistent with the initiative which was launched by President Alberto Fujimori on 18 July last at the first Ibero-American summit, in Guadalajara, and which, as Minister for Foreign Affairs of Peru, I hope to implement by inviting my colleagues of the Rio Group to sign in Lima in the near future a declaration renouncing weapons of mass destruction in Latin America and to start consultations aimed at consolidating peace, security and development in the region.
Under the guidance of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, the United Nations system has emerged from its longest period of stagnation and inertia. It has attained a higher level of efficiency, and the redefinition of its role has given it unusual momentum. The optimism that has resulted from this is not baseless; indeed, it is based on new and encouraging prospects for shared work and collective action.
As a Peruvian and a Latin American, I am proud of the eminent role played by my distinguished fellow countrymen in this age of unprecedented achievements. The recent institutional adjustments which I have already
mentioned and those in the international system itself cannot be viewed in isolation from the discretion, constancy and imagination of Mr. Perez de Cuellar's historic administration. I am certain this recognition is shared by the International community at large.
The contemporary world confronts present generations with a qualitatively different challenge. This is an era in which mankind will have to prove its capacity to manage the planet in an equitable manner. This vast challenge is not a consequence of war but a creative consensual act. It is therefore necessary to secure a renewed role for the United Nations, which should become the fundamental agent in the promotion of international cooperation for development, because it is the only institution capable of managing this complex historic transition. This is true today more than ever before, because it summons the vitality and creativity of the peoples of the world, the political will of their Governments and the leadership of its Secretariat.
Peru, aware of these changes, is immersed in a sweeping process of national renewal. Its success depends on our own efforts and perseverance, but also on the international community's support and sensitivity.


I should like to begin by expressing our thanks and sincere appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Guido de Marco, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Malta, President of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly, for conducting the work of this body with such ability and wisdom. Our thanks and appreciation go as well to the Secretary -General, Mr. Javier Peres do Cuellar, for the continued efforts he and his assistants in the general Secretariat have ceaselessly exerted in pursuit of the objectives of the United Nations.
I wish to take this opportunity to express on behalf of the Government of the custodian of the two holy mosques our gratitude and appreciation to the international community represented by the General Assembly of the United Nations for the confidence it has entrusted in electing you, Sir, to preside over this forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. While we take great pride in this confidence and trust we wish to assure this august body of the continued support of the custodian of the two holy mosques and his Government for the United Nations and of his commitment to its noble goals and to all efforts aimed at strengthening the role of this body.
Moreover, it is indeed a pleasure to welcome the new Members of the United Nations - the Republics of Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia, hoping that their membership will enhance the effectiveness and universality of collective international action. We also wish the peoples of these countries all stability and progress.
The dramatic events and stunning changes we have witnessed and continue to witness today on the international arena augur well for a major historic transformation now that the authoritarian regimes which were based on futile ideological rivalry have begun to collapse and disappear, and the curtain has been rung down on an era of cold war and heated confrontations. That was an era in which vast human and material resources were wanted in n costly and terrifying arms race and which inflicted great suffering upon a considerable portion of the international community in the shape of poverty, hunger and disease. That, of course, had negative economic, political and security effects on the entire International community and especially upon the developing countries.
Today, we all witness the shaping of a new international order whose foundations rest upon the principles of the United Nations and its mainstay, namely international legality. That is an international order in which all nations, large and small, rich and poor are equal in exercising their right to sovereignty, independence and living in peace; an international order which safeguards the internationally recognized boundaries of each country and does not tolerate interference by one nation in another's internal affairs and which recognises and respects the right of all peoples to self-determination and sovereignty over their resources; an international order in which there is no place for hegemony and tyranny nor for political blackmail; and an international order which adopts peaceful means for the settlement of disputes and renounces the use of force or the threat thereof for the purpose of realizing expansionist goals or economic ambitions. We as Muslims welcome these historic transformations and look forward to strengthening the foundation of this new order and employing its principles in the interests of regional security and stability, the peaceful resolution of disputes, spreading economic welfare and consolidating world peace.
Perhaps one of the most prominent indications that this new international order has indeed emerged is the unprecedented, firm stand taken by the international community towards the Invasion of Kuwait by Iraq. When we met here a year ago the world was faced by a horrifying event and a grave tragedy, namely the occupation by a Member State of the Organisation, Iraq, of another smaller Member, Kuwait, and the blatant attempt to destroy its sovereignty, identity and indeed its very existence as a nation. That was a horrifying event for everyone but for Arabs and Muslims it was especially painful. He felt overwhelming bitterness to know that the stab in our back did not come from an enemy we ware warily watching, or from a malevolent envier harbouring hate towards our people. Rather, it came from a brother to whom we had offered our unlimited support and granted our unconditional trust, a brother we had stood by in time of hardship and towards whom we offered human and material sacrifices.
However, injustice cannot last nor aggression persist. The ordeal has revealed the true and noble metal of our people in the entire Gulf region who stood in unity by their rightful and legitimate leadership under the banner of right and rallied to rescue the victim. It was a cause for pride to have our Arab and Muslim brethren and other friendly nations from across the globe standing by us and fighting on the battlefields of honour in support of justice and legality.
The world community did not disappoint us. The international community took a firm and courageous decision immediately to stand up in the face of aggression. This position was reflected in subsequent United Nations resolutions through a unique show of international consensus, which indicates that we are truly on the threshold of a new era in international relations. In this era there is no place for tyrants who suppress the will of the people or invaders who destroy other nations. We have seen the fullest expression of this will when the whole world. State after State, refused to recognize a de facto situation imposed by force and aggression.
I should like, on behalf of the custodian of the two Holy Mosques, King Fahd Bin Abdul Aziz, to thank all the countries, peoples and organizations who stood against injustice and supported the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in its defence of its security and territorial integrity, whether by material participation in repelling the Iraqi aggression or through support in the international forums.
It is necessary to recall these events in order to diagnose the ills which have befallen us so that we might deal with the results of the tragedy. The conclusion which must be drawn from this tragedy is that no benefit will accrue from aggression and that the aggressor shall be made to bear the consequences of his actions. Furthermore, we must establish such measures as would prevent the recurrence of such a tragedy.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has supported all Security Council resolutions pertaining to the invasion of the State of Kuwait by Iraq and has supported and continues to support all international measures aiming at the enforcement of these resolutions.
We are totally convinced that, the prevention of the recurrence of such as aggression is not possible without, the continued observance of the dictates of international legality and the full implementation of all the relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions. Therefore, we call upon the International community to maintain its adherence to those resolutions and insist on their full and speedy implementation.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia follows with great sorrow and grave concern the suffering of the people of Iraq, which is an Inevitable consequence of the oppressive policies pursued by the Iraqi regime. He are totally convinced that the human ordeal of the people of Iraq is receiving the appropriate attention of the United Nations, and especially of the Committee which was established by the Security Council to deal with the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people.
The full compliance by Iraq with all the Security Council resolutions and its cooperation with the Special Committee will ensure that such humanitarian needs will be taken care of and, at the same time, contribute to fostering the principles of peace and stability in the region.
The new international order undoubtedly has its implications for international and regional relations as manifested in various political, security and economic fields.
Our experience in the Gulf area proved that the threat to our security has, in fact, emanated from within the region itself. The region had witnessed a devastating war between Iraq and Iran before it was again tormented by the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq. It has become clear that enduring stability in the Gulf region requires that the relations between the countries of the Gulf be based on solid and firm foundations and on the principles of international law. They must be characterised by equality among nations and mutual commitment to peaceful resolution of disputes through dialogue and non-interference in the internal affairs of each other. This should be accomplished on the basis of mutual respect and common interest.
It was, therefore, only natural that our experience should affect the way matters have evolved in the region and serve as a catalyst for a promising future vision for us. It is no longer acceptable to allow the security of our region to remain subject to the whims of those who have expansionist and subversive hegemonistic ambitions or the gamblers who are ready to risk away not only the interests of their own people but also those of the whole region and the world at large.
The leaders of the Gulf Cooperation Council have given much attention and careful consideration to the future security arrangements of their region based on self-reliance and cooperation with brotherly and friendly countries in matters that serve the security and stability objectives.
The Arab order has suffered a terrifying blow during the crisis of the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait. The overhaul of this order has become a necessity if it is to be able to prevent a recurrence of similar tragic events. It is in this context that the Arab countries that supported our international legality sought to establish a new Arab order which should be based on the spirit of brotherhood, solidarity and mutual interest. These concepts have been incorporated in the Damascus Declaration, which was adopted by the Arab Republic of Egypt, the Syrian Arab Republic and the member States of the Gulf Cooperation Council.
The Damascus Declaration is based on the principles of international law for the purpose of establishing friendly relations and peaceful coexistence, on the one hand, and bringing into reality the mutual desire to build real and serious cooperation and solidarity in political, economic, security and cultural fields, on the other. This effort was not an axis aimed against anyone. Rather, it represents a sincere call to reform the Arab order in accordance with these concepts within the framework of the Arab League.
Our Arab region cannot alone remain unaffected by these new and fast-moving currents which are changing the patterns of relations between nations and peoples. While stressing, especially in the wake of the tragedy which has befallen the Arab world, that it is unreasonable or unacceptable to base our decisions and actions on measures and standards other than those adopted by the world community, we therefore urge that all the issues of our region, especially the Palestinian question, which is the pivotal issue of the region, should benefit from these positive developments which are taking place in the international arena.
Today, there exists an historic opportunity for the launching of a peace process aimed at ending the Arab-Israeli conflict and achieving a just and comprehensive settlement of the Palestinian question - a solution that conforms with United Nations resolutions and restores and consecrates the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people; a solution that institutes permanent principles for security and stability in the Middle East based on international legality and on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
There now exists a mechanism for achieving these goals - a peace conference, which is expected to be held In the near future. Within this framework, the Government of the custodian of the two holy mosques offers its full support for the efforts of President George Bush of the United States of America - brought to fruition by Secretary of State James Baker - to have an international conference convened with a view to achieving durable and equitable peace in the Middle East and resolving the Palestinian question. It fully supports the convening of the peace conference with the aim of achieving these objectives. It also affirms that the building of Israeli settlements in the occupied Arab territories, including East Al-Quds and the Golan Heights, is a serious violation of international law and of United Nations resolutions, and is also a major obstacle to the efforts and attempts that are being made to achieve peace in the Middle East.
It is indeed our hope that the will for peace will prevail and that the international community will apply to the Palestinian question the same principles as it applied to the Gulf crisis that arose when Iraq invaded Kuwait, so that international legality may be firmly established, and the principles of justice, freedom and the right of peoples to self determination strongly upheld. The Arabs have chosen the road to peace. Within this framework, we welcome the declaration Issued by the Palestinian national Council in its last session, which confirms this orientation towards peace. Today we are at an historic crossroads. It is only natural that we should choose the path of peace, for we are a nation urged by its religion to call for, and to heed the call for, peace, in total compliance with the order of God Almighty: "Should they lean toward peace then you must lean toward it, and you must trust in God."
As we see successive indications that the new international order is indeed emerging, we follow with great interest and admiration the achievements of the Government of Lebanon. We support the successful steps taken by that Government to implement the provisions of the national reconciliation agreement concluded in the Taif conference, especially those pertaining to its role, through its own forces, in re-instituting the authority of the State of Lebanon over the entire Lebanese territory.
We also followed with great interest the speech of Mr. Elias Hraoui, President of the Republic of Lebanon, in which he called upon the international community to ensure the full implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978) and in which he stressed his Government's determination to face up to the considerable challenges involved in restoring matters to their normal course. The Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia joins the President of Lebanon in urging the international community to contribute in a positive manner to Lebanon's reconstruction efforts through the international fund for the assistance of Lebanon. We are pleased that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia will host the inaugural meeting of this fund in the near future, and we welcome the participation in, and the contributions to, the reconstruction of Lebanon by all organisations as well as sisterly countries and industrialised nations.
Since the beginning of the distressing events in Somalia the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, acting on its historic Islamic and national sense of responsibility and out of its commitment to the territorial integrity of that sister country, took the initiative of urging all parties there to come to the negotiating table and to solve their problems in a way that would preserve the unity, security and stability of Somalia, so that the country might resume its role in support of Islamic and Arab solidarity.
There is cause for optimism that this crisis will be overcome. I refer to the progress made at the meetings of the reconciliation conference that was convened under the auspices of Hassan Goulide Aptidon, President of the Republic of Djibouti. The conference continued its deliberations in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia under the auspices of the custodian of the two holy mosques. King Fahd bin Abdulaziz, resulted in a cease-fire agreement, and secured the commitment of all parties to the search for reconciliation and national unity. We are indeed hopeful that this will lead to full reconciliation and will eliminate all obstacles and overcome other difficulties in its path, for security and stability should return to the land of this sister country.
The struggle of the Afghani people to preserve their beliefs, independence and sovereignty requires the attention of all of us. The Government of Saudi Arabia has constantly supported the struggle of the Afghani people, who deserve to enjoy stability under a Government of their own
choosing - one that realises their aspirations for the preservation of sovereignty and territorial integrity. The government of the custodian of the two holy mosques hopes for a peaceful solution that satisfies these aspirations. We have previously commended the Afghan Mujahidin for their support for the Secretary-General's report. We wish to take this opportunity to express our satisfaction at the joint decision of the Governments of the United States of America and of the Soviet Union to stop arms supplies to Afghanistan, and at their desire to achieve a final solution to the Afghan problem that will guarantee the return of peace to that long-suffering country, whose people have made enormous sacrifices. He also fully appreciate the commendable efforts being made in this regard by the Secretary-General. The custodian of the two holy mosques underscored the support of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for these efforts when he met the Secretary-General recently.
The African continent has recently witnessed successive victories scored by the people of South Africa. A new era, in which the racial discrimination laws will certainly be dismantled, is being ushered in. At this point, we cannot but express our appreciation to, and our admiration of, the people of South Africa. We look forward to the day when the policy of apartheid and discrimination in South Africa will be fully abolished.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has supported and continues to support the efforts to control and limit the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones in any place on earth. We must note with satisfaction the important and successful steps recently taken by the Governments of the United States of America and the Soviet Union which culminated in the conclusion of an historic Treaty limiting strategic nuclear weapons. Ha command, too, the courageous initiative revealed a few days ago by President George Bush which calls for deep cuts in the various types of nuclear weapons and which proposes further reductions in the most dangerous of those weapons.
In compliance with its policy of pursuing all peace efforts, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has become a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and abided by its provisions. It has also declared in various international forums its support for the efforts to ban all chemical and biological weapons.
The Government of the custodian of the two holy mosques strongly believes that the Middle East region - which has suffered a number of wars and armed conflicts and become a stockpiling and production area for a variety of weapons of mass destruction - is indeed the region which most needs to be free of such weapons. The Government of the custodian of the two holy mosques has expressed its support for all initiatives aimed at limiting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East region.
Today, with a new international order in the making, we are hopeful that the international economic issues will receive the attention they deserve from the international community. We are quite convinced that peace and security in the world cannot be achieved - or indeed endure - unless based on principles of equality, cooperation and justice. Therefore, facing up to the economic problems at this important juncture in international relations and under the new International climate, will require efforts to advance the cooperation between developing and developed countries based on the fact that security and economic development are but two sides of one coin. Indeed, no economic development is possible without security, nor is security or stability achievable in the absence of economic development.
For this reason, it has become necessary for the developed nations to fulfil their promises to raise their contributions of official development assistance to reach the objectives of the International Development Strategy adopted by the United Nations. They should also work to increase the efficiency of the international monetary system, stimulate the flow of international trade by improving the conditions of market accessibility for developing nations exports to reach their markets, and set fair and equitable prices commensurate with those charged for their imports from the developed countries. It is also hoped that they will contribute to the efforts aimed at encouraging the transfer of technology suited to the needs and conditions of the developing nations.
Believing in the close relationship and interdependency between security and development, and as a way of contributing to the establishment of solid stability and progress in the world, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its sister States, members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, took the initiative to announce the establishment of the Gulf programme for assisting developmental efforts in the Arab world. And as a recognition of the fact that funding of development efforts is indeed an international and collective responsibility, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia calls on the industrial nations to join this programme, support its objectives and facilitate the achievement of its lofty objectives.
The new international order, which is at its Inception, ii an order where hope* are high and challenges great. Yet, we all have a grave responsibility towards our future generations, to construct it in such a way as to save these future generations from the dangers of repeating the mistakes of the past. He should create together future horizons where peace, security, mutual trust and understanding may loom large and where our future generations may enjoy stability and prosperity.
"Say, work. For God will see your work, and so will His apostle and the believers."


Mr. President, it is a real pleasure for me to see you presiding over our deliberations. I am sure that under your skilful guidance this session of the General Assembly will proceed smoothly and successfully.
It is heartening to note the significant increase in the membership of the United Nations. On behalf of my Government I warmly welcome among us the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands as well as the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
In particular, Finland salutes the membership of its Baltic neighbours, with which we have now re-established relations and entered into close cooperation. The fact that the Baltic States have regained their rightful place among the independent nations reflects the profound change now under way. So far the most striking results of this change are visible mainly in Europe. However, this is a world-wide change and it has an impact everywhere. The divided world which emerged after the Second World War is now giving way to a new order.
The old power structures were founded on the outcome of the war and the military strength of the respective countries. The United Nations was created then to forestall the causes of future wars. Soon, however, the antagonism between East and West began to grow. The military alliances were established. The Soviet Union and the United States developed into military super-Powers. The power struggle between East and West extended all over the world and was entwined, as an essential part, in all major regional crises.
Along with the military antagonisms and the arms race, nations have been competing in the economic and technological fields. The nature of this competition has changed markedly during the past few decades. We have moved into an area of high technology and world-wide integration. This creates growing interdependence between nations, but also increases differences. Economically and technologically strong nations are able to become even more advanced and thus to increase their international influence.
The old world order is passing into history, and a new one is emerging. In Europe, this has led from confrontation to co-operation. A new comprehensive European architecture is currently being worked out. In order to cope with new conflicts that emerge and to safeguard peaceful and democratic change, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) will have to be strengthened. The basic principles of CSCE are solid, but its working methods and operational capabilities need to be further improved. We hope and expect that the CSCE follow-up meeting and the summit to be held in Helsinki next year will break new ground in this regard.
Tragically, in Yugoslavia, political ferment has led to increasing violence with potentially unsettling consequences for the whole of Europe. Finland supports the efforts of the CSCE and the European Community to stop the cycle of violence and to help find a political solution in Yugoslavia. United Nations support for these efforts is also vital.
Elsewhere in the world the new realities have facilitated the settlement of several regional conflicts. Namibia was set free. Apartheid is disappearing. Conflicts in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Central America and Western Sahara are being wound down. Even in the intractable Middle East there is a glimmer of hope.
The best example of the strengthened role of the United Nations is the liberation of Kuwait and the restoration of its independence. The Charter of the United Nations withstood a violent challenge to its authority. The Security Council acted promptly and effectively. The United Nations is and must continue to be actively engaged in alleviating the suffering caused by the Gulf War. This is true of humanitarian and other assistance, peace-keeping, as well as the elimination of Iraq's remaining weapons of mass destruction. Respect for international law and collective security remains the basis of protecting the security of all States, especially the smaller ones.
Side by side with these positive trends, global problems remain that have to be tackled. On the one hand, the economic and social problems of the developing countries continue undiminished. Poverty and want are increasing. Development prospects remain bleak. On the other hand, the Eastern and Central European countries, striving towards democracy, respect for human rights and a market economy, need and must be given economic support. Therefore, the developed nations must help solve these world-wide problems of development in a true spirit of global partnership.
The time has come to unravel the conflict that exists between the economy of man and that of nature. The tasks involved are not entirely contradictory; improved technology in the less developed countries can help achieve both a higher material standard of living and an ecologically sounder society. Yet, humanity must face the truth: the present trend leads inevitably to depletion of natural resources, climatic changes and serious damage to nature. We are endangering our own welfare and that of our children. If the present trend continues, the very existence of mankind will be in question.
The combined effect of environmental destruction, population growth and climate change can be both rapid and irreversible. The world has little time to change its ways. Therefore, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development must become a turning-point, the beginning of a process towards ecologically sustainable development. My Government hopes that the ongoing negotiations on global framework conventions on climate change and biodiversity can be concluded in time for the Conference. Another process of global negotiations that will, we hope, be initiated by the Conference is the framework convention on forestry. The livelihood of my own country is to a great extent derived from forestry and forest resources. Forests grow slowly, but. can be squandered quickly. I speak from experience and with conviction when I emphasise the importance of forests in global resource management.
There is one cure for many environmental problems: forestation and reforestation. Forests provide fuel wood. Forests prevent desertification, floods and erosion. Forests protect cultivated land and shelter flora and fauna. Forests temper extreme changes in the climate and slow down more permanent changes. Moreover, forests absorb carbon dioxide.
All these environmental and developmental concerns, which have emerged during recent decades, present a formidable challenge to mankind. In order to meet this challenge we have to capture today the same sense of solidarity and joint responsibility that inspired the birth of nation-States. We have to incorporate into our political systems a new, global level. The world needs a new global architecture for human interaction, decision-making and cooperation. Such a new world architecture must take into account current realities. The responsibility for both development and the environment should be borne by nations according to the ratio of their power and wealth. The strongest economic Powers, which profit most from world-wide integration, should bear the main responsibility for helping those countries that do not have sufficient possibilities to succeed in this competition. Burden-sharing in financing, be it development aid or environmental investments, should be based not only on capacities in terms of gross national product, but also in terms of current account surpluses of national economies. Furthermore, we have to consider whether the share of financing for the environment, could be based on the use of non renewable natural resources and the damage caused to nature. Those countries that profit most should pay the largest share of the costs involved.
When conceptualising this new architecture of global decision-making, we must also be ready to reform and strengthen existing structures for international cooperation. In this regard, reform of the United Nations system becomes essential.
Therefore my Government welcomes the proposal by the Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organisation, that a well-organised process of analysis and consultation be initiated in which Governments can outline their priorities for the achievement of their desired objectives for the Organisation.
Let me in this context say that the Secretary-General's report is yet another manifestation of the lucid and thoughtful reasoning that the Member States have come to expect from him. His tenure at the helm of the Organization has added immeasurably to the effectiveness and prestige of the United Nations.
The reforms in the economic and social fields call for a new kind of division of responsibilities. This can be done without changing the democratic nature of the world Organization. The objective must be to maintain the United Nations in the forefront of development activities. With this in mind, the Nordic countries have undertaken a study called the "Nordic United Nations Project". It reflects the desire of our Governments, which provide about one third of the financing of United Nations development activities, to make the system more transparent, responsive and accountable.
Regarding humanitarian assistance, the structures and coordination within the United Nations must be clarified and strengthened system-wide. In order to improve the ability of the United Nations to alleviate humanitarian emergencies and environmental catastrophes rapidly, the concept of so-called United Nations Green Helmets deserves, in my view, close: study and consideration.
The capacity of the United Nations to maintain and restore international peace and security is of continuing concern to Finland. The clandestine pursuit of weapons o£ mass destruction and massive transfers of conventional arms are cause for growing and justified concern. These sources of present and future instability need to be addressed by the international community through strengthening non-proliferation arrangements and through novel approaches. Thus Finland strongly supports increased transparency in international arms transfers. The establishment of a universal and non-discriminatory register of such transfers under United Nations management is an appropriate and pragmatic way to begin.
Finland has consistently supported United Rations peace-keeping activities. We have long been one of the most important troop-contributing countries. He support the extension of United Nations peace-keeping into new fields, including that of the prevention of conflicts. We attach particular importance to strengthening further the role of the United Nations in the context of peace-making and peace enforcement. The strengthening of the United Nations peace-keeping role requires additional budgetary resources. I find it intolerable that the United Nations is constantly required to launch new operations without the certainty of full and timely financing from its membership.
The new and more effective role of the United Nations in this area is currently being studied by the Nordic countries, and we are actively engaged in formulating concrete proposals in this regard.
The United Nations was born to prevent war. That primary responsibility remains valid. However, five decades ago it was not possible to foresee how extensive the present and future problems of development and environment would be. When the Charter of the United Nations was formulated, nobody knew what role economic and technological developments would play and what effects they would have internationally. How, as the Organisation is approaching its fiftieth anniversary, there is ample reason for a thorough review of the challenges the United Nations is facing and of the adequacy of its structures and mechanisms, including the Charter, to respond to them. We need a new world architecture.


May we first of all say how extremely pleased we are, Sir, at seeing you elected to the presidency of this Assembly in order to direct the work of its forty-sixth regular session. Your great skill, recognised experience and effective leadership all augur well for this gathering of reflection and decision-making at the highest universal level. Our pleasure at your election is accompanied by our appreciation of the outstanding work accomplished by your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, and we would like to emphasise that this range of merits and accomplishments represents the continuation of the major and fruitful developments so characteristic of this forum in which the international community gathers to deal with the most important questions of today's world. We wish also to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his positive work at the head of the Organization which this year has gained still greater stature, given the scope that the international political situation now allows for the fundamental work of the United Nations. Confidence in multilateralism has increased considerably, strengthening the credibility and capacity for action of the United Nations and opening up new fields in which it is can help resolve specific problems. In the case of El Salvador, the United Nations, through the Secretary-General, has been engaged in long-term constructive work reflected in the United Nations mission for the verification of the agreements arising out of the negotiation process now under way. This task, of an unprecedented magnitude and responsibility, is only one demonstration of the swift and basically unique changes taking place throughout the world.
The Assembly is initiating its work at a high-water mark in the history of mankind. We are seeing and feeling with unusual closeness the movement of historical mechanisms not as the abstract expression of the dynamics of our times, but rather as the fascinating pulse of history itself at its deepest levels of reasoning. The virtual disappearance of all totalitarian dogma, which just yesterday seemed so solid, evokes the ancient theme of the power of freedom, not as a theory but as a fact.
I need not dwell on the differences of development and material power between regions and States. But it is appropriate to point out that for the greater part of this century the development of an incredible system of intimidation in the world order has seemed to replace the very energy of man as a free being and a protagonist, of history. What we are now seeing is the re-emergence of that spiritual and moral energy which prevails over even the most sophisticated machinery of destruction. Power is once again being centred on the freedom of the human being. This is in itself the beginning of a refashioned world and of an inevitable rapprochement between regions and peoples. For freedom has similar problems both within the great Powers and in the small countries of the so-called third world, a category that is now obsolete, since the terminology of the "cold war" has been overtaken by events.
We Salvadorians have been the scapegoats of that abusive and irrational polarity that divided the world into inevitable factions on the basis of an artificial Ideological fanaticism. The Salvadorian war was not invented by any one but arose as a manifestation of grave shortcomings and errors within our society; but once unleashed, it took on the shadings of the global conflict and received Inputs that prolonged the war until the present. As we see it, then, the end of the "cold war" is not just good news for everyone but rather a particularly encouraging augury for our own domestic situation and for opportunities for genuine and effective peacemaking.
This is the reason we are here, raising our voice in what is really the first General Assembly held against an international background in which the bitter East-West conflict has virtually ceased to exist. The recent events in the Soviet Union, which are an expression of the universal vitality of the democratic movement, give grounds for hoping that we are rapidly moving towards a new era of realistic cooperation and reasonable understanding among nations based on pragmatism and free of the false simplifications of one-sided ideologies.
We want to emphasize that experience teaches us that only a tolerant and open-minded pragmatism can resolve problems and confront reality. This is what we are promoting in El Salvador, which is emerging from the destructive turbulence of war and is moving towards a post-war period that will be difficult but that must be marked by national reconciliation. At the economic level, pragmatism has taught us the need to promote a programme of adjustment and recovery that can prepare us for productivity and competition. In our search for peace, pragmatism tells us that we must discard any thought of military solutions and continue, as we have been doing, our effort to achieve political solutions. In the international sphere, pragmatism teaches us that integration and cooperation are the only ways to join the great movement towards development. Of course, the pragmatism we advocate does not mean forgetting or setting aside principles. Quite the contrary. As we see it, the greatest pragmatism is called democracy and we are unswerving and fervent advocates of democracy as a system of government and as a way of life.
This is the third time I have ascended this rostrum since taking office as President of El Salvador on 1 June 1989. Each time, we have come to speak of peace, coming together and reconciliation among Salvadorans following over a decade of fratricidal war. Early in our Administration, some doubted our intentions; we preferred not to respond to those doubts but rather to wait until time could speak for us. Two years later, the process of peacemaking and democratisation in El Salvador has made persevering and significant progress. We present those results not as a personal achievement but as the product of efforts by all Salvadorans, who are deeply tired of war and who want at last to find the path of peace. From this international forum I pay a tribute of admiration and gratitude to those millions of Salvadorans who through adversity and stoicism have taught us that is possible to hope for a better future.
We Salvadorans are not alone in those aspirations and efforts. Fortunately, our struggle for freedom and the building of our democracy coincides with a broad, vigorous movement, in Central America and throughout the world, in the same direction.
In Central America - which the sister republic of Panama has now joined as a full-fledged member - the work of economic, social and political integration is progressing with encouraging dynamism. In our region there is a great awareness of unity, as has been recognized by the Central American Presidents, who at their tenth summit meeting, held recently in San Salvador, recognized that
"the world changes and transformations of recent years place Central America at a point in history that requires a renewed vision of its own process of integration and of involvement in a world order characterized by interdependence, the emergence of new forms of integration and cooperation and the effective application of international law." As for Latin America, the Guadalajara summit, which had an Ibero-American scope, was another unprecedented event with major implications for the future. The Mexico meeting, which demonstrated the extraordinary leadership of that fraternal country, was unanimously welcomed and ended with a declaration whose importance can be gauged from a reading of the first paragraph alone:
"It is with special pleasure that we have met, for the first time in history, to examine together the great challenges facing our countries in a changing world. We therefore propose to pool the political will of our Governments to promote the solutions demanded by these challenges and to transform the historical and cultural affinities that bind us into an instrument of unity and development based on dialogue, cooperation and solidarity."
I want to underscore those three words - dialogue, cooperation and solidarity - as the keys to a new era characterized by coexistence within States as well as by the dynamics of international relations. The era of arrogance and abuse is becoming a thing of the past, leaving untold death and trauma in its wake. Intolerance and fear attempted to take over the human spirit during our century - which is also the century of technological marvels. It was time for science and the modes of human coexistence to leap into the future by regaining the freedom to create and to believe in a world worthy of mankind and of the great endeavour of freedom.
In the political sphere, walls are crumbling, myths collapsing and freedom advancing with amazing vitality. But the challenge does not atop there. Social development is too fragile for us to rest quietly. We believe that, in order to be solid and lasting, democracy must encompass the political, social, economic and cultural spheres. We must not forget - perhaps because the devastating experience of war makes for lucid realism that the centre of the process is man, with his needs, rights and aspirations. It is man that In many parts of the world still suffers the scourges of extreme poverty, social marginalisation, discrimination, uncertainty and ignorance, among other evils. That is a challenge to the universal conscience. For that reason we favour convening a world summit for social development, which could take this problem to a truly global level of consideration.
The new international order is emerging, which is of vast importance to our Organisation. The United Nations is gaining new areas of activity in a world that demands ever greater multilateral communication. We must give new vitality to the principles of universality and efficiency, for today the work of the Organisation is becoming increasingly broad and complex. Speaking of universality, we are pleased to welcome the admission of seven new Members to the United Nations family. In some cases, such as those of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, this admission is dramatic, moving and encouraging. But in all cases, we convey to the representatives of the seven new Members of the Organization our warmest welcome in the certainty that their contribution to the work of the United Nations will be excellent and a source of strength.
Our presence at United Rations Headquarters has special significance on this occasion. For a week before this address to the General Assembly we have been working intensively with the Secretary-General to find a way to accelerate the solution to the Salvadoran conflict. We are completely convinced that the time has come for war to come to an end in El Salvador. Both the Salvadoran people and the international community are rightly impatient for peace to begin its constructive course in our country. We have been working unceasingly and tirelessly to achieve that goal, which is now very close at hand. In this endeavour with the Secretary-General we have achieved important progress towards ensuring that 1991 will be the year of peace. The main roadblocks have been removed, and only the final details remain to be resolved.
This is enormously encouraging news for the Salvadoran people, and we want to share it with the other nations of the world, many of which have followed very closely the process on which we Salvadorans have embarked. El Salvador has gained the world's attention because of war, but now we deserve and demand the world's attention in favour of the peace we are approaching through democracy. We ask the international community for all necessary support for Salvadoran democracy, so that our country can continue to progress, with freedom and justice, towards stability and progress.
Given the level and importance of the results achieved at the New York meeting between the Government and the FMLN, with the direct assistance of the Secretary-General, we consider that total agreement on an end to the conflict could be a reality in the very near future. A rapid de-escalation of armed confrontation and an end to all forms of violence affecting the civilian population are goals to which we shall give immediate, special attention. We want the Salvadoran people to enjoy the tranquillity and security it deserves, and we shall examine and propose ways to achieve that sincerely, genuinely and as quickly as possible.
As always, we request the international community's confidence and support for our efforts, and we ask God to enlighten all of us who believe in peace and who are working humbly and steadfastly to achieve it.


Exactly a year ago the World Summit on the Child was convened in this Hall, attended by several Heads of State, including His Excellency Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, President of the Republic of the Gambia. The high-powered representation at the Summit, the solemnity of the occasion and the important and far-reaching decisions that were taken, culminating in the adoption of the Charter on the Rights of the Child, testify to the Importance attached to women and children. It is in the name of these two most vulnerable groups, whose hopes and survival are reposed in the United Nations system, that I should like to congratulate Ambassador Shihabi on his election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. I am confident that, as a seasoned diplomat endowed with the necessary skill and experience, he will steer our deliberations to a successful conclusion, and that the hopes and aspirations that were aroused at that Summit will continue to be in the forefront of our deliberations throughout this session so that the welfare and interests of these target groups will always be paramount in the programmes and activities of the United Nations system.
It is also a considerable pleasure for me to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta, for the very able manner in which he guided the deliberations of the forty-fifth session of the Assembly.
My delegation would also like to place on record its appreciation and gratitude to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and his staff for having conducted the affairs of the Organization in such a manner that the Organization has been given an invigorated role as an effective instrument for the protection and maintenance of international peace and security.
I should also like to seize this opportunity to convey, on behalf of the Government of the Gambia and my delegation, our heartfelt congratulations to the Governments of the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, and the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania on their admission as new Members of the United Nations. The admission of these 8tates as new Members is in accordance with the principle of universality of our Organisation, and we look forward to their active participation and their positive contributions to the cause of peace and International understanding in the comity of nations. With regard to the two Koreas in particular, we hope that their simultaneous membership will create a favourable atmosphere leading to the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula.
The forty-sixth session of the Assembly is taking place against the backdrop of dramatic changes in international relations characterised by the end of the cold war and bipolarity, as well as by increased pressure for wider democratisation and respect for human rights. For us in the Gambia, the concepts of political pluralism and respect for human rights constitute the cardinal principles of our domestic and foreign policies and we cannot but welcome these developments. Human rights are desirable for their own sake because they promote the individual's well-being. They are also desirable for society as a whole because they promote economic, social and political development. However, the concept of human rights should not be based on social and political expediency. The concepts of democracy and political pluralism can be meaningful only if they are based on established social rules - the rule of law that govern and protect human behaviour. Thus in its full meaning, the concept of human rights presupposes the voluntary assumption of moral obligations, self-discipline, order, responsibility, duty and accountability.
In this sense, therefore, political development end economic welfare are inseparable from respect and protection of human rights and human dignity. This calls for a fight, against poverty, hunger, disease, underdevelopment and racism; a fight for the welfare of the most vulnerable! women, children, old people, the sick and the disabled, the migrant and the refugee. In short, human rights are the right to development aimed primarily at the welfare of the human being.
It is against this background that we continue to champion the cause of human rights, particularly in Africa and our subregion. As the headquarters of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights and the African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies, the Gambia is well placed to take up this responsibility. We shall continue to use the good offices of these institutions for monitoring the progress, or otherwise, of the furtherance of human rights and for teaching and research. We hope that the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights will offer a unique opportunity for all concerned to address these very significant issues, and we look forward to the Conference with a large measure of hope and encouragement.
If respect for human rights and political pluralism is the sine qua non for the attainment of social and economic development, so too is respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all States, rich or poor, big or small, which is indispensable for the maintenance of world peace and security. That is why the successful campaign in the Gulf region to resist aggression and to restore the inalienable rights of the Kuwaiti people constitutes an important milestone in the history of the United Nations. For around this time last year the world was on the brink of a crisis with uncertain but terrifying ramifications, and it is thanks to the united front adopted by our Organisation that the conflict was contained and sanity and the rule of law in inter-State relations restored.
The conflict in the Gulf region may be over, but the crisis still remains and will remain for so long as the relevant Security Council resolutions are not implemented. My delegation therefore calls on Iraq to comply with all United Nations resolutions, for in so doing it will contribute towards the peace and security of the region and bring to a speedy end the long and unnecessary suffering of the Iraqi people.
In the aftermath of the Gulf crisis, the world view about the role and efficacy of our Organisation has improved tremendously, and the United Nations has emerged from the crisis with its reputation not only intact but considerably enhanced. At the same time, one must recognise and applaud the cooperation and solidarity of the States in the region in resisting aggression, for without this cooperation and solidarity the task of the United Nations would have been more difficult to discharge. My delegation would therefore like to congratulate once more the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in particular, for their unity of purpose and action, which will serve as a general principle for regional cooperation in resolving regional conflicts.
Peace in the Gulf can be durable only If it is linked to a comprehensive resolution of the problem in the Middle East. As is now widely acknowledged, the Palestinian issue is the crux of the problem in the Middle East. It is the view of my delegation that the volatile situation in the Middle East will persist as long as the Palestinians are denied their basic, legitimate and inalienable rights to self-determination and a homeland. Apart from the political, social and economic considerations involved in the Palestinian issue, there is also the intrinsic question of human rights. The human rights of the Palestinians, their right to self-determination, to live in peace in their homeland, their freedom of speech, movement and assembly, their right to prosperity and other civil rights have for long been denied to them, despite several General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on the matter. This situation is totally unacceptable. It poses a grave threat to international peace, security and stability, and all efforts must be deployed for their effective and unconditional implementation.
Our policy position is based on such fundamental principles as self-determination, non-use of force, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and respect for human rights. We are thus supportive of the general view expressed in this Assembly for a comprehensive, just and durable Middle East peace settlement. Israel and its Arab neighbours must also live in peace with each other within secure borders if this objective is to be attained. Any comprehensive peace settlement, therefore, must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the principle of territory for peace. My delegation looks forward to the convening of an international conference on the Middle East in October, under the joint chairmanship of the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. We hope to see full and active participation by the Palestinians in this peace process.
I cannot conclude my statement on the Middle East without reference to hostage-taking in the region. The Gambia regards hostage-taking, of any kind, as an act of terrorism and a violation of basic human rights. We therefore call for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. We have noted with satisfaction the recent releases and urge the Secretary-General to spare no effort to help obtain the release of all hostages in the region.
The dismantling of apartheid is indeed an intricate part of the pursuit of peace, progress and collective security. For apartheid is a threat to world peace and an affront to human dignity.
To judge from events of the past year, despite some set-backs, continued international pressure on the Pretoria regime has yielded some positive results. Nevertheless, it is the view of my delegation that this systematic dismantling of the legislative pillars of apartheid does not go far enough. What is urgently required is the practical elimination of apartheid from all facets of South African society and this calls for the enfranchisement of all South Africans. My Government is unreservedly committed to the attainment of this objective. We shall therefore continue to seek the release of all political prisoners, the desegregation of all public institutions and the exercise of full universal adult suffrage. We also look forward to the successful convening of an all-party conference on a new constitution leading to the establishment of a non-racial, united and democratic South Africa.
The Abuja Declaration on South Africa adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) at its twenty-seventh ordinary session spells out clearly the African position on the issue. We look forward to the continued support of the international community for a successful resolution of this vary protracted and vexed problem. We also fervently hope that our brothers and sisters in South Africa will close their ranks and stop the senseless bloodshed that threatens to derail the vital negotiation process.
When I addressed the Assembly last year the situation in Liberia was horrendous and the plight of the people of that sister Republic very pathetic indeed. However, with the persistent determination of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOHAS) to find a regional solution to the crisis, the situation has now stabilised and the prospects for a durable solution are far greater now than before. This is largely due to the fact that there is now total commitment to the EC0MAS peace plan by all the States in the subregion as well as the parties to the conflict. I should therefore like to pay a tribute to the members of the ECOWAS Standing Mediation Committee and the Committee of Five on Liberia for their wisdom and determination to resolve the crisis through dialogue and negotiation, in the unswerving conviction that the conflict can be solved only through the democratic process of free and fair elections under international supervision.
In this connection, my delegation once again appeals to the parties in the Liberian conflict to continue to observe the cease-fire agreement and to work under the aegis of the ECOWAS peace plan for the restoration of peace and normalcy in Liberia. In the same vein, my delegation appeals to the international community to provide the necessary support and assistance to ECOWAS and its peace-keeping monitoring group (ECOMOG) in Liberia to enable the latter effectively to discharge its responsibilities, which are not only military in nature but also have a humanitarian dimension.
Increased attention is now being rightly focused on restructuring and revitalising the United Nations system. This process is aimed at enabling the United Nations to perform better and to be more cost efficient in peace-keeping and in the pursuit of social and effective development, an outlined in the Charter. This issue will engage our constant attention during this session. In consideration of the very analytic and sound positions taken on the matter, after successive consultations, by both the Group of 77 and other regional groups, including the African Group, my delegation is hopeful that with the necessary will the noble objectives we have collectively set for ourselves will be attained.
Enhancing the role of the United Nations is one thing; making collective security work is another. The latter is the sacred duty of the United Nations, entrusted to it by the Charter. However, this duty can be exercised beneficially and meaningfully only if all Member States, individually and collectively, play their active role in the search for peace. This is what makes for our collective security. It is also the only guarantee to make the new found relevance of the system work for all nations, rich and poor alike. The United Nations has been making a valuable contribution towards resolving long-standing problems such as those in Afghanistan, Cyprus, Western Sahara and Cambodia, and my delegation believes that the efforts of the Secretary-General are highly commendable and deserve our support to ensure a successful resolution of these seemingly intractable conflicts. The Gambia for its part will support these and other initiatives in the guest to attain self-determination, peace and stability the world over.
The need to rid the world of all types of weapons of mass destruction nuclear, chemical and biological - and to ensure that mankind's energies and resources are diverted to the improvement of the quality of life here on earth is becoming increasingly desirable and urgent. My delegation is indeed encouraged by the keen attention and considerable time and resources devoted to this issue by the United Nations.
Developments in the international political scene provide a source of hope to many countries, including the Gambia. However, development in the International economic scene, in the process of multilateral trade negotiations, is a source of frustration and disappointment to many countries, including my own. These disappointments and frustrations are not only under review as an agenda item during this session, but have been the subject of detailed comments by speakers before me. I would therefore like to confine my observations to the report of the Final Review and Appraisal on the Implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development.
That programme gave rise to very high hopes when it was launched four years ago. It was inspired by a good motive - the desire to improve the quality of life of African peoples. It failed to fulfil the hopes placed in it for the following reasons: first, it would seem that the international community only paid lip service to the Programme as the net flow of resources to Africa actually declined during the plan period, 1986 to 1990. Secondly, the programme overlapped with painful structural adjustment programmes, which were implemented at great risks to national political stability. Thirdly - and this is important - the Programme was an attempt to isolate development and growth in the African countries from the global economic scene. It therefore became at beat dysfunctional and inappropriate in its partial setting.
It is estimated that by the end of this year world economic output will grow by only 1.2 per cent as compared to 2.1 per cent last year. This implies that our hitherto deteriorating economic condition will inevitably be further exacerbated. Despite the steady improvement in the overall external debt situation, a major concern in Africa, particularly in our sub-Saharan region, is that foreign debt continues to grow faster than income and exports. This situation is clearly unsustainable, particularly when cognisance is taken of the fact that a large part of our current borrowing is simply for the purpose of retiring old debt. It is, therefore, my delegation's view that if this trend continues unabated, external debt will remain a very serious impediment to sustainable growth and development.
The need to redress the present economic imbalance requires international collaboration and endeavour. In this regard, my delegation is glad to note that the Group of 7, in their joint communiqué, issued in London in July 1991, emphasised not only the need to deal effectively with Africa's debt problem, but also the desirability of encouraging multilateral efforts for sustained economic growth and development. We agree that this calls for a successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round, the reversal of protectionism, an increase in trade flows and confidence-building initiatives leading to the integration of the economy of our countries into the multilateral trade system.
From the aforementioned perspective one can discern why the Programme of Action was indeed not a panacea for our economic woes. Being bereft of an integrative and global approach, it resulted in compounding our economic problems. This, in essence, was its nemesis. There is now a call for a new pact between Africa and the international community. While urging African
countries to pursue sound fiscal, management and investment policies, It calls for the adoption of a new conceptual framework beyond the rigid International Monetary Fund structural adjustment concept. We therefore welcome the proposal of the Government of Japan for a summit meeting with African countries to address Africa's severe economic problems. Ha hope that such a meeting will give a fresh impetus and provide new perceptions of Africa's problems and of the solutions to these problems.
It goes without saying that no meaningful and balanced economic development can occur without due regard to environmental concerns. In the realm of human welfare and progress, therefore, the pursuit of economic development and the protection of the environment are inextricably linked. Balanced, meaningful and sustainable development is based on the preservation and protection of a clean and healthy environment. The Government of the Gambia places high priority on environmental issues, particularly the efficient management and utilisation of the Earth's resources, climatic changes, pollution, and the dumping of hazardous substances, particularly toxic wastes, which pose a grave threat to the environment. To arrest, or at least contain, this crisis, it is our view that economic policies should ensure that the utilisation of the Earth's resources is sustainable in the long run. What is needed, therefore, are policies and strategies to preserve and safeguard the environment for the present and future generations. This calls for a collective mobilisation and pooling of our resources and efforts to protect the environment and ensure proper accountability.
The Gambia, therefore, looks forward to the successful convening in Brazil, next year, of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. In the meantime, we urge the active participation of all Member States in the negotiation and ongoing consultations leading to the convening to this Conference. It la our fervent hope that this important event will be a watershed in our search for an international solution to this man-made ecological problem.
The main thread running through my statement concerns the questions of human rights, security, the environment and development. These issues are intricately linked and have been adequately dealt with in the report of the Secretary General on the work of the United Nations. In concluding my remarks, I should like to remind this Assembly of the words of the Secretary-General:
"No system of collective security will remain viable unless workable solutions are sought to the problem of poverty and destitution, afflicting the greater part of the world.
"A reinvigoration of the North-South dialogue has now become more urgent than ever. Fortunately, conditions exist now for advancing it constructively without a needless overlay of rhetoric or ideological Controversy."
I cannot agree more with these words, and the United Nations as the embodiment of our hopes and aspirations should endeavour to attain these goals. This is the vision set for it by its founders and it is our duty to translate this vision into reality for the welfare of humanity.