In
taking the floor for the first time before this Assembly, I
feel legitimately proud to be the voice with which the
people of Chad, its Government and its President, His
Excellency Mr. Idriss Déby, convey a message of peace,
hope and wishes for complete success in our work.
I would like to join the eminent speakers who have
preceded me in reiterating my delegation’s warm
congratulations to the President on his illustrious election to
preside over this session. That choice is both a tribute to his
country, Ukraine — a country resolutely focused on the
quest for global peace — and the culmination of his long
career as a talented diplomat. He can be assured of the
complete support of my country, Chad, in the discharge of
his duties.
I would also like to take this opportunity to express
our gratitude to his predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail,
who has conducted the work of the fifty-first session with
tact, competence and devotion.
Lastly, I would like to greet our Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, a son of Africa who has succeeded
another great African, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. The
election of Mr. Kofi Annan is the culmination of a
brilliant career devoted to the service of the international
community. It is an honour to his country, Ghana, and to
all Africa. I should like to assure him of the firm support
of the Republic of Chad in his efforts to bring about the
necessary and indispensable reforms of our Organization
so as to make it more capable of achieving the purposes
and principles of the Charter in our rapidly changing
world.
The ideals of peace, liberty and development, which
are pursued tirelessly by each and every nation
represented here, are of special significance for my
country and people. Indeed, drawing upon the lessons of
its sad experiences, since 1 December 1990 Chad has
made a firm commitment to the establishment of a state
of law and the tireless quest for peace and national unity
which are the essential foundations for its economic and
social development.
At previous sessions the delegation of Chad
regularly referred to positive developments in our country.
Today I have the honour and privilege of announcing that
with the presidential election of 1996 and the legislative
elections held at the beginning of this year, most of our
republican and democratic institutions are in place.
Projects are under way to hold local elections. All this is
taking place in a climate of peace and national harmony.
The ongoing quest for peace between Chadians, the
necessary consolidation of the achievements of national
unity and the willingness to involve everyone in public
administration have compelled our President, Mr. Idriss
Déby, to practise what we call consensual, participatory
democracy. It follows that all political parties, including
those of the opposition, are represented in all State
structures. By the same token, a national mediator has
recently been appointed.
The fifty-second session of the General Assembly
coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. This is the proper place to
reaffirm our loyalty to that instrument, which, despite its
imperfections, is, in its own language,
14

“a common standard of achievement”. (Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, resolution 217 (III),
part A, operative paragraph)
In Chad we are getting down to work, and significant
progress has been registered. Thus, our independent press
is one of the freest in Africa; human rights organizations
are proliferating and carry out their activities unhindered;
and organized civil society is fully playing its role.
Despite these noteworthy advances, insidious
campaigns have been sporadically unleashed against my
country. For my Government the subject of human rights is
not taboo. Thus, I should like once again to reiterate the
invitation that Mr. Idriss Déby, President of the Republic,
extended during his last visit to France to all countries and
human rights organizations that are truly interested in the
fate of the people of Chad: to come to Chad and freely
look into the situation.
With the return to social peace and political stability,
my country is turning a new page in its history, one that
should enable it to face the challenges of the twenty-first
century. To do that, the Government of Chad has adopted
a number of principles that, backed up by concrete actions,
should make it possible to achieve vigorous and sustained
economic growth. The objectives are the following: the
continuation and consolidation of the process of
democratizing political and social life; the increased
participation of the citizens in political, economic and social
life and in making decisions that concern them; the
establishment of sound rules of government; the promotion
of the private sector; the development of human resources;
and the restoration and safeguarding of environmental
equilibrium and of the ecosystem, with special attention
being paid to environmental problems related to human
activities.
This entire development strategy will be presented and
discussed at the round table on Chad to be held in Geneva
in the months ahead. That meeting is necessary to reactivate
and adapt the plan of orientation covering the period 1990-
2000.
I take this opportunity to invite all countries and
intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations to
take part in that important conference on the future of
Chad.
I should now like to touch on a problem that is of
crucial importance for my Government: the environment.
Chad is a Sahelian country, afflicted, moreover, by drought
and desertification. It is deeply concerned with protecting
the environment, our common heritage, whose
exploitation for us is a necessary condition for success in
the struggle against poverty. This is the appropriate forum
in which to express our hope that the results achieved by
the Conference of States Parties to the Convention to
Combat Desertification will meet our expectations.
The prospect of the exploitation of Chad’s oil
resources has led to a systematic disinformation campaign
alleging environmental degradation in the region
concerned. I should like solemnly to state here that all
necessary measures have been taken by the Government
not only to preserve environmental balance but also to
prevent any risk of accident that could jeopardize it.
Another subject of grave concern indirectly
connected with the environment is that of mines, an
estimated 1 million of which infest a large portion of the
national territory, thus precluding any development
activities in that region. We would reiterate in this respect
the appeal for assistance in mine clearance that was made
from this rostrum by President Idriss Déby during the
commemorative meeting on the occasion of the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations. My Government, a
victim of the scourge of mines, welcomes the adoption on
18 September last of the Convention on the Prohibition of
the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-
Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction.
The international situation remains alarming, even if
peace ad security are not gravely threatened at the global
scale. In Africa, despite the hopes born of the
democratization of the political life of many countries,
hotbeds of tension still persist. In Angola, implementation
of the settlement plan advocated by the international
community is running aground on obstacles that
jeopardize a final return to peace in this country. We call
again on all parties, particularly UNITA, fully to
implement the Lusaka Protocol.
Periodic clashes remind us that in Somalia, the
hatchet has not definitely been buried, despite numerous
attempts at reconciling the fraternal Somali people.
The Great Lakes region is progressively entering a
phase of relative calm despite sporadic incidents
stemming from the chain of events that have caused
upheaval in this part of the continent. We welcome the
concerted efforts of the international community and of
the countries of the subregion to help restore a definitive
peace.
15

In Sierra Leone, the situation resulting from the coup
is far from responding to the wishes of the people. Chad,
for its part, strongly supports the consultations held within
the framework of the Economic Community of West
African States, and in particular the conclusions of its last
Summit, held in Abuja, Nigeria.
In Central Africa, closer to Chad, the exacerbation of
the conflict in the sister Republic of the Congo, despite the
appeal made at Libreville by eight Heads of State on 15
September last, is of great concern to us. My country is of
the view that only an immediate and unconditional cease-
fire can make it possible to re-establish dialogue between
the two parties. This in turn would make possible a greater
involvement of the international community, particularly for
the deployment of a multinational force under the auspices
of the United Nations and the Organization of African
Unity (OAU).
The scope of the tragedy of these upheavals on the
African continent can be gauged by the number of
homeless and of refugees who, left to their own devices,
are wandering from country to country, seeking a land to
receive them where they can live in peace. It is urgent for
the international community to take greater notice of these
tragedies, which concern us all, in order to find appropriate
solutions.
This sombre picture of the situation on the continent
does not eclipse the successes of international and, above
all, African mediation in crisis and conflict situations, such
as in the Central African Republic and in Liberia. In the
Central African Republic, the painstaking settlement of the
political and military crisis to the satisfaction of the
political class is, for Chad — a neighbouring, brotherly
country — cause for satisfaction. Likewise, we welcome
the return to peace in Liberia, which has made it possible
to designate a President of the Republic and a Parliament
by means of free and democratic elections.
In both cases, the contribution of Africa was decisive.
We are proud of this, just as we commend the Security
Council for its support of various African initiatives. This
compels me to urge the acceleration of the process leading
to the establishment of an inter-African peacekeeping force.
We also urge the strengthening of existing structures, such
as the Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions
in Central Africa; the Regional Centre for Peace and
Disarmament in Africa at Lomé, in Togo; and the OAU’s
Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and
Resolution.
With respect to Western Sahara, Chad welcomes the
fresh impetus given the process by both parties and hopes
that the settlement plan will shortly be implemented in
full.
In the Middle East, the Israeli-Palestinian peace
process seems to be put to the test, given recent
developments in this region. We urge all parties
concerned to respect the Washington agreements. This is
the only alternative if we are to achieve definitive peace
in this region. Neither violence nor extremism, nor,
certainly, intransigence will allow us to arrive at a just
and definitive solution to this crisis, which has gone on
far too long.
In Asia, the situation in Afghanistan and in
Cambodia can be solved only by political means.
Therefore we urge the protagonists to gather around the
negotiating table and seek to resolve their differences.
Chad welcomes the progress, however slow, that has
been registered in recent years in disarmament. We
denounce, however, the shocking trade in conventional
weapons, which foment so many conflicts that ravage
various parts of the world, including my country. We
therefore support the efforts initiated in western Africa
related to the moratorium on the export, import and
production of small arms.
My country reaffirms its unswerving faith in the
virtues of dialogue as a means of resolving conflicts
between States. I should like in this connection to refer to
the question of the embargo that has so harshly and for so
many years afflicted the neighbouring and brotherly
country of Libya. Chad is in a good position to gauge the
consequences that affect not only the people of Libya but
also the people of Chad, as that country’s neighbour. That
is why, as a country that is dually cut off and deprived of
its principal means of evacuation and supply, Chad firmly
supports the resolutions of the OAU, the Organization of
the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement,
and calls for the lifting of this unjust embargo. We should
like to take this opportunity to express our solidarity with
the people of Iraq and Cuba, who have been
indiscriminately affected by similar measures.
My country has noted with satisfaction the end of
the bipolar world, which has made possible the advent of
a new type of constructive dialogue that will enable us
together to meet the challenges of the twenty-first
century. In resuming diplomatic relations with the
Republic of China, the Government and people of Chad
16

have no intention other than to diversify their relations of
friendship and cooperation with all peace- and justice-
loving countries of the world on the basis of equality and
solidarity. In the name of the principle of universality so
dear to our Organization, we support the return of the
Republic of China to the concert of nations.
While the conflicts and other tensions throughout the
world concern us, so too does the international economic
situation. The justifiable fear expressed by the developing
countries in the aftermath of the cold war has not been
mitigated. The recent report of the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development reminds us of this.
Poverty in the developing countries and the impoverishment
of important social strata in the developed countries provide
fertile ground for intolerance, extremism and nationalism,
whose consequences we are all too familiar with. Despite
the numerous dense documents adopted at major
conferences, the expected concrete action has run aground
on the selfish conduct of the richest. Such an attitude
imposes limits upon the globalization of the economy.
Africa, which has benefited from the sustained
attention of the international community during this decade,
is still, unfortunately, a continent ravaged by poverty,
malnutrition and epidemics of all kinds on a large scale.
To the perpetual problems of indebtedness and the
deterioration of the terms of trade are added the constant
marginalization of our continent from the international
economic circles. It is therefore urgent for concrete
measures to be taken so that Africa can experience
sustained growth, which should lead to genuine
development. The terms of the declaration of the Heads of
State and Government of the seven most industrialized
countries and Russia in Denver last May should be made a
reality in this respect so that Africa, whose well-known vast
natural resources can really become part of the world
economy.
The new Chad reiterates its unswerving support of
United Nations action in the sphere of peacekeeping and in
the area of development activities.
Over time, the reform of our institution has become an
imperative. Therefore, in the context of globalization and
interdependence, the United Nations must adapt itself and
become both the instrument and the expression of
multilateralism in which the interests of all are taken into
account and safeguarded. For our part, we consider that the
promotion of development must be at the core of our
renewed Organization.
The United Nations deserves more confidence than
ever before, provided that it derives from incontrovertible
legitimacy which the Security Council with its present
composition is far from embodying. It has now been
established that that irreplaceable body should be adapted,
but its necessary restructuring should not have a
detrimental effect on any part of the world.
An acknowledgement of the legitimate claims of the
various groups that make up our Organization is therefore
indispensable. Chad, for its part, reaffirms the position
stated at the last Summit of Heads of State or
Government of the Organization of African Unity to
assure the equitable representation of the African
continent in that body, in which the destiny of peoples is
at stake. This is a requirement if the renewed Security
Council is to be credible and effective in the service of
humanity and if it is not to be a Council of double
standards.


Allow me to congratulate the
President on his election and express my confidence in
his leadership during a crucially important session of the
General Assembly. I wish to assure him that Latvia’s past
experience of fruitful bilateral cooperation with Ukraine
will guide the delegation of Latvia in pursuit of our
common tasks at this session of the Assembly.
20

I wish to recognize with gratitude Ambassador Razali
Ismail of Malaysia for his determined leadership during the
fifty-first session of the Assembly, as well as of its General
Committee, of which Latvia was a member.
At the outset I will address the need for United
Nations reform, follow that with a response to the reform
proposals of the Secretary-General, and, finally, inform the
Assembly about Latvia’s recent experiences with reforms.
Recent history suggests why reforming our
Organization is essential. In 1945 many delegates to the
founding conference of our Organization travelled to San
Francisco by train and by sea. Delegates to the fifty-second
session of the General Assembly have travelled to New
York by air. They communicate with their capitals by very
fast electronic means that did not exist 50 years ago. These
advances in the technology of travel and information have
facilitated an enormous and continuing expansion of
international activities by ever greater numbers of State and
non-State actors.
Most important for the United Nations is the
expansion of international activities by state actors other
than members of foreign services. The participants in these
transgovernmental activities come from many governmental
institutions: the courts, police, central banks and regulatory
agencies.
State as well as non-State actors form successful
transnational organizations that are independent of the
United Nations system. These organizations can be
competitors and cooperating partners for the United
Nations. A United Nations that does not continually evolve
to offer a coherent response to changing global conditions
is a United Nations that risks becoming irrelevant.
The world needs a United Nations that can contribute
effectively to the solution of complex global problems, such
as those caused by the three-fold increase since 1945 of
both the global population and the number of independent
States. It needs a United Nations that will be a leader in the
shaping of a new and workable international political order
to fill the place vacated by the bipolar order of the cold-war
era. This will be done best by a United Nations with
universal membership.
Latvia believes that the package of reform proposals
which the Secretary-General has presented to this Assembly
contains measures which will enable the United Nations to
respond to the imperative of organizational evolution.
Latvia views this package as a work in progress, rather than
as completed reform proposals for the long term. But
even if the proposals are imperfect or not complete, they
are the best this Assembly has before it. Latvia will
support the reform package as a good springboard for
reform and hopes that other Member States will do the
same.
During the next few months, the General Assembly
and the Secretary-General will need to work together to
begin the process of implementing the reform package.
The Secretary-General will have to report regularly to
Member States on the progress of the reforms. He will
have to develop implementation plans for
recommendations approved, on the basis of informed
considerations, by the General Assembly and other United
Nations organs. This Assembly will have to elaborate
further the procedure for addressing the proposals of the
Secretary-General. It may wish to decide on additional
reforms. Latvia expects that lessons will be learned during
the implementation of the reform proposals and that the
lessons will suggest mid-course corrections, improvements
and even termination of some elements in the package.
Let me now turn to several substantive aspects of
reform that may touch upon the Secretary-General’s
reform package, but are not a part of it.
The success of reform depends upon a sound
financial footing for the Organization. In this regard, three
recent interconnected processes may be noted. These
processes are, first, rapid changes since 1991 in
peacekeeping budgets and a basically unchanging regular
budget; secondly, reform of the assessment methodology
under way since 1994; and, thirdly and most important,
recent unprecedented increases in overdue outstanding
contributions.
The interdependence of these three processes means
that the General Assembly will have to work out ways to
treat the three processes as parts of a whole. It is also
necessary that the Assembly make decisions that assure a
genuine movement towards achieving a sound financial
situation within a few years at most.
In regard to the very difficult question of Security
Council reform, Latvia wishes to reiterate its continued
support for an expansion of the Council that would result
in more equitable geographical and small-state
representation.
Latvia believes that the mixed outcomes of the
complex post-cold-war peacekeeping operations initiated
21

by the Security Council may have relevance to the reform
of the Council. Learning how to improve the success rate
of these operations could have the side benefit of pointing
towards Security Council reforms that might improve the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Latvia has a special interest in the future of United
Nations peacekeeping operations, since the Baltic Battalion
(BALTBAT), in which Latvians serve side by side with
Estonians and Lithuanians, has completed a successful year
of learning to cooperate and interface. This has been done
while participating in a multinational operation: the
Stabilization Force (SFOR) peacekeeping mission in Bosnia
and Herzegovina. BALTBAT, which has been trained and
equipped with the help and encouragement of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Nordic
partners of the Baltic States, corresponds to their standards
and has become fully operational.
In view of the growth of crimes that escape national
punishment or that cross national borders, Latvia fully
supports the establishment of an independent, efficient and
authoritative international criminal court with independent
prosecution. We consider this to be the most important
development in international law since the creation of the
International Court of Justice. Latvia intends to participate
actively in the completion of the establishment of the court
in 1998.
In regard to reforms in Latvia, it may be noted at the
outset that they are driven by the need to overcome the
consequences of 50 years of occupation, which caused the
political, economic and social development of Latvia to fall
behind its Nordic neighbours. In its sixth year of restored
independence, Latvia continues with reforms designed to
catch up with its Nordic neighbours. Latvia wishes to build
a solidly democratic foundation for long-term economic and
social well-being.
In this endeavour, Latvia receives international
assistance from many sources. One source is the United
Nations system, cooperation with which — primarily with
the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) —
has contributed significantly to the improvement of social
and economic well-being in Latvia. The United Nations
presence in Latvia began in 1992 with an integrated office
under the leadership of a resident coordinator who is also
the UNDP representative. The integrated office, essentially
a United Nations House, has allowed cost-effective access
to the technical assistance offered by any part of the United
Nations system. In addition, UNDP mobilizes bilateral and
multilateral donors for projects in which it participates. I
wish to express my deepest gratitude to UNDP and the
donors who have made contributions to Latvia’s reform
projects.
I will now focus on reforms in only three of the
areas that have an impact on social well-being and in
which UNDP and the donors it has mobilized have been
involved.
The first area is human rights. Although at its last
session the Assembly concluded its consideration of the
question of human rights in Latvia and Estonia, I believe
that a brief report on some human rights developments
during this year may nevertheless be of interest at this
session.
Latvia cooperates with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and the Centre for
Human Rights. Recently Latvia made a financial
contribution — its first voluntary contribution ever to any
United Nations body — in support of work by the
Commissioner’s staff on national human rights
institutions.
The Latvian National Human Rights Office,
established in 1995 as an independent national institution,
has begun to have a tangible impact, particularly on the
rights of vulnerable social groups. The somewhat
unprecedented powers and functions of the Office have
generated considerable interest in other central and eastern
European countries. The Office has received UNDP
technical and financial assistance at all stages of its
conception, planning and development.
On 4 June 1997 Latvia ratified the European
Convention for the Protection of Human Rights, thus
providing new legal guarantees to its residents, including
the right of individual complaint and compulsory
jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights.
Human rights were further strengthened through adoption
of the Law on Refugees and Asylum Seekers and
ratification of the 1951 United Nations Convention
relating to the Status of Refugees.
Another area affecting social well-being and
integration is language training offered to the relatively
large segment of the population that lacks a knowledge of
Latvian, the State language. The Government of Latvia
approved the National Programme for Latvian Language
Training in 1995. Since then the Programme has
completed the training of a core body of teachers.
Textbooks and teacher handbooks have been published.
22

The third area relevant to social well-being is support
for the re-emergence of civil society. Since the time of
national reawakening 10 years ago, almost 3,000 non-
governmental organizations have been established in Latvia.
The first major national non-governmental-organization
forum will take place in Riga this weekend. I note that its
organizers have received valuable assistance from the
UNDP office in Latvia.
With regard to economic well-being, the Government
has worked hard to achieve macroeconomic stability during
the transition process from a centrally planned to an
efficient market economy. As a result, economic growth has
resumed and inflation has decreased dramatically. Real
gross-domestic-product growth for 1997 is estimated at 4
per cent. By June of this year inflation had declined to
about 7.5 per cent on an annual basis. These achievements
are accompanied by continuing economic hardship for large
segments of the population. Social welfare and poverty-
alleviation projects are aimed at decreasing these hardships.
Latvia intends to apply the lessons learned from its
reform experiences to its work as a member of the
Economic and Social Council. One general lesson learned
in Latvia is that the results of reforms include not only
benefits but also costs. The cost hardest to bear is probably
insecurity about the ultimate outcome of reforms.
We, the reformers of the United Nations, will surely
have to bear the cost of insecurity as well. Perhaps a bit of
ancient wisdom can diminish the insecurity. The Roman
philosopher and Emperor Marcus Aurelius, in his
Meditations, asked three questions about reforms:
“Is any man afraid of change? Why, what can take
place without change? What then is more pleasing or
suitable”
than change?


Allow me to extend to Mr.
Hennadiy Udovenko the sincere congratulations of my
delegation on his election to the presidency of the fifty-
second session of the General Assembly. It is with great
pleasure that I assure him of Lesotho’s support and
cooperation as he conducts the deliberations of this body.
Let me also take this opportunity to pay a special tribute to
his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Razali Ismail, for the
skilful manner in which he guided the work of the fifty-first
session. My delegation truly appreciates his leadership and
tireless dedication to the heavy responsibilities entrusted to
him during the past year.
On the eve of a new millennium, the United Nations
is poised on the threshold of an era of momentous changes.
During the first 52 years of its existence, the Organization
witnessed several changes in the configuration of
international relations. Some of them were traumatic, others
benign. The survival of the United Nations through all these
tribulations bears testimony not only to its resilience, but
also to the enduring validity of its mission.
But the continued success and relevance of the United
Nations in the new millennium will depend in large
measure on its capacity for self-renewal and on its
readiness to meet its challenges in the environment of
changed global circumstances.
The Secretary-General has demonstrated his
willingness and resolve to bring about the much-needed
change. We applaud, at the outset, his bold and far
reaching proposals on the reform of the United Nations.
Many of his proposals, indeed, meet with the approval of
my Government, and it is our hope that the General
Assembly will see its way clear to receiving them in the
same manner. Some, however, do need careful scrutiny to
ensure that the ideal of cost-cutting can still be achieved
without compromising the overriding objective of
realizing higher efficiency and effectiveness of the
Organization in the execution of its mandate.
We urge that the totality of these proposals should
be subjected to serious scrutiny at the appropriately high
intergovernmental level, with a view to implementing
those that enjoy wide support as expeditiously as possible.
Our hope is that this can be done in a spirit of frankness
and mutual understanding without the acrimony that so
often characterizes our intergovernmental deliberations.
During the last two sessions of the General
Assembly, we have debated and arrived at a clear
understanding of the United Nations reforms that will best
serve the interests of the world community in the next
millennium. The reform initiatives of the Secretary-
General, which cover diverse aspects of the functioning
of the Organization, are therefore a timely and welcome
response to our collective call for a reoriented and
revitalized United Nations.
Lesotho, like other States of southern Africa, has
gone through difficult political problems, which have
largely been resolved. The outstanding problem is
economic underdevelopment. We thus attach great
importance to the United Nations role in development
cooperation. We recognize the need to strengthen the
capacity of the Secretary-General in this area by
providing him with a deputy whose principal role, in our
view, should be to coordinate the Organization’s efforts
and to give direction to all entities of the United Nations
involved in development cooperation.
We fully support the initiative aimed at facilitating
the unified and cooperative functioning of all the United
Nations funds and programmes involved in development
operations at the field level, while at the same time
reinforcing and maintaining the distinct nature of these
entities. The specialized funds and programmes within the
United Nations system continue to constitute an important
vehicle for advancing international development
cooperation, particularly in the developing countries. The
14

enhanced coordination and pooling of resources and
services among the specialized funds will not only lead to
better planning but will also maximize programme impact
and minimize administrative costs.
Indeed, Lesotho has already made its own
contribution, however small, towards reaching the ideal of
a unified United Nations presence in the field. The
Government of Lesotho, using its own national resources,
has constructed a United Nations House office complex,
which will accommodate all field representatives of the
funds and programmes as well as other United Nations
agencies in our capital. This House was inaugurated and
handed over to the United Nations Resident Coordinator
only five days ago, on 25 September 1997.
The suggestion by the Secretary-General for the
establishment of a $1 billion revolving fund also has its
own merits. Let me, however, hasten to emphasize that
there can be no substitute for a demonstrable commitment
by all Member States to honour their treaty obligations by
paying their assessed contributions on time, fully and
unconditionally, in order to ensure the financial health of
our Organization. We nevertheless believe that the proposed
revolving fund can only be a short-term palliative. But such
a fund should serve neither to exculpate those who renege
on their treaty obligations nor to place an additional burden
on countries that are already making sacrifices to honour
their obligations in accordance with the Charter.
As we approach the fiftieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in 1998, the issue
of the protection of human rights is assuming an increasing
importance to all our countries because of its close linkage
with democracy, peace and stability. My Government
therefore welcomes the Secretary-General’s proposed
reforms regarding the strengthening of the Organization’s
role in the field of human rights. In this connection, we
wish to urge that the consolidation of the Office of the
High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Centre for
Human Rights into one entity should not lead to the
blurring of the distinction between the political functions of
the High Commissioner and the purely technical functions
of the Centre.
The increasing globalization of organized crime,
including trafficking in illicit drugs, continues to be a
source of concern to the international community. It is for
this reason that in our subregion, the countries of the
Southern African Development Community are taking
cooperative measures to combat the scourge of transnational
organized crime. Lesotho believes that the proposal to
establish in Vienna a high-profile United Nations office
whose main focus would be on drug control and crime
prevention should be given favourable consideration.
With regard to the reform and restructuring of the
Security Council, I can only reaffirm the view of the
Lesotho Government that only equitable representation on
the Security Council and an increase in its membership to
no less than 26 can satisfy our aspirations. We share the
view held by the majority of members of this body on the
need for true democratization of the Security Council and
the reform of its working methods, including the issue of
the veto power. Such reform should take into account the
principle of sovereign equality of States, as well as the
need for transparency and accountability in the decision-
making processes of the Security Council.
Since the last session of the General Assembly, we
have witnessed a number of developments in the
international arena that augur well for world political
stability and peace. Recently we all shared in the
universal joy at the peaceful reunification of Hong Kong
with its motherland. The United Kingdom and the
People’s Republic of China ought to be congratulated for
their significant contribution to world peace and for the
valuable lesson that they have imparted to the world
community in the sphere of resolution of disputes through
dialogue.
In our region, we have witnessed the birth of a new
Democratic Republic of the Congo from the crucible of
one of the most vicious dictatorships ever recorded in the
annals of history. It is now for the international
community to assist the people of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in their efforts aimed at economic
reconstruction and the consolidation of democracy and
accountability in their country. The acceptance of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo into the Southern
African Development Community at the beginning of this
month was a signal of the determination of the countries
of southern Africa to make their own positive contribution
to the reconstruction efforts of the Congolese people.
We are also greatly encouraged by the recent
restoration of stability and democracy in Liberia through
the assistance of neighbouring countries in that region.
However, the reversion of Sierra Leone to a state of
anarchy and chaos after the selfless efforts made by the
international community to bring about stability in that
country remains a source of great concern. Lesotho joins
in the call by African States for the international
15

community to withhold recognition of the military junta in
Sierra Leone and to remain steadfast in its resolve to
restore democracy and constitutional legitimacy in that
country.
In Angola, the recalcitrance of the UNITA leadership
continues to unravel the gains that had been made in the
search for peace. The United Nations owes it to the people
of Angola to enforce, through the Security Council,
appropriate punitive measures against UNITA as a signal
that those who stand in the way of peace can no longer be
allowed to succeed.
The recent events in the Middle East have cast a
shadow on a future that seemed to hold promise for a
negotiated peace. False moves have escalated tension in the
region rather than abating it. We call upon Israel, as we
have always done in the past, to fully implement all
Security Council resolutions aimed at the peaceful
settlement of the conflict in that region. All the parties to
the conflict must recommit themselves to the peace process
and refrain from any acts which might jeopardize a
negotiated settlement.
The continuous eruption of armed conflicts throughout
the world, particularly in the developing countries, is a
source of concern to all of us. These conflicts put a
tremendous strain on the resources of the United Nations
and on the Organization’s capacity to maintain international
peace and security. Thus, we are encouraged by the positive
attitude and the interest that some of the developed
countries have in the recent years shown in cooperating
with the Organization of African Unity towards enhancing
Africa’s capacity in the field of conflict prevention. We
also welcome Japan’s initiative to host an international
conference on conflict prevention in Tokyo in January
1998. Taken in their totality, these initiatives underline the
moral responsibility that rests on humanity to ensure that
peoples everywhere enjoy the right to peace, development
and the sanctity of life.
Lesotho is generally encouraged by the progress that
is being made in the field of disarmament with the recent
signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and
the ratification of the Chemical Weapons Convention.
Despite the current relaxation of tension in international
relations, disarmament must continue to be accorded high
priority on the agenda of the international community with
a view to achieving the total elimination of nuclear
weapons. Africa has already contributed positively to the
disarmament process by the signing, in Egypt, of the
Pelindaba Treaty declaring Africa a nuclear-weapon-free
zone.
The recent international negotiations in Oslo
regarding a ban on anti-personnel mines are also a step in
the right direction. Lesotho fully supports the Ottawa
process and urges all nations to associate themselves with
it so that a truly global treaty banning the production and
use of anti-personnel mines can be successfully concluded
in December this year.
Last year, the Assembly demonstrated the
widespread and growing international support for a
permanent international criminal court when it
unanimously adopted resolution 51/207, which set mid-
1998 as the date for a diplomatic conference to finalize
and adopt a convention on the establishment of such a
court. We have been encouraged by the progress made
during the last two sessions of the Preparatory
Committee, held in February and in August.
We appreciate the generous offer by the Italian
Government to host the conference. The time has now
come for the necessary arrangements for the convening of
such a conference to be put in place, and reaffirming the
June 1998 date will enable the Italian Government to
proceed with the necessary logistical arrangements and
ensure that the court is established before the end of the
century. Lesotho fully and unreservedly supports that
date. We remain convinced that the early establishment of
the court will offer the advantage of a system that aims
to serve the common global good by preventing local
outbreaks of violence from becoming security crises with
global repercussions, and to deter the continued
recurrence of the genocide and other massive crimes
against humanity that have haunted the world since
Nuremberg and Tokyo.
Members will recall the ninth session of the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development
(UNCTAD IX), held two years ago in South Africa,
whose main agenda item was on promoting growth and
sustainable development in a globalizing and liberalizing
economy. In the post-UNCTAD-IX period, a major
challenge before us is to maximize the developmental
impact of this globalizing and liberalizing world economy.
This can be achieved only by ensuring that the risk of
marginalizing and even excluding weaker nations from
participating actively in international trade and commerce
is avoided at all costs.
16

When we met during the nineteenth special session of
the General Assembly, held only four months ago, we all
expressed our deep concern that, compared to 1992, the
overall trend regarding sustainable development in
developing countries is worse today. Poverty and
environmental degradation continue to afflict the lives of
millions of people in many parts of the world. The
staggering statistics only underline the need to strengthen
the capacity of the United Nations to improve the lot of our
disadvantaged peoples. In particular, they reaffirm that
United Nations operational activities for development have
a critical and unique role to play in enabling the developing
countries to continue to lead the management of their own
development process, and that the funds and programmes
within the United Nations system continue to constitute
important vehicles for advancing international development
cooperation. It is in this spirit that we would support those
efforts that are aimed at enhancing the effectiveness and the
capacity of the funds and programmes in the area of
development assistance.
In conclusion, allow me to observe that with the vision
that the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, has brought to
the Organization within his short period in office, the
United Nations can and will come to terms with the
challenges that lie in the years ahead. The rationalization of
the structures and working methods of our Organization
will surely allow us to achieve our objectives.


Permit me first to offer you,
Sir, the congratulations of Belize’s delegation on your
election, and the assurance of our fullest cooperation as
you follow through on the accomplishments of your
distinguished predecessor, Mr. Razali Ismail of Malaysia.
As the world shifts gears towards a preoccupation
with what could be described as millennium fever, our
annual stocktaking exercise becomes particularly poignant.
And if truth be told, the record of our success —
measured against the historical vision of the founders and
against current challenges — is not an unsullied one.
Nevertheless, in every sphere of human endeavour, in
every tangible advance of international comity, the
signature of the United Nations can be found. We have
contributed to fundamental changes for good in the fabric
of the global community. Of course, and as is always the
case with less than perfect man-made enterprises, our job
is far from done.
As the Secretary-General noted in his report on the
work of the Organization, we live in an era of
realignment. Belize shares his view that this Organization
has to continue adjusting to the changes which envelop
today’s world, so as to maintain the balance in favour of
a more secure and predictable peace, greater economic
well-being, social justice and environmental sustainability.
Despite sea changes in the international climate, the
relevance of the original objectives of the Organization’s
Charter remains acute. There is still need to respond
rapidly to threats to international peace and security.
Economic and social development must be further
advanced. Human rights, the rule of law and the ideals of
democratic, accountable governance must be concretized
in our daily life. And the changes, such as globalization
and reshaping of the United Nations environment must
strengthen the commitment of nations large and small to
international cooperation. The one fundamental lesson that
the experience of the last 52 years has taught is that we
cannot go it alone. There is large benefit to be derived
from multilateralism; and to our mind the United Nations
is the one organization with the wherewithal and capacity
to take global action on a global agenda.
We have been promised that the renewed United
Nations system sought by the Secretary-General will
3

become both more effective and more efficient. The
extensive and far-reaching set of changes proposed in his
Programme for Reform are said to be designed to achieve
greater unity of purpose, coherence of effort and flexibility
in response. Belize therefore joins with those voices
applauding the attempt to strengthen and streamline the
United Nations and enhance its institutional capacity. My
delegation will eagerly await opportunities to hear comment
and will participate in joint analysis of the proposed
Programme for Reform.
One major hindrance to the Organization’s capacity is
its dire financial situation. We have noted proposals within
the Secretary-General’s Programme for Reform designed to
ensure a viable financial basis for the Organization. It is my
delegation’s view, however, that there is still a need for
greater clarification if financial solvency is to be assured.
We are not entirely convinced that the creation of the
proposed Revolving Credit Fund will alleviate the situation.
We would rather see implementation of measures for
harsher censure in cases of tardiness in meeting obligations.
Let us again state our view that this Organization should be
granted some measure of autonomy in generating revenue
from sources outside national Administrations.
There is an ongoing parallel at the national and
organizational level aimed at economizing. Streamlining,
downsizing, or the process of retrenchment by any name,
carries with it a human cost. We must therefore make every
effort to ensure that the product of reform is greater than
the sum of its parts. Within this context, we wish to offer
the caution that in our eagerness to integrate Secretariat
entities and units the critical thrust and focus of various
departments, divisions and programmes, should not be lost.
The gasp of the weak and poor all too frequently can barely
be heard above the loudly trumpeted agenda of powerful
constituencies.
Democracy, human rights and the rule of law have
taken on renewed paramountcy, particularly in the post-
conflict societies of Latin America. Good governance is the
foundation upon which we build structures to ensure
sustainable development and durable peace. In both the
subregions to which Belize belongs this is a principle that
achieves practical as well as intellectual expression. And we
find this fact noteworthy: that so soon after internal
conflicts convulsed the isthmus, the countries of Central
America have been able democratically and constitutionally
to reinvigorate their societies. It is also remarkable that so
harmoniously has their economic integration movement
advanced, that they are now prepared to contemplate the
next step of political union. While this is logical, it is also
a quantum leap.
Now, for juridical and historical reasons, Belize can
only be an observer in this process. But we wish to assure
our Central American brothers that in our heart of hearts
we too are Morazanistas. We too are uplifted and inspired
by this great visionary. And we sympathize keenly with
the spirit of the legacy that now animates his modern-day
progeny.
In the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) the
coming of the single market is only the most dramatic
expression of a new solidarity that Belize enthusiastically
embraces. We continue to draw vital sustenance from
what is, after all, a West Indian partnership rooted in a
shared love for, and practice of, democracy, a democracy
that is not resting on its laurels, but that is engaged now
in a process of revitalization based on the urgent search
for collective economic security and social advance.
The proposals for reform encompass suggestions to
achieve greater coordination and cooperation among the
United Nations agencies and entities which help nations
like mine pursue the central priority of sustainable
development. We hope, however, that the effectiveness
and responsiveness of individual agencies will not be
compromised.
More will have to be said about seeking innovative
means to attract greater capital to finance development.
The argument that a development dividend can be
realized by a shift of resources from administration to
development activities, is not, to our mind, persuasive.
Any possible savings in administrative costs could hardly
be adequate enough to make significant progress in our
collective effort to eradicate poverty.
We have yet to hear any general admission of
satisfaction with the outcome of the nineteenth special
session of the General Assembly to review and appraise
the implementation of Agenda 21 and other agreements
reached at the 1992 United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development. The special session
clearly did not meet expectations for the adoption of clear
targets, commitments and specific initiatives as we
progress along the road from Rio. Long-term commitment
and concerted action in the field are still critical if we are
to continue to meet the needs of a rapidly increasing
global population without depleting the resource base on
which our very subsistence depends.
4

We are heartened that the practical agreements reached
at the so-called Earth Summit + 5 included those of major
concern to small island developing States, such as climate
change, tourism and natural disasters. Belize, a country with
a low-lying coastal plain, several coral atolls and more than
100 coral islands, experiences challenges similar to those
that face small island developing States. At the United
Nations we participate within the very active Alliance of
Small Island States, and we remain faithful to the
implementation of the Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States, adopted at the 1994 Global Conference in Barbados.
We look forward to the in-depth assessment of the
Barbados Programme to be conducted at the forthcoming
two-day special session to be held immediately preceding
the fifty-fourth regular session of the General Assembly.
Belize will continue to insist that the constituency of
low-lying coastal States be accorded the deserved support
of the international community so that we too may share in
the tangible benefits to be accrued.
Countries like mine will also increasingly depend upon
the United Nations to steer the way forward in building the
new framework within which developed and developing
nations interact. Against the backdrop of globalization and
market liberalization, a new partnership is called for. The
role of the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD) and the regional commissions in
examining the issues pertinent to globalization and
development and the effective integration of developing
countries into the international trading system is especially
key, for the recent negative rulings by the World Trade
Organization on the European Union banana regime, which
secured access for African, Caribbean and Pacific countries,
fully demonstrate the dangers inherent in unbridled
liberalization shorn of consideration for the special needs of
small, vulnerable and disadvantaged economies.
In the current climate, it is perhaps basest apostasy to
question the new catechism of free trade. “Revisionism” is
a bad word, and heresy will no doubt be swiftly repaid by
excommunication. But has not the zeal of the convert
blinded us to the humanism of the original aims of
preferential access? After all, this was not some hopelessly
capricious or unreasoning altruism. Preferential access
regimes represented, rather, a real and sincere effort to
enable small developing countries to produce for the
international marketplace, to offer their societies a chance
at a decent standard of living and to assure them a special
stake in the global economy.
Although economic thinking has changed, the
objective conditions of poor countries have not. Fervent
recitation of the new mantra alone can never wipe out the
diseconomies of scale for small, primary-producing States.
We cannot now compete on equal terms. Yet our calls go
unheeded for the comprehensive capital inflows and
technical assistance so vitally necessary to achieve the
structural adjustment that will enable us to participate
equitably in the new trading arrangements. I repeat to the
industrialized world what surely has now become our cri
de coeur: do not cut off our legs, then tell us to run.
Development is still one of the most important
aspirations in today’s world. To return to my earlier
complaint, the achievement of economic growth and
sustainable development has not been balanced throughout
the five regions that United Nations comprises. It is an
understatement to say that globalization and economic
liberalization have had a different kind of impact on some
of us. A few nations now enjoy the increased well-being,
while others are visited only by deepening
marginalization.
The recently adopted United Nations Agenda for
Development stresses the role of the Organization in
development matters. The Agenda is one concrete manner
in which we can collectively address the issues and
problems relevant to development and, in particular,
development’s peculiar relationship with peace,
democracy, good governance and human rights.
Belize repeats its call for an annual observance by
the General Assembly at which development policy would
be the focus of debate. Such encounters could maintain
the Agenda’s impetus, as well as provide a forum for
discussing effective and coordinated follow-through with
regard to commitments made at the several global
conferences.
Preventive diplomacy and peacemaking are still the
best means at the Organization’s disposal in its efforts at
conflict avoidance. The wide range of activities carried
out in the name of preventive diplomacy must ever be
mindful that success can be guaranteed only with the
consent of all parties.
Both the Security Council and the General
Assembly, in extending existing operations or authorizing
additional ones, must continue to issue clear mandates. In
the light of the financial situation, some collective
discipline will have to be applied in authorizing mandates
when adequate resources are not available.
5

On a related subject, we have learned of efforts under
way to develop the Organization’s rapid-deployment
capability. This dimension is necessary, but any deployment
in this sense must withstand the scrutiny of national
consent. Again, we would prefer to see the preventive
aspect stressed rather than the enforcement side. Further, a
rapid-reaction capability is not needed solely to respond to
threats to peace in the traditional sense. Recent measures
employed to enhance the Organization’s humanitarian
response to both man-made and natural disasters are also
demonstrative of the requirement for the institutionalization
of a rapid-response capability.
In the Secretary-General’s programme for reform,
deserved emphasis is placed on strengthening international
cooperation to combat the new threats to civil society. The
deleterious effects of crime, drugs and terrorism know no
borders.
The administrative changes to be instituted by the
Secretariat to focus action through the United Nations crime
prevention and criminal justice programme should give us
the upper hand in waging war against the forces of uncivil
society.
Countries such as mine expend huge amounts of
limited resources in addressing these concerns, which, in a
small State, can amount to nothing less than threats to
national security. Further, we are convinced that the global
nature of the problem requires the highest level of
international cooperation that can be achieved. This must
embody the concept of multilateralism and reject unilateral
devices which disrespect the sovereignty of States.
Belize’s declaration affirming respect for the
personality, sovereignty and independence of States, which
was sponsored by 30 members of the Organization of
American States (OAS) at the twenty-seventh session of its
General Assembly at Lima, Peru, speaks directly to this
issue and strongly promotes the spirit of partnership that
must underpin an interdependent approach to addressing the
common problem of narcotics trafficking and abuse.
International cooperation in this regard must mean the
avoidance of not just political, but also of economic,
unilateralism. For example, the banana industry in my
country may well be destroyed by the efforts of the very
people who claim to be our partners in the fight against
illicit drugs. We have a saying in Belize that the same knife
that sticks the sheep sticks the goat. If the prosperity of
strategically vulnerable southern Belize is to be sacrificed
now on the altar of the new orthodoxy, it will not be long
before the substitute blandishments of the drug trade
undermine our national anti-narcotics efforts to the point
where they too become only burnt offerings at the feet of
the deity. The immutable, compassionless law of the
market is very much a two-edged sword.
It is in this context that the forthcoming special
session of the General Assembly on illicit drugs is
especially timely. It will afford Member States an
opportunity to discuss joint action in preventing money
laundering, international cooperation in judicial affairs and
law enforcement. But the debate must be a thoroughly
holistic one that looks carefully at the interrelatedness of
economic well-being and effective anti-narcotics policies.
We commend the prudence of this Assembly in its
decision that the Open-ended Working Group on the
Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in
the Membership of the Security Council and Other
Matters Related to the Security Council should continue
deliberations during the current session.
In the absence of any general agreement within the
Working Group, Belize would find it difficult to accept a
strict deadline in relation to Council expansion. Further,
we do not wish to see qualitative distinctions in the
decision making ability of existing and possible new
permanent members. We note with gratitude that Belize’s
comprehensive proposals on the subject are still included
among the views being considered.
On another issue related to reform, the principles of
equitability and universality confer urgency on the claim
for consideration of the Republic of China on Taiwan.
Twenty-one million people living in a successful, robust
and prosperous democracy should be entitled at the very
least to a discussion of their circumstances. The blanket
“no”, the annual ritual that continues to slam the door
shut on even the possibility of debating their aspirations,
is irrational and unenlightened. A way must be found to
review this situation in a manner consistent with the
rights of the parties and the spirit of the Charter.
This Organization, it appears, is completing a period
of intense self-examination and introspection. We must
continue to counter the influences that would ascribe a
diminished role to multilateralism. Our flexibility and a
visible search for consensus have enabled us to retool.
We are demonstrating that we are still equal to the tasks
ahead. With reform and renewal moving to the fore this
year, it is clear that the crisis of confidence is over.
6

With an able chief executive, the United Nations is
now, therefore, strengthening and repositioning itself to
surmount the challenges that face us.
It is our sincere wish that in the weeks ahead we will
reach a new pass in our great undertaking, and that
momentous debate will result in keen, relevant and timely
decision-making.


Allow me to begin by
congratulating you, Sir, on your election to your
honourable post. You may count on our full support and
dedication to your goals.
You, Sir, have inherited the legacy of the outgoing
President, Ambassador Razali Ismail, which we can build
on: friendly atmosphere, lively debates, productive spirit,
strong desire for change and reform, and, last but not
least, brilliant management of the Assembly’s work. My
Government congratulates Ambassador Razali on his
outstanding performance.
I come from a country that is in the midst of
comprehensive reforms. Top-to-bottom institutional
changes have reshaped our society from its very roots,
establishing a commonly accepted democratic way of life.
Radical changes involved in introducing a market
economy have borne fruit. Today, our democracy and
market economy are inextricably linked with the new
security and economic framework of a united Europe.
Our reform experience demonstrates that the courage
to grasp the moment — to respond rapidly if and when
the changing situation requires — a key for success. We
have this key in our hands, and we need the determination
to use it. With the end of the cold war, the fall of the
bipolar system and the failure of power politics have
given us a new chance to look deeper into the core of the
United Nations and to reshape it in line with the needs
and expectations of its Member States and for the benefit
of all. The picture of the road ahead is visible.
We want this session of the General Assembly to be
dominated by the programme of reforms. Lithuania’s
Government supports the Secretary-General’s reform
initiative, which is expected to spur most fundamental
changes. We are confident that the Secretary-General will
successfully implement that part of his programme which
falls within his own responsibility.
It is unlikely that everyone will be happy about
every part of the proposed reforms. We, the Member
States, have to see the Secretary-General’s proposals in
their entirety, and, rising above narrow national interests,
find a compromise on every step that brings us closer to
a more focused, more efficient, more transparent and
more democratic United Nations. Lithuania is ready to
play an active part in achieving agreement on a United
Nations structure that will reflect the nature of the United
Nations mandate and its core functions: maintenance of
peace and security, sustainable development and
8

promotion of human rights, humanitarian assistance, and
social and economic progress. They should be placed within
a strict time-frame. Otherwise, lack of dynamics in the
negotiation process will cause a loss of direction.
What is of special concern to us is that the financial
difficulties of the Organization are affecting its performance
and endanger the progress of reforms. Lithuania will fulfil
its financial obligations to the United Nations and urges
other States to do so. At the same time, United Nations
financing must reflect a State’s capacity to pay. The scheme
of limits has to be removed from the new scale of
assessments that is to be negotiated this autumn. Lithuania
continues to support the package of comprehensive
proposals put forward by the European Union designed to
put the Organization on a sound and predictable financial
footing.
Although the reform of the Security Council started as
a separate process, it is now part of the entire package of
United Nations reform. It was inspired by the general
acknowledgement that the time had come for the Council
to reflect new realities in world politics. Today we have
more nations able and willing to serve permanently on the
Security Council than in the days of its inception. Two such
States are Germany and Japan. Asia, Africa and Latin
America, too, legitimately aspire to have new permanent
seats. And there are more States whose contributions to the
goals of the United Nations point to the need for greater
appreciation and better accommodation of their interests.
We want a comprehensive reform of the Council
whereby the number of non-permanent seats increases as
well. The Group of Eastern European States, whose number
has more than doubled over the past few years, deserves at
least one additional seat. Our position on this is very firm.
We also need a more transparent and democratic
Security Council. But, most important, the reform should
continue to progress. This year’s discussions have been
productive, thanks to the efforts of the former President of
the General Assembly, Ambassador Razali. I hope the
process will retain its vigour.
In the post-confrontation era, there are far too many
weapons around the world. Fortunately, today there are
more tools to control the spread of the most deadly
weapons. Last year we adopted the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty — a major breakthrough in
nuclear disarmament, which is feasible when pursued in
consecutive steps. The next step should be to ban the
spread of fissile material for nuclear warheads.
The world’s attention has been captured by the
negotiations in Oslo on the agreement to ban one of the
most inhumane weapons: anti-personnel landmines. We
support these efforts, which require profound rethinking
of national defence strategies in many countries, including
Lithuania. Confidence-building measures and security
cooperation will help humanitarian concerns reign over
military purposes.
We have faith in regional and bilateral efforts to
disarm. Europe has set out on the path of toughening the
requirements for the stationing of conventional forces,
through the adaptation of the Treaty on Conventional
Armed Forces in Europe. We support this process and
believe that it can be a model for other regions.
Even though the total number of peacekeeping
operations and their average size have been reduced in
recent years, peacekeeping is still the key instrument
available to the United Nations in discharging its primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace
and security. Together with Estonia and Latvia, and with
Poland, Lithuania is developing joint peacekeeping units.
Apart from its genuine objective of contributing to United
Nations goals, this exercise is, in itself, a testimony to full
understanding and cooperation among the neighbouring
countries of our region.
In recent years we have witnessed an increase in the
role and functions of international civilian police in
peacekeeping operations. The civilian police forces can
play a major role, through assistance to local police
forces, in rebuilding national police and judicial systems,
in restoring civil order, in supporting the rule of law and
in facilitating national reconciliation. The need for
assistance from international civilian police is likely to
increase. It can be met by properly functioning United
Nations standby arrangements, which are designed to
expand the rapid-deployment capacity of the Organization.
Lithuania has decided to join the United Nations system
of standby arrangements for peacekeeping operations.
Later today, I shall submit to the Secretary-General a
detailed description of our permanently available
contribution, including well-trained police officers.
Nations around the world are being challenged by
certain phenomena which know no boundaries and which
can be tackled only by joint action. Fighting international
crime, drug trafficking and terrorism and ensuring
environmental protection and humanitarian aid are among
such challenges.
9

Lithuania wholeheartedly supports the Secretary-
General’s reform effort to strengthen, through the United
Nations entities in Vienna, the Organization’s capacity
coherently and systematically to address threats to the
stability and development of society created by
transnational crime in all its manifestations. For its part, the
Government of Lithuania is determined to enhance regional
structures combating transnational organized crime as well
as fully to implement bilateral, regional and multilateral
agreements in this area.
We also look forward to the special session of the
General Assembly in 1998, which should enable the
international community to develop new and improved
strategies to address the problem of illicit narcotic drugs.
Although the nineteenth special session of the General
Assembly was not a milestone of success and ended with
few commitments, we strongly believe that the political will
demonstrated by the presence of so many Heads of State
and Government will be translated into action. The next
occasion to demonstrate the seriousness of our intentions to
protect the environment and to agree on specific targets for
reducing the emission of greenhouse gases, which were not
realized at the special session, will be the third session of
the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in
Kyoto, Japan, this December.
The fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights will afford a great occasion to see what
has been done and what can be done about the protection
of and respect for basic international human rights.
We welcome the appointment of Mrs. Mary Robinson
as the High Commissioner for Human Rights and express
our support for the structural reforms of the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and
the Centre for Human Rights. Internal restructuring of the
United Nations human rights organs should go hand in hand
with close cooperation in human rights issues between the
United Nations and such regional arrangements as the
Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe and others.
Illegal migration and trafficking in migrants threaten
stability in Central and Eastern Europe. We believe that
treaties on readmission between the States of the region
could be a key instrument against these threats. Lithuania
urges the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent
States that have not yet done so to accede to the 1951
Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967
Protocol and to further strengthen national institutions
responsible for the management of migration flows.
We believe in a regional approach to regional issues.
We praise the United Nations reliance on regional
organizations. The Organization for Cooperation and
Security in Europe is a good example of what a regional
institution with a limited budget can do rather than
placing the burden on the United Nations. The North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is another good
example. The record of the two organizations in the
former Yugoslavia is much better than what could have
been achieved had the United Nations alone dealt with the
war.
Along with other measures towards a more
consolidated peace, good-neighbourly relations have
become vital for regional security and stability. We have
done our utmost to establish and maintain friendly
relations with our neighbours, while simultaneously taking
practical steps towards integration into the European
Union and NATO. The accession of Lithuania to
European and transatlantic institutions will have a
significant impact on lasting security and stability.
Yesterday the Russian Foreign Minister, Mr. Primakov,
proposed a different security model of our region.
However, creating a substitute for transatlantic integration
is not in line with our vision. The international Vilnius
conference entitled, “Coexistence of Nations and Good
Neighbourhood Relations — A Guarantee of Security and
Stability in Europe”, for which Lithuanian and Polish
Presidents Algirdas Brazauskas and Aleksander
Kwasniewski acted as hosts in September of this year and
which was attended by 12 Heads of State and
Government, received joint greetings from the Presidents
of Germany and France, Roman Herzog and Jacques
Chirac. They wrote:
"It is time to foster a culture of cooperation and
dialogue all over Europe and to harness the political
energies of our peoples to bring about reconciliation
and understanding ... Only in a spirit of unity,
community, friendship and good- neighbourly
relations, as well as mutual understanding, will we
be able to build the future of our continent."
Here at the United Nations, I am tempted to quote this
sentence, but with the last word, "continent," in the plural.


Please allow me at the outset,
Sir, to express my sincere congratulations on your election
as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-second
session. The expectations of this session are great and the
tasks demanding; however, your experience and political
wisdom are a guarantee that they will be fulfilled.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank His
Excellency for Razali Ismail, Ambassador of Malaysia, for
his energetic and successful presidency of the fifty-first
session.
Almost two years have passed since we, Heads of
State and Government of the United Nations Member
States, confirmed our commitment to the idea of reform
in this very Hall. This reform should contribute to the
accomplishment of the mission of the United Nations in
the current international situation as well as to greater
efficiency of the Organization. Today, we have before us
a comprehensive set of proposals by the Secretary-
General in “Renewing the United Nations: A Programme
for Reform” (A/51/950). This document proves that the
discussions held within the last two years, and the
experience gained in recent decades, have helped the new
Secretary-General to prepare, within a few months,
concrete proposals providing a basis for further decisions.
Slovenia joins those who have expressed their
appreciation to the Secretary-General for the impressive
work he has performed in the first months of his mandate.
This work has included concrete measures for the
functioning of the Secretariat and proposals for reform.
We are well aware, however, that the responsibility now
lies with us. We, the representatives of the Member States
and the peoples of the United Nations, are responsible for
decisions that will give impetus to the necessary reforms
and enable the Organization to deal with the tasks of the
coming century.
Our approach should not be based primarily on
calculations of what individual Member States might gain
from the reform. It should above all be based on an
assessment of how to reform the Organization so that it
will better serve all of us. This will be possible only if

the Organization becomes better able to fulfil its basic
tasks — the maintenance of international peace and security
and comprehensive economic and social development,
particularly in developing countries — and to ensure broad
respect for the promotion and protection of individual and
collective human rights.
Another important requirement for the success of this
reform programme is for the United Nations to take its
decisions promptly and on time. The past years have made
possible all-round discussion about reform. And now is the
time for decisions: Slovenia believes that major decisions
should be taken during the first part of the present session
of the General Assembly. The President of the General
Assembly will play a significant role with regard to those
decisions that cannot be postponed. We fully support and
encourage you, Sir, in your assumption of an active role
and in your determined management of the decision-making
process.
Slovenia supports the proposals contained in the
Secretary-General’s report on a programme for reform. This
project deserves all our attention and assistance. Its main
value is that it offers the possibility of concrete decisions
while remaining open to new ideas and proposals.
The proposals for promoting sustainable development,
defined as a priority task by the Secretary-General himself,
deserve careful examination. The impression is that these
proposals are headed in the right direction, although clearer
answers to questions on development financing will be
required. The “development dividend” created by the
streamlining of the Secretariat will not be able to provide
all the answers we need. Concrete proposals will be needed
to define more accurately the tasks of the proposed office
for development financing, which would encourage
innovative means of mobilizing new financial resources for
development.
Slovenia agrees with the suggestion of the Secretary-
General that human rights should be integrated into all
principal activities of the United Nations, such as peace and
security, economic and social affairs, development
cooperation and humanitarian affairs. This approach
promises a significant improvement in the activities of the
United Nations in these areas. It would also lead to
increasingly comprehensive United Nations activities in the
field of human rights.
Respect for human rights is achieved not only through
the functioning of instruments to monitor compliance with
international treaties but also through political, social and
economic measures that allow human rights to become an
integral part of social development and a part of the
everyday life of each individual. Observance of human
rights must be closely linked with the promotion of social
progress and the eradication of poverty in order to secure
human dignity, essential social security and development.
Furthermore, this would substantially contribute to the
elimination of political tensions and of the root causes of
threats to international peace. Should the United Nations
fail to ensure respect for human dignity and the protection
of human rights, its basic mission will not be fulfilled.
The new High Commissioner for Human Rights will
certainly assume an important role in the search for
solutions to salient issues. We note with pleasure that it
is Mrs. Mary Robinson, until recently the President of
Ireland, who has been appointed to this post. Mrs.
Robinson has already won worldwide recognition, and we
wish her every success and look forward to her proposals
for improvements in the field of human rights.
Reform of the Security Council constitutes an
important part of the reform of the United Nations. The
period following the end of the cold war only reconfirms
the importance of the effective functioning of the
mechanisms of collective security. However, it also calls
for changes in the composition of the Security Council
and for the improvement of its working methods.
Slovenia is committed to a reasonable and balanced
increase in the number of permanent and non-permanent
members of the Security Council, to a restriction on the
use of the veto and to greater transparency in the
functioning of the Council. It is our hope that the
discussions on Security Council reform, which have been
going on for several years now, will lead to appropriate
decisions that have the genuine support of the
membership of the United Nations.
Slovenia also endorses the approach taken by the
Secretary-General in the field of disarmament.
Disarmament has been one of the priority goals of the
United Nations since its foundation. We have good reason
to be satisfied, since disarmament efforts have registered
considerable progress with respect to weapons of mass
destruction. The Chemical Weapons Convention, signed
four years ago, entered into force this year. We expect it
to be implemented effectively, although this will be
feasible only if the Convention is ratified by all the
remaining countries, particularly those disposing of large
stockpiles of chemical weapons or of resources for their
production.
2

The indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the conclusion of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty last year have
considerably reduced the dangers created by nuclear
weapons. But the time has come to take further steps. We
need to ensure universal adherence to the ban on nuclear
tests and to accelerate negotiations for the ban on the
production of fissile material for nuclear weapons.
Endeavours towards the reduction of nuclear-weapon
arsenals should be intensified in order to ensure their
gradual elimination.
I wish to place special emphasis on the importance of
the early adoption of the international convention on a
comprehensive ban on anti-personnel landmines and their
destruction. Slovenia has joined those countries that have
already renounced their use, transfer and production, and
has been participating actively in the Ottawa process since
its inception. Negotiations concerning these issues have just
been brought to a successful conclusion at the diplomatic
conference in Oslo. Early in December of this year,
Slovenia will join those who intend, in the presence of the
Secretary-General, to sign the Convention on the
Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer
of Anti-Personnel Landmines and on Their Destruction.
Disarmament efforts constitute an important element
in the strengthening of international security. The formation
and implementation of the regional arms control and
disarmament regimes represent an effective mechanism in
strengthening security. The experience gained during the
Balkan crisis, which posed the most serious threat to peace
in Europe since the foundation of the United Nations,
strengthens our belief that lower armament thresholds
should be imposed. More weapons can only present greater
temptation and danger.
None of the endeavours aimed at modernizing the
Organization by providing relevant answers to global issues
will have any guarantee of success if the United Nations
proves unable to contribute to the solution of those crisis
situations that pose a threat to international peace and that
generate humanitarian problems. These situations are now
assuming larger dimensions than in any other period of
United Nations activity to date. The credibility of the
Organization and the functioning of its main bodies must be
repeatedly proven. Special importance in this respect must
be attached to the activities of the Security Council, which,
in accordance with the Charter, bears primary responsibility
for the maintenance of international peace and security.
Today, expectations regarding action by the Security
Council are more realistic than they were several years
ago. However, they are no less demanding. The Security
Council is taking an active part in issues concerning
international peace on the African continent. It has proved
its ability to apply a variety of the methods that are at its
disposal in accordance with the Charter. These include
preventive diplomacy, cooperation with the Organization
of African Unity, classic peacekeeping operations and the
use of measured and focused economic sanctions. The
appropriate choice of these methods has enabled the
Security Council to formulate relevant approaches to the
situations in Liberia, Angola and Burundi. As for some
other crisis areas, including the Republic of the Congo,
the most appropriate approach still remains to be found.
The Security Council is also participating in settling
issues which arise after the military conflicts. In Europe,
the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina provides an
example of such involvement. Following the conclusion
of the Dayton agreement, which halted the war, the
situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina has stabilized to a
certain extent. Yet peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina is
still far from secure. The return of refugees is proceeding
slowly, is limited, and is facing hindrances. The
authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina have not been
functioning as stipulated in the peace accord, and the
principal war-crime suspects have not yet been transferred
to stand trial at the International Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia. The United Nations has been performing a
number of important tasks in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
particularly in the areas of humanitarian aid, unarmed
civil police activity and criminal prosecution. The scope
of the present engagement of the United Nations in
Bosnia and Herzegovina is, however, is in proportion with
the increased coordination of action taken in Bosnia and
Herzegovina by other international organizations. At the
same time, success in those fields falling within the
competence of the United Nations is of critical
importance for the establishment of lasting peace.
Let me take this opportunity to stress that the
inevitable starting point for solving the crisis in Bosnia
and Herzegovina is the precise identification of the nature
of that devastating war, which has not been completely
stopped. If there is a lack of willingness to identify the
reasons for and the nature of the war, and its aims and
protagonists, then the healing will inevitably be a lengthy
and expensive process, with many risks to human life and
property. One must even envisage the possibility that the
search for peace might prove unsuccessful.
3

The activities underway in Bosnia and Herzegovina
have assumed the character of a post-conflict action, but
their aim is also a preventive one. Experience gained in
recent years has shown that conflicts often re-emerge in the
absence of appropriate preventive action of a diplomatic,
economic or, if necessary, military character. The time to
withdraw the international forces from Bosnia and
Herzegovina will have to be considered very carefully.
Withdrawing too early could lead to a recurrence of the
initial situation of instability or of armed conflict.
An example of successful preventive action
representing an important lesson for the future has been
provided by the international operation in Albania this year.
Operation Alba was conducted on the initiative and under
the leadership of Italy, in agreement with the Albanian
Government and with the authorization of the Security
Council. That operation has shown how quick and
determined action taken by a group of countries in the
vicinity of the emerging crisis situation, and with the
authorization of the Security Council, can prevent armed
conflict and potential destabilization in the region. Slovenia
took part in that successful operation and is ready to
participate in other preventive actions, as well as in other
peacekeeping operations. That readiness has been confirmed
by the decision of the Security Council to include a
Slovenian contingent in the peacekeeping operation in
Cyprus.
The recent international action in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and Albania, as examples of regional crises,
demonstrates the importance of the participation of regional
organizations; such a role has been played by the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Slovenia’s readiness to contribute towards
implementing the objectives of the United Nations has also
been manifested by the candidature of Slovenia for a non-
permanent seat on the Security Council for the period 1998-
1999 in the elections to be held at the General Assembly in
a few weeks’ time. Slovenia has confirmed its role as a
State that has been successfully coping with the issues of
development and of good-neighbourly relations. Within the
scope of its possibilities, it has also been striving for long-
term stabilization of the situation in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and in the region at large. Through this action
and its other international activity, Slovenia has proved to
be a factor for peace and stability in Europe.
As a Member of the United Nations, Slovenia is
actively participating in the discussion on reform, including
the issue of reform of the Security Council. Our readiness
to contribute, in practice, to the work of the Security
Council has been manifested by our cooperation in the
peacekeeping operations in Albania and in Cyprus. And
last but certainly not least, Slovenia has been paying its
membership contributions to the regular budget and to the
peacekeeping budget in full and on time.
As a candidate for a non-permanent seat on the
Security Council, we undertake in the event of our
election to observe the principles of openness and
transparency of action, and will strive to strengthen the
ties between the Security Council and rest of the
membership of the United Nations.
May I in conclusion reiterate again the importance
of this session of the General Assembly and of the
decisions to be taken. We have arrived at a stage where
we may see the crystallization of solutions that will
prepare the United Nations to cope with the tasks of the
next century. It is our responsibility to formulate these
solutions in a sufficiently clear and comprehensive
manner, and in that way provide for the viable future of
our common Organization. I firmly believe that we, the
present generation, will be able to preserve the United
Nations as it was created by our forefathers in the
turbulent time at the end of the Second World War, as an
Organization committed to the principles of peace,
cooperation, development and respect for human dignity.


I take this opportunity to congratulate you, Sir,
on your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its fifty-second session.
I wish also to thank your predecessor, Ambassador
Razali of Malaysia, for the skill and commitment with
which he guided our work during the last session.
I convey to the Secretary-General and his staff my
high appreciation of the often difficult initiatives they
have taken this year to promote peace not only between
peoples but also within nations. These initiatives accent
the Organization’s role and its principles, to which I am
pleased to reaffirm the commitment of the people of
Seychelles. There have also been initiatives to promote
development and to protect the environment and the weak
among us, and to help stateless individuals and refugees
from countries that are often marginalized.
We need a consistent, effective United Nations
backed by the funds necessary for it to carry out its
mandate. The Secretary-General has proposed a series of
reforms along these lines, and the Republic of Seychelles
firmly backs that initiative.
Seychelles is a small island State. Yet we have done
all in our power to integrate ourselves fully into
international life and into the world economy. In that
connection, Seychelles has requested membership of the
World Trade Organization; it is already a member of the
Indian Ocean Commission and the Common Market for
Eastern and Southern Africa, and recently joined the
Southern African Development Community. Seychelles
has thus adopted an open economic policy designed to be
attractive; yet we continue to face the handicaps
characteristic of an island State, exacerbated by a lack of
human and natural resources and by the limits of our
domestic markets.
Following the Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States, held in
Barbados in 1994, and in accordance with resolutions
adopted in international forums, the international
6

community is heeding the appeal of small island States for
help in laying and strengthening the foundations of
sustainable development. Like larger countries, small island
States have the same aspirations, the same needs — and
even more so. Yet they are disadvantaged by their greatly
limited means and their structurally fragile economies. That
is why it would be more equitable to identify specific
criteria that would integrate them harmoniously into the
process of global cooperation and economic development
on both the bilateral and the multilateral levels.
Recently, Seychelles has experienced remarkable
climatic setbacks. Unceasing torrential rains of unusual
intensity have caused loss of life, flooding, landslides and
the destruction of homes and of infrastructure of all kinds.
They also threaten the environment on which our lifestyle
depends and our ecosystem, especially in coastal areas.
For a small State striving to keep pace with
development, an unexpected upheaval, with all its economic
and other consequences, can have far-reaching effects that
are not immediately evident.
I should like to take this opportunity to thank the
Department of Humanitarian Affairs for having quickly
dispatched an evaluation mission to take stock not only of
the damage done but of the future threats such an upheaval
poses, given the climatic change under way on a global
level. Moreover, that mission was followed by the
launching of an appeal to the international community for
assistance. The people of the Seychelles are very grateful
for all these actions.
In conclusion, I should like to express the hope that
the future of our planet will bring vast improvements,
notwithstanding the numerous difficulties that loom on the
horizon. The United Nations, through its initiatives and the
joint efforts of all peoples, will most surely achieve that
goal.