Mr. President, I am profoundly pleased and privileged to offer you the sincere congratulations of Indonesia's delegation upon your election as President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Your statesmanship and your untiring efforts and well-known accomplishments in the cause of peace and a more equitable world order are justly recognized throughout the international community. We are confident therefore that, although the problems before this Assembly are grave and many, we will, under your guidance, be able to find satisfactory answers to them. The fact that you have been called upon to serve in this post of distinction at the present moment gives my delegation added satisfaction, for we see in you not only an eminent son of Africa and of the Arab nation but also one of the outstanding leaders of the non-aligned world as well. At a time of great opportunity as well as oT great challenge, the non- aligned countries have an important role to play in the promotion of global peace, progress and prosperity. It seems to my delegation most appropriate that these forces for peace and progress are exemplified in the person of the President of the General Assembly.
2.	My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to convey its deep appreciation to the outgoing President, the representative of Ecuador, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, who has shown admirable qualities of leadership in a period marked by momentous events.
3.	It is with great satisfaction that my delegation welcomes the new Members of the Organization. Representing a country situated so close to southern Asia, my delegation takes special pleasure in welcoming Bangladesh to membership in the United Nations. The admission of this new State manifests a further step in the efforts to heal the wounds of war and strife in the recent history of the region and, it is to be hoped, marks the beginning of an era no longer plagued by enmity and distrust but characterized by friendly relations and close co-operation.
4.	I would further like to welcome Grenada as a fellow Member in our midst. My delegation is convinced that Grenada's commitment to the principles of the Charter and the goals of the United Nations will enable it to play a significant role in the work of our Organization.
5.	Our warm welcome also goes to Guinea-Bissau upon its admission to the United Nations, as we greeted with equal joy its berth as an independent nation on 24 September 1973. The process leading to the independence of Guinea-Bissau was a long and arduous one, spanning almost twp decades of political struggle and 10 years of uninterrupted and determined armed struggle. Guinea-Bissau's entry now as a full-fledged partner in the work of the Organization for global peace and progress cannot but be greeted with deep satisfaction.
6.	My delegation expects that before long we shall also have the pleasure of welcoming Mozambique and Angola as Members of the Organization.
7.	In expressing our satisfaction at the admission of Guinea-Bissau to the United Nations, we in Indonesia welcome the recent changes in Portugal's policy vis-a-vis the colonial Territories under its administration. A new page has now been opened in the history of Portugal's relations not only with those Territories but also with the continents of Africa and Asia and with all freedom-loving peoples in the world. This development indeed constitutes a beacon of hope for all those who are still fettered by the bonds of colonialism, apartheid and racism. But until all peoples who are still denied their inalienable rights to self-determination achieve their rightful place in the world community, the United Nations should not slacken its efforts to further the process of decolonization.
8.	The past year has witnessed profound political, economic, social and technological developments which have themselves caused fundamental changes in relations among nations and peoples. As I have just remarked, it has been a year notable both for its great challenges and for its great opportunities.
9.	On the one hand, the international community has been confronted with problems of a magnitude and complexity unprecedented in our experience; on the other hand, these very conditions have offered unique opportunities to the Organization and to the world at large. If we possess the necessary vision and courage and, above all, the required political
will, we may yet utilize these opportunities in order to lay the foundations of new economic and political relationships that would move the world closer towards the establishment of a more just and more durable order and towards a more equitable distribution of the world's wealth.
10.	The need for change in the character of inter-national relations is now universally recognized. It is clear, however, that as to the nature and the timing of such change, as well as with regard to the modalities of achieving it, wide differences of opinion still exist within the international community.
11.	Concurrent with the recognition of the need for change, there is a growing awareness that the problems now confronting the world cannot be resolved by any single nation or group of nations acting on its own; they can be overcome only by the joint efforts of the entire world community which recognizes that global interdependence requires global cooperation.
12.	One encouraging result of this new awareness is that the United Nations has been called upon to play an ever-expanding role as the organ of the inter-national community best suited to dealing with the problems created by our increasing interdependence. Thus it may be useful to take this occasion to scrutinize the record of the Organization over the past year and to evaluate the manner in which the United Nations has exercised its growing role in the new international situation.
13.	One of the gravest challenges posed to the Organization last year was how to cope with the renewed outbreak of full-scale hostilities in the Middle East, which again jolted the world dangerously close to the brink of global conflict.
14.	My delegation is satisfied that the United Nations proved itself capable of meeting that challenge. The substantial role that the United Nations played in establishing the cease-fire in the Middle East and in arranging the troop disengagement agreements in the Sinai and on the Golan Heights is generally recognized. The Organization was equally instrumental in the creation of the United Nations Emergency Force, which has enabled it to act firmly in maintaining the cease-fire. And it is a particular honor for Indonesia to be able to contribute a contingent to the Force at the request of the Security Council.
15.	While we may thus be reasonably satisfied with the role that the United Nations has played and will continue to play in the Middle East, my delegation must reiterate its view that unless the root-causes of the Arab-Israeli conflict are removed and until some fundamental requisites are met, no lasting peace can be achieved in that troubled region.
16.	An integral and just solution of the Middle East problem can be achieved only if all relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions are implemented consistently. Israeli aggression must be terminated and all Arab territories occupied since 1967 must revert back to their lawful owners. The Holy City of Jerusalem must be returned to Arab custody and Israel must rescind all measures it has taken to alter the status and character of that City. Furthermore, my delegation is convinced that the Middle East will remain an arena of conflict and bloodshed as long as the Palestinian people are denied their fundamental rights, including the right to self-determination.
17.	Indonesia is encouraged by the prospect of peace that has been opened by the Geneva negotiations. But whatever success these negotiations may achieve in all other fields, a satisfactory solution of the Palestinian aspect of the problem will remain a condition sine qua non for the return of a stable peace in the Middle East. The participation of Palestinian representatives in all talks affecting their future is, therefore, a matter of great importance.
18.	It is with these considerations in mind that Indonesia joined many other delegations in proposing that the item entitled "Question of Palestine" be included in the agenda of this session [AI9742 and Add. I-4}.
19.	Hardly had the initial foundations been laid for a peaceful solution of the Middle East problem when another challenge presented itself before the Organization. In July this year the world was startled by the coup d'etat against President Makarios of Cyprus. This event, and the Turkish intervention which followed, has given the Cyprus problem a dangerous dimension.
20.	What we see in Cyprus is the tragedy of two communities compelled by realities to live together but unable to agree among themselves how to do so in peace and harmony. In their implications, how-ever, the recent developments in Cyprus go beyond the unhappy fate that has befallen its two communities, as these developments not only imperil the independence and territorial integrity of that country but also pose a serious threat to the peace and security of the Mediterranean region.
21.	My delegation is deeply aware of the complexities of the problem and of its long and bitter political background. It is not easy, nor is it necessary, to try to apportion the blame to one or the other party, as the two communities must continue to live together. What is of cardinal importance now is to get all parties concerned back to the negotiating table to create conditions in which it will be possible for the people of Cyprus themselves to determine their future.
22.	Indonesia holds the view that Cyprus should remain an independent, sovereign and non-aligned country. A new constitutional framework should be worked out that can guarantee the rights of each community and enable them to live in harmony with one another, so that a true Cypriot national identity may develop.
23.	Allow me now to turn to a conflict in a region nearer to Indonesia. I refer to the ongoing war and bloodshed in IndoChina. The peoples of Asia and, for that matter, people all over the world are gravely concerned that, almost two years after the signing of the Paris agreement, peace still proves elusive in Viet Nam. This agreement could provide a basis for resolving the long and bitter conflict, which in its toll of human lives and material damage far exceeds the magnitude of either the Middle East or the Cyprus conflict. My delegation notes with regret, however, that there is as yet little evidence of the necessary goodwill of the parties directly concerned to implement the agreement, especially that part providing for a political settlement. Thus the situation is allowed to deteriorate, increasing the likelihood of full-scale war again breaking out in Viet Nam.
24.	Indonesia has been in a position to make a modest contribution to the efforts to implement the Paris agreement on Viet Nam through its membership in the International Commission of Control and Supervision. Indonesia will continue to serve in the Commission as long as it thinks that its participation can indeed contribute to the restoration of genuine peace in Viet Nam.
25.	In the same way, the tragic situation in the Khmer Republic is a source of deep concern to Indonesia. The sacrifices in human lives and suffering which this conflict has exacted, as well as its potential to cause wider instability in the region, make us fervently hope that a peaceful solution to this problem will be achieved through negotiations among the contending factions of the Khmer people themselves. The way in which this problem is now being presented to the Assembly, therefore, cat es the greatest misgivings to my delegation.
26.	It remains Indonesia's considered view that the Khmer people should be given the opportunity to resolve their own problems in peace, free from out-side intervention or imposition, and to decide for themselves the leadership they want and the system of government under which they choose to live.
27.	We are against the idea cf the imposition of a government and a leadership on the Khmer people by the United Nations. We would fully support United Nations intervention in the Khmer problem, however, if indeed such intervention would lead to the ending of the fighting among the Khmers and to a peaceful overall solution.
28.	We are convinced that to impose a leadership and a government on the Khmer people by United Nations resolution will not bring about a solution to the conflict, will not end the fighting and the blood-shed among the Khmers, but will, on the contrary, intensify and prolong them. Thus, it would be a tragic irony indeed if the United Nations, after so many years of non-involvement in IndoChina, now suddenly decided to intervene, not to bring peace but, in effect, to encourage and prolong conflict and bloodshed among the Khmers.
29.	If the United Nations is to take action, then to my delegation's view, it would, be more in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter if the General Assembly were to appeal to the contending parties to stop the fighting and start negotiations for a peaceful solution acceptable to all the Khmer people. In this connexion, I would like to refer to the offer made on 9 July 1974 by the Government of the Khmer Republic in Phnom Penh, to start negotiations, with no preconditions and with any representative of the Khmers on the other side, in order to find a peaceful solution to their conflict and end the killing among brothers. My delegation believes that this offer should be welcomed by the Assembly as one fully in conformity with the spirit of all United Nations endeavors to seek peaceful solutions to problems through negotiation.
30.	Allow me now to reiterate briefly my Government's position with regard to the question of national leadership in Cambodia.
31.	We have nothing against Prince Sihanouk or the so-called "Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia". In fact, the Indonesian people respect Prince Sihanouk for his role in the struggle of the Khmer people for independence and sovereignty. But the Khmer Parliament his own Parliament elected by the Khmer people in accordance with the Khmer Constitution, deposed him, and he is now making his claim to national leadership as an exile, from the capital of a foreign country.
32.	As a matter of principle, Indonesia is against the recognition of a government-in-exile as long as there exists in the country itself a national government which is lawfully established and accepted by the people on the basis of their own constitutional processes.
33.	If the Assembly were to embark upon recognition of such regimes in exile this would not only be tantamount to interfering in the domestic jurisdiction of a State but would indeed set a precedent which would endanger the very structure of the United Nations. Today this question concerns the Khmer Republic; tomorrow it may concern another country, perhaps one of those which now support the idea of recognizing a regime in exile because of feelings of solidarity with a person or a group representing certain political beliefs or because of emotional considerations. I would strongly suggest, therefore, that the choice be allowed to remain with the people and that the United Nations not be permitted to introduce the practice of imposing a government upon a people.
34.	Ranging further afield in the Asian region, my delegation notes with regret that in the two years following the joint communique of 4 July 1972 issued by the Governments of North Korea and South Korea, the dialog between them has achieved little progress. Prospects for reconciliation have been further diminished now that this dialog has been indefinitely suspended. We believe that it would be useful for both sides to resume their interrupted dialog at an early date and exert renewed efforts to implement the principles enunciated in their joint communique.
35.	This year the Assembly is again considering the question of Korea. My delegation agrees with the view that the United Nations should end its military presence in Korea. It is indeed high time that the state of war which still formally exists between the United Nations and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea was terminated. However, as the United Nations military involvement in Korea is based upon a Security Council resolution, it is the view of my delegation that the Assembly should request the Security Council to take promptly the necessary action for the termination of such United Nations military presence. At the same time, my delegation thinks that an alternative machinery should be found to guarantee the continuation of the cease-fire along the armistice line, and that the United Nations should assist, in whatever way is possible, in the efforts of both parts of Korea to achieve reunification through peaceful negotiations.
36.	As far as the presence of foreign troops in a country is concerned, it has always been Indonesia's conviction that such presence will not contribute to peace and security. As for ourselves, we cannot accept the presence of foreign troops or foreign military bases on our country's territory. However, every sovereign State has the right to conclude bilateral agreements with other States to allow such presence on its territory for national defense purposes, and as long as it is not directed against another State.
37.	If there are focal points of crisis on the Asian scene, there is also a brighter side to the picture.
38.	It is with great satisfaction that Indonesia welcomes the formation of the Provisional Government of National Union in Laos. We hope that this achievement will usher in an era of peace and stability in a country that has been a bitter battleground for more than 20 years. We also hope that these developments in Laos will equally contribute to the improvement of the political climate in the region, and serve as an example worthy of emulation by contending parties in other parts of IndoChina.
39.	Recent developments in South Asia have, as I remarked earlier, opened a new chapter in the political history of that region. Thanks to the statesmanship displayed by the leaders of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the door is open to a new era of greater peace, mutual co-operation and understanding.
40.	It is with particular satisfaction that my delegation refers to the developments in South-East Asia, specifically with regard to the efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] to foster more effective regional co-operation. Whereas ASEAN was initially founded to promote economic, technical and cultural co-operation, it has also provided the opportunity to the member countries to deal with political aspects- of regional problems as well. We are pleased to note that these activities have led to the development of increasingly closer patterns of co-operation, which in turn have strengthened the Association as a whole, making it more viable and meaningful to its members. Last year's decision to establish a permanent ASEAN secretariat in Jakarta is another logical step forward in the Association's efforts to consolidate its gains, and to give greater coherence to ASEAN.
41.	As part of this policy of devoting our efforts and resources to the economic betterment of our nation in conditions of peace and tranquility, Indonesia, together with other nations in the region, has consistently endeavored to maintain the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, free from great-Power rivalry and military escalation. To this end, Indonesia has given active support to Sri Lanka's initiatives concerning the Indian Ocean as well as to the relevant United Nations resolutions on this important issue. However, much remains to be done if this idea is to materialize.
42.	It is with deep concern that my delegation views the increasing military presence of the great Powers in the region of the Indian Ocean, which poses a serious setback to the efforts of the nations of the area to keep great-Power arms rivalry out of the Indian Ocean.
43.	We should like to urge the great Powers concerned not to continue on their path of arms com-petition in the Indian Ocean, as the pursuit of such a path will endanger the peace and tranquility not only of the area, but of the whole world.
44.	The international community has been seized for a long period with the problem of establishing a new regime of the sea, one which will not only guarantee the sound management and equitable distribution of the ocean'.s wealth, but which will also accommodate the diverse and conflicting national interests created by existing outdated rules of the law of the sea or by the existence of legal vacuums. As an archipelagic State, Indonesia, by virtue of its geographical composition, attaches the greatest importance to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. This composition brings with it special needs and imperatives relating to the maintenance of Indonesia's national sovereignty, political unity and territorial integrity. At the same time it also entails special responsibilities relating to the interests of the international community, responsibilities 'which the Government of Indonesia has always been willing to shoulder and to discharge, now and in the future.
45.	Indonesia expects, on the other hand, that other States, especially those which, on the basis of previous practice, are enjoying a privileged position in the use of the seas, will adapt themselves to the changes that have taken place and are now taking place in the world. The issues involved in a reformulation of the law of the sea should be approached on the basis of sovereign equality and equity and not on those Of power relationships, either economic or military.
46.	While noteworthy and encouraging progress has been recorded in several fields in the political sphere, it is dismaying to find that this is not matched with commensurate progress in the field of economic and social development.
47.	The picture here is one of gloom and pessimism. In this respect, the world is still starkly divided be-tween developing and developed countries. And it is becoming abundantly clear that, despite strenuous efforts to reverse the trend, the gap between the developing and the developed countries continues to widen with each passing year while the burden of international poverty is increasing rather than declining.
48.	This is certainly not a new subject. But it will continue to be raised at every opportunity, not only to demonstrate our concern and anxiety, but also to underscore the point that such an imbalance in international economic growth cannot be conducive to a peaceful, stable and just world order.
49.	The series of global crises, thoroughly exposed and analyzed during the sixth special session of the General Assembly last May, has thrust into prominence the inescapable reality of interdependence among nations, the inter-connexion of problems and the necessity of joint and concerted action to solve them.
50.	The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-Vl)], together with the Program of Action [resolution 3202 (S-VI)], adopted by the special session, provide us with a broad framework for concerted action to help rectify the inequities and injustices of the present economic system.
51.	The world cannot continue to be apathetic or unresponsive to the basic problems of the developing countries which are facing inadequate food supplies, rapid population growth, unemployment, sharp price increases of capital goods badly needed for development, and technological backwardness.
52.	As regards the food problem, the assessment of the world food situation clearly shows that, unless effective actions are taken quickly, the food crisis will soon assume catastrophic proportions particularly affecting the developing countries. The forth-coming World Food Conference, therefore, should, in our view, agree on an effective program of action, comprising co-ordinated international efforts to secure the flow of food aid and provide for world food security and a long-term world food policy. Such a program should lead to a fundamental remedy of recurrent world food scarcity, inter alia, by increasing food production in the developing countries.
53.	Closely connected with the problem of food is the problem of rapid population growth in a great number of developing countries. The convening of the World Population Conference in Bucharest last August is testimony to the universal recognition that the population problems faced by many countries are problems of world-wide magnitude and concern which require concerted national and international actions to achieve their solutions.
54.	The World Population Conference adopted a World Population Plan of Action as a constituent part of overall economic and social development policies. This Plan of Action has underlined the fact that whatever population policy is pursued, rapid population growth in the years to come necessitates an acceleration of economic and social development through a more just utilization of resources, capital and technology, in the spirit of the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order."
55.	The efforts to expand and diversify markets for the commodities, semi-manufactured and manufactured products of the developing countries continue to be adversely affected by world-wide inflation and recurrent international monetary instability, at a time when there is urgent need for increased export earnings and enlarged employment opportunities. The multilateral trade negotiations which are designed to give a new impetus to ever greater liberalizatioiTof trade and the improvement of the international framework for the conduct of world trade have not even begun. The decline of official development assistance to developing countries has further affected efforts for the sustained economic and social development of these countries.
56.	It is essential, therefore, that substantial progress also be made in these vital areas of trade and development assistance which are crucial to the efforts to establish a new world economic order. In this context, in the interest of both the developed and developing countries, we earnestly hope that the developed countries could display the required political will by removing whatever reservations they may still have in order to enable the speedy implementation of the Declaration and the Program of Action. Only in this way and by collective efforts on the part of both developed and developing countries can we move toward a more just, more prosperous and more secure world.
57.	The draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, which will be considered under agenda item 482 and which is still being negotiated at present, will certainly enhance the realization of the new economic order. It is to be hoped that these negotiations will be concluded successfully to enable the timely submission of the draft to this session of the General Assembly for consideration and adoption. The adoption of this Charter will, we believe, also facilitate the work of the proposed institutional machinery to deal with transnational corporations, whose role and activities exercise an increasingly important bearing on international relations.
58.	The whole process of restructuring the present economic system will culminate in September 1975 in the seventh special session of the General Assembly, which will be devoted solely to development and international economic co-operation. All of us have a vital stake in the success of that session and all efforts should therefore be made to enable it to contribute fully to the establishment of the new international economic order.
59.	The Indonesian delegation is also looking for-ward to the successful conclusion of the mid-term review of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], to be held in April 1975. The findings and conclusions of this review will be of particular importance to the smooth conduct of our deliberations in the forthcoming special session.
60.	There should also be no doubt that this special session will take into account the results of the World Population Conference, the World Food Conference, the multilateral trade negotiations within the frame-work of GATT and the Second General Conference of UNIDO, all of which have an important bearing on the realization of the new international economic order.
61.	The successful conclusion of the special session will undoubtedly have a positive effect on our efforts to reach agreement at the fourth session of UNCTAD on the new approaches now being initiated by the Secretary-General of UNCTAD in the important areas of commodities, financial and technical co-operation, economic co-operation among the developing countries and transfer of technology.
62.	Within the current changing international situation it is worth while noting two developments which will determine in a significant wry the stability and resilience of Indonesia in particular and the region of South-East Asia in general during the second half of this- decade. I refer to Indonesia's second development plan and to the co-operation of the nations of South-East Asia within the framework of ASEAN..
63.	Our second five-year development plan, which started in April 1974, is a continuation and acceleration of the development efforts made during the first five-year development plan. In the second plan, increased food production, the development of agro-allied industries and infrastructure remain the central points of our development strategy. Increased efforts will be made towards accelerating growth in the production of natural resources, including mineral products. The benefits to be derived from those sectors will, we believe, contribute significantly to an increase in domestic products and to the easing of foreign-exchange constraints on development, as well as to the creation of new employment opportunities. That, in turn, will induce a better distribution of wealth and income.
64.	In attaining our national development objectives, natural resources will therefore be optimally exploited consistent with the preservation of environmental conditions and the protection of the interests of future generations. The involvement of the people in the development process and in social welfare development will also become focal points of our second development plan.
65.	AH those activities will need huge funds, far greater than before, in order to increase the momentum of development and to enable us to improve the standard of living of the people. It is the policy of the Indonesian Government, therefore, to direct all efforts to the maximum extent possible towards mobilizing its financial resources for development, including its domestic resources, and at the same time towards increasing export earnings.
66.	The magnitude of Indonesia's development efforts is exemplified by the fact that Indonesia's per capita income still falls in the lowest income brackets on the international scale, due to the size of our population and its high growth rate. That fact has necessitated substantial food imports, which continue to exert a considerable drain on our foreign- exchange reserves. By way of illustration, despite steady increases in our food production, our annual imports of rice and fertilizers remain on the order of $US 1,500 million. The recent favorable development in Indonesia's balance-of-payments position should therefore be viewed in the perspective of our huge import requirements to fulfill the basic necessities of the people and of our increased development activities, which far exceed Indonesia's present financial capabilities. Consequently, external development assistance will be required for a further period to complement our domestic financial re-sources.
67.	For those reasons, the Government of Indonesia regretfully finds itself unable at this stage to contribute to the proposed Special Fund to be established under the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. That should not, however, be interpreted to mean that Indonesia does not want to participate in any effort to enhance development co-operation among the developing countries through the machinery of certain specific development funds. In that regard, I can mention Indonesia's active participation in the initiation of the Islamic Development Bank, which is to be established soon and to have as its declared objective the mobilization of financial and other resources and the promotion of domestic savings and investment among its members.
68.	In the same vein, we might also mention the recent decision of the secretaries-general of ASEAN to the effect that specific measures will be taken to alleviate the problems of raw-materials shortages among its members. In that particular case, Indonesia will make an effort to provide some form of aid to the other members of ASEAN within its limited capacity.
69.	With regard to regional co-operation with ASEAN, that organization has now entered its second stage of operations,. Whereas the first stage was devoted to consolidation, in the second stage ASEAN will have to move more rapidly towards actual realization of economic co-operation in various fields. Particular reference must also be made to co-operation in the industrial field, which will lead to concrete results in the form of setting up ASEAN industrial projects to provide the goods and services necessary to raise the people's standard of living and to improve economic viability.
70.	Our summary review of some of the problems and challenges which the international community will have to face now and in the immediate future clearly shows how crucial a role the United Nations can and must play within the prevailing pattern of global interdependence.
71.	In the light of the all-encompassing process of transition and change through which the world is going, and in the face of problems it is far beyond the scope and capacity of single nations to contend with, there seems to be dawning a new realization of the necessity to forge a fundamentally different kind of global co-operation and global co-ordination among the nations of the world. No international organization other than the United Nations possesses the inherent capacity, universality and credibility to assume the indispensable task of acting as the central instrument and principal catalyst in this common venture.
72.	I cannot, therefore, but whole-heartedly endorse the plea of the Secretary-General, so eloquently summed up in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [Al9601IAiid.l], that the widest possible effort and political will on the part of all Member States should be mustered so as to enable the Organization effectively to meet the overwhelming challenges of our time and to be truly fashioned into a lifeline to a better human society in the future.


I wish to state that it is a signal honor to address the Assembly from this rostrum the highest expression of world thinking where illustrious statesmen from the most distant corners of the world have come to carry out a dialogue, which is a means of understanding par excellence between peoples and between men. This is possible because of the growing universality of the United Nations, which at each session of the General Assembly enables us to greet new States that have joined the system.
2.	On behalf of my Government and my people, in our language which is a language of peace, I greet all the nations represented here. We wish to practice friendship without reservations or exclusions. We are a developing country, a part of the earth which shares the limitations, hopes, disappointments and impatience of those countries which earnestly seek their progress in an atmosphere of stable peace, based on the broadest co-operation.
3.	I wish to express to the President of the Assembly, Mr. Abdelaziz Boutefiika, the eminent statesman from Algeria, our most cordial greetings and our best wishes for his success. To the outgoing President, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, and to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, we express our appreciation of their unflagging work for world peace.
4.	I also wish to extend a brotherly welcome to the new Members of the Organization, the States of Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau. As my country has from the outset maintained cordial relations with Bangladesh, we can only rejoice at its entry into the United Nations. The same holds true in respect of Grenada, a State which is also within the
American region, thereby making its presence in the United Nations a twofold source of very great satisfaction to the Latin American group of States. As regards Guinea-Bissau, we again have many grounds for satisfaction in view of all that its presence represents.
5.	The General Assembly heard with deep consternation Mr. Cesar Batres, the Minister for. Foreign Affairs of Honduras [2242nd meeting]. His words brought to us the tragic confirmation of the gravity of the disaster which has struck his country. He made us feel as our own the pain and devastation which the Honduran people have been suffering. We know that there are tragedies in respect of which words are meaningless. But we know too that the ideas transmitted in this august Assembly are the expression of an international solidarity profoundly moved and stimulated by the marvelous sense of human brother-hood, a brotherhood which in the midst of pain, and perhaps because of it, will bring spiritual comfort, moral encouragement and material assistance to the sister State of Honduras, with which the Government and the people of Bolivia feel a deep sense of solidarity in these moments of sorrow and affliction.
6.	As I was saying, every year we meet here - countries which are united and separated for many reasons quite apart from geographical distances. We come here seeking a pledge, bringing our concerns and our hopes. This is the most eloquent proof that our faith in the supreme world body has not faltered. We believe in the ideals and postulates of the San Francisco Charter, which was masterfully conceived 29 years ago.
7.	These principles have not lost force with the pas-sage of time, and they are as valid today as they were then in promoting an international conduct designed
to enable mankind 	1 so many ways, to
follow a road le^u. ^ ihe attainment of a destiny of happiness and prosperity.
8.	The items to be debated in the Assembly are many and complex. Among them there is no order of priority with which to determine their importance. All, every one of them, are intimately connected with the lofty purposes of the United Nations; but it is quite true that some are of greater concern to us.
9.	Accordingly, I shall refer only to some of the items which, in our opinion, require priority attention and immediate action by the States Members of this Organ-ization so that through adequate adjustments we may promote success in the great tasks which the inter-national community seeks to complete ,
A/PV.2259 and Corr.l
10.	At this stage in our civilization, when man, through his inexhaustible ingenuity, has solved the mystery of outer space, mankind cannot consider wars to be inevitable. There is therefore no acceptable justification for mass destruction.
11.	For this reason, from this rostrum of peace, where we nobly endeavor to arrive at understanding and friendship among peoples, my delegation wishes to express its most earnest hope that the efforts of the Security Council will strengthen peace on Cyprus and that the international community will endorse the initiative of the Secretary-General to bring comfort to the populations affected by the conflict.
12.	But the aims of peace cannot be secured except by political action designed to prevent possible confrontations. At present, the elimination of world tension must be sought, basically, in a frank and determined co-operation for development, which will make it possible to establish a just order in economic relations among States in the knowledge that external aid and co-operation have ceased to be an act of philanthropy and have become a duty which the most advanced countries can no longer shirk.
13.	These motives gave impetus to the drafting and implementation of a major effort -the international development strategy for the First United Nations Development Decade. We recognize, in all its auspicious intention, the essential achievements of that program, even though it must be pointed out that they were not sufficient to solve the complex problem of underdevelopment. This circumstance led to a feeling of frustration which, with the useful lessons learned from the earlier attempt, we must try to dispel and overcome. The desire to achieve the advancement and prosperity of peoples is a goal which, despite frustrations, cannot be abandoned. The will of nations must persist in its purpose to achieve those aims. Were this not to be so, we would be committing a blunder with unforeseeable consequences for the future of mankind.
14.	With these irrenunciable aims still in view, the Second United Nations Development Decade was started in a spirit of renewal. The responsibility shoul-dered by the international community is greater at this stage than in the past because new expectations and prospects are being nurtured. These must be satisfied lest our peoples become inevitably exposed to a crisis of confidence in the mechanisms of world co-operation and in the very system of international economic relations.
15.	It is not our intention to encourage pessimistic prophecies, but if our peoples have to continue to bear fresh disappointments the consequences will doubtless be catastrophic. Faith will have been weakened, and we shall have further removed the goal of progress to which the most numerous part of mankind aspires for its complete fulfillment.
16.	For these reasons, my delegation feels that it is both desirable and urgent that the industrialized countries, and the developing countries replace the present state of near-confrontation by a broad and constructive understanding so as to arrive at an economic alliance through the same channels which made it possible to reach a political detente, designed to create a sound and lasting world understanding.
17.	My delegation wishes to reiterate its complete endorsement of the principles, objectives and policies contained in the basic documents adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly. We consider that they faithfully reflect the interests and aspirations of the economically backward countries.
18.	Hence, we not only appeal for understanding from the industrialized nations but we also require their dynamic participation in this undertaking, through generous and concrete expressions of their political will, with a view to establishing a more balanced and just economic system.
19.	There is clearly the threat of a world-wide economic dislocation. It is a time of trial and of urgent decisions. Joint action and solidarity must go beyond simple statements. Positive altitudes conceived of with imagination and executed with boldness are what is needed.
20.	It is of the utmost importance that we obtain a progressive revaluation of the exports of the developing countries. But we believe that this will only be possible if we adopt an appropriate mechanism which will link and automatically adjust, starting with equitable levels, the evolution of prices of the exports of the least developed nations with the manufactures of the industrialized countries.
21.	It is also of priority interest to strengthen the organs for these purposes so as to achieve a greater transfer of financial and technological resources for the benefit of States which seek to develop.
22.	Another legitimate means to prevent any possible crisis might be found by the international community if, with a criterion of equity, it agrees to promote and facilitate the processing of natural resources in the regions where they are found, that is to say, for the benefit of the soil itself where nature placed these riches. It is also important to assist in the process of regional and subregional integration.
23.	Another chapter which deserves our attention is the one regarding a draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.
24.	We should like to make it possible, in brief, that through joint efforts, as the original element of the voluntary act, the intelligence of man may conceive of and apply a system whereby the growing prosperity of the richer nations does not become a threat of greater poverty for the small nations. The entire effort represented by the Second United Nations Development Decade would not be effective, however, unless we promote with like interest and will to act the Disarmament Decade. It is of the utmost importance that substantial resources previously intended for destruction now be used for work that will raise the well-being of all peoples.
25.	On the other hand, we were justly alarmed to hear some expressions here in regard to the rising prices of raw materials and energy supplies, which augur an escalation of confrontation in world trade. We trust that, with the creative capacity of man and a predominantly just spirit, channels of understanding and balance will be found. Thus, we shall serve the aspirations to well-being and, above all, solidarity among nations.
26.	Another item which is current in the common concern of mankind for maintaining peace refers to the quest for an adequate conciliatory formula so as to finally remove the violence of the convulsed regions of the Middle East. The Government of Bolivia is sensitive to the suffering of the Palestinian people. Therefore, we express our most whole-hearted hope that the negotiations started in Geneva will prosper and be consolidated. We believe that, in order to achieve genuine peace in the Middle East, the parties to the conflict must continue effective negotiations, covering the interests of all, without outside interference or impositions.
27.	Let us encourage what is constructive. We believe that the quest for peace requires many sacrifices. The situation in the Middle East, therefore, calls for the most serene reflection and requires that we pave a smooth way for the negotiators.
28.	My country, which traditionally has opposed colonialism in any form, wishes to greet with satisfaction the fundamental changes in attitude which are taking place in this field. These are not isolated successes but proof of the ability to adjust to the new molds of history. It is, in brief, a triumph of the international community.
29.	In this way, the first step has been taken for new States to come into being and they, we are sure, will enter the international community to practice the principles advocated by the Charter of the United Nations, which places the ideals of peace above any resentments of the past.
30.	This year has been a period of doubts and achievements. There have been frustration and also hope; and the hope for a new era more just and in accordance with the concerns of our peoples is shown precisely in the context of America. The widespread acceptance of dialog, resulting from understanding, has enabled us in America to break the lack of communication and has made it easier to seek joint formulas for an effective coming together on a basis of complete solidarity. Tlatelolco and Washington, and shortly Buenos Aires, are landmarks of a new policy and of an edifying example. Developing countries and one of the world Powers, on a footing of equality, decided to review their relations in every sphere so as to reconcile interests and, what is more important, to establish mechanisms Of co-operation which will give content to the ideals of solidarity.
31.	We, the Latin Americans, believe that the roads are free and clear and that a future of happiness and understanding depends, then, on our ability and imagination and the vast scope of common objectives. Dialog is again a synonym for understanding.
32.	America, too, looks for justice. America has taken a historical decision to apply solidarity. America is resolved that on its soil sterile confrontation should end, giving way to harmony and mutual co-operation among its peoples. Finally, America has united its will and launched the challenge in Atlanta, at the Fourth regular session of the Organization of American States (OAS): conflicts do not contribute to well- being, and their solution is an imperative of our times. To do away with suspicions, to defeat acceptance of injustice, it is recognized "that hemispheric solidarity constitutes one of the essential foundations of the' inter- American system", and we declare, with the unanimity of causes of noble origin, "that it is of fundamental interest for the continent to solve the problems which disturb solidarity, lessen co-operation among the American nations or threaten peace, and represent barriers to their economic and social development".
33.	My Government has thus brought to Atlanta its words of peace for the solution of the injustice arising from the geographical enclosure to which my country is confined. In this world society I must reiterate it more broadly, together with our willingness for a constructive dialog. The solution of the landlocked status of Bolivia is a continental problem. It is a challenge to America which wounds the spirit of understanding of just men and peoples. The return of Bolivia to the sea is the most deep-rooted feeling among its citizens. We trust that we shall not witness the centennial of our enclosure, because we see the foreshadowing of fruitful understanding free from formalisms and with a profoundly practical sense. America has so decided.
34.	With these same principles, full of the vocation for peace and progress, the Nationalist Government, under the presidency of General Hugo Banzer Suarez, has continued the task of national reconstruction. For the past three yea* s Bolivians have enjoyed the benefits of stability and order and have found that it is possible to build their own historic destiny, through the genuine national entity. The task has been an arduous one, and we still foresee a stage of work and sacrifice.
35.	The Bolivian nation faces many problems -among them, strengthening its economy and its political system, which embraces both the nation and the people, and institutionalizing its republican life. But our will is strong. With the help of all Bolivians, we shall overcome and lay the foundations that will enable future generations to have a free country, a country that is just and full of opportunities.
36.	I would not wish to end my statement without reiterating the faith of the people and Government of Bolivia in the United Nations. At this General Assembly session we again express our hope that mankind, here represented, will engage in a more vigorous quest for the happy future we must seek, as the result of the construction Of a truly integrated international society.
37.	There are, to be sure, many problems facing the contemporary world. But I am convinced that if we exert all our efforts, and with the sincere purpose that guides our peoples, we shall find the right path that will lead us to universal brotherhood.
38.	The very fact that more than 130 countries come together in this ecumenical gathering to express their hopes and aspirations and to reaffirm their faith in peace confirms our conviction that mankind is moving towards systems of loyal communication, solidarity and shared effort. That is faith in our destiny. That is support for harmonious coexistence. That is, finally, the certainty that in this changing world, where man himself is astonished by his accomplishments, ways to happiness can be found.


Permit me first of all to extend, on my own behalf and on that of my delegation, our most sincere and warm congratulations to Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Foreign Minister of Algeria, on having been elected to the high post of President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
37.	His unanimous election is a significant confirmation of his diplomatic and political qualities. My delegation takes the deepest pleasure in this circumstance and is very much encouraged and derives great comfort from the fact that the difficult task inherent in the office he holds will always be fairly and wisely carried out by such an outstanding son of the African soil of Algeria. I cannot conceal the pleasure and satisfaction of my delegation at seeing him occupy the presidential chair in this Assembly because my country admires and highly appreciates our valiant brothers, the people of Algeria, to whom we are bound by so many close social and political ties and with whom we have maintained and continue to maintain good relations of frank brotherhood and understanding within the context of the unity and the strengthening of the African continent and international peace and security. My delegation pledges its close co-operation with the President for the success of this session.
38.	This is a most appropriate opportunity for me to express in this Assembly, on behalf of my Government and on my own behalf and that, of my delegation, most sincere appreciation and gratitude to the valiant fraternal people of Guinea-Bissau which for more than 11 years has been waging an armed struggle against Portuguese colonialism and has by its own efforts seized its independence. We are today celebrating its victory, which has been consummated by its full membership in the United Nations. To this valiant brother people my delegation offers the warmest possible welcome to this Organization; we pledge ourselves to work alongside it and together with it for the total emancipation of all the peoples of the world and in particular of those parts of the world still under the domination of colonialism.
39.	We cannot forget that the independence of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau and its subsequent admission to the United Nations was the result of an arduous struggle, filled with sacrifice and self- denial throughout many years. The Republic of Guinea-Bissau has demonstrated its maturity and ability as a sovereign State and my Government is firmly convinced that it will play its proper role effectively as a Member of this Organization. For my country, the victory won by the Republic of Guinea-Bissau against Portuguese colonialism constitutes one of the most significant victories in the struggle undertaken by Africa against colonialism to rid mother Africa of colonialism was perhaps the most notable victory because it is a victory achieved over the Olympic champion of colonialism in that continent. At a time when the flag of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau is flying at the United Nations, my delegation would like to commemorate an illustrious son of Africa from Guinea-Bissau who devoted his whole life to and gave it for the salvation and emancipation of his people. I refer to the great revolutionary Amflcar Cabral. May his memory long endure!
40.	My sincere congratulations go also to the States of Bangladesh and Grenada, which have now joined the international community of the United Nations, thus once moire bringing the universality of the Organization closer to reality. My Government is sincerely confident that the participation of those new States Members of this Organization will contribute to improving the efficiency of the United Nations. We extend the warmest possible welcome to those new Member States.
41.	With regard to the universality of the United Nations, my delegation believes and is totally convinced that this is one of the strengths of the Organization, helping it towards the full and effective achievement of its universally acknowledged objectives. This universality, along with the political good will of Member States, is the essential condition without which all our efforts to achieve the objectives of the Organization would lack consistency and it may be claimed that these two elements - universality and the political good will of the Member States - constitute the sine qua non for the success of our Organization. We therefore take pleasure in the fact that, with the admission of the new Member States, we have achieved almost total universality in the United Nations; and, as a supplement, my delegation would like to make an appeal to all States to redouble their efforts so that those parts of the world which are today, still under the yoke of colonialism will win their liberation from that evil which has inflicted indescribable suffering on mankind. In this connexion, I should like to commend the co-ordinated action undertaken by the United Nations ever since its historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
42.	The root of the evils from which the world is suffering today lies in the inequality of rights to which peoples are subjected and which brings in its train an unjust distribution of resources. The colonial system is the one which primarily generates this human injustice and has done so for centuries. The struggle for liberation by colonial peoples as a consequence of this injustice is entirely justified, in the view of my delegation, by their claim to the legitimate rights to which they are entitled: liberty, human dignity and the inalienable right to self-determination and independence. The Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, under its President- for-Life, Francisco Macias Nguema Biyogo, resolutely supports this legitimate struggle of the colonial peoples, whatever form it takes, as the only means by which the peoples suffering from colonialism can be heard by their oppressors. That this has become the rule.is due to the very nature of colonialism, since the imposition of colonialism could never be negotiable by dialog at least not in the way it was imposed by the, various colonial Powers in Africa.
43.	Some may think that this struggle of the colonial peoples for their liberation constitutes a breach of the peace and a disturbance of order. But those who hold this belief and make this contention may be forgetting that peace has never existed in colonial Territories, because their peoples lack the fundamental right to liberty and thus, by definition, they have never had peace. My Government has a deep concern for international peace and security, as was stated by the President-for-Life on the historic day of the proclamation of the independence of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea:
"Peace is our third watchword. We were born in peace, we achieved our independence in peace and this peace, internal and external, under whose sign our nation was born is something that we must maintain at all costs. We are entering the international community with the Arm determination to do everything in our power to promote the cause of peace."
44.	It is for this reason that, beginning with the countries in Africa and other parts of the world which are suffering under colonialism and ending with the mayor disturbances to peace in the Middle East, Cyprus and the zones of IndoChina which are still the scene of hostilities, my Government cannot remain indifferent to the circumstances which have given rise to the devastation of those areas, circumstances which, because of their nature and origin, are liable to jeopardize international peace and security. We would like to appeal to the forces directly or indirectly involved in those hostilities to reconsider their positions and find proper solutions.
45.	As Members of the United Nations we are all only too keenly aware of the role we are supposed to play and we are perfectly well aware of our duties, rights and obligations under the Charter of the United Nations. The importance of strict. observance of these obligations is fundamental, and peace * to which we all so much aspire, lies precisely in the strict observance by all Members of our duties and obligations, which today many subordinate to the satisfaction of their ambition to dominate. The situation could be very simple if we had a vigorous, energetic and mature political will.
46.	My delegation would very much like to commend the co-ordinated action of many Members of the United Nations aimed at the decolonization of those parts of the world which are still under the domination of colonialism. In this respect, we enthusiastically applaud what has been done so far by the new Portuguese Government with regard to its
African colonies. As the representative of the Portuguese Government- stated from this rostrum on 23 September, we hope that General Spinola will not disappoint us and that words and agreements will mean a commitment on the part of the Government of Portugal, contracted before the eyes of the international community, to guarantee the independence and integrity of its colonies and that there will be no resort to habitual Machiavellian maneuvers which are so familiar to us as the doings of neocolonialism.
47.	As I have said before, we view with pleasure the attitude adopted by the new Portuguese Government. But my Government does not consider sufficient what has been done so far and we do not have too much confidence in it. My Government hopes that immediate independence will be given to the rest of the Portuguese colonies in Africa secure, not a fictitious, independence, and independence which will be in keeping with the rights of the African peoples and give them the possibility of exercising their sovereignty. That will be of immense credit to the people of Portugal and its Government. In spite of the fact that their name has been tarnished during the three centuries of their colonial rule in Africa, this will make it possible for the African peoples to feel ourselves true friends of the Portuguese people.
48.	One of the measures which my Government believes to be urgent is the de facto immediate recognition of all liberation movements recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAJU\ as legitimate representatives of the colonial peoples, their protection and the provision of guarantees for them so that they can freely put into effect their programs of action without any kind of repression. In spite of the plurality of political movements which may exist in the colonies, the important thing is to recognize them and to let them work. The multiplicity of political parties is something which has been experienced by almost all the African peoples that are today independent and does not constitute any obstacle to the granting of independence. What is needed is to allow the liberation movements to work freely and to grant them facilities to carry out their programs. They themselves will do whatever is best for their peoples. That is a path which we have all trodden.
49.	In contrast to what is happening today in the Portuguese colonies in Africa my. delegation views with profound concern the scant progress achieved towards the emancipation of the African peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe^, the Sahara and so on, because of the disdainful and deaf attitude of the Administering Authorities which disregard the various resolutions adopted by this General Assembly. The permanent occupation and foreign administration of Nive, Guam, Pitcairn, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, Solomon Islands, the Seychelles and New Hebrides, American Samoa and St. Helena, the British and the United States Virgin, Brunei and the Malvinas Islands, and the Comoro Archipelago, still continue to be one of the serious obstacles to the full and effective attainment of the objectives to which we are devoting our efforts.
50.	My Government is fully convinced that the decolonization of all parts of the world still under foreign domination is of fundamental importance for the balance of social, international justice. I should like to stress the subject of the independence of peoples, since my Government finds it a fundamental factor in the achievement of social justice and for international peace and security. This independence presupposes the right of all peoples to conduct their own political, social and economic lives. Foreign intervention in these matters has led only to disturbances in their lives from the very beginning. Any country by virtue of its being a sovereign State is perfectly able to adopt the political, social and economic system which it believes is most appropriate to its interests. That does not imply that it cannot share in the benefits of the rest of the international community, provided that that does not mean any intervention in the affairs of others. What country in the world would agree that another country should conduct its destiny?
51.	All peoples should enjoy the freedom of independence, and respect for that independence on the part of all others is vital for good international relations. My Government respects the independence of the other countries of the world. For this same reason my Government sets no limits on maintaining relations with all countries of the world that love peace. My Government is convinced that world peace lies precisely in this total and absolute sovereignty of all countries of the world and a respect for and recognition of that sovereignty by all others. Failure to respect that sovereignty, I think I may maintain without fear of error, has given rise to practically all the conflicts to which we have been witness today.
52.	In spite of the atmosphere of the easing of tension, and understanding and tolerance that can be observed today in international relations, particularly between the great Powers, my Government is not sure that peace between peoples has been entirely achieved. We are somewhat concerned still at seeing that the absolute sovereignty of the peoples is not being exercised as fully as it might be and frequently is not respected by many Members of our Organization that have imperialist ambitions. The conflicts in the Middle East, Cyprus, Cambodia and Viet Nam are nothing more than the consequence of a violation of this fundamental right of all peoples. Foreign intervention in these hostilities with a view to imperialist domination has made ever more difficult the easing of tension and the-establishment of dialog between the parties to the conflict.
53.	The Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, no matter how tolerant it may be, will never permit its sovereignty to be slighted and will always reject countries of an imperialist regime which pursue this policy. We reaffirm our faith in the idea that through peaceful coexistence, rapprochement between peoples will become ever more successful and in this way the dream of our forefathers, which is also our own dream, can be realized, to see all the nations of the world living in an atmosphere of peace, understanding and tolerance.
54.	It may be asserted today that the ideological struggle has lost pride of place and has been replaced by peaceful coexistence which is identified today with non-alignment. Indeed, at the present time we see visiting each other very frequently Heads of State and Government with different ideological doctrines, often very much opposed to one another, and also agreements being signed between these Heads of State. This constitutes a precondition for the replacement of tensions and differences which characterized the recent past by understanding among States today.
55.	My Government, which advocates the policy of non-alignment, does not define it, as some have tried to do, by somewhat distorting it and claiming that it is another kind of alignment. My Government interprets non-alignment as a symbol of the actual emancipation of every State. We the non- aligned countries place our sovereignty and independence before any kind of political doctrine. Our only doctrine is based on the sovereignty and independence of countries: in other words, the freedom of every people to exercise its legitimate rights without foreign influence. We are entirely convinced that the perfection of one leads to the perfection of the whole, and if each State can consider that it is enjoying perfect peace and freedom, consequently this will be true of the peace and freedom of the world community as a whole.
56.	My Government, in referring to areas of hostilities, appeals to the parties to subordinate their ambitions and individual appetites to an attempt to And appropriate solutions. The human lives lost in Cambodia can never be justified by the Fascist Government of Lon Nol. It is well-known by all how legitimate is the struggle of the Royal Government of Prince Sihanouk, who was the victim of imperialist aggression, when the sovereignty of the Cambodian peoples was trampled underfoot, and when that popular and democratic Government was replaced by another puppet government, guided by remote control by imperialist reactionaries. My delegation is convinced that this General Assembly will find a solution, a way to restore the legitimate rights of the Royal Government, recognized today by most countries which are Members of this Organization.
57.	The Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, as I stated earlier, no matter how tolerant it may be, will never belong to that category of governments which is contemptuous of the sovereignty and independence of peoples. Therefore, at the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly, from this rostrum [2154th meeting, para. 47], we gave public notice of the breaking off of our diplomatic relations with the Zionist State of Israel because of its policy of imperialist annexation; and while that State continues to occupy independent Arab territories and to ignore the rights of the Palestinian people, the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea will not reconsider its position. The international community must react to the aggressive attitude of these States and respond positively to the-appeal of our Organization for respect for the rights of oppressed peoples. My Government does not tolerate aggression because it is contrary to the objectives of the United Nations, nor will we stand by and see the rights of peoples trampled underfoot.
58.	In its international relations, my Government asks nothing more than that its rights should be respected by others, just as we respect theirs. When one protects a criminal, one runs the risk of being his victim. I believe that acting logically is the sensible thing that can be done by the Members of the United Nations, and I say that without any partisan considerations. That applies to countries which support regimes like South Africa and Rhodesia. The comportment of the Government of South Africa is nothing but a flagrant violation of resolutions of the General Assembly and open defiance of the Organization. All my Government can do with regard to that country is require that it respect the Charter and strictly apply the provisions of Article 6 thereof.
59.	Those who believe that the purpose of the United Nations is to foment disturbances in the world and to take advantage of those disturbances to divert the attention of the world community, or allow them to be exploited by some interested parties, are mistaken. For instance, in the Korean peninsula, in spite of the time the United Nations Force has been stationed there and the efforts that have been exerted by this Organization, the Korean people have not been able to achieve their longed-for reunification because of difficulties resulting from the stationing in their country of foreign forces which use the name and the flag of the United Nations to make any kind of fruitful negotiation impossible. We would like to make clear our conviction that, as that people matures politically, reunification will be achieved peacefully by means of constructive dialogue between the North and the South, without foreign intervention.
60.	My delegation continues to consider that the joint communique issued on 4 July 1972 by North and South Korea2 constitutes the basis for any negotiations. The General Assembly must object to the use of the name of the United Nations and its troops to complicate a solution to the problem of the Korean peninsula. That would increase the prestige of this Organization and would encourage the harmonious development of contacts between North and South. We are sure that in the not-too-distant future the entire Korean nation, as a unitary political entity, will participate in the work of our Organization as a fully fledged Member. The Korean people, which has a very high human potential, with its traditions and unique culture, deserves to be heard here as a Member of the United Nations.
61.	The Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes it to be the political right of all peoples to solve their own problems without any foreign intervention. But that political right will not be effective if countries cannot exercise the same sovereignty in the economic and social realms. However, apart from that right of the peoples, my Government considers that co-operation among States is vital and has always emphasized th. necessity for a balanced world economy. The interdependence which, from the very beginning, the peoples of the world have always experienced is obvious proof of the need for economic co-operation among States. Peoples must come to an understanding in spite of their ideological differences. Only in that way can there be trade on a basis of mutual advantage.
62.	Fortunately, the United Nations is the most appropriate forum in which the peoples of the world can come together and deal with each other. It is the best place for the efforts of all of us to be combined in order to meet the most elementary needs. My delegation is confident that this session of the General Assembly, without prejudice to what has been done at previous sessions and in other forums of the United Nations, will tackle the problems of economic co-operation among nations, giving it the highest priority and dealing with it with the attention and care it deserves.
63.	One of the primary objectives of the United Nations, as our historic Charter states so clearly, is to unite the efforts of all the peoples of the world to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security, to save succeeding generations from the afflictions of hunger and poverty, and to provide the best living conditions in accordance with human dignity. If all those conditions are fulfilled through the provision of economic justice, the Organization will have played its proper role. My country, like all other countries of the third world, is not fighting for any power or political hegemony. That is the dream of the great Powers. If there really is democracy in the United Nations, as we hope, it will be possible to eliminate items on nuclear weapons from its agenda and to replace them by items affecting the lives of human beings.
64.	That is the feeling of the majority. Within this context, my delegation would like to repeat at this session of the Assembly the attitude of the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea with regard to the World Population Plan of Action, adopted by the World Population Conference which has just been held in Bucharest. My country understands and has had experience of the problem of overpopulation, a problem affecting certain parts of the world. But, unfortunately, we cannot support a demographic policy which would have us exercise birth control. We are convinced that the countries affected, both economically and socially, by the uncontrollable growth in population understand that in other parts of the world the situation is completely different. That is the case in my own country, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
65.	We are not convinced that poverty and illiteracy, which are so symbolic even today of the third world, or the international economic imbalance which now exists in some countries will be, as certain Powers like to maintain, consequences of the present size of the world population or of future population growth. My Government cannot believe this because, in its opinion, the improvement in prices of raw materials in view of the profits made by the industrialized countries and the equitable distribution of material goods constitute the proper basis for bringing about a better world free from the social and economic difficulties we are experiencing today.
66.	In view of this fact, my Government believes that demographic policy should be pursued unilaterally by each and every one of usv without any foreign influence in accordance with the conditions, possibilities and needs of each country .
67.	The world today is a vast battlefield. We, the countries of the third world, are struggling for our independence and our right to sovereignty while the great Powers are fighting for hegemony and domination. But the nature of mankind itself does not necessarily lead to war, for peoples have a natural tendency to draw closer to each other. My Government thinks, that in spite of these struggles, there is essentially no such thing as a rich country or a poor country, because the balance of the comparative needs of peoples to a certain extent may be considered stable since we all have needs that depend on each other. This is an undeniable truth which has influenced the conduct of peoples throughout history. My delegation is firmly convinced and very much hopes that the draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, which is to be considered by the Second Committee in agenda item 48, will constitute a very valuable instrument for influencing the conduct of States in economic matters, thus averting the abuses which have been continually committed by many countries.
68.	In summary, my Government reaffirms its faith in the idea that decolonization of all parts of the world still under colonial domination and respect for the independence and sovereignty of States will contribute effectively to the restoration of international peace and security. We reaffirm our faith in the objectives and principles of the United Nations, mainly peace, security and economic and social progress. We reaffirm our conviction that through peaceful coexistence tensions among nations will be replaced by understanding and tolerance. We are firmly convinced that by means of co-operation among all the peoples of the world solutions will be found to overcome all the obstacles which today hinder the social and economic progress.
69.	I would not like to Conclude my statement without conveying to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, the gratitude of my Government for his merits and for the efforts which he has made in the search for feasible solutions to the problems faced by this Organization and particularly for his interest in decolonization, peace, international security and the economic problems of the world.