I  should like first to offer my warmest congratulations to
you, Mr. Kerim, on your assumption of the presidency
of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I
am confident that under your distinguished leadership
we will achieve great results during this important
session. I take this opportunity to assure you of the
Republic of Korea’s full support for your noble
endeavours.
 I would also like to pay tribute to the Secretary-
General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his
excellent service during his first year in office. Based
on long experience of working closely with him, His
Excellency President Roh Moo-hyun of the Republic of
Korea and I have every confidence that he will
continue to fulfil his role with distinction.
 Today’s global challenges require a collective
response. Ever-widening globalization has brought
with it a growing role for the United Nations. By virtue
of its universality, the United Nations is the right body
to deal with these global issues. No other organization
can provide the legitimacy and authority that the
United Nations offers. The United Nations has played
an indispensable role in setting international norms and
principles. It has pointed States and peoples in the right
direction. By enhancing predictability and rule-based
interaction between and among nations, the United
Nations is able to prevent conflicts of interest from
erupting into crises. Those are the quiet successes of
the United Nations that often go unnoticed, precisely
because the Organization helps to keep the
international system running smoothly. This aspect of
the work of the United Nations deserves full
recognition and should be further strengthened.
 At the same time, the United Nations can do
better. We should persist in our efforts to strengthen the
world body through reform. This will be essential in
enabling the United Nations to respond effectively to
the most daunting challenges of our era. As steps
towards achieving that end, the Government of the
Republic of Korea fully supports the important
initiatives that the Secretary-General has taken to
promote the efficiency, effectiveness and
accountability of the Secretariat. In particular, we
appreciate his strenuous efforts to lead by example in
changing the Secretariat’s working culture.
 Development, human rights and peace and
security are the three pillars of the United Nations.
They are all imperatives, and they are mutually
reinforcing. Let me begin with development. The
Millennium Development Goals agreed upon by our
leaders in 2000 have a target year of 2015. We are
already at the midpoint. It is essential that we assess
the current situation and renew our commitment. But
such actions will not be enough on their own. We need
to identify more effective means to fulfil those
commitments.
 The Republic of Korea has been redoubling its
efforts to enhance its official development assistance
(ODA). We have committed ourselves to a threefold
increase by 2015 from our current ODA level. To
further support the international effort to eradicate
poverty, we have joined the air-ticket solidarity levy
initiative, an innovative source of financing for
development. At the same time, drawing lessons from
our own history of development, we place emphasis
not only on increasing the scale of our aid but also on
effectively sharing our experience with developing
countries.
 An issue closely related to development is
climate change. There is a growing consensus that
climate change is placing serious constraints on
worldwide development capacity. It affects everyone
everywhere. Therefore it must be urgently addressed. I
hope that the political will shown by the leaders of
more than 150 nations at the gathering held here on
Monday, 24 September, leads to the adoption of a road
map to a post-2012 regime of realistic, tangible
solutions to this pressing concern. They should be
comprehensive and flexible enough to ensure
participation by as many countries as possible.
 Turning to human rights, it is vital that the
Human Rights Council live up to the high expectations
that surrounded its creation. We must do all we can to
enable the Council to make real progress in the
promotion of human rights. Let us renew our
commitment and strengthen our joint efforts to ensure
its success. As an inaugural member of the Council, the
Republic of Korea is fully committed to the principle
of all human rights for all.
 In that regard my Government is deeply
concerned about the current situation in Myanmar and
the loss of civilian lives during the continuing protests.
We strongly hope that the Government and the people
of Myanmar will work together peacefully towards
democratization and national reconciliation.
 My Government has substantially increased its
efforts to eliminate discrimination against vulnerable
groups such as women, children and persons with
disabilities. We have vigorously pushed for necessary
legislation and the improvement of institutional
frameworks to protect and promote the rights of such
individuals. Also, we adopted a national action plan for
the promotion and protection of human rights in May
this year.
 In the area of peace and security, United Nations
peacekeeping missions are continuing to grow in
importance as well as in the size and scope of their
activities. The strengthened United Nations Interim
Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), operating in southern
Lebanon, and the deployment of the African Union-
United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur are two
prominent examples.
 Indeed, the rising demand for peacekeeping and
the broad support of the international community are
clear evidence of the crucial role of the United Nations
in maintaining peace and security. For our part, the
Republic of Korea’s recent participation in UNIFIL
testifies once again to our firm commitment to United
Nations peacekeeping activities. We will make every
effort to enable our well-trained and disciplined
Korean contingents to contribute further to
peacekeeping activities.
 Peace cannot be sustained without development.
A comprehensive approach is required in order to make
the fragile peace of post-conflict situations durable and
irreversible. With the establishment of the
Peacebuilding Commission, the critical task of
consolidating peace and development has been
institutionalized. In that regard, I believe that the
experience of the Republic of Korea over the past half
century in rebuilding the nation from the ashes of war
since the 1950s could provide useful insights and
encouragements that might help the post-conflict
peacebuilding activities of the United Nations.
 Terrorism continues to be one of the gravest
challenges of our times. The Republic of Korea
strongly condemns terrorism in all forms, committed
by whomever, wherever and for whatever purpose. We
fully support the ongoing global anti-terrorism efforts.
The Republic of Korea is party to 12 existing anti-
terrorism conventions, while being in the process of
ratifying the latest International Convention for the
Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism. We are also
of the view that the United Nations should lose no
more time in concluding a comprehensive convention
on terrorism.
 The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
(WMDs) and their delivery systems poses an
ever-increasing threat to the international community.
To curb WMD proliferation, our highest priority must
be to restore the integrity and relevance of the global
nuclear non-proliferation regime. In fact the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
regime is at a crossroads. It has faced unprecedented
challenges in recent years. In responding to those
challenges we need to pool our wisdom to strengthen
the current nuclear non-proliferation regime. The
inherent deficiencies in the NPT should be remedied,
and effective multilateral tools should be further
developed to better serve the purposes of both nuclear
non-proliferation and the peaceful use of nuclear
energy.
 As home to the world’s sixth-largest civil nuclear
energy industry, the Republic of Korea regards the
peaceful use of nuclear energy as crucial to our
sustainable energy supply and economic development.
That is all the more reason why we support
strengthened safeguards against possible proliferation
as a guarantee of the expanded use of nuclear energy
for peaceful purposes.
 Among the proliferation challenges facing the
international community, the nuclear issue of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea requires our
immediate attention. That problem, if not resolved
soon, will seriously undermine the NPT regime. It also
has significant implications for peace and security in
North-East Asia and beyond. The Six-Party Talks are
the main vehicle through which to resolve the nuclear
issue of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
That process has made significant progress since its
launch in 2003. In the Joint Statement of September
2005, the six nations agreed on a blueprint for the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. The
Agreement on Initial Actions, of February this year,
took that consensus another step forward, laying out
specific actions to implement the Joint Statement. We
hope that another agreement will be reached during the
new round of the Six-Party Talks now under way in
Beijing, leading to the disabling of the nuclear
facilities of the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea.
 On the Korean peninsula, inter-Korean relations
will be taken to a higher level with the summit meeting
to be held in Pyongyang next week between President
Roh Moo-hyun and Chairman Kim Jong-il. The summit
will first of all aim at consolidating peace on the
Korean peninsula. The Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea will be encouraged to move forward on the
path to denuclearization. In the same vein, the leaders
will explore ways to increase mutual trust through
political and military confidence-building measures, as
well as ways to lay the groundwork for an eventual
inter-Korean economic community. With progress in
the denuclearization process, a new peace regime will
be established on the Korean peninsula to replace the
half-century-old armistice. The deepening of inter-
Korean relations and the improvement of ties between
the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and other
countries concerned will warrant such a change.
 The resolution of the nuclear issue of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will thus have
a ripple effect, extending its benefits well beyond the
Korean peninsula. The denuclearization of the Korean
peninsula will strengthen the NPT regime, serving as a
useful example of a negotiated solution for similar
problems in other parts of the world, including those in
the Middle East. A peace process on the Korean
peninsula will open the path to a regional security
dialogue, and the resultant improvement in North-East
Asian security will further strengthen regional and
global cooperation for peace and prosperity.
 That may be an optimistic view. But it is
important that we see not only the threats and
challenges in our world but also the opportunities. With
the ongoing Six-Party Talks and next week’s inter-
Korean summit, we see a real opportunity for change,
and we hope that our partners in this process will help
us to transform today’s uncertainty into tomorrow’s
stability and prosperity.
 Our efforts in North-East Asia are a testament to
the importance of diplomacy and international
cooperation, as exemplified by the United Nations.
Even the most daunting challenges can be overcome
when nations join forces to share the burden. For the
Republic of Korea, that is a lesson we have learned
through hard experience. Ever mindful of the days
when we gratefully received the assistance and support
of the international community for our very survival,
we now try to help others, whether by working to
strengthen regional security, participating in
peacekeeping missions far from home, or sharing our
resources and knowledge. These will be our modest
contributions to the betterment of all humanity, the
noble purpose embodied in the United Nations.


Three thousand years ago, the
people of Israel journeyed from slavery in Egypt to
independence in the land of Israel. The Bible tells us
that on their voyage to liberty they made a crucial stop
and received the Ten Commandments at Mount Sinai.
 As the General Assembly gathers this year, the
Jewish people recall that historic journey by marking
the festival of Sukkot. And every year, at this time, our
people remember that the long march to freedom
requires the acceptance of humanity’s basic values.
 For 60 years, since the rebirth of our State in our
ancient homeland, with Jerusalem at its heart, we have
not lost sight of this principle. The core values of
tolerance, coexistence and peace that lie at the heart of
every democracy must be protected within societies
and promoted between them. This is the calling of our
generation.
 The conflict in our region is driven by those who
reject these core values   those who seek power
without responsibility, those whose aim is not to
realize their own rights but to deny those rights for
others. At its heart, this is a conflict not about territory,
but about values.
 There is, of course, a territorial dimension to our
dispute. We know this and, as we have proven in the
past, we are prepared for the territorial compromise
that lasting peace entails. But we also know, especially
after withdrawing from Lebanon and Gaza, that
territorial withdrawal by itself will not bring peace
unless we address the core clash of values that lies
beneath the conflict.
 Israel may be on the front lines of this battle, but
it is not our fight alone. This is a global battle. The
notion that this battle is a local one, limited to isolated
regions, collapsed in this city with the twin towers on a
September morning six years ago. Today, it is clear that
the extremists are engaged in a bloody war against
civilians and communities, against hearts and minds, in
every corner of the world.
 And it is clear, too, that the Middle East conflict
is not the cause of this global extremist agenda, but a
consequence of it. Yes, it is up to the parties in the
Middle East to settle their political conflict, and Israel,
for its part, desires to do so. But for success to be
genuine and lasting, you, the nations of the world, need
to be partners in a shared global struggle against the
extremism and terror that feed conflict, for your sake,
not just for ours.
 It is in this spirit that I would like to speak today
about resolving our particular conflict, but also about
the wider battle being waged today   the battle that
affects us all. This battle is global, not just because it
targets civilians everywhere, but also because the
extremists have taken aim at the fundamental pillars of
every modern society   namely, democracy, tolerance
and education. These are the new battlefields of the
twenty-first century, and it is in these arenas, more than
any other, that the future of our world will be decided.
 I believe in democracy. I believe in its
extraordinary power to produce free and peaceful
societies founded on respect for human rights.
Democracy is a profound ideal, but it is also a
vulnerable one.
 Today, in different parts of the world, extremists,
who are opposed to the very ideals of democracy, are
entering the democratic process, not to abandon their
violent agenda but to advance it. As a spokesman for
Al-Qaida recently declared, “We will use your
democracy to destroy your democracy”. This should be
a wake-up call for all of us.
 It is time to reclaim democracy, and this begins
by rejecting those who abuse it. Genuine democracy is
about values before it is about voting. No true
democracy on Earth allows armed militia or groups
with racist or violent agendas to participate in
elections. But some demonstrate a troubling double
standard. There are some who insist on high standards
in their own country but forget them when they look
abroad. Violent extremists who could never run for
office at home are treated as legitimate politicians
when elected elsewhere. As a result, we empower those
who use democratic means to advance anti-democratic
ends. And we strengthen the forces of those who not
only undermine their societies but also threaten our
own.
 Today, from this podium, I call on the
international community to adopt at the global level
what democracies apply at the national one: a universal
set of standards for participation in genuine democratic
elections. We need a universal democratic code that
requires that all those seeking the legitimacy of the
democratic process earn it by respecting such
principles as State monopoly over the lawful use of
force, the rejection of racism and violence and the
protection of the rights of others.
 The goal of such a universal code is not to dictate
our values or to stifle legitimate voices with which we
may disagree. Its goal is to protect core democratic
values from those determined to use the democratic
system against itself; and to make clear that
participation in the democratic process is not just a
right   it is also a responsibility.
 I know that the temptation to engage with
extremists can be strong. It may seem to promise
stability and quiet. We may hope that by feeding the
beast we can gradually tame it. As free societies, we
pride ourselves, rightly, on our respect for difference
and diversity. But we do a disservice to diversity when,
in its name, we tolerate the intolerant.
 Bitter experience has shown that buying off
extremists is a short-term fix for which we will pay
dearly in the long run. Instead, groups such as Hamas
and Hizbullah must be presented with a clear choice
between the path of violence and the path of
legitimacy. They cannot have both. And it is this same
stark choice that must be presented to the radical
regime in Iran.
 No responsible State disagrees that Iran is the
most prominent sponsor of terrorism. It is a major
source of instability and conflict in Iraq, Lebanon,
Palestine and across the entire Middle East; and it is
the enemy of Arab-Israeli coexistence. No one
disagrees that Iran denies the Holocaust and speaks
openly of its desire to wipe a Member State   mine
off the map. And no one disagrees that, in violation of
Security Council resolutions, it is actively pursuing the
means to achieve this end.
 But there are still those who, in the name of
consensus and engagement, continue to obstruct the
urgent steps that are needed to bring Iran’s sinister
ambitions to a halt. Too many see the danger, but they
walk idly by, hoping that someone else will take care
of it. What is the value, we have to ask, of an
organization which is unable to take effective action in
the face of a direct assault on the very principles it was
founded to protect?
 It is time for the United Nations, and the States of
the world, to live up to their promise of never again, to
say enough is enough, to act now and to defend their
basic values. It is also time to see this same kind of
moral conviction in the Human Rights Council, so that
it can become a shield for the victims of human rights,
not a weapon for its abusers.
 Israel has never tried to avoid genuine discussion
of its human rights record. But so long as the Council
maintains its wildly disproportionate focus on Israel, it
weakens the moral voice of the United Nations, and the
price of this blindness is paid by the victims of human
rights atrocities in Darfur and Myanmar and
throughout the world.
 There is no more accurate forecast for the future
of a society than the lessons we teach our children.
Unfortunately, in our region, we see children’s
television programmes in which Mickey Mouse
puppets teach the glory of being a suicide bomber and
a seven-year old girl sings of her dreams of blood and
battle. Religion, rather than being a source of hope and
spiritual healing, is abused as a call to arms, as God is
dragged once again onto the field of battle.
 It is time to reclaim religion from those who have
made it a weapon rather than a shelter. It is time to
reclaim education from those who use it as a tool of
hate rather than an opportunity. As always, the most
powerful form of education, and the hardest, is to teach
by example. We cannot expect our younger generation
to value what we are not prepared ourselves to protect
and pay a price for. And there is a price to pay. From
the leader who has to withstand public pressures. From
the businessman who has to forgo economic
opportunity. From the teacher and spiritual guide who
must find the inner strength to teach truth and tolerance
in a climate of extremism and hostility. At all levels of
society, there is a price to be paid. But if we do not pay
it today, we, and those who follow us, will face a far
greater bill tomorrow.
 These thoughts are in my mind as we seek, today,
to advance the cause of Israeli-Palestinian
reconciliation. Reconciliation is not about deciding
who was right or who was wrong in the past; it is about
sharing a common vision and a common responsibility
for the future. In the last months, Prime Minister
Olmert and President Abbas have been engaged in a
sincere and genuine effort to reach the widest possible
common ground on political understandings. There is
no substitute for the bilateral process. Failure is not an
option, but it is for the parties themselves to define
success. The foundation for true peace lies in the vision
of two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by side
in peace and security. The world shares this vision, but
it is also important that it clearly embrace the two core
principles that emerge from it.
 The first of these principles is: two States, two
homelands. Just as Israel is homeland to the Jewish
people, so Palestine will be established as the
homeland and the national answer for the Palestinian
people, including the refugees.
 The second is: living side by side in peace and
security. Just as a viable and prosperous Palestine in
the West Bank and Gaza is an Israeli interest, so must a
secure Israel be a Palestinian interest. The world
cannot afford another terror State.
 Guided by these principles, the parties can define
a common border and turn the two-State vision from a
dream into reality. To succeed, we must set our sights
on a brighter future, while responding to the challenges
of the present and learning the lessons of the past. As
we make progress on concrete political understandings,
it is just as important to change the reality on the
ground   to show Palestinians and Israelis that the
promise of peace exists in practice, not just on paper.
 In recent months, Israel has taken tangible
measures to create a better environment, and we are
ready to do more. We know that Palestinian life is full
of day-to-day hardship. We know also, and only too
well, the burden of terror that Israelis bear and of our
primary obligation to their security. Together, we can
change this reality; we do not need to submit to it.
 We are not naive. We can see the difficulties
ahead and the enemies of peace that stand in our way.
But practical progress is possible in those areas where
there is an effective Palestinian Government that
accepts the Quartet’s principles and implements,
alongside Israel, the existing Road Map obligations.
 As the parties take the risks for peace, we look to
the international community and the Arab and Muslim
world to offer support, not to stipulate conditions. This
support comes in many forms. It comes through
economic and political assistance to the new
Palestinian Government committed to coexistence and
seeking to build the foundations of a peaceful and
prosperous State. It comes through the clear
endorsement of any political understandings reached
between the parties. It comes through enhancing and
deepening regional ties and cooperation between the
Arab world and Israel, while in parallel we advance
towards Israeli-Palestinian peace. And, finally, it
comes by confronting those determined to prevent us
from succeeding.
 We must stand up to those who have no respect
for human life or human liberty, those who hold
captive soldiers - Gilad Shalit, Udi Goldwasser and
Eldad Regev - whose families are with us today and
whose pain remains always in our hearts.
 We must stand up to those who, after we
withdrew from Gaza to give peace a chance, chose not
to build but to destroy and who choose, on a daily
basis, to target Israeli homes and kindergartens with
their missiles.
 And we must stand up to those who see
democracy as a tool to advance hate, who see tolerance
as a one-way street and who see education as a means
of poisoning the minds of the next generation.
 I believe that, despite all the obstacles, there is a
new moment of opportunity and an alliance of interest
that favours peace. Time is of the essence. We owe it to
ourselves and to our children to find both the courage
and the wisdom to make the right choices in the right
way.
 On this festival of Sukkot, Jews commemorate
the journey from slavery to freedom by leaving their
homes to live in fragile huts, like the shelters in which
our ancestors lived on their way to the Promised Land.
For 3,000 years, these temporary huts, open to the
elements, have been a reminder that stability and
security are ensured not only by the structures that we
build but also by the values that we share. Perhaps it is
for this reason that the Sukkah, this fragile shelter, has
become the Jewish symbol of peace.
 We turn to Jerusalem and say in our prayers every
day: Spread over us the canopy of your peace. May it
be in our days, and for all nations.


I bring to this Assembly
warm greetings from the people of Vanuatu.
 Today is an important day in the histories of four
of our Members of the United Nations family, and my
Government and the people of Vanuatu congratulate
the people of Tuvalu, Nigeria and Cyprus on their
independence anniversaries, and the people of the
People’s Republic of China on the anniversary of the
founding of that great nation.
 Let me also join others in extending our
felicitations to you, Sir. You take up your high position
at a time when the United Nations is confronted by
some enormous challenges. The uncertainty shrouding
the horizon will severely test our common resolve to
address global problems.
 The escalating tension and animosity in the world
today are an affront to the principles and values of the
Organization and ultimately challenge international
order. What the world needs right now is a hand of
friendship to rebuild trust and faith among and between
Members. The resounding war of words must not be
accepted with complacency.
 As one of the smallest members of the United
Nations family of nations, Vanuatu would like to
reaffirm its commitment to building global peace and
security. We will also continue to participate in United
Nations peacekeeping missions.
 May I also take this opportunity to acknowledge
the anniversary of the abolition of the slave trade some
200 years ago. My country also suffered tremendously
from those horrendous acts executed by the great
champions of deception and iniquity, who were
responsible for enslaving thousands of men, women
and children and shipping them to foreign shores under
inhumane conditions using malicious torture. The days
of blackbirding are long gone, but the bitter memories
and injurious social consequences are entrenched in the
history of my country and people. I honour all the
descendants of slaves for their courage and their
determination to live on. They deserve a special place
in the countries in which their forefathers were forced
to live. There also remains a huge debt owed to the
countries that suffered large human losses from those
heinous crimes against humanity. We cannot exonerate
the past, but we can all hope for a just and better
future. All countries must work together to prevent
other insidious contemporary forms of slavery that
have established themselves in our societies.
 I welcome and support the decision to make
climate change the theme of this session of the General
Assembly. In the same vein, my Government highly
commends the Secretary-General for convening last
week’s high-level meeting, which should provide an
important catalyst for the conference to be held later
this year in Bali.
 I should now like to take this opportunity to
recognize and commend the work done under the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change to address the effects of climate change and to
promote mitigation and adaptation strategies. But the
point must be made that rapidly reducing the emission
of greenhouse gases by all major emitters must be
ensured within the next 10 to 15 years.
 We followed with great interest the recent debate
about the criteria and rules that the United Nations uses
to decide whether a country should or should not be
removed from its list of least developed countries.
Graduation is desirable and fair if, and only if, it is the
culmination of a process of structural progress over
time   that is to say, progress based on irreversible
improvements in the structure of the economy or in the
basic indicators of development. It is only fair and
logical, therefore, that the criteria used as a basis for
identifying a country for graduation should be
structural criteria.
 The United Nations currently uses three criteria
to identify cases for graduation. Admittedly, only two
of the three are structural in nature. One relates to
human capital   essentially as regards health and
education   and the other to economic vulnerability.
The proponents of reform of the graduation rule rightly
postulate that those two criteria together should form
the basis for identifying a country for graduation. The
current graduation rule allows the United Nations to
declare a country ready for graduation even if only one
of those two paramount thresholds has been met. We
consider the current practice to be conceptually flawed
and fraught with serious implications. We believe this
anomaly can easily be remedied.
 My Government is of the view that the General
Assembly should invite the Economic and Social
Council to revisit the graduation rule in the light of the
ongoing debate, and that the experts who advise the
Council should be mandated to explore reform of the
rule with a view to making human assets and economic
vulnerability paramount. Such a reform would do
justice to countries that have not achieved the implied
structural progress. The Government of Vanuatu will
do its utmost to cooperate with the relevant United
Nations bodies and other like-minded nations and
friends in forging consensus on this matter. I am
convinced that such consensus implicitly exists, and
needs only to be formalized.
 Experts and members of the Committee for
Development Policy should also be encouraged to
undertake in-country consultations and to experience
first-hand the development conditions of countries that
are on the verge of graduation. We are talking about the
livelihoods of peoples who may be seriously affected
by decisions that are made at the United Nations.
 We must continue to work together in shaping the
architecture of the United Nations so that it is more
resourceful and relevant to our times and to the peoples
whom we represent.
 I would like to commend the United Nations for
increasing its presence in the Pacific region though its
country-based offices. We will encourage more
decentralization of functions to regional offices, which
are better suited to responding to the needs of
Members.
 The situation in the Middle East is of grave
concern to all peace-loving Members of the United
Nations. We earnestly pray and hope for an early end to
the conflict and to the suffering of all innocent
children, women and men. Both Israel and Palestine
have the right to live in peaceful coexistence as
independent and sovereign States. The international
community must be realistic about the future. Let us
allow justice, security and long-lasting peace to prevail
for both the Israeli and Palestinian peoples.
 My Government very much welcomes the
adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples. It is our hope that the Declaration
will provide a framework for addressing the grievances
of indigenous peoples, who remain suppressed,
alienated and disadvantaged in the land of their
forefathers. We can only hope that this instrument will
provide an enabling mechanism to allow indigenous
peoples the freedom to fully participate, without fear of
reprisals, in the affairs and development of their
countries. The Declaration should also serve to restore
dignity to those who have remained second-class
citizens in the land of their fathers. We cannot turn
back the clock, but we can create a better future for
them.
The Charter of the United Nations espouses the
principles that continue to guide the Organization’s
efforts in the process of self-determination. The
Charter calls for recognition of, and respect for, the
fundamental and inalienable rights of people and
territories still under colonial rule to determine their
own future. We cannot champion democracy while
turning a blind eye to those who have cried out for
peace and freedom for many years, as have our
brothers in West Papua. It is the moral responsibility of
the Organization to act with diligence and to work
towards promoting better conditions in larger freedom.
 Finally, I would like to acknowledge the support
of Vanuatu’s major development partners   in
particular Australia, New Zealand, France, Japan, the
People’s Republic of China, the United States of
America and the European Union. I would also like to
express my Government’s gratitude to India, Thailand,
Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Turkey and various
United Nations agencies for their ongoing
contributions to the development of Vanuatu.
 In conclusion, the world we live in today can
only become a better place if all countries   big and
small, powerful and weak   recognize, understand,
value and respect each other as equals. The pride of the
human person is the essence of building equality
between all persons. Respect also means accepting the
national sovereignty of each individual country and
refraining from interfering in the internal affairs of any
State. If we are to work towards building a future that
will provide security, peace, hope and prosperity for all
future generations, those important values must be
upheld at all times.
 May I remind the Assembly that our personal
aims should not be paramount. We must work with all
the diligence and wisdom that God the Almighty has
given us to serve His people.


I have the  honour to address the General Assembly at its sixty-
second session on behalf of the Government and
people of the Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis.
 I extend heartfelt congratulations to Mr. Kerim
and his country, the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, on his assumption of the presidency of the
General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I assure
him of my delegation’s full cooperation as he
endeavours to chart the course of positive interaction
and coordination in this international arena.
 I would also like to welcome the new Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, who is assisting at his first
general debate of the General Assembly as Secretary-
General. My delegation supports him in his all-too-
important task of managing the affairs of the United
Nations.
 Small island developing States such as Saint Kitts
and Nevis rely on the United Nations to level the
playing field in international discourse so that we can
interact, contribute and benefit on an equal footing
with other members of the international community.
 Twenty-four years ago, Saint Kitts and Nevis
took the bold step of joining this body. We pledged
then to do all in our power to pursue peace, security,
human rights and development. Twenty-four years
later, my beautiful country can boast that it has kept
faith with our people and the international community.
It has achieved much, and the pace and nature of its
development set an example for other small island
developing States.
 Today, the human development index of the
United Nations Development Programme ranks us
fifty-first out of 177 countries evaluated in the world.
Saint Kitts and Nevis has indices on per capita gross
domestic product, health and educational enrolment
comparable to those of many in the developed world.
Pleased as we are with our progress, we are all too
aware that the journey is not yet ended. Much work
needs to be done. Poverty in our Federation and in the
Caribbean is still at an unacceptable level, and the
turbulence of the global climate vitiates our continuing
development.
 We are almost at the mid-point of the
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). If we were to evaluate ourselves as a whole,
we would have to acknowledge that many of the
commitments have not been met. Aid has fallen off,
official development assistance has been limited, and
we have seen competing initiatives divert the drive of
fulfilling the MDGs. Today, Saint Kitts and Nevis calls
upon all States, be they in the North, South, East or
West, developed or developing, to do all in their power
to ensure the realization of the fruits of our united
vision that proposed the Millennium Development
Goals.
 United Nations Member States are not all equal in
endowments. Those that have more resources must
allocate more to the global development agenda. The
developed world must meet its financing commitments,
as agreed at the Monterrey International Conference on
Financing for Development. That Conference
represents a landmark because, for the first time, the
developed world agreed that we were jointly
responsible for development and that it had a special
role in financing for development. That commitment,
regrettably, has not been matched by real resources.
 The United Nations will hold a follow-up to the
International Conference on Financing for
Development. The State of Qatar has generously
offered to host that meeting. We applaud that country
for its commitment to the cause and we again call upon
all countries to implement the commitments they made
at Monterrey.
 Saint Kitts and Nevis acknowledges that the
HIV/AIDS pandemic constitutes a threat to our
development and, indeed, our security. Prime Minister
Denzil Douglas, in his capacity as Caribbean lead
spokesman for health and human and social
development has often stated that this matter requires
serious and dedicated monitoring and action.
 The fight to eradicate the scourge of HIV/AIDS
must continue, and we must dedicate ourselves to that
task. No matter the merits and demerits of the debate
concerning issues in relation to intellectual property
rights, the evidence has shown that only with cheaper
antiretroviral drugs can the HIV/AIDS pandemic at the
minimum be managed and its threat to humankind
reduced. Therefore, there is a need to address the issues
related to the cost of these drugs so that they can be
available to all who need them.
 The book of Genesis reminds us that man was
made to coexist peacefully with his environment. The
planet Earth is not an inheritance; rather, it is a loan
from our children and grandchildren, who hope that
one day we will return to them a clean and wholesome
Earth. We must be careful, then, that our production
and consumption patterns and behaviours do not
surpass the environment’s capacity to sustain them.
 The matter of climate change is of continuing and
great interest to my Government. Indeed, we view the
associated problems of the high frequency of abnormal
weather, sea level rise, global warming and coastal
degradation as matters affecting the economic and
environmental security of small States such as Saint
Kitts and Nevis. We are indeed heartened by the
priority being accorded to this matter by the new
Secretary-General.
 This year, Saint Kitts and Nevis signed the Kyoto
Protocol, which signalled my country’s commitment to
doing all that it can to reduce its carbon emissions. We
urge other States to sign the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change and the
Kyoto Protocol.
 Indeed, Saint Kitts and Nevis will never shirk its
responsibilities as a global citizen. We believe that
global environmental management and multinational
efforts could resolve many issues   particularly at this
time, when all of us have experienced environmental
deterioration. We call on developed countries to
provide greater support to small island developing
States in combating the adverse effects of climate
change. In addition, we urge far greater South-South
cooperation on the important matter of climate change.
 We live at a time when disasters are occurring
with a rapidity not previously felt. Within CARICOM,
we felt the impact of the passage of Hurricane Dean,
during which lives were lost, livelihoods were
threatened and, in the case of Jamaica, an election was
postponed. That same hurricane moved on to wreak
havoc in Mexico and was followed very closely by
other, equally destructive hurricanes.
 Over the past year, nearly every region of the
world has endured some form of natural or man-made
disaster. My delegation believes, therefore, that we
need an increase in humanitarian and disaster relief
assistance. No country escapes the need for such
assistance. In addition to supporting the existence and
the role of the Central Emergency Response Fund, we
encourage Member States to commit to that and similar
initiatives.
 I now turn to United Nations reform. During the
course of the sixty-first session of the General
Assembly, the issue of reform of the United Nations
and, in particular, system-wide coherence received
extensive attention. Saint Kitts and Nevis believes that
reform is necessary. My delegation’s position,
therefore, is that the time has come for agreement on
the issue and on the way forward. We need continued
dialogue, of course. But, most important, Member
States need to agree on a plan of action and its
implementation, as well as on the need to get on with
the job. If we do not agree, or if we remain inflexible
regarding one another’s concerns, we will all be at a
disadvantage. Therefore, the dialogue among
civilizations must continue, and implementation must
occur, if true reform of all aspects of the United
Nations is to come to fruition.
 The United Nations must remain open to
membership for all States. In that regard, experience
has shown that United Nations membership is not a
deterrent to unification; consider, for example, the
former East Germany and West Germany. Nor is it a
panacea for fragmentation, as some have argued, citing
the deconstruction of the former Soviet Union. What
has always been clear is that the United Nations has
extended a warm welcome to all States and respected
the equality of all States.
 In the context of the principle of universality, my
country renews its call for Taiwan to become a
Member of the United Nations. It is of grave concern
that the 23 million people of Taiwan have been denied
the right to participate in the United Nations and its
related bodies. During the sixty-first session, that
exclusion and isolation were pursued even more
aggressively.
 We, the friends of Taiwan, implore the United
Nations family to recognize that the people of Taiwan
are a disenfranchised people. Many of us were once
also disenfranchised and unrepresented; but, through
international recognition of our inalienable right to
participate, we are here today. My delegation wishes to
see the same right enjoyed by the people of Taiwan.
 Taiwan has shown that it can be a true partner in
development. In our view, the international community
has been deprived of the gift of that partnership at a
time when Taiwan’s assistance could have been so
useful to many States in meeting the Millennium
Development Goals.
 In March of this year, the United Nations
observed the bicentenary of the abolition of the trans-
Atlantic slave trade. My Prime Minister, the
Honourable Mr. Denzil Douglas, had the distinct
honour of addressing this body on behalf of
CARICOM. One of the significant results of the
commemoration exercise has been an
acknowledgement that the injustice of slavery still
exists in one form or another and that there is a need to
address that problem. Child slavery and economic
slavery impact the societies of the international
community, and we need to mobilize our collective
resources to combat those scourges. Only when that
has been accomplished will we be able to feel that the
battle waged more than 200 years ago to abolish the
trans-Atlantic slave trade and all elements associated
with it has been won.
 Finally, as we look ahead to the rest of the sixty-
second session, I wish to reiterate my country’s pledge
of cooperation, commitment and dialogue to address
the many challenges that we will encounter in ensuring
that the United Nations remains the relevant forum for
international relations. The United Nations must
continue to be a beacon of hope for countries in search
of peace, self-determination, respect for human rights,
progress, development and, very important, justice. It
is not too late for this body to go and enchant the
world.


 At the
outset, Sir, I should like to congratulate you on your
election as President of the General Assembly, and to
assure you of my country’s full support during the
sixty-second session.
 All of us here share the hope for a more peaceful
and harmonious world. At a time when civilian
populations are the targets of suicide attacks and
sophisticated weapons, when children are forced to
become soldiers, and climate change poses a threat to
the survival of our planet, how are we meeting our
responsibilities? Where does the responsibility lie
when millions of men and women are suffering from
malnutrition and their most basic needs are not being
met, when injustice is everywhere, and when the
environment is being destroyed? How can we
overcome those scourges assailing human beings
throughout the world? How can we translate our
responsibilities into action?
 In attempting to answer those questions, we have
to acknowledge two facts. The first is that respect for
human rights, the rule of law and good governance are
the prerequisites both to achieving lasting peace and
security and to protecting the environment. We know
now that systematic violations of human rights and
flagrant deficiencies in the rule of law are often the
source of conflicts. The second concerns the nature of
conflicts. On the ground, battle lines are being blurred.
State forces are confronting non-State armed groups.
Warlords, terrorists and criminal gangs dictate the
rules. Civilians rather than soldiers are the primary
targets.
 It is no longer possible to limit security policy to
the traditional State framework. The focus now must be
first and foremost on the security of the individual.
Accordingly, Governments and non-State armed groups
alike are called on to respect certain basic rules
common to all.
 If we are to achieve results, confrontation must
give way to dialogue and efforts to find solutions.
Negotiation, dialogue and diplomacy are the tools for
achieving success. We must overcome the barriers that
exist between different sectors and disciplines in the
field of international relations. We must develop
alliances based on shared values. That approach should
enable us to find solutions by cutting across regional,
ideological and cultural boundaries. The recent past
has shown what can be achieved. The International
Criminal Court, the Human Rights Council and the
Anti-personnel Landmines Convention were all the
result of broad-based coalitions of countries in all
regions of the world.
 However, dialogue alone will not be enough.
Experience has shown that, without concrete
objectives, debates between players with very different
views of the world can sometimes serve to accentuate
differences. In contrast, efforts to devise and
implement actions that are concrete and practical make
for cohabitation between different communities. It is
for that reason that Switzerland supports such
initiatives as the Alliance of Civilizations, along with
the implementation plan proposed by the secretariat of
the Alliance.
 Coherent overall solutions to the crises that are
currently affecting the international order cannot be
implemented unless we take into account the interests
of all the communities concerned. Switzerland does all
it can to promote dialogue with all parties. That is
particularly the case in Lebanon, where we are offering
the political forces a forum in which to seek a way out
of the current political crisis in the interest of long-
term stability.
 Recent developments in the occupied Palestinian
territories have reminded us once again, with tragic
intensity, of the need to respect those principles. In that
regard as well, the involvement of all parties is
necessary if there is to be a lasting solution.
 The same can be said for the situation in Darfur.
My country hopes that resolution 1769 (2007), which
for the first time envisages close cooperation between
the United Nations and the African Union, will provide
the inhabitants of that region with an opportunity to
live in peace and to achieve reconciliation after so
many years of suffering.
 The situation in Myanmar is alarming.
Switzerland calls on the Government of Myanmar to
renounce all forms of violence against demonstrators
and civilians. Switzerland favours dialogue among all
the parties concerned, under the aegis of the Special
Adviser of the Secretary-General.
 Lastly, there can be no peace or security without
international justice. Switzerland supports in particular
the work of the International Criminal Court. Its
permanent nature and the possibility of the Security
Council referring situations to the Court   as it did in
the case of Darfur   gives that institution a preventive
effect. For that effect to be achieved, the Court must
have the full support of the international community,
which must ensure that all States cooperate fully with
the Court.
 Human security policy also applies to
environmental threats. The actions of humankind have
changed the climate of the planet. Those changes are
taking place on a global scale and are resulting in
rising temperatures, radical changes in precipitation
patterns, rising sea levels and a disruption to the
balance of nature. Taken as a whole, those phenomena
pose a major threat to millions of people and the places
where people live, their cultures and their living
conditions. The risks to security, health and
development are discussed in the Fourth Assessment
Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change.
 Today environmental problems are a threat to
security. At the political level, they require that we act
responsibly as human beings. They also require the
forming of alliances to protect our natural resources.
Although we have established institutions and
international mechanisms to combat underdevelopment
and promote peace and respect for human rights, we
have not done enough with regard to the environment.
It is true that we have a series of international
conventions and national programmes and legislation.
But environmental governance is fragmented and lacks
clear objectives. We therefore need to join together to
identify and implement commitments in order to better
manage resources and efforts and to protect the
biosphere. We also need to mobilize the United Nations
system in order to respond to climate change
effectively and coherently.
 Switzerland therefore hopes that we will set
ambitious goals for ourselves in the second phase of
the Kyoto Protocol. We are ready to make a substantial
contribution to that collective effort, in which the
entire international community must join. Switzerland
believes that, in order to have legitimacy, any future
international regime to address climate change will
require the participation of all countries. In our view,
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Changes and the Kyoto Protocol provide the most
appropriate starting points for all deliberations and
negotiations on climate change.
 Addressing the economic, social and
environmental aspects of development based on respect
for human rights is both a challenge and a goal for all
of us as we seek to build a world that is both freer and
more secure. The international community has adopted
many development goals in recent decades. However,
additional efforts must still be made to ensure greater
coherence in the operational system of the United
Nations. With its funds, programmes and specialized
agencies, the system has at its disposal an excellent
network through which to ensure its presence on the
ground. It also has great moral and technical legitimacy
and substantial operational capacity.
 Unfortunately the system remains fragmented and
its transaction costs are very high   costs which are to
a great extent borne by beneficiary countries
themselves. Major adjustments   some of which are
described in the report entitled “Delivering as One”
need to be carried out promptly in the field so that
United Nations operational bodies can meet the needs
of partner countries more effectively. Negotiations on
the triennial comprehensive policy review of
operational activities for development of the United
Nations system, which are due to begin in a few weeks,
will provide the appropriate framework to determine
what measures are needed   especially on the basis of
the experiences of pilot countries that are applying the
concept of “One United Nations”.
 We stand today at the midpoint of the timetable
for achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
Although there is no denying that progress has been
made at various levels, there is still much to be done.
All of us - Governments, multilateral institutions,
non-governmental organizations and the private
sector   must combine our efforts across a wide front
that encompasses the national, regional and
international spheres. Given the upcoming high-level
dialogue on financing for development, I shall limit
myself merely to recalling that all of us have a
common interest in improving the efficiency and the
impact of development assistance and in increasing the
volume of resources made available for it through
official channels. We already know that results in this
area can only be achieved through very considerable
joint efforts by all partners concerned.
 The Organization has begun a process of reform
in order to better respond to global challenges. So as to
strengthen the credibility and efficiency of the efforts
of the United Nations, we must demonstrate our
determination to fully carry out those reforms. There
was real progress in the past year, including the
beginning of the work of the Peacebuilding
Commission and the Human Rights Council. That
illustrates the ability of the United Nations to carry out
ambitious reforms in order to respond to the challenges
of the twenty-first century.
 Switzerland is advocating for an overall
improvement in the working methods of the Security
Council. My country will continue its efforts to
improve transparency in sanctions committees and to
ensure that the addition and removal of names of
persons and entities on sanctions lists are in conformity
with the principles of the rule of law and human rights.
 Efficient management and a better targeted use of
available resources continue to pose a serious
challenge for the Organization. Switzerland welcomes
the determination of the Secretary-General to make the
efficiency of the United Nations system one of his
priorities. Given the progress made this year, but
especially because of the challenges that remain,
Switzerland believes that it is essential to continue the
process of reform already under way. My country will
therefore continue to support the efforts of Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon aimed at strengthening the
United Nations and making the Organization more
efficient.
 If we want to move ahead, if we are determined
to overcome the varied and interdependent challenges
facing the globalized world of today, and if we want to
free individual human beings from fear and want, we
must focus on concrete objectives. To that end, let us
resolve to work tirelessly to overcome our differences
in the interest of the nations and peoples we represent.


Never before have the real dangers awaiting the human
species become so evident; never before have the
violations of international law become so evident, as
they increasingly jeopardize international peace and
security; never before have inequality and exclusion
become so evident, as they impact over two thirds of
the population on our planet.
 Putting an end to wastefulness and to the
unbridled consumerism fostered by the large
corporations and the power groups of a handful of
developed countries   which throw money away at the
cost of poverty and the perpetuation of
underdevelopment in a vast periphery of poor countries
where billions of people scramble to make a living
has become a key factor for the survival of mankind.
The high-level meeting of this General Assembly held
only two days ago emphasized the danger posed by the
accelerated global warming that is already affecting us
and by its effect on climate change. Action must be
taken   and quickly. The developed countries have the
moral duty and the historic responsibility to set the
example and spearhead the effort.
 On the other hand, several of our countries,
always from the South, continue to fall prey to
unacceptable acts of aggression by the ever-powerful,
which are essentially driven by the insatiable hunger
for strategic resources. The wars of conquest and the
proclamation and implementation of doctrines based on
pre-emptive wars   which do not exclude the use of
nuclear weapons, even against non-nuclear States
and the repeated use of pretexts such as the alleged war
on terror, the supposed promotion of democracy or
so-called regime change in countries that are
unilaterally labelled as rogue States are today the
greatest and most serious threat to peace and security
in the world.
 Aggression and illegal occupation of countries,
military intervention contrary to international law and
the purposes and principles enshrined in the United
Nations Charter, the bombing of civilians and torture
continue to be daily practices. Under the false litany of
freedom and democracy, an attempt is made to justify
the pillaging of the natural resources in the third world
and to control zones of increasing geo-strategic
importance. That and no other is the imperial
domination plan that the mightiest military superpower
ever to exist intends to impose through blood and fire.
 Far from behaving in international relations
according to the principles of solidarity, social and
international justice, equality and development for all,
there is no hesitation at all in employing the practices
of certifying countries, of imposing unilateral
blockades and of threatening through aggression,
blackmail and coercion. If a small country defends its
right to independence, it is accused of being a rogue
State; if a Power launches an attack against a country,
it is said that it liberates them; a fighter against foreign
aggression is a terrorist; an attacking soldier is a
freedom fighter. That is the media war, the twisting of
truths, the tyranny of monolithic thinking in a
globalized world.
 Instead of moving towards general and complete
disarmament   including nuclear disarmament, which
has been an ongoing demand of the Movement of
Non-Aligned Countries for decades   what we see is
the promotion of the arms race and the squandering of
wealth on new weapons and arms systems that deplete
the resources that the world needs to mitigate the
effects of climate change and address the very serious
problems stemming from poverty and marginalization.
 An attempt is made to prevent, in a politicized
and selective fashion, the implementation of the
principle   already proclaimed in the
Non-Proliferation Treaty   that nations have the right
to the development of nuclear energy for peaceful
purposes. Some countries are threatened with war and
destruction while the aggressive ally is permitted to
have hundreds of nuclear devices and is constantly
helped to modernize them.
 How much longer will it take and how many new
victims will have to die before the hawks of war
understand that weapons are useless in resolving the
critical problems of humankind? On a day like today, it
is worth recalling the words uttered by President Fidel
Castro in this General Assembly in October 1979:
  “Let us say farewell to arms, and let us in a
civilized manner dedicate ourselves to the most
pressing problems of our times. This is the
responsibility, this is the most sacred duty of the
statesmen of all the world. Moreover, this is the
basic premise for human survival.
 There has been no progress to date towards
fulfilling the Millennium Goals and the decisions of
the major United Nations conferences held over the
past decade. Poverty has not decreased. Inequality
among and within countries is on the rise. Drinking
water is not accessible to 1.1 billion people; 2.6 billion
lack health services; over 800 million are illiterate and
115 million children do not attend primary school; 850
million starve every day. One per cent of the world’s
richest people own 40 per cent of the wealth, while 50
per cent of the world’s population has barely
1 per cent. All this is happening in a world that spends
a trillion dollars on weapons and another trillion on
advertising.
 The nearly 1 billion people living in developed
countries consume approximately half of all the energy,
while 2 billion poor people are still not acquainted with
electricity. Is that the world that they want us to
accept? Is that, by any chance, the future that we
should settle for? Are we entitled or not to fight to
change that state of things? Should we or should we
not fight to make a better world possible?
 Why are such colossal resources squandered on
the killing industry and not used to save lives? Why are
schools not built instead of nuclear submarines, and
hospitals instead of “smart” bombs? Why are vaccines
not produced instead of armoured vehicles, and more
food instead of more fighter jets? Why is there no
momentum given to research to fight AIDS, malaria
and tuberculosis instead of promoting the manufacture
of anti-missile shields? Why is there no war waged
against poverty instead of against the poor?
 Despite the fact that only $150 billion is needed
to meet the Millennium Goals, we hear the hypocritical
assertion that there is no source from which to obtain
the necessary financial resources. That is a lie. There is
money in abundance; what is lacking is the political
will, ethics and the real commitment of those who have
to make a choice.
 If they really want money to appear, let the
commitment of setting aside 0.7 per cent of gross
national product as official development assistance be
met once and for all. That would require $141 billion
over and above the current amounts. At the height of
deceit, the donor countries are now auditing the
cancellations of a debt that they know they will not be
able to collect in order to artificially inflate their
contributions. Let the foreign debt, which our countries
have already paid more than once, be cancelled. That
would make it possible to set aside for development the
over $400 billion currently used to service a debt that
does not cease to grow.
 Let the Doha Round for development come to an
end and let the $300 billion in agricultural subsidies for
the developed countries be removed. That would make
it possible to earmark that money to fight rural poverty
and food insecurity and to ensure fair prices for the
export products of the underdeveloped countries.
 Let our right to development be recognized. Let
our right to have access to markets, patents and
technologies be guaranteed, for those are now the
exclusive monopoly of the powerful. Let our countries
be helped in training professionals and scientists and
let the brain drain stop.
 The non-aligned countries need no alms; we need
and demand justice. Let our rights to cultural diversity
be respected, as well as our right to the preservation of
our heritage, our symbols and our idiosyncrasies. That
was the unanimous demand made in Tehran by the
non-aligned countries at our ministerial meeting on
human rights and cultural diversity.
 The non-aligned countries want a more
democratic and transparent United Nations in which
the General Assembly, its most representative and
democratic body, can truly implement the powers
vested in it. We need a United Nations with a reformed
Security Council, acting in conformity with the
mandate granted to it by the Organization’s Charter
without infringing on the functions and prerogatives of
other organs of the system. There must be a Security
Council with an expanded membership in line with the
current composition of the United Nations, where the
underdeveloped countries are the majority. There must
be a Security Council with a radical modification to its
working methods in order to allow transparency and
the access of all Member States to its deliberations.
 We need a Human Rights Council that prevents
the repetition of the serious mistakes made by the
former Commission on Human Rights. The Council
should enshrine in its practices the principle that
human rights are universal, indivisible and
interdependent. It should put an end to selectivity and
double standards. The non-aligned countries will
firmly oppose the devilish schemes of some mighty
quarters that, frustrated as they are at failing to achieve
their goals, are now attempting to reopen and call into
question the agreement reached in the hard and
difficult process of institution-building in the Council.
 The non-aligned countries will not give up on
defence of the precepts that underlie our movement.
Among the nations, we will foster relations of
friendship based on respect for the principles of
sovereignty, equality of rights and the self-
determination of peoples.
 We will continue to defend the right of the grief-
stricken and heroic people of Palestine to have their
own State, with East Jerusalem as its capital. We will
continue to condemn the genocide committed against
it. We will continue to proclaim the right of the people
of Puerto Rico to sovereignty and to independence. The
non-aligned countries account for nearly two thirds of
the membership of the United Nations. Our demands
will not be forgotten or our interests ignored.
 This was supposed to be the end of my statement
as Chair of the Non-Aligned Movement. However, the
shameless and gross behaviour of the United States
President in this Hall yesterday morning now forces me
to utter a few remarks on Cuba’s behalf.
 With foul language and an arrogant tone,
President Bush insulted and threatened some 10
countries. He gave orders in a firm and authoritarian
fashion to the General Assembly, and with an
officiousness never before seen in this Hall he dished
out terms and judgments on a score of countries. It was
an embarrassing show   the delirium tremens of the
world’s policeman, the intoxication of imperial power
imbued with the mediocrity and cynicism of those who
threaten to launch wars in which they know their lives
are not at stake.
 The President of the United States has no right to
pass judgment on any other sovereign nation on this
planet. Having powerful nuclear weapons offers no
right whatsoever to tread upon the rights of the peoples
of the other 191 countries that are represented here.
And the determination and courage of peoples should
not be underestimated when it comes to defending their
rights. After all, what prevails is not the power of
cannons but the fairness of the ideas for which you are
fighting. The warmongering and menacing President
should have already learned this by now: sovereign
equality of States, not regime change; respect for
sovereignty, not unilateral certifications of good
behaviour; respect for international law, not illegal
blockades and wars.
 President Bush talked about democracy, but we
all know that he is lying. He came into office through
fraud and deceit. We would have been spared his
presence yesterday and would have listened to
President Albert Gore talking about climate change and
the risks to our species. We also recall how he brazenly
supported the coup d’état against the President and the
constitution of Venezuela.
 He talked about peace, but we know that he is
lying. We remember well when he threatened 60 or
more countries, which he called “dark corners of the
world, saying that he would wipe them off the face of
the Earth with pre-emptive surprise attacks. Bush is a
strange warrior who, from the rearguard, sends the
young people of his country to kill and to die
thousands of kilometres away.
 He talked about human rights, but we know that
he is lying. He is responsible for the death of 600,000
civilians in Iraq; he authorized tortures at the
Guantánamo naval base and at Abu Ghraib; and he is
an accessory to the kidnapping and disappearance of
people, as well as to the secret flights and the
clandestine prisons.
 He talked about the fight against terrorism, but
we know that he is lying. He has ensured complete
impunity for the most abominable terrorist groups
which, from Miami, have perpetrated horrendous
crimes against the Cuban people. President Bush
attacked the new Human Rights Council. He is
bleeding from his wound; he is grunting his
helplessness. He is haunted by the shamefulness that,
during his term in office, the United States cannot even
look forward to being a member because elections are
through secret ballot. Cuba, on the other hand, was
elected as a founding member of the Council with more
than two thirds of the votes.
 He talked about cooperation, development and
prosperity for the rest of the world, but we all know
that he is lying. He has been the most selfish and
reckless politician we have ever seen. In a world that
this year will bear witness to the death of 10 million
children under the age of five through preventable
diseases, his self-seeking and empty proposals of
yesterday are but a sick joke.
 President Bush has no moral authority or
credibility to judge anyone. He should be held
accountable to the world for his crimes. There is a limit
to both arrogance and hypocrisy. There is a limit to lies
and blackmail. Cuba rejects and condemns every one
of the mendacious words uttered yesterday by the
President of the United States.
 Cuba appreciates the solidarity it has received
from the General Assembly in its struggle against the
blockade and the aggression that it has been forced to
endure for nearly five decades. In particular, I thank
the President of Nicaragua, Comrade Daniel Ortega,
who is here in the Hall, for his kind words yesterday,
and I thank all those who have spoken out for the rights
and justice for the Cuban people. Cuba thanks all those
who have supported its tenacious fight against
terrorism and have raised their voice in favour of the
release of five Cuban anti-terrorism fighters unjustly
imprisoned in the United States.
 Cuba will fight, along with all other members of
the Non-Aligned Movement, in order to achieve a more
just and democratic international order, in which our
peoples can exercise their right to peace and
development. We may be accused of being dreamers,
but we are fighting with the conviction that today’s
dreams will be tomorrow’s realities. We are fighting
and we will not stop fighting   with the conviction
that even when there are individuals without decorum,
there are always others who have in themselves the
decorum of many and who bear within themselves an
entire nations, as well as human dignity.


Allow me to extend my  congratulations to Mr. Srgjan Kerim on his election to
the high office of President of the General Assembly at
its sixty-second session. I would also like to recognize
Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa of Bahrain for her
distinguished service as President of the Assembly at
its sixty-first session.
 Please allow me also to extend my appreciation to
the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his strong
commitment and unceasing efforts in addressing issues
of peace and security in many parts of the world where
many conflicts and tensions remain unresolved. I wish
to assure him of my Government’s constructive support
and its wholehearted commitment to peace and security
in our region.
 This session of the General Assembly provides
Member States with the opportunity to address the
challenges and threats that continue to preoccupy us,
including the lack of peace and security and the
presence of extreme poverty, underdevelopment,
environmental degradation and natural disasters.
 In the interest of brevity, let me now revert to
more pressing problems closer to home. For the past
five years, it has, sadly, become almost a ritual for my
Government to urge, from this rostrum, the
international community, and especially the Security
Council, to shoulder their fundamental responsibilities
for the maintenance of peace and security in our part of
the world. The legal principles at stake and the
looming threat to regional peace and stability have
been and remain stark indeed. The hard facts are
neither controversial nor ambiguous.
 In flagrant breach of international law, the
Charter of the United Nations and the Algiers Peace
Agreement, Ethiopia continues to occupy sovereign
Eritrean territories through military force. Ethiopia
continues to reject the final and binding decision of the
Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) and to
obstruct the demarcation of the boundary, to which end
the international community has deployed the United
Nations Mission in Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE) at
an annual running cost about $200 million. Ethiopia
continues to violate with impunity fundamental
principles of international law, including full respect
for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a fellow
United Nations Member State, the integrity of
international treaties and the norms of settling disputes
through binding arbitration. Those are the indelible
facts on the ground that have been and are spawning a
climate of permanent and escalating tension in our part
of the world.
 Throughout these years, the Boundary
Commission has filed no less than 24 reports to the
Security Council underlining the gravity of the
situation. The EEBC has no independent means or
powers of enforcement. The legal authority and powers
of enforcement reside, squarely and explicitly, with the
Security Council, which is the guarantor of the Algiers
Peace Agreement. As such, the United Nations Security
Council should long have taken remedial action, both
in accordance with Article 14 of the Algiers Peace
Agreement as well as on the basis of Article 39 of the
United Nations Charter. But that has not happened to
date. Ethiopia has managed to frustrate the EEBC
decision and the demarcation of the boundary   which
should have been completed by 2003   because of the
unwarranted positions of some United Nations Security
Council member States, and especially the United
States of America, which has regrettably chosen to
placate Ethiopia at the expense of international law and
the interests of regional peace and security.
 It was against the backdrop of Ethiopia’s defiance
and violation of international law that the Boundary
Commission convened a meeting of the parties in The
Hague early last month. Ethiopia first sought to prevent
the meeting from taking place by raising spurious legal
objections to the original venue   New York. And
when that bogus pretext was removed and the meeting
was convened in The Hague, Ethiopia failed to respond
to the five conditions that the Commission had
imposed so that it could proceed and embark on the
time-bound schedule of operations that had been
worked out in order to complete pillar emplacements
along the 1000 kilometre border in the coming months.
The five conditions that Ethiopia was requested to
fulfil were: first, to indicate its unqualified acceptance
of the 2002 Delimitation Decision without requiring
broader ranging negotiations between the parties;
secondly, to lift restrictions on the movement of EEBC
personnel; thirdly, to provide security assurances;
fourthly, to meet payment arrears and fifthly, to allow
free access to pillar locations.
 At the Commission’s meeting, Eritrea committed
itself once again to cooperate with the demarcation in
all of the respects regarding which the Commission had
expressed concern. Eritrea’s commitments were made
both in writing and verbally, in front of the
Commission and other participants.
 Eritrea asks merely that Ethiopia make the same
commitment to support the demarcation in accordance
with the Commission’s legitimate instructions.
Ethiopia, however, made it clear that it had no
intention of complying with the Commission’s
demarcation instructions and raised tangential issues,
which my delegation has fully addressed in the full text
of my statement.
 After the recent Boundary Commission meeting in
early September in The Hague   which I mentioned
the text of a letter came to Eritrea’s attention. The letter
had been circulated to the public and the media without
communicating it to the Eritrean Government through
appropriate diplomatic or legal channel. In the letter
the Ethiopian Foreign Minister indicated Ethiopia’s
intention to attempt to renounce the two Algiers
Agreements in accordance with which the Eritrea-
Ethiopia border war of 1998-2000 was brought to an
end.
 The substance of Ethiopia’s letter and its timing
underscored the fact that the letter was intended simply
as another effort to subvert the implementation of the
final and binding award of the Eritrea-Ethiopia
Boundary Commission. As such, that effort is clearly
unlawful under the Vienna Convention on the Law of
Treaties and other principles of international law, as
well as highly detrimental to regional peace and
security.
 The Vienna Convention does not support
Ethiopia’s effort to deny legal force to the
Commission’s award. Even if Ethiopia’s renunciation
attempts were legally effective   which they are
not   Article 70 of the Convention states that the
boundary established under the Algiers Agreement
remains binding on both parties.
 The Vienna Convention cannot simply be
interpreted to permit the dissatisfied party in a
boundary arbitration to renounce the result
retroactively. Indeed, Ethiopia seems to be planning to
use its unlawful attempt to renounce the Algiers
Agreements in order to renew hostilities. The Algiers
Agreements were designed to put an end once and for
all to the two States’ conflicting claims to territory and
thus to leave the two States free to rebuild their
relationship for the good of both of their peoples.
 In the five and one half years since the Boundary
Commission’s delimitation decision, however, Ethiopia
has repeatedly obstructed implementation of the
decision and threatened to walk out on the process
altogether, if it was not given everything that it wanted.
While tens of thousands of Eritreans indigenous to the
Ethiopian-occupied regions wait in internally displaced
persons camps for the chance to peacefully enjoy the
benefits of the final and binding award, Ethiopia is
moving new settlers onto their land, attempting to
make its illegal occupation of Eritrean territory
permanent. That is in breach of the Algiers
Agreements, in particular the Agreement on Cessation
of Hostilities, and Chapter VII of the United Nations
Charter should have been invoked to end Ethiopia’s
flagrant violations with impunity of international law.
 Eritrea sincerely hopes that the demarcation
process can be restarted, in accordance with
international law and consistent with the final and
binding delimitation award of 13 April 2002. This is
the central tenet of the Algiers Agreements and the key
to reinstating regional harmony. It is important for
effective action to be taken in the interest of legality
and the maintenance of regional peace and security.
The United Nations and the Security Council have
unequivocal legal and moral responsibilities to ensure
that this occurs without further delay and some Powers
with major interests in the region need to reassess their
policies so that the peoples in the region can live in
peace and harmony.
 Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia has become a
serious concern in our region, and the Security Council
and members of the international community must
insist on the unconditional and immediate withdrawal
of all Ethiopian troops from Somalia in order to end
the occupation.
 I do not wish to conclude my statement without
briefly touching on the progress and the challenges that
lie ahead in the peace process in the Sudan. The Sudan
has come a long way in addressing its internal
conflicts, both by concluding peace agreements and by
engaging in the implementation process of the terms
and conditions of the peace accords. Eritrea will
continue to lend its support to the peace process in
Darfur by working closely with all concerned parties
and countries, including the United Nations and the
African Union, in order to achieve a robust peace
package that will bring a lasting solution. In that
regard, Eritrea looks forward to the Tripoli meeting
later this month.


First of all, I wish to
warmly congratulate His Excellency Mr. Kerim of the
Republic of Macedonia for his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-second
session. I am confident that, under his able guidance,
this year’s session will be concluded with success. My
appreciation also goes to Her Excellency Ms. Haya
Rashed Al-Khalifa of the Kingdom of Bahrain for her
brilliant leadership as the President of the sixty-first
session, which produced significant achievements
during the past year.
 I am also very delighted to express my most
cordial felicitations to His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-
moon on his appointment as the United Nations
Secretary-General. I have no doubt that under his wise
leadership our world body will certainly become even
more relevant and effective in responding to the
challenges facing us in the twenty-first century.
 Today, the world continues to confront a myriad
of problems, ranging from peace and security to
development, such as terrorism, regional conflicts,
poverty, global warming, pandemic diseases, and so
forth. These old and new emerging crises are indeed of
global proportion, which require greater collective
efforts by the world community. Therefore, as United
Nations Member States, we have to share the common
responsibility to address these issues more effectively
for the sake of humanity.
 Concerning weapons of mass destruction
(WMDs), it is imperative that all States fully comply
with the existing non-proliferation legal instruments in
order to build a better and safer world for all,
particularly the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the
Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, which laid
down a long-term perspective toward achieving a non-
proliferation regime for WMDs and preventing them
from falling into terrorist hands, which could trigger
the gravest of dangers to the international community.
 Combating terrorism remains one of the top
priorities for all Governments. No single country can
deal with this unconventional threat without
cooperation and concerted efforts, which should be
further strengthened, particularly in the areas of
education and information-sharing among law
enforcement authorities and intelligence agencies.
 In terms of security, we certainly cannot
underestimate the illegal use and circulation of small
arms and light weapons, as they can be an equally
dangerous source of terrorism, violence and regional
conflicts. In this context, Cambodia believes that the
2001 United Nations Programme of Action on Small
Arms should remain the cornerstone for us all to work
together to address this issue. In Cambodia, the Royal
Government has developed a number of programmes,
ranging from law enforcement on arms control to a
programme of weapons for development, which has
successfully led to the seizure and destruction of more
than 200,000 small arms and light weapons.
 Likewise, landmines still remain a serious threat
to many nations in the developing world, especially
those facing armed conflicts as well as those emerging
from war. These “silent killers” have destroyed the
lives of many innocent peoples and maimed countless
others. Landmines are not only a security problem, but
a humanitarian one, as the victims become permanently
traumatized and physically handicapped, while their
families suffer untold misery and spiritual and material
deprivation. Landmines also have great impact on the
economy and development, as the victims constitute a
heavy economic and social burden for governments.
 In Cambodia, the Royal Government is
continuing its campaign of mine clearance by placing
the demining operation in its national agenda, such as
the Cambodian Millennium Development Goals and its
“Rectangular Strategy”. By July this year, more than
1.5 million landmines had been cleared. To share our
own experiences with other countries that are also
victims of landmines, Cambodia has dispatched 135
deminers of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces to
Sudan for demining action under the umbrella of the
United Nations peacekeeping operation.
 Everyone nowadays recognizes that climate
change has become one of the most serious threats to
humanity and affects the whole world in this new
century. To reverse this negative megatrend, Cambodia
is of the view that all countries should effectively
implement the relevant United Nations instruments,
especially the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol. We also
call on countries that produce more greenhouse gases
to commit to gradually reducing their emissions as
much as possible.
 At the same time, we need to develop and share
know-how on bioenergy in order to take measures
against global warming. In addition, we need to stop
the deforestation in the developing countries by
assisting them with appropriate measures and
resources.
 In the framework of the Association of South-
East Asian Nations (ASEAN), our leaders will sign
three important documents related to climate change,
energy and environment during the coming ASEAN
Summit in November of this year in Singapore. The
signing of these declarations clearly reflects the
political commitments that ASEAN, both collectively
and individually, has attached to the issues of climate
change.
 Cambodia highly appreciates the United Nations
initiative of convening the High-level Event on
Climate Change here in New York on 24 September
this year. We hope that that high-level meeting will
lead to significant and concrete actions to address
opportunely this very critical issue. However, I believe
that a world summit under the auspices of the United
Nations would keep climate change alive on the agenda
of world’s leaders. A global problem needs a global
solution.
 With regard to the regional situation, Cambodia
welcomes the agreement reached in February this year
through the process of the six party talks leading to the
closing down of the nuclear facilities in the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea. This is a very positive step
for peace, security and stability in the region. We hope
that it will serve as an effective tool to pave the way
for complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
 Concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, we
applaud recent active diplomatic initiatives, in
particular the high-level talks between the Prime
Minister of Israel and the President of the Palestinian
Authority. We hope that those meetings and activities
will lead to a definitive solution that establishes a State
of Palestine, coexisting permanently and peacefully
side by side with Israel, in order to end the killing and
suffering of their peoples and for the sake of peace and
security in the region.
 With regard to the current appalling situation in
Iraq, we applaud the recent decision of the United
States to sizeably reduce the number of its troops in the
country. However, the final and decisive solution will
depend on how the Iraqi people reconcile among
themselves. That is a sine qua non for ending the civil
war in the country. Otherwise, I fear that chaos will
ensue after the withdrawal of United States troops.
 In the light of our own experience, I believe that
the only option that will bring peace and stability to
Iraq is national reconciliation, with a win-win policy
for Shiites and Sunnis. But the main question that we
should ponder is: who or which country can contribute
to the initial process of confidence-building before any
genuine reconciliation can be achieved?
 This year marks the halfway point between the
adoption of the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs) in September 2000 and the target date of
2015. Notwithstanding some overall progress,
developing countries have been experiencing
difficulties in meeting the MDG targets. This is despite
the outcomes of the many high-level meetings that
have been taking place throughout the world aimed at
improving economic development and the livelihoods
of peoples in developing countries, such as the
Monterrey Consensus and the Johannesburg Plan of
Implementation. In reality, however, the situation of
developing countries has not improved much. What we
need now is strong commitment and political will on
the part of all, in particular those in the developed
world, to ensure that globalization will be a
globalization of wealth for all peoples living on this
planet. I hope that that is not just a dream, but a goal
for all.
 The Royal Government of Cambodia has come up
with its own MDGs, in addition to the rectangular
strategy and the national strategic development plan
2006-2010, to work to achieve sustainable
development and poverty reduction. The carrying out
of those national blueprints has yielded strong
economic growth that has averaged more than 11 per
cent over the past three years.
 Therefore, at the Annual Ministerial Review of
the Economic and Social Council, held in Geneva in
July of this year, Cambodia was invited, together with
five other countries, to make a national presentation on
actual progress made in achieving our MDGs.
 Concerning our Organization, the United Nations,
we are more than ever convinced of the urgent need for
comprehensive reform   and not just of the Security
Council   because we need to mobilize our collective
efforts and wisdom to address, in a responsive and
comprehensive way, the problems we are facing in the
twenty-first century.
 There is no doubt that the status quo does not
correspond with the challenges confronting the world
today. Cambodia is of the view that United Nations
reform must be comprehensive. Therefore, instead of
focusing primarily on reform of the Security Council,
perhaps we can start with reform that can garner a
consensus. For example, we could begin by
considering how to make the Economic and Social
Council more effective and more relevant so that it can
deal with the problems of development in the context
of the MDGs. Then, of course, we also need to
empower the General Assembly so that it can play a
prominent role in addressing today’s global problems
as a democratic, deliberative, policymaking and
representative organ of the United Nations. Next,
having built up momentum and consensus by
reforming both the Economic and Social Council and
the Assembly, we could move on to reform of the
Security Council to ensure that it reflects today’s
realities, with equitable representation for developed
and developing countries.
 To conclude, I would like to say that our world is
currently facing serious threats of great proportion and
severe regional crises. At the same time, development
and poverty remain high on the agendas of countries in
many parts of the world. Therefore, the United Nations
must play a more leading role if it is to respond
effectively to those challenges.