May I offer
my warm congratulations to Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his
election to the position of President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session.
Following the experiences of recent years, the world
is poised at a difficult moment in its development. The
weakness of international institutions in the face of
economic, security, humanitarian and environmental
problems is indisputable, and yet those institutions
were designed to resolve such problems. That also
applies to the Security Council, especially in the
context of the conflict in Syria. It is also clear that
international financial institutions are not capable of
handling the destructive volatility of financial markets,
which results from the opaqueness and arbitrariness of
powerful private interests operating in this area.
The signals coming from Asia point to an
undiminished number of tensions and disputes. We
have been following with concern the tension resulting
from the Iranian nuclear programme. We are worried
by the increasingly tangible threat of the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction and of an intensified
arms race among the Gulf States.
The results of the Mission in Afghanistan are not
entirely satisfactory. We must learn a lesson from the
shortcomings of the strategy devised for that country thus far. The approach that suggests the military option
first is not a suitable method for resolving complex
internal conflicts.
The hopes raised by the Arab Spring have been
justified, but only to a certain extent. The civil war
in Syria and the resulting toll in lives, as well as the
United Nations and Arab League’s inability to contain
it, cast a shadow across the entire region. The tragic
death of American diplomats and the circumstances
of their death should also prompt ref lection among all
those persuaded of the automatic nature of democratic
transformations.
When we signed the United Nations Charter, which
is the constitution of the contemporary international
order and testifies to our faith in a better world, we
pledged our readiness to make concerted efforts and
cooperate in pursuit of the ideals invoked in it. One
of the main paths to a more secure and fair world is
the peaceful resolution of disputes and conflicts. That
concept is the main theme of this year’s session of the
Assembly, and the choice of that subject is timely. In
recent years, we have seen numerous occasions in which
a commitment pursuant to Article 2 of the Charter was
ignored, with very dramatic consequences. The best
example is the crisis in Syria, but such situations also
occur in other parts of the world.
Throughout the twentieth century, the international
community developed various means and ways to
achieve a peaceful settlement to disputes at both the
global and regional level. Volumes have been written on
the subject. There are many international institutions
involved in this field, as well as many renowned and
prominent experts, diplomats and politicians. Some of
them, including Jimmy Carter and Martti Ahtisaari,
have been rightly acknowledged by being awarded a
Nobel Peace Prize. They were able to effectively use
existing procedures to quell conflicts and peacefully
resolve difficult disputes of an international or
internal nature that otherwise could have escalated
into international conflicts. However, success was not
possible everywhere. If success was not achieved, it
was because of the absence of one crucially important
factor without which it is impossible to settle a dispute
in a peaceful, lasting and just manner, namely, realizing
the obvious truth that without compromise one cannot
arrive at a lasting solution to any conflict. That is
embedded in the very nature of conflict.

In that connection, I would like to refer to the Polish
experience with the Solidarity movement and the round
table talks of the spring of 1989. Both sides of the deep
social conflict of those days — the communist regime,
on the one hand, and the champions of democratic
transformation who ultimately strove to overthrow
communism, on the other — demonstrated wisdom and
were thereby able to reach a compromise, even if it was
not fully satisfactory to either party. It was nevertheless
a compromise that opened perspectives for further
change, which extended beyond Poland to the entire
region of Central and Eastern Europe. What made that
compromise possible was the capacity for self-control
by those actors who ultimately strove to achieve a
revolutionary change. Let us recall that all previous
attempts undertaken by the democratic opposition
outside the system ended in military interventions,
bloodshed, tens of thousands of refugees and further
repression. That could have also been the case on a
massive scale in the spring of 1989.
In the long run, the capacity for self-control and
the strength of a wise compromise make a much better
solution than pushing one’s own demands and trying to
advance one’s own arguments by force. We know all too
well what happens in the latter case; it usually ends in
people taking up arms in order to prove their rightness
by military means. In line with the rules of geopolitics,
both parties to a conflict seek allies abroad. Finally,
the logic of holding each other in check and an “all or
nothing” mentality start to prevail. Costs are no longer
counted. As the conflict continues, the scale of the crisis
grows. The situation develops into a truly international
one. In order to fend off any further escalation of
antagonisms, major humanitarian and stabilization
operations supported by the army and police force are
inevitable. The process of reconciliation, normalization
and reconstruction is greatly delayed.
We have seen that process in various situations in
different countries. It can be avoided provided that,
from the very outset of a dispute, both sides anticipate
dialogue, acknowledge the limits of what is feasible,
show sensitivity to the potential costs of conflict and
seek compromise. The art of self-control and of wise
compromise, embodied by Nobel Prize winners Lech
Walesa and Nelson Mandela, are worth promoting.
However, this approach is not promoted often
enough in the context of efforts for peaceful conflict
resolution and situations that may lead to conflict.
Syria is a dramatic example of how a wasted chance for compromise can unfold. We expect that an end
will be soon put to the bloodshed in Syria and that the
conflict will be settled on the basis of United Nations
principles, using the instruments available to the
Organization. May the new United Nations envoy for
that conflict never lack determination in the fulfilment
of his mission.
After many centuries of antagonism, disputes and
conflicts in Europe, yet another preventive method
was invented in order to do away with wars and stop
differences and competing claims from turning into
bloody crises. That method is the process of regional
integration, which was ushered in after the Second
World War by the creation of the European Coal and
Steel Community. The project’s hidden intention was
to firmly establish the “no war” principle. It was not
enough to ban war, as had been done through the
Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928. What was needed was for
war to be made impossible by the process of integration.
Through the establishment of the Community and its
expansion to new areas of integration, including most of
the countries on the continent, the disputes threatening
Europe’s security and peace were consigned to the past.
Even if that experience cannot be used in a completely
copy-and-paste manner, it can still serve as an example
to other regions of the world.
The plight of civilian populations, in particular
children, is the most dramatic consequence of the lack
to self-control and the absence of a culture of, and
willingness to, compromise in contemporary disputes
and internal and international conflicts. The methods
and means of combat spare soldiers, sometimes at the
expense of innocent civilians, especially children,
who often become a target of military operations.
This phenomenon is related to efforts to move the
aggression to the other side. The responsibility for
civilian casualties, even if unintended, can also fall on
international and peacekeeping forces.
Based on experience gathered by the international
community, the contentious idea of humanitarian
intervention has been replaced with the concept of the
“responsibility to protect”. I believe that this was a very
wise path to take to end the stalemate that emerged in
this area more than 10 years ago. The concept of the
responsibility to protect has been approved by the
entire international community and has been a United
Nations norm since 2005.

As we know, a norm and its practice may sometimes
be worlds apart. Given the developments that have
unfolded over the past decade, including several events
in North Africa, and in the light of the humanitarian
tragedies, in particular the suffering and death of
thousands of innocent children, that should stir people’s
hearts and consciences, we cannot afford for the
responsibility to protect to remain a dead letter. What
we put forward for the Assembly’s consideration is that
the United Nations should initiate work on defining
a catalogue of instruments to be applied in situations
that entail the responsibility to protect. This is about
the international community being effective without
exceeding a mission’s mandate and inciting disputes on
that count.
This is a particularly important consideration for
us in Poland. Our nation has more than once fallen
victim to crimes perpetrated on a mass scale. Prompted
by that awareness, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, special
rapporteur on crimes in the Balkans for the Human
Rights Commission, embarked on his mission 20 years
ago. The effectiveness of the international community
when faced with f lagrant violations of human rights on
a mass scale and crimes and suffering that call for rapid
reaction, as in Syria these days, depends largely upon
the credibility of our action in previous such situations.
We must always act in good faith and in line with the
mandate given to us.
I am speaking on behalf of a country that, over the
past 20 years, has managed to travel the difficult road
from a totalitarian regime, the collapse of its economy
and mass social unrest curbed by force to democratic
stability, economic growth and the ability to support
peaceful transformations beyond its borders. Thirty
years ago, when martial law was imposed in order to
crush the Solidarity revolution, it was suggested that
Poland’s attempt to enter the world of democracy would
entail potential imbalances between the East and West,
and even a war between the Warsaw Pact nations and
NATO — in effect, a world war.
Fortunately, those days are gone. Hardly anyone
would think in such terms now. Today, Poland is a free
country that develops its relations without limitations,
shares its experience, spreads the word about the
benefits derived from our transition to democracy and
extends development and humanitarian aid. We are a
country that has had a positive economic growth rate
for the past 20 years.

Poland’s commitment to the stability of the
European integration process mirrors our understanding
of the process as one that serves the security of all of
Europe and its neighbourhood. That is why we actively
endeavour to bring together the two parts of Europe once
divided by the Cold War. The European Union Eastern
Partnership programme was designed to that end, with
Poland and Sweden as its initiators and promoters.
Poland readily offers support to and shares
experiences with countries and societies embarking
on the road to democracy in North Africa, Asia and
Europe. To the extent we are able, Poland is involved
in developing contact with countries from different
regions and civilizations. Our policy in that regard
arises from the conviction that an effective United
Nations is as urgently needed today as it was in the
days of the Cold War. The world cannot be driven by
a bipolar or multipolar concert of Powers. Of course,
although the Powers will not cease to exist, stability
and regulation of the international legal order will
require the more extensive engagement of multilateral
institutions, as well as norms and mechanisms securing
full observance. Only the United Nations system can
ensure all of those.
In order to improve its effectiveness, we need
to reform the Organization along the way, respect
agreed norms and honour our commitments in good
faith. We recall that a return to a Hobbesian world is
always possible and that some people continue actively
to bring it about. That is why Poland felt sorely tried
under the effects of the twentieth-century dramas.
However, Poland is committed to promoting respect for
the principles, integrity and full implementation of the
output of our Organization. Such action will ensure that
the tasks we propose will be carried out effectively and
the United Nations will meet the expectations we set
out at its very beginning and continue to promote today.


Allow me to
congratulate the President on his election and to offer
the steadfast support of my country for his term.
Each year we renew our commitment to our United
Nations and to the Charter that enshrines, in the plainest
of language, our hopes and aspirations for a progressive,
peaceful and secure world. Our Organization and our
Charter have survived and thrived through dark times
and great adversity. The letter and spirit of the Charter
remain alive and vibrant in a constantly changing world.
Our work continues to be important, even in the face of
doubts about the relevance of multilateral institutions.
All that was possible because at the heart of our
determination to build peace has been our commitment
to the rule of law. Keeping faith in the law allows us
to treat each other fairly and in the spirit of sovereign
equality. It provides the rules that enable nations to
relate to one another and work together. It reduces
arbitrariness and unilateralism. Fidelity to the rule of law allows us not only the means to resolve differences
but also the substance on which to build better
understanding.
Our advocacy for the rule of law not only is born
of our experience and insights as a founding Member
of the United Nations and an active participant in
international affairs, but also is deeply rooted in our
experience as a nation. Our freedom was hard-won.
Our democracy was achieved only after decades of
dictatorship. Our governance was sullied by corruption
and patronage in previous years.
Our President, Benigno S. Aquino III, has placed
the rule of law at the centre of his governance. As a
result, the culture of impunity has been neutralized,
our economy is on the upswing and our people’s rights
and freedoms are assured.
Among the gravest threats that continue to face us
today is the deadly testament of man’s ability to destroy
his fellow man. The full force of the rule of law must be
brought to bear to prevent the proliferation of nuclear
weapons, to promote nuclear disarmament and to end
the f low of illicit weapons. The Philippines is proud
to have presided over the 2010 Review Conference
of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons. The historic adoption of the 64
action points strengthened the legal regime of the
Treaty.
We also support nuclear-weapon-free zones,
including the Southeast Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free
Zone created by the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations. It is essential that such a zone be created for the volatile Middle East, as envisaged by the 2010
Review Conference. The Philippines commends the
States of the region, the depository States of the 1995
resolution 50/78, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and
the Government of Finland for setting the stage for
the 2012 Conference that will pursue that most urgent
objective.
The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
is another critical pillar of global disarmament and
non-proliferation. The Philippines commends Indonesia
for being the latest annex 2 State to ratify the Treaty,
and it reiterates its call to the remaining eight annex
2 States to accede at the soonest possible time. Other
States not included in annex 2, but not parties to the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, must do the
same to ensure the universality of the Treaty.
We must also actively pursue respect for the law of
peace and humanitarian law in the numerous regional
conflicts that affect the lives, safety and well-being of
millions of people around the world. Towards that end,
peacekeeping is the crucial tool by which the Charter’s
mandate is carried out. Despite its limited resources,
the Philippines is doing its part in that important task.
We are currently a major contributor to United Nations
peacekeeping missions. We call on others to also do
all that they can. And we support innovative efforts to
help embattled communities, including proposals on
possible unarmed peacekeeping that would expand the
civilian component of our endeavours.
The Philippines also recognizes the important role
of women in the promotion of peace and continues to
deploy more female peacekeepers to peacekeeping
missions. We aim to attain and surpass the 10 per
cent deployment target of women in country troop
contingents and 20 per cent for police deployments.
With a tenth of the population of our country in
foreign lands, there is a very real and human dimension
to our quest to strengthen the rule of law. To further
galvanize international dialogue and cooperation, the
Philippines has been among the principal advocates for
developing norms of international law that will protect
not only our overseas Filipinos but all migrants. Human
trafficking is a crime of such magnitude that it cannot
be dealt with by a single nation or even by a group of
nations. The international community as a whole must
stand together against that scourge. For that reason, the
Philippines became a founding member of the Group
of Friends United against Human Trafficking, and we
are the main sponsor of the biennial General Assembly
resolution on trafficking in women and girls.
In pursuit of that objective, we call on all Member
States to implement the Global Plan of Action against
Trafficking in Persons and to ratify and enforce human
rights instruments such as the Palermo Protocol and
the International Convention on the Protection of the
Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their
Families.
Many of my country’s overseas Filipinos are found
on merchant ships. Filipinos form the bulk of seafarers.
Many have fallen victim to pirates. Maritime piracy
continues to be a menace to the entire world. A full 80 per
cent of world trade travels by sea — almost six billion
tons of cargo, moved by some 93,000 merchant vessels,
manned by 1.25 million seafarers. The business and
human costs of piracy cannot be overstated. We support
bilateral, multilateral, regional and interregional efforts
to address the impact of piracy, including measures to
improve the welfare of affected seafarers.
The Philippine Constitution values the dignity of
every human person and guarantees full respect for all
human rights. Our National Human Rights Action Plan
2009-2014 aims to mainstream human rights standards
into all parts of the national Government and national
life. The Plan fully respects our obligations under the
eight major international human rights treaties.
As a founding and current member of the Human
Rights Council, the Philippines works with the other
members of the Council to safeguard the human
rights of vulnerable groups, such as migrants, women,
children, young people, the elderly, indigenous peoples
and persons with disabilities. The Philippines has
actively contributed to initiatives on human rights,
extreme poverty, human rights education, combating
trafficking in persons, especially women and children,
and climate change.
The Philippines was one of the first nations to
submit to the universal periodic review process of
the Human Rights Council. Last month, the Council
adopted by consensus our second report under that
review mechanism.
The noble vision of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights and of many other profound declarations
is far from being realized for the poor, the deprived,
the oppressed and the marginalized. The recent global
financial and economic crises have left such vulnerable sectors of our societies in even greater danger. The
Philippine Government therefore strongly supports
measures for the empowerment of those disadvantaged
and endangered groups and strongly advocates policies
that aim to raise their participation and integration in
society.
For that reason, it is important to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and to plan
for the post-MDG period, after 2015. Accordingly,
the Philippines, together with Tanzania, initiated
resolution 66/124, entitled “High-level Meeting of the
General Assembly on the realization of the Millennium
Development Goals and other internationally agreed
development goals for persons with disabilities”. The
2013 High-level Meeting seeks the inclusiveness of the
disabled, a cause to which all should rally.
We are instituting measures to enhance the role
and the status of women and are strengthening their
protection through the Philippine Commission on
Women, whose foundation predates the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women, through the key legislation of the Magna Carta
of Women and through the Philippine Plan for Gender-
Responsive Development 1995-2015.
Migration remains an unheralded and
underappreciated dimension of globalization today. Yet
the reality is that hundreds of millions live and work
outside their native lands, providing benefits to both
their host nations and their countries of origin. The
Global Forum on Migration and Development, which
the Philippines chaired in 2008, allows us to share our
practical experiences in migration management and in
protecting the rights and welfare of all migrants. We
look forward to a successful outcome of the Forum
summit in Port Louis, Mauritius, in November.
Earlier this year, the Philippines was pleased to
ratify two key international instruments that affect
migrants everywhere, namely, the Maritime Labour
Convention and the Convention concerning Decent
Work for Domestic Workers. Our ratification brings
those two agreements into force next year.
As a further indication of our commitment to
protecting the rights of migrants, the Philippines
will co-host a regional meeting of the Global Forum
on Migration and Development, under the title
“International Migrant Domestic Care Workers at the
Interface of Migration and Development”, in Manila
later this month, with the support of UN-Women, the International Labour Organization and the International
Organization for Migration.
The rule of law is an instrument of justice and
development. Yet the continuing global economic
challenges and financial instability make it even more
important that we focus on ensuring that the rule of
law gives everyone their due. Poverty, hunger, poor
health and education and a deteriorating environment
are threats to all and require nothing less than our
concerted and collective response.
In all development efforts, we must respect the
principles and norms of sustainability that are crucial
to the continued health of the Earth and of our peoples.
Consequently, the Philippines will further integrate
key ideas from the United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development into the review of its medium-
term development plan, even as we continue to pursue
the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals
by 2015.
For many developing countries such as the
Philippines, food security remains a crucial issue.
Recent events have shown that the capacity to
source affordable food can affect millions of people,
sometimes even to the extent of their sheer survival. We
express our appreciation to the General Assembly for
the adoption of resolution 66/222, declaring 2014 the
International Year of Family Farming.
As a country particularly prone to natural disasters,
including those wrought by climate change, we value
the work being done in advancing the management of
natural disaster risk reduction. Global and regional
cooperation through partnerships is the best way
to strengthen the international humanitarian and
emergency response system.
Natural disasters plague mankind. The forces of
nature are difficult to contain. That should not be the
case in humankind’s quest for peace. While natural
disasters are impossible to prevent, the same is not true
of war and conflict.
The United Nations was created to protect the
weak from the strong, to provide for the equality of
all sovereign States and to enshrine the rule of law
as the governing principle in regulating international
disputes.The Philippines is therefore steadfast in
promoting the peaceful settlement of disputes through
a rules-based approach. We stand firmly behind the
efforts of the United Nations to promote the rule of law
and mediation. In 1982, we adopted the Manila Declaration on
the Peaceful Settlement of Disputes. This year marks
its thirtieth anniversary. The principles and processes
set out in the Manila Declaration remain applicable to
this day and are a stark reminder that we have yet to
overcome the barriers that divide countries and peoples
throughout the planet. For that reason, we share the
President’s view that “Bringing about the adjustment
or settlement of international disputes or situations
by peaceful means” is essential to the future peace,
progress and prosperity of all nations.
Furthermore, from the perspective of the rule of law,
and given the maritime disputes that have intensified
in the Asian region, the United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) has never been more
relevant than it is today. All States must respect their
obligations to settle their maritime disputes by peaceful
means under UNCLOS, without the threat or use of
force. A rules-based approach under UNCLOS can
peacefully resolve the Asian maritime disputes.
Today, my country faces its most serious
challenge — a challenge to the security of its maritime
domain and the integrity of its national territory, as well
as its effective protection of its marine environment.
To address this challenge and to arrive at a durable
resolution, we must rely on the rule of law and not the
force of arms. We must rely on the body of rules that
state that disputes must be resolved peacefully. We must
rely on the norms and rules enshrined in UNCLOS. We
therefore rely on our friends and allies and all those
who believe in the peaceful and fair management of the
seas and oceans to uphold the rule of law and UNCLOS.
We will endeavour to elicit a more proactive approach
from the General Assembly.
We often hear the quote that “we are a country of
laws and not of men”. I shall modify it to say that “we
are a community of nations and not of hegemons”. Let us
make this a reality. Let us all, without exception, respect
the international legal framework to utilize institutions
and adhere to commitments in treaties and conventions.
For in so doing, we create global norms that will serve
our nations in good stead today and in the future, and
we will preserve the one great institution that we have
charged with promoting peace and prosperity in our
world, our United Nations. If we achieve this, rather
than being forced to accept that might is right, we will
instead demonstrate that right is might.


It is a great honour for me
to speak from this rostrum for the first time since I
took office in January. I would like to congratulate
President Jeremić on assuming the chair of this highly
representative body and wish him success in his
challenging task. I also wish to commend the work
of his predecessor, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser,
President of the Assembly at its sixty-sixth session.
Let me express our gratitude and appreciation to
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his inspiring
vision, reform efforts and result-oriented action. I also
wish to welcome the appointment of Mr. Jan Eliasson of
Sweden as Deputy Secretary-General.
Our time is marked by historic shifts and
by achievements in science, technology and
communications that shape the global economy and politics but that, we should also bear in mind, have an
impact on every human being. More and more nations
around the world have now opted for open, free and
democratic societies based on the rule of law and
good governance. But such historic transformations
do not always bring more peace and stability. On
many occasions we still face extreme violence and
bloodshed, causing senseless loss of innocent lives,
human suffering and destruction.
The main theme of the Assembly’s general debate
today could not be more relevant for us as political
leaders. Dealing with violent conflicts and promoting
peace, security, development and human rights have
always been at the core of the United Nations. At
yesterday’s High-level Meeting, we affirmed our
credo that the rule of law forms the basis of a peaceful
and predictable system of international relations.
Nowadays, as conflicts have become more complex, we
share the view that mediation and good offices should
be the tools of preference for dealing with escalating
tension.
Delivering justice is vital to addressing terrorism,
one of the ugliest and most despicable crimes against
humanity. No cause whatsoever can justify the
indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians. Sadly
enough, no country or human being today can feel safe
or insured against this evil. Just a few weeks ago, at the
Sofia synagogue, we paid tribute to the memory of five
Israeli citizens and one Bulgarian who lost their lives in
the shocking terrorist attack last July at the airport of
Sarafovo, a lively tourist destination on our Black Sea
coast. From this high stage today in New York, a few
miles from the September 11 memorial, I now reaffirm
our strongest condemnation of that awful crime. My
country will spare no effort to bring the perpetrators
and masterminds to justice. That attack on our own
soil has made us stronger and more determined to align
with others in implementing the United Nations Global
Counter-Terrorism Strategy.
We condemn the violent acts committed recently
in the name of defending religious beliefs. This is
unacceptable. We urge all involved to show tolerance
and avoid provocative actions that can be destructive to
peace and stability.
For more than a year now the continuing brutal
violence in Syria has provoked our extreme concern.
Each day brings testimony of unacceptable levels
of bloodshed and human suffering. The regime in Damascus has lost all legitimacy by waging a reckless
war on its own people and refusing to heed the calls for
a negotiated way out of the crisis. Due to the growing
number of refugees, the humanitarian situation is
deteriorating day by day and the stability of neighbouring
countries is also at risk. Bulgaria condemns these
gross violations of basic United Nations principles
and of international humanitarian law. We call for full
accountability on the part of the perpetrators, including
by bringing them before the International Criminal
Court. My country subscribes to the acts of solidarity
undertaken by the European Union and its members
in providing relief to the suffering civilian population
through emergency humanitarian assistance.
It is regrettable that the active involvement of
the United Nations and the international community
has so far failed to ensure the Syrian authorities’
compliance with the peace proposals elaborated
through international mediation. Bulgaria gave its full
support to the diplomatic efforts of Mr. Kofi Annan and
welcomed the appointment of Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi as
Joint Special Representative of the United Nations and
the League of Arab States for Syria. While the violence
and bloodshed should be stopped immediately, we
also call for the start of a transition towards inclusive
and representative democratic rule in Syria, one
that guarantees the rights of all citizens regardless
of ethnicity or religion. Bulgaria has supported the
Syrian opposition groups in their efforts to unite on an
alternative to the current regime, on the basis of the
vision of a new democratic State that can be a home that
welcomes all Syrians.
The promotion of just, inclusive and transparent
societies supports the process of democratic transition,
known as the Arab Spring, that has swept across the
Middle East and North Africa. Bulgaria welcomes
the steps taken by several countries on the path to
constitutional and political reform, and we trust that
those are now irreversible.
At the same time, the need to reactivate the Middle
East peace process seems now more pressing than
ever. Bulgaria looks forward to the resumption in good
faith of direct negotiations and expects both parties to
demonstrate their continued commitment to a peaceful
solution that respects the legitimate interests and
sensitivities of the Israeli and Palestinian people. All
efforts should made to create an environment conducive
to a comprehensive peace settlement between the two
States, a two-State solution. In that respect, we urge both the Palestinians and the Israelis to refrain from
any unilateral actions that could be destructive to the
peace process.
Disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction are areas that continue to demand
strong political will and action by the international
community. It is essential that we continue to
strengthen the comprehensive regime of the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and of other
major international instruments, such as the Chemical
Weapons Convention. With regard to conventional
arms, Bulgaria consistently supports the negotiation
process leading to the adoption of a legally binding
arms trade treaty that is robust in substance.
Along with others, we believe that Iran’s full
cooperation with the International Atomic Energy
Agency is of paramount importance. The Government
in Tehran must show greater transparency of its nuclear
activities and fully comply with all relevant Security
Council resolutions. We look to a resumption of the
high-level negotiations on the future of Iran’s nuclear
programme and a clear demonstration of political
will by the Iranian authorities to undertake concrete
confidence-building steps and address the concerns of
the international community.
Bulgaria highly values the role of the Human
Rights Council as the primary United Nations body
for the protection and promotion of human rights. I am
delighted to announce that my country will be seeking,
for the first time, election to the Council for the period
2019 to 2021.
Over the past two decades, Bulgaria has gone
through a successful transition from totalitarian rule to
a functioning democracy with an open market economy
and a vibrant civil society. It has been a difficult,
dramatic and sometimes turbulent journey. I think
our greatest achievement in this process was to have
preserved the long-standing tradition of tolerance and
dialogue between ethnic and religious communities
within Bulgarian society. That tradition can be clearly
illustrated by a glimpse of the centre of our capital, where
four temples of different religions — Islam, Judaism
and Catholic and Orthodox Christianity — coexist
peacefully, surrounded by archaeological monuments
of several ancient civilizations.
It is in this spirit that we stand ready to share the
experience from our road to democracy with other
countries undergoing similar challenges. More than a year ago, Bulgaria initiated an international forum
called the Sofia Platform , providing a useful venue for
dialogue and an exchange of views and best practices
among countries in the region. We got experts,
officials and representatives from Governments,
non-governmental organizations and civil societies all
over the world focusing on the transition processes in
Central and Eastern Europe, the Balkans and the Middle
East. The forum showed that although the historical,
cultural and political realities vary in different countries
and regions, conclusions and lessons learned can be
relevant in the field of national reconciliation, rule of
law, institution-building and security sector reform.
Bulgaria maintains its unwavering commitment
to the process of European Union (EU) enlargement,
involving all our neighbouring countries of South-
Eastern Europe and the Balkans. We confirm our
conviction that all States of the region should one day
become part of the European Union, on the basis of
their own merits and criteria fulfilled in the negotiation
process. At the same time, pursuing the national reform
agendas, solving outstanding issues and building
regional cooperation and good neighbourly relations, in
accordance with the European standards, is of direct
benefit to all countries of the region and their European
perspective. All of us in South-Eastern Europe are
interested in promoting business and human contacts
with our neighbours, developing cross-border projects
and facilitating travel, building railways and highways,
and developing communications and regional energy
and transport infrastructure facilities — all as part of
the pan-European networks. That is why we need to
make the best use of existing regional bodies, such as the
Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation
and the South-Eastern European Cooperation Process
with its Regional Cooperation Council.
A few months ago, at the Rio+20 Conference on
Sustainable Development, we made a good start on
the path to a greener and safer world. The outcome
documents indicate that sustainable development is
the only possible way forward. The triple-win policies
envisaged in the outcome document, “The future we
want” (resolution 66/288, annex) seek to advance social
development, economic growth and environmental
sustainability, all at the same time. Our task now is
to focus on the Conference follow-up and to deliver.
The General Assembly should discuss the formulation
of sustainable development goals to be integrated
into the United Nations development agenda beyond
2015. We see an important role for the Economic and Social Council in the process, and we stand ready to
contribute, taking the opportunity of our membership
in the Council.
In the context of the United Nations development
agenda, let me stress that Bulgaria, as an EU member,
is deeply committed to the implementation of the
Millennium Development Goals and is working to
gradually increase its share as a donor of development
and humanitarian aid, in compliance with the
commitments it has undertaken. During this Assembly
session, Bulgaria will sign the Food Assistance
Convention.
Being myself a strong supporter of greater focus
on education as a key area for sustainable development,
allow me to express my high appreciation for the
initiative of the Secretary-General “Education First”.
I am convinced that in a knowledge-based network of
economies, education is the best investment in order
to prepare young generations for global citizenship.
We welcome the designation of UNESCO’s Director-
General, Mrs. Irina Bokova, as the Executive
Secretary for this initiative. In view of her outstanding
performance so far, Bulgaria advocates Mrs. Bokova’s
re-election for a second term at the helm of UNESCO
for the period 2013 to 2017.
We highly value UNICEF’s noble mission to
promote children’s rights, safety and well-being. Over
the past few years, the role of UNICEF in Bulgaria
evolved from the usual technical assistance to a
strategic partnership with the Government in order to
promote fundamental reforms. In November this year,
my country will host a UNICEF-sponsored high-level
regional conference on child care system reform.
Finally, let me assure the Assembly that Bulgaria
will continue to give its full support to the noble cause
of building a stronger, rule-based multilateral system
with an enhanced role for the United Nations at its
centre. Success on that path will be achieved only by
working together.


I am proud that
this year Britain welcomed the world to the Olympic
and Paralympic games and put on a great display,
showing that while we may have only the twenty-
second-largest population in the world, we can roll out
one of its warmest welcomes.
I am honoured, too, that in the coming year I have
been asked to co-chair the high-level panel designed to
help us build on one of the greatest achievements of the United Nations, the Millennium Development Goals.
Britain takes that work very seriously. I am convinced
that we need to focus more than ever on the building
blocks that take countries and people from poverty to
prosperity. By those building blocks I mean the absence
of conflict and corruption and the presence of property
rights and the rule of law. We should never forget that
for many in the world the closest relative of poverty is
injustice. Development has never been just about aid
or money, but I am proud that Britain is a country that
keeps its promises to the poorest in our world.
A year ago I stood here and argued that the Arab
Spring represented an unprecedented opportunity for
advancing peace, prosperity and security. One year
on, some believe that the Arab Spring is in danger of
becoming an Arab winter. They point to the riots on
the streets, to Syria’s descent into a bloody civil war, to
frustration at the lack of economic progress and to the
emergence of newly elected Islamist-led Governments
across the region.
But I believe those people are in danger of drawing
the wrong conclusion. Today is not the time to turn back,
but to keep the faith and to redouble our support for open
societies and for people’s demands for a job and a voice.
Yes, the path is challenging. But democracy is not, and
never has been, simply about holding an election. It is
not one person, one vote, once. Democracy is about
establishing the building blocks of true democracy:
the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law,
with the majority prepared to defend the rights of the
minority; the freedom of the media; a proper place for
the army in society; and the development of effective
State institutions, political parties and a wider civil
society.
I am not so naive as to believe that democracy
alone has some magical healing power. I am a liberal
Conservative, not a neo-conservative. I respect each
country’s different histories and traditions. I welcome
the steps taken in countries where reform is happening
with the consent of the people. I know that every
country takes its own path, and that progress will
sometimes be slow. Some countries have achieved
stability and success based on tradition and consent.
Others have endured decades in which the institutions
of civil society were deliberately destroyed, political
parties banned, free media abolished and the rule of
law twisted for the benefit of the few. We cannot expect
the damage of decades to be put right in a matter of
months. But the drive for opportunity, justice and the rule of law and the hunger for a job and a voice are not
responsible for the problems in the region. In fact, quite
the opposite: the building blocks of democracy, fair
economies and open societies are part of the solution,
not part of the problem. We in the United Nations
must step up our efforts to support the people of those
countries as they build their own democratic future.
Let me take the key arguments in turn. First, there
are those who say there has been too little progress,
that the Arab Spring has produced few tangible
improvements in people’s lives. That is not right. Look
at Libya since the fall of Al-Qadhafi. We have seen
elections to create a new Congress, and now plans to
integrate armed groups into the national police and
army. None of that is to ignore the huge and sobering
challenges that remain.
The murder of Ambassador Chris Stevens was a
despicable act of terrorism. But the right response is
to finish the work that Chris Stevens gave his life to.
That is what the vast majority of Libyans want, too, as
we saw so inspiringly in Benghazi last weekend, when
they took to the streets in the thousands, refusing to
allow extremists to hijack their chance for democracy.
The Arab Spring has also brought progress in
Egypt, where the democratically elected President
has asserted civilian control over the military; in
Yemen and Tunisia, where elections have brought new
Governments to power; and in Morocco, where there
is a new Constitution and a Prime Minister appointed
on the basis of a popular vote for the first time. Even
further afield, Somalia has also taken the first vital step
forward by electing a new President. So there has been
progress. None of it would have come about without
people standing up last year and demanding change,
or without the United Nations having the courage to
respond to those crises.
Secondly, there is the argument that the removal of
dictators has somehow started to unleash a new wave of
violence, extremism and instability. Some argue that in
a volatile region, only an authoritarian strong man can
maintain stability and security. Or even, some argue,
that recent events prove that democracy in the Middle
East brings terrorism, not security, and sectarian
conflict, not peace. Again, I believe we should reject
that argument.
I have no illusions about the danger that political
transition can be exploited by violent extremists. I
understand the importance of protecting people and defending national security. Britain is determined
to work with our allies to do that. But democracy
and open societies are not the problem. The fact is
that, for decades, too many were prepared to tolerate
dictators like Al-Qadhafi and Al-Assad on the basis
that they would keep their people safe at home and
promote stability in the region and the wider world. In
fact, neither was true. Not only were theose dictators
repressing their people, ruling by control not by consent,
plundering the national wealth, and denying people
their basic rights and freedoms, they were funding
terrorism overseas as well. Brutal dictatorships made
the region more dangerous not less; more dangerous
because those regimes dealt with frustration at home
by whipping up anger against their neighbours, against
the West, against Israel; and more dangerous, too,
because people denied a job and a voice were given no
alternative but a dead-end choice between dictatorship
and extremism.
What was heartening about the events of Tahrir
Square was that the Egyptian people found their voice
and rejected that false choice. They withheld their
consent from a Government that had lost all legitimacy,
and they chose instead the road to a more open and fair
society. The road is not easy, but it is the right one. I
believe it will make countries safer in the end.
Next, there are those who say that, whatever may
have been achieved elsewhere, in Syria the Arab Spring
has unleashed a vortex of sectarian violence and hatred
with the potential to destroy the whole region. Syria
does present some profound challenges. But those who
look at Syria today and blame the Arab Spring have got
it the wrong way round. We cannot blame the people
for the behaviour of a brutal dictator. The responsibility
lies with the brutal dictator himself.
Al-Assad is today inf laming Syria’s sectarian
tensions, just as his father did as far back as the slaughter
in Hama 30 years ago. And not only in Syria; Al-Assad
has colluded with those in Iran who are set on dragging
the region into wider conflict. The only way out of
Syria’s nightmare is to move forward towards political
transition and not to give up the cause of freedom. The
future for Syria is a future without Al-Assad. It has to
be based on mutual consent, as was clearly agreed in
the International Conference on Syria held in Geneva
in June. If anyone was in any doubt about the horrors
that Al-Assad has inf licted on his people, just look at
the evidence published this week by Save the Children:
schools used as torture centres, children used for target practice. A 16-year-old Syrian called Wael who was
detained in a police station in Daraa said: “I have seen
children slaughtered. No, I do not think I will ever be
OK again...lf there was even 1 per cent of humanity in
the world, this would not happen”.
The blood of those young children is a terrible stain
on the reputation of the United Nations. In particular,
it is a stain on those who have failed to stand up to
these atrocities and those who in some cases aided
and abetted Al-Assad’s regime of terror. lf the United
Nations Charter is to have any value in the twenty-
first century, we must now join together to support
a rapid political transition. At the same time, no one
of conscience can turn a deaf ear to the voices of
suffering. Security Council members have a particular
responsibility to support the United Nations appeal for
Syria. Britain, already the third biggest donor, is today
announcing a further $12 million in humanitarian
support, including new support for UNICEF’s work
to help Syrian children. We look to our international
partners to do more as well.
Of course, the Arab Spring has not removed
overnight the profound economic challenges that
these countries face. Too many countries face falling
investment, rising food prices and bigger trade deficits.
But it is completely wrong to suggest that the Arab
Spring has somehow created those economic problems.
It is a challenging time for the world economy as
a whole. There was never going to be an economic
transformation overnight, not least because far from
being successful open-market-based economies, many
of these countries were beset by vested interests and
corruption, with unaccountable institutions. That has,
one might say, created a double problem. Not just
fragile economies, but worse, people were told they had
experienced free enterprise and open markets when
they had experienced nothing of the sort.
So we must help these countries unwind the legacy
of endemic corruption, military expenditure they
cannot afford, natural resources unfairly exploited; in
short, the mass kleptocracy that they suffered under for
too long.
While I am on the subject of stolen assets, we also
have a responsibility to help these countries get back
the stolen assets that are rightfully theirs, just as we
have returned billions of dollars of assets to Libya. It
is simply not good enough that the Egyptian people
continue to be denied those assets long after Mubarak
has gone.

Today, I am announcing a new British task force to
work with the Egyptian Government to gather evidence,
trace assets, work to change European Union law and
pursue the legal cases that will return the stolen money
to its rightful owners, the Egyptian people.
Finally, perhaps most challenging of all for Western
countries like mine, is the argument that elections
have simply opened the door to Islamist parties whose
values are incompatible with truly open societies. My
response to this is clear. We should respect the outcome
of elections. But we should not compromise on our
definition of what makes an open society. We should
judge Islamists by what they do.
The test is this. Will they entrust the rights of
citizenship to fellow countrymen and countrywomen
who do not share their specific political or religious
views? Do they accept that, unlike the dictators they
replaced, they should never pervert the democratic
process to hold onto power if they lose the consent
of the people they serve? Will they live up to their
commitments to protect the rule of law for all citizens,
to defend the rights of Christians and minorities and
to allow women a full role in society, in the economy
and in politics? The truth is this: we cannot build
strong economies, we cannot build open societies and
we cannot have inclusive political systems if we lock
out women. The eyes of the world today may be on the
brothers, but the future is as much in the hands of their
mothers, their sisters and their daughters.
Holding Islamists to account must also mean that
if they attempt to undermine the stability of other
countries, encourage terrorism instead of peace or
promote conflict instead of partnership, we will oppose
them. That is why Iran will continue to face the full
force of sanctions and scrutiny from the United Nations
until it gives up its ambitions to spread a nuclear shadow
over the world. It is also why we should not waver from
our insistence that Hamas give up violence. Hamas must
not be allowed to dictate the way forward. Palestinians
should have the chance to fulfil the same aspirations for
a job and a voice as others in the region, and we support
their right to have a State and a home. And Israelis
should be able to fulfil their own aspirations to live in
peace and security with their neighbours.
Of course there are challenges in working with
Governments that have different views and cultural
traditions. But there is a fundamental difference
between Islam and extremism. Islam is a great religion
observed peacefully and devoutly by more than 1 billion people. Islamist extremism is a warped political
ideology supported by a minority that seeks to hijack
that great religion, to gain respectability for its violent
objectives. It is vital that we make that distinction.
In Turkey, we see a Government with roots in
Islamic values but with democratic politics, an open
economy and a responsible attitude to supporting
change in Libya, Syria and elsewhere in the region.
I profoundly believe the same path is open to Egypt,
Tunisia and their neighbours. We must help them take
it. Democracy and Islam can flourish alongside one
another. Let us judge Governments not by their religion,
but by how they act and what they do. Let us engage with
the new democratic Governments in Egypt, Tunisia and
Libya so their success can strengthen democracy, not
undermine it.
There is no doubt that we are in the midst of
profound change and that many uncertainties lie
ahead. But the building blocks of democracy, fair
economies and open societies are part of the solution,
not the problem. Indeed, nothing in the last year has
changed my fundamental conviction. The Arab Spring
represents a precious opportunity for people to realize
their aspirations for a job, a voice and a stake in their
future. We in the United Nations must do everything
we can to support them.


Mr. President, I would like to extend to you the
congratulations of the Government of Ecuador on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its sixty-seventh session, for which we will provide
whatever support you need to help achieve the
international agenda’s commitments, especially those
that have to do with revitalization of the Assembly.
We are participating in this important forum with
the clear purpose of sharing our ideas and proposals for
the international system that governs us. We are well
aware that the United Nations system was conceived
in the middle of the last century and that its structure
is based on, among other things, the principles of humanism, multilateralism and the equality of States
before the law. Since then, the great majority of
countries have fought to see those principles complied
with, but there have also been countries whose power
has wrongfully enabled them to fail to live up to the
principles and to their obligations within the system.
The world has changed substantially since the
road map for the United Nations was designed, and its
functions must adapt to the new demands of international
relations, characterized by exchanges of information
and communications and by interdependent economies.
We believe the time has come to end the illegitimate
political exploitation of United Nations bodies by
certain Powers, which continue to exert political and
economic pressure and even to intervene militarily
in sovereign States whose Governments criticize the
international status quo or focus on different ideologies
from those promoted by some Powers, or whose public
policies are opposed to the economic interests of large
transnational companies. Such pressure delegitimizes
the system and distorts multilateralism itself.
In the five years of President Rafael Correa’s
Government, Ecuador has regained sovereignty in
decision-making on its internal and international
policies, pursuing decisions that promote a horizontal
relationship between countries with the same rights and
obligations. In those five years Ecuador has supported
peace. That is why we have expressed our concern
about the terrible consequences for human beings that
result from military interventions conducted by the
Powers, and why we are calling loudly for dialogue
and for respect for human rights and the people’s self-
determination in all countries in conflict. We have
had enough of geopolitical visions that are imposed by
force, destroying human rights. In that regard, Ecuador
welcomes with great hope and enthusiasm the dialogue
process in the sister Republic of Colombia, which is
the bravest step that the Government of that fraternal
country could have taken.
Today the world is experiencing constant changes
in the distribution of power. New regional Powers have
emerged in the past 20 years and have begun to play
a decisive role in international politics and security.
Russia, China, India, Brazil, Mexico, South Africa,
Argentina, Indonesia, Venezuela and the developing
world, in general, are now the drivers of the global
economy. It is therefore a political imperative that
multilateralism be strengthened and promoted with
regard to respect and equality among States. It is important to point out that Latin American
countries committed to multilateralism, in response
to unilateral actions that undermine international
stability, have established regional institutions, such
as the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our
America — Peoples’ Trade Agreement (ALBA), the
Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the
Community of Latin American and Caribbean States.
Such bodies are restoring the principle of universal
representation in global governance and endowing it with
new characteristics so as to adjust it to today’s political
and social reality. However, while such countries and
organizations seek to keep the institution of inter-State
work alive, the continuing unilateral actions of certain
Powers without consultation jeopardize the ability of
multilateral bodies to provide legitimate and valid
responses to international needs and problems.
In that context, Ecuador believes that the
weakening of the decision-making system in the United
Nations undermines international law. Open dialogue
is therefore needed in order to effectively reform our
Organization. We believe that it is time to begin a
structural reform of the United Nations that makes it
more democratic and up to date and that prevents the
political and illegal use of its bodies. The system will
be truly democratic, as it claims to be, when everyone
accepts that each country has a vote and that the
majority decides in a democratic, free and sovereign
way, without a small group of States that represents
2.5 per cent of the Organization’s membership being
able to veto the remaining 97.5 per cent.
We must of course restore the fundamental principles
of the United Nations, namely, the legal equality of
States, international social justice, unconditional
respect for international law, the protection and defence
of all human rights, cooperation and the promotion
of the mutual interests of nations, respect for the
sovereignty of States, the free self-determination of
peoples, non-intervention in the internal affairs of
other States, the elimination of wars of aggression and
the peaceful settlement of disputes through dialogue,
without recourse to the threat or, worse still, the use of
force. But, above all, we must restore the principle of
collective action. As a result, we must give it values,
such as democracy, universality and supranationality.
In order to be effective and efficient in its work
to maintain international peace and stability, the new
multilateralism should not uphold the veto power or
the existence of an exclusive club, whose members are a small group of countries that decide the system’s
future and other measures that affect the remaining
countries. The new system would require all countries,
as equals, to be equally represented in decision-making
that affected the international system. It should not
allow non-compliance with international standards by
some States, but must rather demand strict adherence
to international law and full respect for international
judicial authority as the only way of promoting peaceful
coexistence among nations.
Ecuador supports the comprehensive reform of the
United Nations system and the democratization of the
international decision-making bodies. We advocate
a comprehensive reform of the Security Council that
includes decisions on membership categories, the veto
issue, regional representation, the size of an expanded
Security Council and its working methods, and its
relationship with the General Assembly — in other
words, a comprehensive change in its composition
and operation. The idea is to make the Council
representative, democratic and effective to enable
the international community to have an appropriate
collective security system. We believe that we must
work on that proposal, study it, discuss it and decide
on it together.
Our country also calls for a comprehensive
revitalization of the General Assembly. We propose
that its role as the main depositary of global sovereignty
be fully recognized within the United Nations system
since it is only there that all members are represented.
The General Assembly should therefore have the
ability to discuss and take binding decisions on all
significant issues on the international agenda, including
international peace and security.
An example of the imbalance and lack of democracy
of the current United Nations system that clearly reflects
the urgent need for its reform is the situation in which
the abhorrent blockade on the sisterly Republic of Cuba
continues because an economic and military Power is
able to impose its will and political view despite the
contrary decision of 186 countries. Then again, the
United States cannot continue to include Cuba on its
spurious list of countries that sponsor terrorism simply
because of an ideological unwillingness to accept that
the island has survived its forced isolation. Arbitrariness
has played a great part in that issue.
Cuba has declared that its territory has never been
used nor ever will be used to organize, finance or
carry out terrorist acts against any country, including the United States. Similarly, the prominent former
United States President, Jimmy Carter, has stated that
the role of Havana as a guarantor in the peace talks
between the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de
Colombia and the Colombian Government refutes any
argument about the need for Cuba to remain on that
list. The former President, whom we consider a friend
of the Latin American cause, said that a more sincere
dialogue could take place between the two countries if
the United States were to remove Cuba from its list of
State sponsors of terrorism. We share and support that
view.
Consistent with Ecuador’s recognition of the
Palestinian State within the 1967 borders and with
East Jerusalem as its capital, my country supports
the inclusion of Palestine as a full Member of the
Organization. Likewise, Ecuador reiterates its support
for the historic rights of the Argentine Republic over
the Malvinas Islands. The specific and anachronistic
situation of those Islands should pave the way for
renewed direct negotiations with the United Kingdom,
as called for by Argentina. That appeal has been
reiterated in several resolutions of the relevant United
Nations bodies.
For Ecuador, it is essential that disputes, including
those related to borders, be resolved peacefully.
Ecuador has successfully achieved that.
Ecuador has also worked to strengthen the
fundamental institutions of international law, such as
the inviolability of diplomatic missions, as provided
for in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic
Relations. I wish to recall that, a few weeks ago, the
Government of Ecuador had an unexpected diplomatic
dispute with the Government of the United Kingdom
on exactly that issue. In response, Ecuador advocated
that various multilateral forums adopt resolutions
affirming that principle of international law. We must
say with deep gratitude that Ecuador received the
resolute support of the Governments of States members
of UNASUR, ALBA and the Organization of American
States and of other Governments, such as that of
Russia, condemning any attempt at forced entry into or
violation of diplomatic premises.
The Government of Ecuador accordingly
condemned the terrible events of 11 September, when
the United States diplomatic mission and consulate in
Cairo and Benghazi were attacked by armed groups
with a tragic loss of life, including that of the United States Ambassador to Libya, Christopher Stevens.
Ecuador stands in solidarity with the people of the
United States and reaffirms its condemnation of those
violent acts against United States personnel in Libya
and Egypt. Once again, we declare our respect for the
inviolability of the premises of diplomatic missions.
My country believes that it is essential for
international organizations to support and promote the
observance and development of all human rights. That
should be their ultimate objective, not just a politically
correct way to make a discussion attractive or to justify
implementing a geopolitical outlook on different
cultural realities. Human rights are a principle that is
lived every day and that is constantly developed and
upheld. It is a principle including all of humankind
with no exception, no discrimination, no categories and
no prioritization. The principle admits no reservations
or double standards. It is either completely defended
and we submit to it, or it is rejected. But conditioned,
partial compliance is not admissible. We are, of course,
speaking of the progressive development of international
and national instruments governing human rights and
the legal international bodies that ensure compliance
with those instruments.
To write on paper that all men and women around
the world are equal without applying it in practice is
nothing but hypocrisy. Human rights, as a whole, can
be summarized in the right to life. The question is:
how many thousands of human beings must continue
to be sacrificed in the name of the abstract principle
without understanding, without really feeling what the
concept is. When will humanity ask, for example, if
the defence of democracy in its Western version or the
accumulation of transnational capital and the expansion
of organized crime constitute sufficient justification
for the sacrifice of tens of thousands of human lives or
for the destruction of the planet.
In order to guarantee the rights of human beings,
deepen their social and economic development, and
achieve the harmony of nature while being fully
responsible towards all generations, Ecuador has
changed some traditional policies since the adoption
of the new Ecuadorian Constitution in 2008. We
understand that we must overcome the archaic concept
that the rule of law consists of laws carved in stone
that were approved at some time in history but are
obsolete and out of date today. The law cannot be
abstract, because in essence it is a living thing needed
to give security to human beings, and it cannot be divorced from reality. That is why we also advocate
that the standards that are part of international legal
coexistence should be discussed and updated, because
their forced application leads to chaos and weakens the
rule of international law.
From that point of view, our Constitution calls
on us to live in a constitutional State of rights and
guarantees. The fundamental objective is what is called
in the Quechua language sumak kawsay, or “the right
to a good life” of people and nature, knowing how to
live fully, without any discrimination. It is based on
dignity, solidarity, equality and the complementarity
of people, cultures, nationalities, people’s social groups
and countries in general.
It is the commitment to being human that calls on
us to encourage tolerance, respect and full support for
everybody, especially those afflicted with disabilities.
Ecuador has been nationally recognized on that front,
because, in the last five years, it has maintained
the highest ratings for effectiveness in programme
support and reintegration into daily life of our brothers
and sisters with disabilities. The strength of our
Vice-President Lenín Moreno Garcés in his battle
against discrimination against people with disabilities
has made it possible for him to be globally recognized.
Admiration of his programmes has led to his being
nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.
Since human beings are at the centre of the
covenant of the popular revolution, we have given full
support to those who suffer persecution because of
their political ideas and sexual preferences. My country
has the largest number of refugees in Latin America
and one of the largest numbers in the entire Western
hemisphere. Almost 60,000 people living in Ecuador
are refugees. We also have around 500,000 economic
migrants. That has led to recognition and expressions
of gratitude by United Nations bodies. Because people
in the situation of being refugees and asylum-seekers
have been incorporated into Ecuadorian society, they
receive political and social protection as well as an
economic subsidy from the Ecuadorian State.
Social groups that traditionally were discriminated
against in Ecuador for ethnic or cultural reasons have
also seen a substantial improvement in their situation.
That is shown by the indicators for education, health
and housing. But above all, President Rafael Correa has
stressed that action to benefit the poorest is the main
objective of State policy. The incorporation of social
groups into the active life of the country has taken place, with full respect for their ancestral culture and
their traditions, customs, beliefs and political views.
We are also one of the countries that has
strengthened gender equality, the development of the
rights of women, and the application of affirmative
action measures that cut across public policies in all
the functions of our Government. However, those
successful changes have led to a reaction from sectors
of traditional power, both inside and outside Ecuador.
Just yesterday, we noted the second anniversary of an
attempted coup d’état and assassination. But things
have changed. The empowerment of citizens fully
identified with the Government has made it possible to
overcome this year’s crisis as well as an international
media campaign of criticism and misinformation on the
activities and achievements of our country.
I would like to highlight from this rostrum that
Ecuador is the first country in the world to have
recognized the rights of nature in its Constitution.
Nature stops being a passive object and becomes an
active subject. In that connection, the Constitution
of Ecuador states that Mother Earth, or Pachamama,
where life reproduces and flourishes, has a right to
full respect for its existence and the maintenance and
regeneration of its vital cycles, structure, functions and
developmental processes. By recognizing those rights,
we close the circle of the complementary relationship
with the rights of human beings. The Constitution
of Ecuador has led to major progress in legal and
environmental areas. It overcomes the human-centred
vision of law prevailing in the world. We aspire to
open a discussion in this forum aimed at preparing a
universal declaration on the rights of nature.
In the environment, Ecuador is one of the leading
promoters at the international level of environmental
sustainability policies. We have developed new
initiatives in the fight against climate change, such
as the “net avoided emissions” mechanism. That has
made the Yasuní-ITT initiative an innovative sovereign
decision. We have also planned to protect natural
resources and the cultures of several ethnic groups in
the Amazon region and have accepted the responsibility
to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions.
In that context, Ecuador has been a leader in the
regional debate on a model for domestic sustainable
development. At the same time, together with the
regional Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas bloc, we
have played a critical role within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, and we
have noted the scant political will, especially in the
countries in the North, to let themselves be subject to
legally binding commitments to reduce greenhouse-gas
emissions. Ecuador has proposed, on the international
level, an alternative sustainable participatory
development model.
When it comes to promoting human rights and the
freedom of expression, the Government of Ecuador
has been faithful to its tradition, which is to protect
those who seek refuge in its territory or its diplomatic
missions because they are victims of political
persecution, and has granted diplomatic asylum to the
Australian citizen Julian Assange in response to his
request to the President of the Republic of Ecuador and
after an exhaustive judicial assessment. That has been a
unique opportunity for the world community to debate
the process of asylum in that context and to observe
the political, legal and human repercussions of its
application within the framework of the strict respect
for international law. Ecuador is proud of having taken
a sovereign decision in a legal procedure that protects
human beings anywhere in the world.
Our country promotes the reform of the multilateral
United Nations system through example and not just
in words. We have also undertaken an unprecedented
institutional reform of our own. The results have been
highly satisfactory, with outstanding levels of growth
and poverty reduction. I want to mention just a few
figures, so that members can have a clear idea of our
achievements. Under the Government of the Citizens’
Revolution, the poverty rate has been reduced from
36.7 per cent to 25.3 per cent, a reduction of more than
11 per cent. Extreme poverty, that is, abject poverty,
has come down from 16.5 per cent to 9.4 per cent. We
have reduced the Gini coefficient from 0.55 per cent
to 0.47 per cent. For the first time in our two centuries
as a republic, the extreme poverty rate for Ecuador’s
population is below 10 per cent. An annual education
budget of $858 million has now grown by a factor of
5.1, to $4.366 billion. Payment of external debt is not
more than 4.2 per cent of gross domestic product, while
our spending on public social services stands at 11 per
cent of gross domestic product.
Every international agency that has reviewed
our macroeconomic numbers and social spending
agree that the changes in our country are drastically
improving the lives of our citizens. We have not settled
for mere words, but, rather, our country’s success story is written in concrete, practical actions as part of a
national development plan, overseen and managed by
the President of the Republic himself, that is bringing
rapid change to our country — and without the usual
social ills that result from the prescriptions of the
international financial institutions. On the contrary,
ours is a participatory model founded in solidarity.
We have not neglected foreign direct investment,
which we believe essential to our development strategy,
so long as it complements our national initiatives,
including our national development plan. I state with
pride that the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador
is the first in the world to define legal security as a
human right in itself, respect for which and the direct
application of which are guaranteed by judicial,
administrative and constitutional authorities.
Nevertheless, we believe that progress for Ecuador
or for any other country is at risk if the international
system, either because of general indifference or
because of interests that run contrary to global well-
being, feeds a new era of anarchy in which unilateral
actions or geopolitical conflicts predominate. For that
reason, we would like to take this opportunity to reiterate
the need to rehabilitate and revitalize multilateralism,
to upgrade international mechanisms and strengthen
international law, so as to safeguard international peace
and security and a healthy environment, which are the
necessary ingredients for worldwide development and
prosperity. We want to use this platform to urge the
international community and the representatives of all
the countries of the world to join in demonstrating the
resolve, bravery and political will to drive the creation
of a new international order — new in being more just,
more open, more participatory and more democratic.


It
is always a very significant moment for the delegation
of Burkina Faso when we find ourselves present at this
traditional meeting that opens the annual session of
the General Assembly. For us, it is a special moment
for ref lection on how the world is progressing and for
sketching ways to build a world of peace, security and
solidarity. The sixty-seventh session of the General
Assembly is taking place in an atmosphere of uncertainty
related to the very difficult international economic
situation and the growing threats to international peace
and security. The challenges that the situation poses to
world require of us greater courage, effort, creativity
and solidarity, if all of us wish one day to achieve the
objectives of peace and development so dear to the
international community.
This year, Burkina Faso has been tested by a food
crisis resulting from poor rainfall. The grain and cereal
shortage was exacerbated by a massive inf low of tens
of thousands of refugees from neighbouring Mali,
sometimes with all of their cattle, as a result of the crisis
that has raged in that brother country since 17 January.
The situation has led the Government of Burkina Faso
to undertake vigorous and urgent measures that have enabled us to contain its negative impact on the most
vulnerable strata of society and welcome our brothers
and sisters from Mali in acceptable human conditions. I
should like to reiterate the gratitude of the Government
and the people of Burkina Faso to the relevant specialized
agencies of the United Nations systems, the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the
West African Economic and Monetary Union, the
Kingdom of Morocco, the Republic of China (Taiwan),
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Japan, Tunisia,
Egypt and Azerbaijan, who have lent us their assistance
to ensure that refugees and worst-off populations of
Burkina Faso are able to live dignified lives.
At the political level, Burkina Faso, within the
framework of the implementation of the conclusions
of the Consultative Council on Political Reforms, is
continuing the strengthening and consolidation of its
democratic process. Following the successful holding
of a biometric registration effort covering the entire
national territory, December of this year will witness the
organization of joint legislative and municipal elections
on the basis of greater transparency and fairness.
Turning to the economy, Burkina Faso is continuing
its policy of building a strong and prosperous economy
to serve the basic needs of its population. To do that,
we have adopted a strategy of accelerated growth and
sustainable development to fulfil our drive for progress
towards becoming an emerging country and enabling
it to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. We
welcome the backing of Burkina Faso’s partners for that
strategy, whose ultimate goal is to achieve strong and
sustained economic growth that serves to multiplies
revenue and improves the population’s quality of life,
while taking into account the guiding principles of
sustainable management of natural resources.
The annual foreign financing needs of the strategy
remain significant, despite the efforts undertaken by
the Government of Burkina Faso on the basis of our
own resources. We are hopeful that our bilateral and
multilateral partners, as they have done in the past, will
be at our side to ensure a successful implementation of
the strategy. We wish to convey our gratitude to those
that have already demonstrated their solidarity with us.
Burkina Faso is aware that there can be no sustainable
development without peace and stability. That is why
President Blaise Compaoré has turned dialogue and
mediation into new levers for the maintenance of
harmony and understanding among peoples. We are very grateful to President Vuk Jeremić for having
placed this session of the General Assembly under the
banner, “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of
international disputes or situations by peaceful means”.
That theme underscores the importance of resorting to
peaceful means as an appropriate mechanism for the
settlement of disputes. Burkina Faso fully associates
itself with the choice of that topic which, following on
the sixty-sixth session, will enable the international
community to deepen its thinking and commit itself
resolutely to the peaceful settlement of conflicts
through dialogue to avoid stalemate and the escalation
of violence, which reduces to nought our efforts
aimed at promoting sustainable economic and social
development.
It is along those lines that the President of Burkina
Faso has accepted the mediation mission that its peers
from the Economic Community of West African States
have entrusted him within the framework of the crisis
in Mali. The ECOWAS mediation, whose goal is to
resolve, through dialogue, the dual institutional and
security crisis that is raging in Mali, has focused its
efforts on restoring the normal constitutional order and
to setting up stable transition bodies that are accepted by
Malians and recognized by the international community
in order to implement the road map contained in the
framework agreement of 6 April, which deals with
the management of the crisis and the organization of
elections. Burkina Faso will continue to work under
the ECOWAS framework, with the support of the
international community, towards Mali’s reunification
and reconciliation so as to create conditions conducive
to the holding of free and democratic elections
throughout all of Mali.
The establishment of stable and lasting peace
in Mali will require a comprehensive approach
combining political dialogue and the use of force
mainly aimed at neutralizing extremist terrorist groups
of a transnational nature, whose presence in the north
of Mali is likely to irretrievably compromise efforts
aimed at better governance and social and economic
development. The President of Burkina Faso, with the
assistance of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, will
continue in a clear-headed way to seek solutions to
the deep-rooted causes of the crisis undermining our
subregion, a crisis which the armed rebellion has but
exacerbated. I therefore call upon the Malian armed
movements to renounce the systematic use of arms as a
means to achieve their demands. I urge them to respect the fundamental freedoms of their fellow citizens and
to clearly distance themselves from extremist and
terrorist movements in order to promote the values of
dialogue and democracy to which Mali is so wedded.
The crisis situation in the north of Mali is a tangible
manifestation of the type of threat facing all of the
countries of the Sahel region. I therefore welcome the
timely initiative of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon that
brought us together on 26 September on the margins
of the General Assembly around the issue of peace,
security and development in the States of the Sahel
region. I renew my gratitude and reiterate to him the
regard and appreciation of the Government of Burkina
Faso for his availability and commitment to peace and
development in Africa and throughout the world.
Always working for international peace and
security, Burkina Faso contributes to peacekeeping
operations in Darfur and Guinea-Bissau. On
Guinea-Bissau, Burkina Faso encourages the efforts
undertaken by the transitional bodies to quickly restore
constitutional order and urges all of the country’s
stakeholders to ensure a consensual and inclusive
transition and to create the best possible conditions in
which to implement priority reforms, organize free and
transparent presidential elections and entrench the rule
of law. On Darfur, we encourage the parties to better
implement the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, and
we continue to contribute through the implementation
and follow-up mechanism provided for by the Doha
Document.
On the issue of the Western Sahara, Burkina Faso
welcomes the determination of the parties to explore
appropriate ways and means to achieve a fair and
agreed political settlement of the issue. The current
status quo is neither viable nor of benefit to any of
the parties, given its impact on the subregion’s peace
and security. That is why my country has continuously
promoted dialogue and compromise aimed at achieving
an acceptable political solution between the parties. In
that regard, we believe that the Moroccan initiative for
the negotiation of an autonomous status for the Saharan
region could be an appropriate way to settle differences.
The world is experiencing great uncertainty and
anxiety as a result of the international economic and
financial instability, the increase in poverty, ongoing
environmental degradation and the increase in natural
disasters. In particular, the recent international financial
crises, which seriously compromised the balance of our economies, are sorely testing the cohesion of our
societies. They have an impact on all of us and require
of us constant vigilance and sustained solidarity.
The United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20), held from 18 to 22 June in Brazil,
rightly reminded us of our shared but differentiated
responsibilities to protect our planet and to ensure
sustainable development for future generations. It
is essential that efforts continue on the basis of the
consensus reached at the Conference in order to find
acceptable compromises that take into account the
interests of the various regions of the world.
Burkina Faso attaches special importance to all
issues related to the empowerment of women. To that
end, we have spared no effort to improve women’s
legal and social status in our country. The First Lady
of Burkina Faso, Mrs. Chantal Compaoré, Goodwill
Ambassador and Coordinator of the International
Campaign to Ban Female Genital Mutilation Worldwide,
co-chaired during this session the high-level side event
on banning female genital mutilation. That is yet
another demonstration of her well-known commitment
to the defence of women’s rights and the improvement
of the status of women. In that connection, we reiterate
our full support for the African initiative to introduce
at this session a draft resolution aimed at a global ban
on female genital mutilation. We hope that it will enjoy
the support of the entire international community.
Furthermore, we welcome efforts undertaken since
the launch of UN-Women and we hope that this new
body will strengthen United Nations activities aimed
at the empowerment of women, the defence of their
rights and the promotion of gender equality, especially
in developing countries.
Burkina Faso believes in multilateralism, solidarity
between peoples and the virtue of dialogue among
nations. In that regard, my delegation notes with great
satisfaction the calm atmosphere that currently prevails
in the relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan)
and the People’s Republic of China. That would
argue in favour of granting the Republic of China its
rightful place among the family of nations, including
through its meaningful participation in the activities
of international organizations such as the International
Civil Aviation Organization and the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change.
The nature of the threats and challenges facing the
world demands of us a better sharing of responsibilities through a reform of the United Nations. Such reform
remains a topic of great concern at the very heart of
global governance. We hope that the negotiations
launched within the framework of this reform will
result in acceptable compromises that can strengthen
the effectiveness and standing of the United Nations as
it faces the new challenges of our changing world. Only
in that way will we genuinely move towards building a
more fair and united world.
My delegation listened with great interest to the
inaugural address by the President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, in which he
covered all the major issues of concern to today’s
democratic societies. I would therefore like to
congratulate him on his election and welcome the
vision with which he would like to endow our common
Organization. He can rest assured of our delegation’s
readiness for full cooperation.
Finally, I would like to take this opportunity to
express our gratitude to his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of Qatar, for his efforts
during the sixty-sixth session of the Assembly. That
session’s very welcome results bear witness to the skill
and effectiveness with which he led our work.