Mr. President, your many years of association
with the United Nations, during which you have
demonstrated your wisdom, spirit of co-operation
and human qualities, have earned you your
election, which guarantees the successful outcome
of our work for all States Members of the United
Nations. We welcome your presidency of the
General Assembly and should like to pledge the
determined co-operation of the delegation of
Panama. I am expressing the feelings of broad
sectors of mankind when I say in addition that we
wish to praise the outstanding job done by the
distinguished statesman of the third world, Mr.
Ismat Kittani, as President of the thirty-sixth
session of the General Assembly. He is a tireless
promoter of the ideals of the United Nations.

3. Never before in the history of mankind has
there been so many sombre political and economic
factors as there are today which have created
such an ominous world situation.

4. Even for those who maintain that international
law is an instrument of co-ordination and not
confrontation, the major problems on the
Assembly's agenda place us at a crossroads where
negative factors in international life bring us
to an impasse. There is the prospect of another
possible conflagration with unpredictable results
if common sense, wisdom and determination do not
prevail in promoting the ideals. purposes and
principle§ which inspired the authors of the San
Francisco Charter to draft a system of collective
security within the sphere of the United Nations
for dealing with the major conflicts of our era
which threaten to bring about the
self-destruction of mankind.

5.	In  the  peaceful  settlement  of
disputes •and  in cases of breaches of
international peace, we find ourselves confronted
with an impossible  mission owing to the lack of
political will on the part of the members of the
Security Council, and in particular of tf1:.e
permanent members. To undertake the task of
making the United Nations system of security
effective and imposing the coercive measures
contempl3ted in the Charter. This action is
necessary and urgent in situations as
anachronistic and offensive to the  conscience of
mankind as those occurring in Africa, the Middle
East, the eastern Mediterranean, Asia and Latin
America, especially in the Latin American South
Atlantic.

6. The large, medium-sized and small Powers in
this world assembly cannot do much in the way of
making a positive contribution as regards events
which have occurred in 1982. There has been no
progress in the global negotiations which created
so much hope at one time as a means of realizing
the aspirations of mankind embodied in the
International Development Strategy for the Third
United Nations Development Decade.

7. The second special session of the General
Assembly devoted to disarmament resulted in'
resounding failure in the face of the
intensification of the arm  race between the
super-Powers of the East and the West.

8. As far as the non-aligned group is concerned,
we were saddened to see that as a result of the
fratricidal war between Iraq and the Islamic
Republic of Iran it has not been possible to hold
in Baghdad the Seventh Conference of Heads of
State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in
which such hopes had been placed. The cycle had
then been broken which caused the non-aligned
countries, representing two thirds of mankind, to
meet at the level of heads of State or Government
in order to bring here to the Assembly their
positive, strong non-aligned influence projecting
the peace-loving doctrines of Nehru, Tito,
Nasser, Makarios, Pandaranaike and other great
apostles of peace.

9. The injustices in the economic relations
between the developed countries and the
developing countries have become more severe in
this ominous framework of inflation, public
indebtedness, growing unemployment and economic
crisis afflicting the poor countries particularly.

10. UNCTAD, which during the past two decades had
aroused the hopes of the developing countries,
was originally scheduled to hold a session in
Havana in 1983, but, for well-known reasons, it
will not be held in that city. The preparations
for Belgrade have been adversely affected by
negative factors pertaining to economic relations
and by the hard position lak n by the developed
countries in regard to the legitimate demands of
the countries of the third world.

11. There are more and more reasons why the
non-aligned movement and the Group of77 should
intensify their efforts to strengthen those
movements and bring about collective
self-sufficiency so that the developing countries
will be able to establish, in an effective and
substantial manner. real and significant economic
co-operation. To the extent that political and
economic difficulties increase because of the
resurgence of  colonialism and hegemonism on the
part of the major Powers, the developing
countries must strengthen co-operation among
themselves both politically and economically.

12.	The colonial aggression that Latin
America had to endure in the spring of 1982 has
reaffirmed the fraternal ties of unity,
cooperation and solidarity among the countries of
the region.

13.	One positive event which should be
stressed is the eighth meeting of the Latin
American Council, the supreme body of the Latin
American Economic System, which took place at
Caracas at tile ministerial level in August 1982.
Apart from support for Panama in the
implementation of the Canal Treaties, which we
have noted with gratitude, the most outstanding
achievement of the meeting was the adoption of
the programme of action for the implementation of
the measures provided for the Panama Declaration
on economic relations between Latin America and
the United States, adopted on 1 December 1981 at
the high-level consultative meeting of the Latin
American Economic System, which took place on the
date in the capital of my country. The Latin
American Council, in its Decision 114, decided to
endorse the Panama Declaration contained in
Decision 87, which, as was stated by our Foreign
Ministry:

“…after. stressing the inequality in the terrors
of trade between the United States and Latin
America as a factor that obstructs economic,
financial and social development in the Latin
American region, establishes a programme of
collective co-ordinated action and a working plan
to rectify the asymmetries in the aforementioned
trade. The document sets forth a common strategy
for Latin America in these negotiations, based on
the criteria and actions which the plan defines.
The program the plan encompass all aspects of
United States-Latin American economic relations
and offer a series of recommendations which the
countries of the region should take into account
in their economic relations, both individual and
collective, with the United States."

In the programme and in the plan to which I have
referred, there are set forth in a positive
manner fundamental principles to place, within
the framework of justice, equity, good
understanding and co-operation, the relations
which have existed between this group of
countries and the United States.

14. Panama is situated in the extreme south of
the Central American isthmus and practically in
the middle of the so-called Caribbean basin. Its
history and its geography have bound us
indissolubly to Central America, to the
Bolivarian countries and to the Antilles. Our
geographical function, as a bridge between the
oceans, has linked us with practically all the
markets and countries of the world. Ever since
the present Panama Canal was built it has, in
addition, brought about special relations with
the United States.

15. At the same time Panama  is one of the
countries with the most stable economic, social
and political regimes in an area beset by complex
social and international problems with dangerous
implications. My country has the unavoidable
responsibility of playing a role as conciliator.
as part of the political

efforts to overcome the crisis which might very
web turn the region into a disaster zone.

16. In defining that role, I should like to
recall that the stability that exists in my
country is due to the fact that in the past
decade we have made consider-able progress
towards peaceful revolution. Structural reforms
have been carried out which have brought about a
social and territorial redistribution of wealth
that is much more just and balanced, and mixed
and co-operative state sectors have been created
with a productive economy, conceived of from the
social point of view. Social security, education,
health and communications have been considerably
enhanced. A system of representation and popular
participation in the political decision-making
process has been created. National integration
has been improved.

17.	In contrast with many other countries of
the region, these economic, social and cultural
changes n:move the main causes of injustice,
repression and social discontent which are at the
root of the political disputes that have
di5rupted many countries in the area or have
polarized their relations.

18.	My country cannot be indifferent to the
climate of violence and the warlike acts that
have occurred in the region--either for ethical,
political or security reasons. Internal tension,
to which should be added outside interference of
one kind or another, in support

of one side or another in conflicts, has already
created a structure of militarization of forces
and alliances which could at any moment lead to a
wide-spread conflict. This would have
uncontrollable consequences and could cause
bloodshed and inevitably jeopardize the entire
international situation and destroy the region.

19. Hence, for the past decade, Panama has been
pursuing a regional policy that is most
definitely aimed at trying to bring about a
peaceful settlement of the problems of the area.
We want to avoid a spiral of internal
confrontations continuing in the region-this has
already taken on genocidal proportions and has
led to warlike acts between sister countries. We
have found ourselves in considerable agreement
with Mexico and Venezuela as we have sought
solutions by means of multilateral political
negotiations among all the parties in dispute
within our area.

20. For this reason, too, we have promoted the
principle, the right and the duty of maintaining
good relations with all countries of the region
without exception, though they may have political
systems different from our own. Peacefully we
have defended the principle, the right and the
duty of preserving the neutrality of Panama both
as regards the forces in dispute in the area and
as regards the super-Powers. We are aware that
ongoing dialogue and under-standing with all the
other countries and forces, aimed at detente and
harmonious coexistence, are the only way to
restore security in the area and preserve
international security and the security of our
own country.

21. We want Panama to be a forum and an 'active
communicator or intermediary in the bringing
about of agreements aimed at detente, and we do
not want to be one of the parties to a
confrontation. For this reason, and in the best
diplomatic traditions of my country, we have
refused to be part of any blocs or pacts that
would exclude other countries, although in
certain cases we have no doubts about their good
intentions.

22. Stability in Panama is also largely due to
the fact that during the past decade complex
negotiations have been held with the United
States regarding the status of the Panama Canal.
The TreatiesI that arose from those negotiations
met a large number of the national demands of
Panama. In this respect Latin American solidarity
was of decisive assistance, as was the solidarity
of the third world countries and others, which
encourage us in our anti-colonialist policies.
Although we did not obtain everything to which we
were entitled, great progress was made and the
new Canal Treaties establish much mere balanced
relations between Panama and the United States.

23.	My country's rights over the Panama Canal
are beyond any doubt, since it is a waterway fed
by Panamanian fresh water and we have certain
rights that spring from the permanent sovereignty
of my country over its natural wealth and
resources.

24.	It is understandable and almost inevitable that
an international pact should be designed to
harmonize the interests of two sovereign
countries that may well have common though not
identical interests. There may, of course, be
differences of interpretation between the parties
when it is a question of implementation. That is
what has happened in this case. In so far as the
stipulations of the Treaty are concerned," Law
96-70 of the United States Congress, which
authorizes the American executive to implanted
the Treaty, gave rise to differences of opinion
between the two Governments. My Government has
made that known to the international community.

25. Last Friday, I October, Ricardo de la
Espriella, President of Panama, and Ronald
Reagan, President of the United States, had a
working meeting in Washington, a meeting of the
greatest importance, five years after the signing
of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties and precisely on
the third anniversary of the entry into force of
those instruments.

26. The purpose of the meeting was to consider
relations between two friendly countries, to
promote complete compliance with the Canal
Treaties of 1977, to bring about more just
economic relations between our peoples and to
make effective the common purpose of creating the
conditions of harmony, justice and understanding
indispensable to the efficient and optimal
functioning of the Panama Canal.

27. One of the merits of the visit of President
de la Espriella was that it brought about in the
news media and United States public opinion an
understanding of the reservations that the
Panamanian Government had had regarding certain
measures and actions by officials of the United
States that were not in harmony with the
Treaties. It is our hope that a just solution to
the outstanding problems will be found, in
particular as regards the elimination of the
discriminatory salary scale known as the Panama
Area Wage Base, which as a result of actions by
the Panamanian leader, might be replaced by a
general salary scale that is not discriminatory
if, as we hope, the United States co-operates
with Panama in the achievement of that result at
the next meeting of the Board of Directors of the
Panama Car.al Commission, which will take place
in November in Washington.

28.	We should like to add that perhaps the
most serious concern  f my Government in this
area has to do with a proper understanding of the
spirit and purpose of the Treaty concerning the
Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama
Canal.

29.	Neutrality for the inter-oceanic waterway
is a goal that my country has never been willing
to abandon. Its security cannot be based on
military considerations. We want the Canal at all
times-in times of peace and in times of war-to be
a path of concord open to all the countries and
nations of the world. We have never wanted the
Canal to serve warlike purposes. The Canal needs
security in a world like ours, in which,
notwithstanding the existence of the United
Nations, war 'and the use of force remain means
of settling differences or international
disputes. We nevertheless consider that the
security of the Canal is based on relations of
goodwill, friendship and co-operation among
nations.

30. Defence of the Canal must be within the
Canal, from the Canal and for the Canal. We
cannot accept the possible use of armed forces
stationed there or the weapons stocked there for
missions or warlike actions outside the borders
of Panama. We do not want our land or the Canal
built in Panamanian territory to be used for
actions that undermine the neutrality that Panama
has declared to the entire world. We do not want
to be exposed as a military target to the
uncertainties or risks of war that are so alien
to us in terms of both motives and aims.

31.	Such are the purposes of the neutrality
Treaty, and we have therefore called upon all the
nations of the world to adhere to the Protocol
attached to that Treaty. We should like to renew
that call on this occasion.

32.	According to the Charter, the United
Nations and regional bodies are mechanisms for
collective security and indispensable for the
maintenance of international peace. It is only
logical that in order for them to be effective
this international body must encompass, without
exception, all countries that have a right to
membership.

33.	The results of the last world
conflagration and the cold war for many years
made it impossible to obtain the goal of
universality for the United Nations. As examples
we need only cite the opposition to the admission
of the representatives of the People’s Republic
of China for 23 years and the resistance to
admission to membership of Spain, which was
finally admitted together with 15 other countries
in E'55. In this latter case it was clear that
the establishment of diplomatic relations and the
exchange of ambassadors and ministers with a
Government does not imply any judgement regarding
the national policies of that government.
34. Votes that are cast in the General Assembly
for reasons of State do not always reflect the
will of the peoples. In the cases that I have
mentioned, and in many others, votes are often
cast for reasons that arise from certain
circumstances, and at times only later do
justice, reason, common sense and good-will
prevail internationally and in the
decision-making process of Governments, which
then express their goals in international forums.

35.	The same things happen regionally;
sometimes the smooth functioning of a region is
impeded when important sectors do not participate
in the system.

36.	Over the years Panama has maintained that
there is a need to restructure the bodies and
norms of the inter-American system. In our
opinion, if the Organization of American States
[VAS] is to be effective  it must be a pluralist,
all-encompassing forum open to dialogue dealing
with more just economic relations in the American
continent, like the North-South dialogue, with
the participation of all the nations of the
western hemisphere.

37.	Viewed thus the OAS will require as an
essential distinction should be drawn between
meetings which element the contribution of the
United States, and the incorporation of Canada
would be desirable. The incorporation or the
reincorporation of those States of Central
America and the Caribbean which are not now part
of and have been excluded from the organization
would indeed be indispensable.

38. In the inter-American system, situations
arise which deserve serious and the dispassionate
consideration, bearing in mind the interests of
the States of the region. Frequently the question
is asked: can the GAS function effectively
without the United States? The answer is,
obviously, that it cannot, on the understanding
that the United States, like other member States,
accepts the obligations set forth in the charter
of the OAS and in the other agreements of the
inter-American system and provided that it
complies with those agreements.

39.	There is no doubt that within a regional
system properly understood, it would be
appropriate to ask if the OAS, which is
experiencing a profound crisis, would  be  able
to  function  effectively  without  the
participation of Belize, Canada, Cuba, Guyana and
Puerto Rico. .

40. The primary task of this new institutional
conception of the inter-American system would be,
in the political arena, examination of the
Central American question and of the Caribbean,
normalization of relations between Cuba and the
United States, eradication of colonial enclaves
in Latin America, the status of the Malvinas
Islands and of the Guantanamo naval base and
territorial disputes between the countries of the
area, as well as exploration of the possibility
that in this year, which marks the bicentenary of
the birth of the Liberator Sim6n Bolivar, a
fraternal solution might be found by which
Bolivia might attain its legitimate aspiration to
the sovereign outlet to the sea of its
forefathers.

41. In the economic sphere, the inter-American
forum' must undertake the task of considering the
economic relations between Latin America and the
United States of America, to place them in adjust
and equitable con-text, serving as a forum for
negotiations within the frameworkof North-South
relations.

42. The problems besetting the region are
numerous in the area of trade, commodities,
financing, trans-national corporations, foreign
investment and the might  be  convened  by  the
OAS  within  the  inter-American system and
meetings of a consultative or other nature at the
purely Latin American Ievel.

43. The idea of holding in Caracas 0" 24 July
1983, or an appropriate date, a Latin American
‘Summit conference to commemorate the second
centenary of the birth of the Liberator has been
linked to the holding of a conference of Foreign
Ministers of Latin America which might take place
in Panama City, headquarters of the Amphictyonic
Congress of 1826, which was convened by Bolivar
on the eve of the Battle of Ayacucho in 1824. At
the same time, initiatives have been taken by the
Governments of Uruguay and Colombia regarding the
holding of an inter-American meeting of heads of
State or Government of the region.

44. In order to dispel any confusion on this
matter, a distinction should be drawn between
meetings which might be convened by the OAS
within the inter-American system and meetings of
a consultative or  other nature at the purely
Latin American Level. The former, on
inter-American meetings, are held within the
framework of the OAS, a regional organization
which the United States and the Latin American
countries belong as of right, with the exception
of Belize, Cuba and Guyana, which are not members
of the regional body.
45. The twelfth general assembly of the OAS,
which will be attended by the foreign ministers
of the United States and member States, will be
held in a few weeks, in November of this year, in
Washington. It would not be logical to consider
the possibility of an inter-American meeting of
Foreign Ministers in December, as the November
meeting will offer an opportunity to consider at
that level matters of common interest to the
countries of the area.

46.	A different matter would be a
consultative meeting or a meeting to deal with
matters contained in a previously agreed agenda,
attended by all Latin American countries,
including Belize, Cuba and Guyana, which are
excluded from the OAS.

47.	The Secretary-General of the OAS, Mr.
Alejandro Orfila, effectively helped to clarify
the situation when, on 14 September, he went on
record in favour of the proposal for a
hemispheric meeting of heads of State becau.se,
in his opinion., it is necessary to bring
inter-American relations up to date. In his
statement, Mr. Orfila visualized an
inter-American summit meeting within the
framework of the OAS and, of course, without the
participation of Belize, Cuba and Guyana.
However, Mr. Ortila went on to say that it is
truly essential for Latin America to reach
agreement on its own points of view, before those
views are brought up at the hemispheric level.
What Mr. Orfila meant was that this was a Latin
American meeting, by Latin Americans and for
Latin Americans. This cannot be interpreted in
any other way.

48. In his statement, Mr. Orfila considers the
feasibility of a exclusively Latin American
meeting at which, logically, Behze, Cuba and
Guyana, which are Latin American countries, would
also participate.

49. The Latin American meeting, which is
different from the inter-American meeting, would
then be the framework within which, without
hostility or antagonism towards any country,
great or  small,  an effort would be made to
reach agreement on positions and strategies in
the political and economic spheres to defend• and
,promote common interests of Latin American,
countries.

50. The fact that the Inter-American Treaty of
Reciprocal Assistance,2 that is, the Treaty of
Rio de Janeiro of 1947, was ineffective during
the South Atlantic crisis has naturally caused
concern in all sectors of the Latin American
region concerning the future of collective
security for the countries of the hemisphere.
This is unquestionably a matter deserving of the
closest attention on the part of the Latin
American countries. It should be the subject of
consultations between them, in an effort’s to
define onceand for all tile fate of this regional
agreement. A Latin American consultation on that
subject should precede a hemispheric meeting
which, without doubt, must also, include in its
agenda the status of the Rio Treaty.

51. Lack of timely action would, in our opinion,
mean that consideration might once again be given
at title Seventh Conference of Heads of State or
Commitment of Non-Aligners Countries, to be held
b New Delhi in 1983, to the proposal to denounce
the Rio Treaty put forward by the host country at
the Sixth Conference held in Havana in 1979. That
proposal was not discussed then because of
Panama's firm opposition to that action. which it
considered inopportune at that time, but it has
been given a new dimension by the Malvinas crisis.

52. International relations are now subject to a
caustic cold war dialogue. Local confrontations
have spread to other spheres and there are
legitimate fears that the lack of understanding
and communication which make possible peaceful
intercourse among nations in conflict can
gradually lead to a third world war.

53.	Latin America has its own cultural
characteristics and common interests of an
economic and social nature. as well as historical
roots which bind us to the nations of Central
America. South America. Mexico and the Caribbean
as a regional group with well-defined qualities
of its own.

54.	The community of Latin American nations
attaches the highest importance to ail its
relations with the United States and is seeking
to develop them in a harmonious. friendly and
cordial way in a spirit of reciprocal
co-operation and of respect for its territorial
integrity, sovereignty and independence and for
the principle of the sovereign equality of
States. When these relations have an adverse
effect and when there is tension or friction
between Latin American countries or between us
and the United States as is the case with Cuba
and Nicaragua, there is natural concern. 'as
expressed b) the President 'Of Mexico, Jose L6pez
Portillo, and the President of Venezuela, Luis
Herrem Campins, and a desire to seek the path of
conciliation, understanding and peace.

55. The regional bodies bringing together
exclusively Latin American countries. which
historically were brought together by Bolivar,
who wished to guide them towards unity and
integration are today a political reality which
is part of the system of international relations.

56.	The most representative Latin American
bodies are part of' the group of Latin American
States within the' United Nations system and the
Latin American Economic System, which is not only
a mechanism for Latin American consultation and
co-ordination but also a part of its strategy of
conducting economic relations under the wise,
skilful and admirable leader-ship of the Latin
American statesman, Carlos Alzamora, to whom
Panama expresses the appreciation and gratitude
of the Latin American countries for what he has
done to promote the genuine interests of Latin
America.

57.	In general, the regional organizations
constitute a typical example of modern
international law. This is not just a phenomenon
pertaining to our region. Just as there is within
the United Nations the regional Latin American
group, there are also, as independent and
separate entities, the group of Western European
and other States, which includes the United
States, the African group, the Asian group and
the .Eastern European group.

58. The importance of the regional groups of the
third world of manifested by the Group of 771
made up primarily of the States of the Asian,
African and Latin American groups. Its work
affects the North-South dialogue has to do with
the International Development Strategy for the
Third United Nations Development Decade, the
1980s, the process of global negotiations' and
the adoption of criteria for programmes of
action. As regards the sessions of UNCTAD, the
sixth session will take place in Belgrade in
1983; each and Every regional group of the world
including the Latin, American group, through the
Latin American Economic System holds coordination
meetings prior to UNCTAD sessions, which lead to
a plenary meeting of the Group of 77, where
spokesmen from. Latin America. Africa and Asia
set forth criteria on each subject which will be
put forward at the UNCTAD session.

59. This explains why there are purely Latin
American bodies with the right to participate on
an equal footing as the Asian and African groups,
and the group of Western Europe and other States,
which includes the United States, the Eastern.
European group and other organizations made up of
countries with common interests, such as the
Organization

60. Latin America rightly wished to strengthen
its capacity to negotiate within and outside this
hemi-sphere using purely Latin American
machinery. Latin America wants Latin American
solutions to Latin American problems, from a
Latin American point of view, implementing
principles of friendship and" co-operation with
an countries of the world in accordance with the
Charter of the United Nations.

61. The designs of the former colonial empires do
not change in their anachronistic attempts to
control the maritime routes to nearby countries
in the ocean spaces to which they attribute
strategic values. Both here in the Assembly and
.in the Security Council, and in other
international forums, we have said that
colonialism is reprehensible and must be
eliminated: regardless of the State or States
practising It. We maintain that colonialism is an
evil wherever it arises. In the inter-American
system colonialism has no legitimacy. The concern
expressed in t 940 by the Foreign Ministers of
the States of the Americas as regards Nazi
occupation of European countries with possessions
in the Americas must, of course, apply to the
eradication of colonial situations which still
endure in this hemisphere, as Bolivar stated when
the Panama Congress was convened.

62. In accordance with its anti-colonialist
position, which is one of the constant features
of Panama's foreign policy, we support
Argentina's sovereign claim to the Malvinas
Islands. Panama considers that from the historic
and legal point of view these islands and the
adjacent waters are part of the territory of the
Republic of Argentina. This was the position in
law and in fact until, 150 years ago, Great
Britain, pursuing its imperialist designs, which
had resulted in the domination of oceans and
continents, set foot on those islands against the
will of Argentina.

63. The British colonial presence there today is
inconsistent with the principles of the Charter,
con-firmed and developed in so many General
Assembly decisions to constitute a consistent
body of legal norms condemning colonialism and
expansionism, which must be respected by all
Members of the Organization.

64. Faithful to these decisions, my Government,
together with other Latin American countries,
sup-ported the request by 20 Foreign Ministers to
include this item in the agenda of this session
of the General Assembly, in the hope that by
means of negotiations under the aegis of the
United Nations and on the basis of the principles
and norms of inter-national law a final solution
might be found to this problem, which disrupted
international peace and security at the cost of
so many human lives.

65. This final solution must be based on the
return to Argentine sovereignty of the Malvinas
Islands and their dependencies, the early
withdrawal of British forces and the adoption of
a statute guaranteeing the orderly transfer from
British administration to Argentine
administration, safeguarding the interests of the
employees of the English Falkland Islands Company
and the British nationals who are residents of
the islands.

66. The case of the Maivinas Islands, which with
its adjacent seas is de jure under the
sovereignty of the Republic of Argentina, may be
seen as similar to that of Namibia, which is so
dear to the nations of southern Africa. South
America has invoked security needs to prolong its
arbitrary occupation of Namibia, saying that the
Cape route, as a means of access to the South
Atlantic and European and North American ports,
is essential to the survival of western
civilization. .

67. In both cases the colonial Powers have raised
obstacles to the settlement of nationals of the
countries under colonial oppression and almost
isolated the occupied territories to keep out
anything which might go against the colonial
structure, manipulating the demographic
composition of the territories subjected to their
colonial domination for their own evil purposes.

68.	This is the Pretoria regime's pretext for
its claim that the territory, waters and air
space of Walvis Bay are an integral part of the
territory of South Africa.

69.	This pretension of South  Africa's sordid
colonialism which has so frequently been rejected
by the General Assembly, is the same as  that
invoked by the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland to keep the Malvinas Islands
occupied by force. It is argued in England that
occupation of the Malvinas Islands by a State
member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
[NATO] is essential for the control of the
maritime routes of the South Atlantic and for the
transport of oil from the Persian Gulf to Western
Europe and the eastern coast of the United
States. That is also related to the British
desire to maintain a strategic position in regard
to its designs over Antarctica.

70. With an effrontery equal to that of South
Africa in its claims to control Walvis Bay,
England wishes to take from Argentina by force
the Malvinas Islands, an integral part of its
sovereignty. Africa and Latin America, because of
their anti-colonialist positions, and the rest of
the third world, will not allow the British and
the South Africans to continue in their brazen
attitude and there will soon be independence for
Namibia, including Walvis Bay as an integral part
of its territory, just as the Malvinas Islands
and their dependencies will be returned to
Argentine sovereignty.

71.	In the colonial war of the South
Atlantic, Argentina's national honour remained
untarnished. In that southern sea there was a
brave display of heroism and courage by the
Argentine armed forces, who shed their blood in
defence of the integrity of their home-land,
which is also part of the Latin American
continent, and they will make further claims and
show further courage for the homelands of
Sarmiento and San Martin.

72.	In the face of the colonial anachronism,
Latin America will join hands to bring about the
restoration of the Malvinas Islands to Argentina.
Latin American nationalism must achieve that
without delay. Impelled by the ideals and hopes
of the Argentine people, we hope together for
victory. We stand together with them and with the
present and future generations of the heroic
Argentine nation.

73.	On 12 October, according to a
communication we have received, there will be a
commemoration around Nelson's Column entitled" A
victory march", an attempt  o convey an
imperialist picture of England. Why have they
chosen 12 October? Why Columbus Day? On that day
500 million people celebrate their Hispanic
cultural heritage. Why should they be insulted in
this way? We should like to lodge a protest on
behalf of the many human beings who are offended
by this action, which has no justification in
modern times.

74. The Declaration on the Granting of
Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples
adopted by the General Assembly in resolution
1514 (XV) of 1960 solemnly proclaimed the need to
bring to a speedy and unconditional end to
colonialism in all its forms and manifestations,
an end to all practices of segregation and
discrimination. That charter on decolonization is
part of the spirit  of our era and it is aimed at
the complete elimination of colonialism in the
world and at overcoming the opposition of the
colonial Powers to implementation of one of the
basic, supreme principles of the San Francisco
Charter.

75.	There still exist in Africa, Latin
America, Asia and Europe colonial enclaves which
do not belong in today's world. Sources of
conflict are the British enclaves of Gibraltar,
Hong Kong and the Malvinas Islands, which are an
offence to the countries to which they belong and
must be returned to the sovereignty of Spain, the
People's Republic of China and the Republic of
Argentina respectively.

76.	Let me take this opportunity to explain
why the Government of China can reject the threat
made by the British Prime Minister and the
allegation that the treaties by which the Manchu
Dynasty granted England the colony of Hong Kong
are valid under international law. Beijing is
right in saying that Hong Kong is part of the
territory of China. The three treaties going back
to the nineteenth century on which Great Britain
rests its case are contrary to inter-national law
because they were unequal treaties; they were
never accepted by the people of China;
consequently Beijing is entitled to recover the
entire colony when the conditions are ripe.

77.	These unequal treaties are no longer
relevant. They are like the unequal treaties
which were imposed on Spain in 1713 regarding
Gibraltar and on Panama in 1903 regarding the
inter-ocean waterway. Hong Kong, the Malvinas
Islands and Gibraltar are unjustifiable
anachronisms which are in violation of the
Charter of the United Nations. They threaten
inter-national peace and security. These enclaves
must be returned to the People's Republic of
China, the Argentine Republic and the Kingdom of
Spain, as a sign of respect for the sovereignty
of those countries and in the interests of
justice, in harmony with the spirit of our time.

78. I should like to refer to another subject.
The situation in the Central American isthmus is
a source of constant concern to my Government.
The civil war in El Salvador, the violence and
the terror which have gripped the countries in
the area, endangering the lives of the people,
are rooted in the exploitation of human effort,
the economic and soci91 inequality which has
existed and the violations of human rights and
democratic principles which have prevailed for
decades in the Latin American region. The present
armed confrontation is an extreme and critical
stage in the age-old fruitless struggle of
thousands of men and women of all ages to secure
proper living conditions within an economic,
social and political system which each Central
American country has chosen for itself without
any foreign pressure or interference.

79. As a result of civil war in Central America,
peaceful people have been displaced and
belligerants have been moved across frontiers,
and this has given rise to clashes between the
armed forces of the countries involved in those
movements. Everything is ripe for a conflagration
which could involve the entire region and be a
pretext for open intervention by outside Powers
and an international conflict of enormous
proportions and complexity. That is why

we are alarmed at the increasingly crude language
of the authorities of some countries in the area
who speak glibly of the possibility of war
between certain countries and refuse to foresee
the terrible hardship which would ensue for
thousands of women, children and old people in
the area.

80. All those who can view with equanimity this
sinister possibility, which many in the area
would have us do, recognize that this announced
war would be a disaster for all contending
parties equally. They would emerge from it
impoverished and indebted and in a worse
position, without ever having solved the problems
they have to cope with today.

81. It is the added misfortune of these heroic
peoples that the rivalry of the super-Powers,
which are unilaterally trying to seize world
supremacy, has encroached on the Central American
region, where they are threatening to make into
pawns in their struggles people who seek only
their identity, their independence, their
freedom, justice and bread.

82.	In that connection we can say confidently
that Central American problems cannot be solved
without a dialogue. Panama has always been
prepared to promote a dialogue, with the
participation of all interested parties-in
particular, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras and Nicaragua.

83.	Similar thoughts inspired President de la
Espriella of Panama when lie said that there was
an urgent need to promote machinery for regional
and world reconciliation and to engage in
negotiations about the internal and- external
conflicts of the Latin American region. The
President of Panama also said that he was much in
sympathy with, and supported, the initiative
taken by the Presidents of Mexico and Venezuela,
Mr. Lopez Portillo and Mr. Herrera Campins, to
resolve these disputes by negotiation. These
leaders sent letters to Commander Daniel Ortega
Saavedra, Co-ordinator of the Governing Junta of
Nicaragua, to Roberto Suazo C6rdova, President of
Honduras, and to Ronald Reagan, President of the
United States of America, in an effort to promote
detente and peace in Central America.

84. Panama's position on international affairs
was clearly set out in the speech by Pesident de
la Espriella to the diplomatic corps in Panama on
16 September last, when he said:

"Consistent with the policies of Omar Torrijos,
we have reaffirmed the Bolivarian, Latin America
, neutral and non-aligned states of Panama and
our recognition of the duties arising from that
status. We confirm our country's tradition of
developing friendly relations with all the
peoples of the world, on a basis of equality and
mutual respect, and our constant readiness to
promote detente and the peaceful settlement of
disputes, especially in the geographical area to
which we belong.

"We support the principle of the sovereign
equality of States... We continue to support the
collective purposes of the Latin American
countries and the countries of the third world in
their efforts to bring about a new international
economic order and a new international political
order, based on the sovereignty of States and the
permanent sovereignty of all States over their
natural resources.

"This encompasses-Panama believes-the right to
self-determination, which means that every people
should be able to choose whatever political
system it considers to be in accord with its
interests and wishes, without outside
interference. For this reason, we shall continue
to support the efforts of the peoples to fight
colonialism and defend their independence and
integrity, rejecting all forms of interference
and threats against other countries, especially
those of our area.

"Consistent with our Latin American commitment
and our Bolivarian traditions, we reiterate
Panama's willingness" as the historic site of the
Amphictyonic congress, to be the setting for the
peaceful settlement of the problems of our area."

85. The independence of Puerto Rice) is one task
of the liberating revolution of the Latin
American countries which has been long delayed.
Bolivar and other leaders of the prolonged
struggle started by the rebel-lions for
emancipation knew that their great enterprise in
seeking independence would end only when all the
peoples of the Antilles had rid themselves of the
European colonizers.

86. At the Congress of Panama there was
discussion of the need for concerted action to
bring about the independence of Cuba and Puerto
Rico  which were subject to Spanish domination.
That desire is not new in Panama or the other
countries of Latin America. In 1903 Mr. Belisario
Porras, three times President of the Republic and
one of the greatest statesmen of this century
said that the United States was opposed to
Spanish domination of Cuba and Puerto Rico
because it wished to exercise hegemony.

87.	It was eight decades after the battle of
Ayacucho before Cuba was liberated, but Puerto
Rico emerged from Spanish domination only to fall
under the domination of the United States. The
people of Puerto Rico must be allowed to decide
on their own the question of their nationality
and the character and structure of their
political organization, free from all pressure
and without any interference from any quarter.

88.	The question of Puerto Rico has historic
roots. The fact that it has not been included in
the agenda for this session does not mean that
there is a solution and does not prove that the
problem does not exist. It would be naive to
believe that the votes cast here for reasons of
State reflect public opinion in Latin America..
The debate in the General Committee and in the
General Assembly should warn the administering
Power that the vote of confidence many countries
have given it is not forever.

89  It is' clear that there must be a dialogue
for peace and that an effort must be made to
achieve a permanent, positive solution protecting
the Political and cultural personality of Puerto
Rico. Latin Americans have a special affection
for the people of Puerto Rico and recognize their
right to self-determination and their option to
be part of the Latin American community, on an
equal footing with all the other countries of the
western hemisphere.

90. The question of Lebanon is directly "elated
to the question of Palestine, which is the
central element in the Middle East conflict with
every passing day it is more and more clear that
it is not possible to bring about a just,
complete and lasting peace in the area without
the Palestinian people exercising its
.inalienable national rights.

91. In its resolution 36/226 A of 1981, the
General Assembly, inter alia, strongly condemned
Israeli aggression against Lebanon and the
continuous bombardment and destruction of its
cities and villages, and all acts that constitute
a violation of its sovereignty, independence and
territorial integrity and the security of its
people.

92. Panama rejects and condemns terrorism,
whether Moslem, Christian or Judaic whatever the
source-but we also reject and condemn State
terrorism, which is among the crimes that are the
most execrable and offensive to the conscience of
mankind. The massacre in the refugee camps in
Beirut two weeks ago has horrified the universal
conscience. Men, women, children and old people
were killed in cold blood in numbers that
amounted to genocide.

93.	President Reagan, who has conceived a
plan for a Palestinian homeland on the West Bank,
was informed by the French Government of the
chilling and terrible facts, which strike the
hearer to the  soul. In his column on 22
September, James Reston reported that when the
French troops arrived at the Palestinian refugee
camps they were allowed to destroy the mines
which had been buried, but the Israeli troops did
not allow them to protect the refugee camps. The
camps were entered by the IsraeIis' "Christian"
allies, who killed the occupants while the
Israeli troops stood on guard outside.

94.	The massacres of Shatila and Sabra, for
which world public (\pinion holds the Christian
Phalangists and the State of Israel responsible,
will be an eternal blot on the names of those who
committed this crime against humanity. The
condemnation of the world will hang over their
heads, as a curse of dishonour and infamy, which
will spread through time and space to hang over
the heads of their descendants for successive
generations. Those responsible for this atrocious
crime cannot associate themselves with the
ethical values of Christian or Jewish culture,
which have so much to do with the civilization o
our times.

95.	The torture and suffering of the
legendary Maccabees and the tragic martyrdom of
the innocent children of Bethlehem murdered by
the order of Herod have remained in the memory of
mankind in the same way as will the enormity of
the massacres at Shatila and Sabra. The Beirut
martyrs will not have  died in vain if their
sacrifice means the birth of the Palestinian
nation.

96. It may be appropriate to remind the Assembly
that, in connection with the Conference of
Ministers• for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned
Countries which took place in Belgrade in 197 ,
on behalf of the Torrijos Government I defined
certain fundamental principles of foreign policy
of the Republic of Panama laid down in successive
non-aligned conferences. These are equally valid
in 1982, and I will repeat what said.

97.	The Government of Panama maintains "as a
fundamental tenet of its foreign policy its
rejection of the presence" or foreign military
forces in any country of the world. The
Panamanitm Government does not justify or excuse
any action by East or West against the right to
self-determination and the principles of
non-intervention in the internal affairs of other
States and respect for the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of all States.

98. Panama recognizes that it has an historic
mission to promote the scientific and
technological development of the countries of its
area, in order to bring about their economic and
social liberation and to accelerate their
integration. Panama promotes the idea of Latin
American nationalism, based on solidarity and
recognition of a pluralist reality. Panama
reaffirms its view that we should strengthen that
Latin American nationalism, which is particularly
necessary so that we may deal with our problems,
free from foreign interference, promote the
interests of Latin America and prevent anything
entering into Latin American policies which could
undermine the personality of our peoples and the
sovereignty of our States.

99. Panama devotes priority attention to its
relations with its sister Republics of Colombia
and Costa Rica, which are neighbouring countries.
It recognizes the need to co-ordinate efforts to
promote development and the balance and
harmonious exploitation of our border areas.

100.	Panama respects human rights above and
beyond any political or ideological
considerations.

101.	Panama, as a signatory of the Declaration
of Ayacucho,3 respects the Treaty of Tlatelolc04
and co-operates in giving effect to the
prohibition of nuclear weapons in Latin America
and the limitation of conventional weapons in
Latin American countries, although that does not
affect our capacity to protect our territorial
integrity and defend ourselves from colonialist
aggression from this continent or other'"
continents.

102.	Latin America is anxiously watching the
controversy regarding possession of the
territories of the Esequibo. All the countries of
the Latin American region are confident that this
dispute will be settled by negotiation and will
be resolved rationally, with no room for ill
feeling between neighbouring countries, on the
basis of understanding and a sense of justice.

103.	Panama welcomes the efforts to normalize
relations between the United States and Cuba. We
restate our position in support of the
termination of the embargo against Cuba and our
solidarity with that country in its demand for
the return of the Guantanamo naval base.

104.	As a result of the good offices of the
countries of the area, we hope that relations of
Grenada and Nicaragua with the United States will
be improved on the basis of understanding,
co-operation and good-neighbourliness.

105.	With regard to the Middle East, Panama
believes that existing conflicts should be
settled peacefully within the framework of the
United Nations. A just  and lusting settlement,
in the opinion of Panama, must include the
withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab
territories and respect for the inalienable
rights of the Palestinian people and the right of
Israel and all the peoples and countries of the
area to live in peace within recognized and
secure boundaries.

106. Panama recognizes the inalienable right of
the Palestinian people to self-determination and
to its own independent State As regards
Jerusalem, Panama, like the Vatican,• does not
recognize the annexation of Jerusalem and
insists on  the  internationalization of the Holy
Places. Similarly, we do not recognize the
annexation of the' Golan Heights, which belong to
Syria, or the annexation of any other occupied
Arab territory.

107.	Panama will continue to call for the
withdrawal of the Turkish army from Cyprus and
for respect for the territorial integrity,
independence and non-aligned status of the
island. We demand. compliance with the relevant
United Nations resolutions and, in  particular,
General Assembly resolution 3212  and Security
Council resolution 365.

108.	Panama deplores the continuance of the
absurd war between Iran and Iraq, which must be
brought to an end by means of a just and
honourable political settlement which restores
peace between those two sister countries in
accordance with the principles If  the Charter of
the United Nations.

109. We hope that the great Korean nation will
initiate a constructive dialogue between the:
com-munities of the North and the South, leading
to the peaceful brotherly reunification of that
great political entity in the Korean peninsula.

110. Tension must be reduced in South-East Asia
and comprehensive politica1 solutions must be
found through negotiations, with the active
participation of all the parties concerned, in
the hope that peace will quickly be restored to
the area.

Ill. As regards southern Africa, Panama is
opposed to racism, racial discrimination,
apartheid, and the unjust oppression by the
Pretoria regime of the great African national
majority. We support unreservedly the aspirations
of the people of Namibia and Azania and reaffirm
our solidarity with the front-line countries and
the national liberation movements of South
Africa, in particular the South West Africa
People's Organization [SWAPO] and the African
National Congress [ANC].

112.	Panama, which was the first Latin
American country to recognize the existence of
the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, supports
the right to self-determination of the people of
Western Sahara.

113.	Panama was also one of the first
countries to speak out against Soviet
intervention in Afghanistan; calling for
compliance with the resolutions of the General
Assembly demanding the withdrawal of foreign
troops and respect for the territorial integrity
independence and non-aligned status of
Afghanistan.

114.	As a maritime country using the Indian
Ocean and belonging to the third world, Panama
maintains its enthusiastic support for the
Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of
Peace, and condemns the rivalry of the
super-Powers of the East and the West in that
area, since it constitutes a threat and a source"
of anxiety to the coastal States of the Indian
Ocean.

115. The ideas expressed by the Secretary-General
in his report on the work of the Organization
[A/3711] are very thought-provoking. Although we
do not wish to make any comparisons with the
reports of his predecessors, in our opinion this
is a document notable for its clarity and
sincerity in describing the  5tuation of the
United Nations and indicating the omissions,
evasions and insufficiencies in the fulfilment of
its responsibilities of under the Charter. The
Secretary-General affirms that these shortcomings
have undermined the confidence of the world
public and makes positive suggestions as to the
action that should be taken to regain that lost
confidence.

116. In 1978, when I participated in the general
debate at the tenth special session, the first
special session of the General Assembly devoted
to disarmament, I said:

"The United Nations, which came into being at the
end of the Second World War as a system of
co-operation and not of confrontation, has not
been able to operate successfully the machinery
provided in the San Francisco Charter for the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Proof of that is to be found in the tragic
conflicts between the Arab nation and the states
of Israel in the Near East, the Calvary of the
Palestinian nations with its inalienable rights
trampled under foot, the infamous aggression and
untold suffering to which the people of Lebanon
have been subjected, the tragic occupation of the
Republic of Cyprus by the illegitimate action of
the Turkish army, the repugnant subjugation of
Namibia by the racist regime of Pretoria, the
abominable imposition of apartheid at the expense
of the vast native majority in South Africa...
the blood!' conflict among sister nations on the
African constraint 2-.nd the reprehensible
colonialist cells which still persist as hateful
blots on the Latin American map:'

117.   Without  trying  to  unravel  the  many
political puzzles of the United Nations, Panama,
during the six years of the past decade that it
was a member of the Security Council, tried to
free that United Nations organ from its inertia,
so that it could carry out its sacred duties
under the Charter.

118. when we began our work of' found ourselves
in a situation similar to that just before the
Second World War, which came about as a result of
the failure of the League of Nations, the cause
of which was the negative attitude of the major
Powers as manifested in their reluctance to take
the enforcement action provided for in the
Covenant, thus robbing the League of its
effectiveness, bringing it into discredit, and
finally to extinction.

119. Hesitancy in dealing with critical
situations that require preventive or corrective
action to deal with conflicts, tensions and
confrontations among Member States; failure to
comply with General Assembly and Security Council
decisions by large, medium-sized and small Member
States; the persistence of the super-Powers in
manufacturing and stockpiling nuclear weapons and
conventional weapons with indiscriminate effects,
including chemical and bacteriological weapons;
the indifference of those countries to decisions
adopted at special sessions of the General
Assembly on disarmament and many other cases of a
similar nature today, as in the past, have led to
dismay and frustration on the part of the peoples
of the entire world.

120. Year after year, we the representatives of
the small and medium-sized countries which make
up the vast majority of the Organization, have
been repeating our denunciations, confirming our
aspirations, casting votes in support of
solutions which are not only just but also
obviously viable; but nothing has changed in the
conduct of the Organization. There have been the
same flouting of the law, the same deplorable
conditions for hundreds of millions of human
beings who are asking only for bread  justice and
peace. We have brought these things to the
Assembly's attention and debated them, but they
have resulted only in thousands of pages now
filed away in the archives of this body.

121. All that is the background to the views put
before us by the Secretary-General, which sound
in our ears like a shout of alarm, a cry of
anguish. We must repeat the truth, again and
again, even though it is painful  to realize that
whatever we say is a waste of breath.
Nevertheless, it Is  impossible to resign
ourselves to the deterioration of the
Organization. This can be halted; it can be
remedied. In carrying out my official duties I
frequently travel throughout tile countries of
the third world; that is why I am certain that
the lack of confidence of peoples in the United
Nations is not a repudiation of the Organization.
They wish [0 revitalize the Organization, and
enable it to solve the vital problems of mankind,
utilizing the plentiful resources available.

122. The small and m': Hum-sized countries will
not renounce their ideals and aspirations, forged
in the fires of the Second World War and
expressed in the Charter of the United Nations.
There will be no slackening of efforts for a just
and lasting peace, no cessation of the call for
collective and personal security. They have not
resigned themselves to oppression, nor have they
lost their faith in right. .

123.	They are confident that their firmness
will lead to the removal of the obstacles that
have impeded action by the United Nations and
obstructed the realization of the goals of the
Charter-•the assurance of peace, the
consolidation of security and the establishment
of a new international economic order.

124.	The small and medium-sized countries lack
the physical means to build a more erective
system of collective security. But what we can do
is speak out in international forums, as we are
doing in the General Assembly. We can speak in
unison and call on the major Powers to stop their
rivalry and confrontation and to place their
resources and potential at the service of the
United Nations, and implement the
Secretary-General's proposal to hold a meeting of
the Security Council at the highest possible
level to discuss in depth the burning problems of
the inter-national community.

125. We must enhance the dignity of the United
Nations by returning to the spirit which
prevailed at its founding and devoting itself to
the tasks jointly undertaken, in a moment of
enlightenment, by the Powers which had suffered
the material and human devastations of the
Nazi..Fascist aggression .which caused the Second
World War.

126. With a sufficient amount of imagination and
determination we can join forces to keep the
sacred promise to mankind made in the San
Francisco ChaI1er-to save present and succeeding
generations from the scourge of war and
self-destruction.

127.	There is still time to heed the appeal of
the non-aligned at New Delhi to turn a page in
the history of mankind, a page revealing an
awareness of our common destiny and the
solidarity of all peoples.


May I, on behalf of the delegation of the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, congratulate
Mr. Hollai of Hungary on his election to the high
office of the presidency of the thirty-seventh
session of the General Assembly. His election to
that important post is not only precognition of
his professional and human qualities, but also a
well-deserved tribute to his country, with which
we enjoy the best of relations. These relations
were further consolidated by the signing 10 days
ago of the Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation
between our two countries during the visit of
Babrak Karmal, General Secretary of the Central
Committee of the People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan and President of the Revolutionary
Council, to his fraternal country. I hope that
under his presidency the current session of the
General Assembly will make a notable contribution
to the cause of strengthening international peace
and security. I should like to assure him that
the Afghan delegation will fully co-operate with
him and help him in every way to discharge his
duties. May I also express my appreciation to his
predecessor, the prominent Iraqi statesman and
diplomat, Mr. Kittani, for his skilful conduct of
the deliberations of the last few sessions of the
General Assembly. I should further like to pay a
tribute to the Secretary-General for his tireless
efforts to make the United Nations more efficient
in maintaining peace and security.
At the thirty-sixth session, during the general
debate, we spoke at length about two trends in
the world arena. Since then the confrontation of
these two trends has acquired a still more acute
and tense character.
Numerous facts in international affairs clearly
testify to a growth in the tendencies of the
foreign policy of the imperialist forces, the
United States of America in the first place. The
imperialists are engaged in all-round
psychological and material preparations for war,
carrying on the arms race on an unprecedented
scale and building up their military strength
both qualitatively and quantitatively. Their
interference in the affairs of sovereign States
is being expanded, special forces are being set
up for armed intervention, their military
presence in various parts of the world is being
increased old bases are being modernized and new
ones are being established. One of the negative
consequences of that policy is the fact that the
non-aligned developing countries are becoming
more and more involved in the ruinous arms race,
which undermines their struggle to achieve
economic independence and social progress. The
imperialist policy of the use of force has
dragged the whole world closer to the edge of
nuclear catastrophe. That is an alarming reality
of the present- day situation, which poses a
serious threat to the very existence of all
countries and peoples, large or small, developed
or developing. This threat urgently demands the
collective efforts of all peoples of the entire
globe to put an end to the arms race,
particularly the nuclear one, to prevent the
imperialist, adventurist and militarist circles
from carrying on their mad drive towards a new
war, to improve the international climate, to
find solutions to the crucial problems at the
negotiation table and to secure peace all over
the world. The concern of millions of people over
the destiny of mankind was vividly expressed in
the statements by most of the delegations during
the second special session of the General
Assembly on disarmament and in the mass
manifestations throughout the world.
To avert the threat of an outbreak of a
thermonuclear war is the main and primary task of
the United Nations, which was created for the
very purpose of preserving peace and preventing
the destruction of man's civilization. In a world
where attempts are made in some quarters to
convince the public of the admissibility of
"limited" or "protracted" nuclear war, will the
Organization be able to prevent the world from
slipping into such a war? We hold the strong
opinion that it is within our ability to avert
the danger of a nuclear holocaust. The policies
and the tireless efforts of the peace-loving
forces, represented by socialist States and the
non-aligned countries, are aimed at that very
purpose. It is only natural that we have given
our support to all initiatives and proposals for
curbing the arms race and, first of all, the
prevention of the use or threat of use of nuclear
weapons. We regard the unilateral declaration by
the Soviet Union on non-first-use of nuclear
weapons as a gigantic step towards reducing the
danger of the outbreak of a nuclear
confrontation. If complemented by similar
declarations by the other nuclear-weapon States,
the possibility of such an outbreak would be
reduced to naught.
We also warmly welcome the two new proposals by
the Soviet Union which were advanced in the
statement of the Foreign Minister of the Soviet
Union, Mr. Andrei Gromyko, aimed at warding off
the threat of nuclear war and achieving the
cessation of the nuclear arms race.
We earnestly hope that the thirty-seventh session
of the General Assembly will give a strong
impetus to the negotiations on the most urgent
concrete problems—halting the arms race and
achieving real disarmament—and thus help to
consolidate international detente.
Countries in different parts of the world are
raising more and more insistently the question of
adopting and carrying out regional measures aimed
at creating more harmonious relations among the
countries of their regions and promoting
stability, which in turn would strengthen
international peace and security.
In this connection I should like to say that the
armed incursions with the use of sophisticated
weaponry into the Democratic Republic of
Afghanistan still continue unabated, which
aggravates the situation around Afghanistan.
The hypocritical and demagogic approach of the
imperialist countries, particularly the United
States, the Chinese hegemonists and other
reactionary quarters is yet another obstacle to
the steady and natural improvement of the
situation in the region of South-West Asia. In
addition to the previous United States
Administration's covert and overt actions, the
United States Senate took another provocative
decision in recent days on the supply of arms to
the bands of terrorists attacking Afghanistan
from abroad. This is an of clear and outright
interference in the internal affairs of a State
Member of the United Nations and is a blatant
violation of international law and all norms
governing international relations. It is
tantamount to instigating terrorism against a
small country and exporting terrorism into that
country. It must be firmly condemned, and we
believe that the international community will
take note of it.
We emphatically state to the aforementioned
quarters and to all others who still cherish the
illusion of turning back the wheels of history in
Afghanistan that our heroic nation has determined
its destiny once and for all and is resolved to
construct an independent, democratic and just
system. With or without the obstructionist
designs adopted by the enemies of our revolution,
the glorious march towards those goals will
continue unhindered.
As for the present-day situation inside my
country, the corrective actions and principled
line of the Revolutionary Government have yielded
the fruits which were expected. A greater degree
of stability and normalcy has made possible the
speedy recovery of economic and social
activities. As a result of the recent call made
by Babrak Karmal, large numbers of Afghan
nationals who had gone to the neighbouring
countries for various reasons have returned to
their homes. Had certain quarters not created
obstacles, the number of returnees would have
been much higher. More and more sectors of the
society are how rallying behind their Government
and taking an active part in the defence of the
revolution and its achievements.
The mercenaries and hirelings of imperialism and
international reactionary forces are suffering
severe blows; most of their hideouts have been
wiped out and their arms captured. Needless to
say, banditry and terrorism would have long since
vanished were they not supported, financed and
equipped from external quarters. These
interventions and incursions constitute the cause
of instability and differences in our region
which can and must be tackled by peaceful means,
through negotiations. Time has demonstrated the
validity of our approach to the problem and has
clearly shown that our initiatives put forward on
15 May 1980 and 24 August 1981 are flexible and
realistic enough to be a sound basis for a
comprehensive settlement of the situation and
normalization of relations among neighbouring
countries.
We shall continuously and sincerely pursue our
efforts for the resolution of the situation
around Afghanistan. As was stated by Babrak
Karmal at the ninth plenum of the Central
Committee of the People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan:
"We have declared many a time and once again
proclaim that it is our desire to make our
relations with our eastern and western
neighbours, that is, Pakistan and Iran, normal
and even friendly on the basis of good will and
reason through constructive talks. ... the Geneva
talks showed that foundations existed for the
achievement of agreements acceptable to both
sides on all of the issues concerning an
all-sided critical solution and that only good
will and understanding were needed to solve the
existing differences. We are ready, as far as the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is concerned,
to meet them half-way in order to improve
conditions in the region and to normalize our
relations with them."
We express our appreciation to the Secretary-
General and his personal representative, Mr.
Diego Cordovez, for their efforts to bring the
parties concerned closer in order to achieve a
negotiated settlement, and assure them of our
continued co-operation.
The question of strengthening security and easing
tension in the Indian Ocean has acquired great
urgency in the past few years. The right of the
nations of that region to peaceful life and their
desire to concentrate their efforts on their
economic and social development have been
jeopardized by the increased military activity of
the United States, by its constant blocking of
the efforts to convene the Conference on the
Indian Ocean. We have invariably supported the
desire of the coastal States of the Indian Ocean
to turn that region into a zone of peace where
all foreign military bases would be dismantled
and no one would threaten the security,
independence and sovereignty of the States in the
region. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan
resolutely supports the holding of the Conference
in Colombo on 9 May 1983 as proposed by
non-aligned countries that are members of the
/If? Committee on the Indian Ocean We reaffirm
our support for the proposal by the President of
the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, Mr.
Ratsiraka, for the convening of a summit
conference of hinterland and littoral States of
the Indian Ocean region, to be held in
Antananarivo.
In the context of regional security my delegation
speaks out in favour of the initiative of the
Mongolian People's Republic on the signing of a
convention on mutual non-aggression and non-use
of force in the Asian and Pacific region. The
decision and proposals of the Conference of
Foreign Ministers of the three Indo-Chinese
countries held in Ho Chi Minh City on 6 and 7
July 1982 constitutes a concrete and realistic
programme for the normalization of the situation
in that region of South-east Asia. These steps,
if accepted, will undoubtedly contribute to a
substantial improvement in the political climate
in the region in favour of peace, stability and
co-operation between the Indo-Chinese countries
and the countries members of the Association of
South-east Asian Nations.
The recent setting up of the so-called Coalition
Government is but a scheme of China in collusion
with United States imperialism and other
reactionary forces to cover up the abominable
face of the genocidal Pol Pot clique and to be
used as an instrument against the rebirth of the
Kampuchean people and for interference in the
internal affairs of the People's Republic of
Kampuchea, to create tension and to haltthe
tendency towards reconciliation and co-operation
in the region.
The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan also
supports the proposals of the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea for the reunification of Korea
in a peaceful and democratic way as a
constructive step towards peace and stability in
the region.
After over three decades of wars and
confrontations the situation in the Middle East
has acquired still further explosive dimensions
due to the aggressive, expansionist and racist
nature of the Zionist entity supported by United
States imperialism. During the recent Israeli
aggression against Lebanon the world was outraged
to witness how far Washington's support of Tel
Aviv's aggressive plans spreads and how
disproportionately great are the ambitions of the
Israeli leaders, who are ready to use every means
available to achieve their delirious
over-ambitious aims regarding the creation of
Greater Israel.
The hideous Israeli crimes of genocide and
massacre of the Palestinian civilians in the
refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila in west Beirut
will forever remain unsurpassed in the history of
mankind. But the Israeli aggressors and their
American patrons must remember that the popular
movement based on the legitimate aspirations of
the Palestinians cannot be suppressed by brute
force. The Palestinian people will never be
crushed by an aggressor. Their just cause will
eventually triumph. It is evident that the
aggressor would not be able to behave so brazenly
if its partner in strategic co-operation were not
the biggest imperialist Power. That is why the
United States shares responsibility for the
horrendous crimes that have been and are being
committed in Lebanon.
Israel's designs to win an easy victory by
forcing the Palestinians to surrender proved to
be miscalculations. The aggressors met with
valiant resistance from the Palestinians, the
patriotic Lebanese forces and the Syrian armed
forces, whose courage has won them admiration.
The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as a
staunch supporter of the Palestinian and Arab
cause, once again expresses its all-round
solidarity with our Palestinian brothers in their
heroic struggle. We demand the immediate and
complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from all
occupied Arab territories and restoration of the
inalienable rights of the Palestinian people,
including their right to establish their national
State in Palestine.
Afghanistan believes that it is now imperative to
start a collective search for an all-embracing,
just and realistic settlement in the Middle East
within the framework of a specially convened
international conference as set out in the
Brezhnev six-point plan. We have also noted with
interest the relevant outcome of the Twelfth Arab
Summit Conference, held at Fez.
At its thirty-seventh session the General
Assembly is expected to bring pressure to bear on
the Zionists and their imperialist supporters,
particularly United States imperialism, with a
view to ensuring full compliance with the
repeated calls of the international community.
Since the beginning of the unfortunate armed
conflict between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of
Iran, the continuation of which will seriously
affect not only those two neighbouring Islamic
countries but the entire region, we have
sincerely hoped that the Governments of Iran and
Iraq will desist from actions that may cause the
situation to worsen still further and that they
will find peaceful ways and means of resolving
their disputes.
We express our appreciation for the work done by
the Secretary-General and his mission in this
regard. We urge him to continue his efforts aimed
at finding a just and peaceful solution to this
tragic conflict.
As in the past, Afghanistan expresses its full
support for the independence, sovereignty,
territorial integrity, unity and non-aligned
status of the Republic of Cyprus.
We stand side by side with our African brothers
in their struggle against imperialism,
colonialism, neo colonialism and	for
independence, social justice and development.
The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan strongly supports the
people of Namibia, which, under the leadership of
their sole legitimate representative, SWAPO, are
struggling against the apartheid regime's
occupation,
We reaffirm our solidarity with the heroic
peoples of South Africa in their struggle to free
themselves from the abhorrent system of
apartheid. We resolutely condemn the South
African racist regime's continued aggression
against Angola and other front-line States and
its attempts to topple the Governments of some
independent African countries, particularly that
of Seychelles.
In our view the Assembly should take action to
increase assistance to the national liberation
movements with a view to accelerating exercise of
the right of self-determination and the
independence of peoples still under alien and
colonial domination.
It is in this context that we express support for
the struggle of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic
Republic for full sovereignty over its territory.
We are in solidarity with the people of Puerto
Rico trying to exercise their right to
self-determination and full independence.
My delegation reaffirms the fU.t support of the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan for
Mauritius's sovereignty over Diego Garcia Island.
We also strongly demand the return of the
Malagasy Islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova,
Europa and Bassas da India to the Democratic
Republic of Madagascar.
It is our belief that the Malvinas Islands are an
integral part of the Argentine Republic.
The situation in Central and Latin America and in
the Caribbean has been further aggravated as a
result of the interventionist, aggressive
policies of the United States.
While strongly condemning the sinister plots of
the United States Administration in the region,
the Government of the Democratic Republic of
Afghanistan expresses full solidarity with the
revolutionary peoples of Cuba, Nicaragua,
Grenada, El Salvador and other peoples of Latin
America in their struggle against United States
imperialism.
The present state of the international economic
situation constitutes a source of deep concern
for the developing countries. The reluctance of
certain capitalist countries regarding the
launching of a genuine dialogue with the
developing countries within the framework of the
United Nations has so far prevented the
achievement of agreements on structural changes
in the mechanism of international economic
relations. The prevailing uncertainty about the
world economy clearly shows the essential need
for a new and just international economic order
that would benefit all. Therefore no effort
should be spared within the framework of the
United Nations and within the regional
organizations to overcome the disparities of the
present situation. That situation, coupled with
the economic policies adopted by many Western
countries, places serious constraint for the
developing countries, attempts to attain the
growth rates established in the International
Development Strategy for the Third United Nations
Development Decade. This adverse impact has been
particularly grave for the least developed
landlocked countries. Their growth rate has been
retarded, and they have witnessed an actual
decline in their per capita gross domestic
product in recent years. While in 1970 the
average per capita gross national product of the
least developed countries was 36.3 per cent of
that of all developing countries, it declined
further, at the end of 1979, to 29.1 per cent.
Compared with the average annual growth of 3.1
per cent in the gross domestic product of all
developing countries in past decade, the
achievement of the least developer countries was
even less than one per cent during the same
period. We thus emphasize the need for special
measures, large-scale assistance and continued
support by the international community for the
development of the least developed countries and
we stress the need for full and timely
implementation of the Substantial New Programme
of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed
Countries adopted in Paris.
The distinctive and disadvantageous position of
land-locked countries and their need for adequatetransport
and transit facilities in the promotion of their
trade and economic development has been
recognized by various United Nations agencies and
international conferences, and numerous
resolutions have been adopted specifically to
overcome those problems. However, it is
regrettable that effective and full
implementation of those decisions, including the
establishment of a Special Fund for Land-locked
Developing Countries, has not materialized.
We stress the importance of economic cooperation
among developing countries as a means of
promoting the rational and efficient use of
human, material and financial resources available
for the progress of developing countries. I
should also like to stress that the international
community should generate the necessary pressure
to put an end to the arms race, in order to
release the enormous resources badly needed for
development programmes for the developing
countries. Realistically, it would be impossible
to analyse in one statement all the economic,
social, political and security problems facing
our world. It is even less possible to suggest
the solutions required for those problems.
Nevertheless, due attention must be paid to those
which are outstanding and remain global in
character.
To underline the approach taken by the Democratic
Republic of Afghanistan to those problems, allow
me to quote briefly from a statement by Babrak
Karmal:
"The Government of the Democratic Republic of
Afghanistan, in full harmony with its decisive
revolutionary domestic policy, follows a
principled, peaceful path in its relations with
all countries of the world. Afghanistan is and
will remain a non- aligned nation. We will
profoundly and actively support the principles of
positive and active non- alignment, peaceful
coexistence, the policy of detente and general
disarmament. And we will fight against
warmongers, against old and neocolonialism,
against imperialism and Zionism, against fascism
and racism, against racial discrimination and
together with the peace-loving forces in a vast
global front."