Mr. President, please accept my congratulations on your election to the high post of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly and my wishes for success in your responsible work.
44.	Allow me also to congratulate the representatives of Vanuatu and Belize on the admission of their States to membership of the United Nations.
45.	The current session of the General Assembly is taking place in an extremely complicated international situation, characterized by a dangerous intensification of tension in the world. The question now is in which direction humanity will proceed: whether along the road to easing tension, maintaining and further developing detente and strengthening international peace and security; or along the road to militarism and confrontation, which would lead to a devastating nuclear catastrophe. That situation predicates a special role for the United Nations, whose basic task is to serve as an effective instrument for ensuring peaceful coexistence and cooperation among States.
46.	The causes for the aggravation of the international situation are the actions of militaristic circles of the United States, which have resurrected their claims to world supremacy and have stated their intention to resolve world problems from a position of strength. They are now attempting to upset the established strategic balance, to obtain military superiority over the countries of the socialist community and to acquire dominating positions on a global scale.
47.	In order to conceal their adventurist intentions they are whipping up a slanderous campaign about the myth of the so-called Soviet military threat and encouraging distrust and hostile attitudes towards the socialist countries. At the same time they are continuing their unprecedented military buildup and provoking a new round of the arms race. With the decision to deploy new American medium range nuclear missiles in Western Europe and to produce the neutron weapon, which is designed chiefly for Europe, the old continent has been assigned the fate of being the theater of a devastating nuclear war.
48.	The United States is increasing its military presence in various parts of the world. Entire regions, thousands of kilometers away from the United States, are declared "spheres of vital American interests". A rapid deployment force has been created, existing military bases are being enlarged and modernized and new ones are being built. The disarmament talks are being stalled and existing agreements in that field are being undermined. The doctrine of the possibility of waging a limited nuclear war is extremely dangerous in that respect.
49.	Certain circles in the United States are doing everything possible to involve their allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] in carrying out their own militaristic plans.
50.	The imperialist forces are attempting to raise barriers to halt the progressive changes in a number of States in Asia, Africa and Latin America, pursuing a policy of blackmail and provocation, interfering in their internal affairs and threatening to use force. They openly support reactionary dictatorship regimes, which conduct a policy of mass terror against their own peoples. The forces of imperialism are doing everything possible to check the liberation struggle of peoples; they take the liberty of describing national liberation movements as international terrorism and, under the guise of combating terrorism, they are trying to stifle the legitimate aspirations of peoples to freedom, independence and social progress.
51.	Of course, the aggressive policy of imperialism cannot bring about a peaceful, just and lasting settlement of the existing conflicts. On the contrary, it exacerbates them and creates new crises and new hotbeds of tension.
52.	An unseemly role in that dangerous game is being played by the Peking hegemonists, who are entering into open military and political collusion with the most reactionary forces of imperialism.
53.	Those are only a few of the most substantive aspects of the present situation, which is cause for concern and anxiety on our part. However, we believe that there are no grounds for pessimism. The situation is indeed complex, but not hopeless. Besides those forces which have worsened the international situation, there exist certain factors in the world which continue to exert a stabilizing influence upon international developments and which contribute to the maintenance of peace and actively counteract the danger of war. The most powerful of those factors is the will of millions of people who are vitally interested in preserving the life and peaceful future of the present and succeeding generations.
54.	A way out of the present complicated situation would be to hold a wide-ranging and frank dialog on all contentious issues of international relations, based on the principles of equality, equal security and mutual respect for the interests involved. We are deeply convinced that there is no problem which cannot be solved through negotiations,
55.	As Todor Zhivkov, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and President of the State Council of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, stated recently:
". . . what we need now is a dialog, not confrontation; a dialog between the USSR and the United States; a dialog between the East and the West; a dialog between States, parties, politicians and nations; a dialog seeking ways of preventing war, safeguarding peace and promoting detente, cooperation and disarmament."
56.	A sound basis for such a dialog is to be found in the Program for Peace adopted by the twenty-sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the peaceful initiatives put forward by the Soviet Union, the proposals made by States parties to the Warsaw Treaty and the constructive ideas formulated at the Crimea meetings of the heads of the countries of the socialist community. Such is also the essence of the concrete proposals set forth by the twelfth Congress of the Bulgarian Communist Party.
57.	The acceleration of the arms race and the constant increase of expenditures on the production of weapons of mass destruction have reached such dimensions as to render very real the threat of a world catastrophe. The elimination of that threat is the cardinal problem which must be solved by States and by Government leaders as well as by the international community, which is becoming increasingly aware of the aggressive and inhuman nature of the present policy of the forces of militarism and is ever more resolutely protesting against it. The protest movement in Europe has become particularly widespread. The European nations categorically oppose turning our continent into an arena for a devastating nuclear war.
58.	Naturally, the People's Republic of Bulgaria, as a European country, is vitally interested in preventing that danger. We call for a successful conclusion to the Madrid meeting and for the convening of a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe. Significant possibilities for progress in the field of military detente are provided by the readiness of the Soviet Union to have confidence-building measures extend over the entire European territory of the country, provided that the Western States also agree correspondingly to extend their zone of confidence-building measures. Creating nuclear-weapon free zones on the European continent and turning the Mediterranean into a region of lasting peace and cooperation could also be a substantial contribution to strengthening security throughout the world.
59.	The implementation of the NATO decision to station new American medium-range missiles in Western Europe will upset the present military balance not only from a tactical but also from a strategic point of view. When speaking about balance, we must not forget the forward based American nuclear weapons as well as those nuclear weapons deployed aboard airplanes and aircraft carriers. That is why we have repeatedly called for immediate negotiations to limit nuclear weapons in Europe, and we welcome the agreement reached a few days ago between the Soviet Union and the United States to begin such negotiations.
60.	The new neutron menace must be nipped in the bud. We resolutely support the complete prohibition of that barbaric weapon.
61.	The socialist countries are making every effort to achieve specific results at the Vienna talks for the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. To that end, it is necessary for the Western States to abandon their nonconstructive approach and to show political willingness so that progress can be made at those negotiations.
62.	The continuation of the SALT process is also an urgent necessity, dictated by the interests not only of the Soviet Union and the United States, but indeed those of all countries of the world.
63.	The call by the Soviet Union for a restraint in the field of strategic armaments and for the continuation of talks on their limitation, while preserving everything positive reached in that field thus far, is specifically designed to serve that purpose.
64.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria is of the opinion that among the multitude of disarmament issues the problem of nuclear disarmament is of paramount importance. To arrive at a radical solution of the problem, it is necessary immediately to begin talks on the termination of the manufacture of all types of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of their stocks until they are completely eliminated. At the same time, however, it is necessary to continue those efforts aimed at the final removal of the danger of the further proliferation of nuclear weapons, the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapons tests, the non-introduction of nuclear weapons into the territories of States where there are no such weapons at present, and the strengthening of the security guarantees of non-nuclear-weapons States.
65.	In that connection, the People's Republic of Bulgaria fully supports the proposal of the Soviet Union to include in the agenda of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly an item entitled "Prevention of nuclear catastrophe: declaration of the General Assembly". The adoption of a declaration on that question would block the way of those who would thoughtlessly push mankind into a thermonuclear conflict.
66.	The proposal by the Soviet Union to conclude a treaty on the prohibition of the stationing of weapons of any kind in outer space [agenda item 128] also contributes to the task of curbing the arms race. Outer space can and must remain an arena to be used only for the peaceful endeavors of States for its exploration and utilization in the interest of all mankind. My country is making its own contribution to that process.
67.	An active role in speeding up talks on the urgent questions concerning the limitation of the arms race can and, indeed, must be played by the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. That could pave the way for the holding of a world disarmament conference.
68.	My country attaches particular importance to the idea of converting the region of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, as well as to the well-known proposals for ensuring peace and guaranteeing security in the region of the Persian Gulf.
69.	We welcome the readiness of the Soviet Union to reach an agreement with interested countries in the Far East on confidence-building measures in that important region. We also welcome the proposal of the Mongolian People's Republic for the conclusion of a convention on mutual nonaggression and renunciation of force in relations between the States of Asia and the Pacific [see A/36/388].
70.	The eradication of hotbeds of tension and conflict, as well as the peaceful settlement of crises in various parts of the world, are of great importance in improving the international situation and enhancing international security.
71.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria reaffirms its consistent position of principle with regard to the settlement of the Cyprus question by peaceful means, in the interests of the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, while preserving the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and policy of nonalignment of the Republic of Cyprus.
72.	Certain imperialist circles are to blame for the fact that the Middle East crisis continues to deteriorate and to threaten peace and security in the world as a whole. Israel is continuing its aggression against Lebanon and is blackmailing Syria and Libya, and it carried out a piratical raid against the nuclear research center in Iraq. Those actions add heat to an already complex situation in the Middle East.
73.	More and more people now realize that the Camp David deals have no future. It is abundantly clear that a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East problem can only be reached through the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, the restoration of the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine and, above all, their right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State, and the guaranteeing of the sovereignty, security and independence of all States of that region. Such a comprehensive solution could be reached at a special international conference, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine.
74.	My country calls for a settlement of the conflict between Iraq and Iran through negotiations.
75.	We resolutely insist on the ending of the outside interference in the affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, and we favor the provision of guarantees that such interference will not be repeated. The problems surrounding Afghanistan can be settled by a political solution on the basis of the proposals made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on 24 August 1981 [A/361457].
76.	It is essential to put a stop to Chinese aggression against the countries of IndoChina. The People's Republic of Bulgaria supports the proposal of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea to turn SouthEast Asia into a zone of peace, stability and cooperation [Af36l86] and to solve existing problems on a regional basis through negotiations.
77.	We categorically reject any attempt to interfere in the domestic affairs of Kampuchea. The people of that country have already made their choice and no power can divert them from the chosen path. The existing political realities and the norms of international law require that the People's Republic of Kampuchea be represented in the United Nations and other international organizations by their legitimate representatives who have been duly elected by their peoples.
78.	Bulgaria supports the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for a peaceful solution of the Korean question.
79.	My country resolutely condemns the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa and South Africa's aggressive acts against Angola and other African States. South Africa's provocative conduct is a direct result of the assistance given to Pretoria by certain imperialist States. The People's Republic of Bulgaria fully supports the decisions of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, as well as those of the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, on Namibia. We reaffirm our solidarity with the people of Namibia in their struggle to exercise their right to self-determination and independence under the leadership of SWAPO.
80.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria has always been and will continue to be on the side of those peoples fighting for national independence against colonialism, neocolonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid.
81.	An important task of the present day is the reconstruction of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. The achievement of that reconstruction depends directly on the developing and deepening of the process of detente and on the implementation of genuine measures of disarmament and measures to strengthen peace and security.
82.	Together with the other countries of the socialist community, the People's Republic of Bulgaria has always sided with newly liberated States in their struggle for economic independence, for the elimination of exploitation and inequitable relations inherited from colonialism and imperialism, for the consolidation of their national independence and for the attainment of true national sovereignty that will guarantee their right to control their own natural resources'.
83.	We consider that the United Nations is precisely the body in which it is possible to reach an effective solution of the broad and complex range of problems pertaining to international economic relations.
84.	The solution of the problems of the present day necessitates the cooperation of all democratic, peace-loving and progressive forces. In this respect, an important role is being played by the nonaligned movement, which, through its struggle against imperialism, colonialism, war and aggression, exerts a positive influence on the development of the contemporary international situation.
85.	The position of the People's Republic of Bulgaria on some of the most important questions of the present international situation is a direct reflection of the consistent foreign policy of my country, inspired as it is by the humane principles and ideals of struggling for peace and understanding among peoples. That policy stems from the very nature of the socialist system and from the fact that the People's Republic of Bulgaria is an inseparable part of the socialist community.
86.	The peaceful policy of the People's Republic of Bulgaria also underlies its relations with its neighbors. My country will continue in the future to do everything in its power in order to turn the Balkan Peninsula into a zone of good-neighborliness, understanding and cooperation and into a factor making for peace in Europe and in the world. Further evidence of this is to be found in the constructive proposals which Todor Zhivkov, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and President of the State Council of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, made from the rostrum of the twelfth Congress of the Bulgarian Communist Party.
87.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria is ready to sign bilateral agreements with its neighbors which would cover a code of good-neighborly relations, the renunciation of territorial claims and the use of the territories of the contracting parties for any hostile purposes and actions against each other, and readiness to develop bilateral relations in various spheres, as well as cooperation on a multilateral basis with the other Balkan countries on matters of mutual interest in those specific spheres where understanding has already been reached. The idea of establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Balkans also aims at enhancing peace and security in our peninsula.
88.	This year we commemorate the 1,300th anniversary of the founding of our State. Our thirteen-century-long history is one of struggle, striving and aspiration by the best minds of Bulgaria in the interest of a better life, freedom and justice. The greatest achievement in its history was the triumph of the socialist revolution 37 years ago, when our people became the true master of its own destiny.
89.	The Bulgaria of today views its future with optimism. For us there is no objective loftier or more precious than peace and social progress. The People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue to pursue a consistently peaceful and constructive policy aimed at preserving and developing detente, strengthening international security and broadening understanding and cooperation among all countries and peoples in full conformity with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
90.	It is precisely to the achievement of those objectives that the efforts of the People's Republic of Bulgaria will be directed.


The United Kingdom currently occupies the presidency of the European Community. My statement this year is therefore made on behalf of the Community and its member States and in the interests of brevity I shall not make the customary remarks on a national basis.
59.	In this capacity, it is a particular pleasure to convey to you, Mr. President, at the outset of the thirty-sixth session of the Assembly, our very sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency at this session. I know that with your distinguished career and your considerable experience in the Organization you will guide our proceedings with skill and authority.
60.	I should also like to convey my warmest congratulations and admiration to the outgoing President for his efficient and capable conduct of the proceedings of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and also the eighth emergency special session.
61.	The 10 members of the European Community also wish to express their gratitude to the SecretaryGeneral for a further year of strenuous efforts in the cause of peace, and I should like to join with my other colleagues who have congratulated the Republic of Vanuatu on its independence and its membership of this body.
62.	Three principles are fundamental to the European Community and underlie its activity in the world today and the role it seeks to play in the United Nations. First, the community was born from a determination to avoid the recurrence of war and from a desire for permanent and fruitful reconciliation. Secondly, it looks to partnership and collaboration between neighbors as a way to stimulate social and economic progress. And thirdly, it is based on a belief in the fundamental importance of human rights.
63.	The first principle, its commitment to international reconciliation, explains why the European Community feels a duty to help where it can with the problems that afflict the world. AH conflicts, local, regional or global, adversely affect the possibilities for peace and progress throughout the world. All of them add up to the sum of human misery.
64.	The conflict which perhaps poses most dangers is the Arab-Israel dispute. The European Community believes that it has a distinctive role to play in the , search for a negotiated, comprehensive settlement which must be both just and lasting. The Community's view of the principles according to which a settlement can be devised, starting from Security Council resolution 242 (1967), was set out in the Venice and Luxembourg Declarations.of 13 June and, 2 December 1980 respectively. The starting point must be the right to existence and security of all States in the area, including Israel, and the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination. Acceptance of these principles by the parties concerned would remove a major obstacle to progress.
65.	The members of the Community will pursue their efforts to promote a peace settlement energetically. Nevertheless, we must be clear about what the European Community can and cannot achieve. Ultimately it is for the parties to negotiate a lasting settlement themselves. In our view, a comprehensive settlement can only be negotiated if all the parties concerned, including the Palestinian people and the PLO, which will have to be associated with negotiations, accept the principles which we set out in the Venice Declaration and play their full part. One of Europe's main aims is to facilitate such negotiations, complementing the efforts of others towards the same objective. These thoughts underlay the Venice Declaration and the subsequent diplomatic efforts of the Community, notably the contacts made by Britain's predecessors in the presidency.
66.	If a settlement is to be possible a climate of confidence must first be built up between the parties. Both sides must refrain from words or acts, particularly acts of violence as in recent months, which only complicate the search for a settlement The Community members are bound to repeat that the Israeli policy of settlements is contrary to international law and a major obstacle to progress towards peace. While pursuing its efforts in every other possible way, the European Community will work to encourage a climate of confidence as a contribution to a comprehensive settlement. The Community therefore welcomes all clear statements of interest in a peaceful settlement, including that made last month by Crown Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia.
67.	I should like to put on record the European Community's sympathy for human suffering in Lebanon and our support for the efforts of the Lebanese Government to promote security and national reconciliation. We believe that the unity, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon can only be assured if all concerned uphold the authority of the legal Government and avoid all actions tending to undermine it. In this context, the Community values the work of the Quadripartite Committee of the Arab League. In south Lebanon, the ceasefire has been a valuable achievement and we hope it will be possible to reinforce it and build upon it. The Community members welcome and support all diplomatic efforts to this end. In .particular, they believe that UNIFIL should be enabled to carry out in full the mandate entrusted to it by the Security Council and, we applaud the courageous and responsible work of the Force and express our sympathy for its losses; and I take this opportunity to reaffirm the Community's support for the valuable peacekeeping work of the United Nations in other areas.
68.	If history and traditional and geographical proximity make the Middle East of particular concern to Europe, we are no less concerned about the other crises which strike at the very basis on which international peace and stability must rest.
69.	The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which constitutes a grave breach of the Charter, is one such crisis. It is an affront to international opinion that the Soviet military occupation there should continue. It has brought untold suffering for millions of Afghan people and untold problems for the countries to which large numbers of them have fled. It is to seek relief for that suffering and to contribute to international peace and stability that the European Council put forward its plan for a two-stage conference on Afghanistan.7
70.	The Council's proposal for such a conference has received widespread support. It is therefore a great disappointment that the Soviet Union's response has so far been negative.
71.	If the Soviet Union is sincere in its stated desire to withdraw its troops in the context of a political solution, then the proposal of the Council offers a way for negotiations to begin. If, however, the Soviet Union's only real concern is to obtain the acquiescence of the international community in its occupation of Afghanistan, and increased status and recognition for a regime which is rejected by the Afghan people and world opinion, then the outlook for any negotiations is grim indeed.
72.	The members of the European Community support any efforts which will bring foreign intervention in Afghanistan to an end and allow that country to return to its traditional independence and nonaligned status. It is essential that the principles of the resolution of the Assembly should be observed. We support the efforts of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and of the United Nations SecretaryGeneral to find a way to a peaceful settlement in accordance with those resolutions.
73.	Another country which has been invaded and then occupied by a more powerful neighbor is Kampuchea. Thanks to the admirable efforts of the international emergency relief operation Jed by UNICEF and the International Committee of the Red Cross, the physical condition of much of the population of Kampuchea has been transformed in the last two years. The European Community and its member States have played a major part in the financing of the relief.
74.	But now that the immediate cause of suffering has been removed, it is time to turn to the political problems that still afflict that country. As with Afghanistan, the aim of the international community must be a comprehensive political settlement. The basis of that settlement should be an independent and neutral Kampuchea with"' a genuinely representative Government. The position of the European Community was set out fully in the statement which, as President of the Community, I made to the International Conference on Kampuchea held here last July.
75.	The Declaration on Kampuchea adopted by that Conference puts forward a reasonable and practical basis for a settlement of the Kampuchean problem. The Community endorsed that Declaration, which we believe would protect the legitimate rights of all concerned. We call on Viet Nam to agree to withdraw its forces and join the process of peaceful negotiations set in train at that meeting. The Kampucheans must be allowed to exercise their right to self-determination without disruption, intimidation or coercion.
76.	The Community members are also very concerned at the continuing denial of the right to self-determination which lies at the root of the problem of Namibia. We deeply regret that the settlement leading to the independence of Zimbabwe has not been followed by further progress towards a speedy solution of the problems in that region.
77.	The outcome of the pre-implementation meeting on Namibia at Geneva in January was a great disappointment. We saw no justification for South Africa's prevarication. We hope that the renewed efforts of the five Western States will succeed in finding an acceptable basis for pursuing negotiations on the implementation of the United Nations plan in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). This provides the only possibility of a peaceful transition to internationally recognized independence for Namibia in accordance with a precise and rapid timetable.
78.	The European Community has condemned the South African incursion into Angola, the violation of sovereignty and territorial integrity which it has involved, and the loss of life and suffering it has brought. We have demanded the immediate withdrawal of South African forces from Angola.
79.	Within South Africa itself, the Community can find little cause for optimism. Virtually none of the expectations of worthwhile change in recent years have been fulfilled. Reforms promised by the South African Government, mostly still not implemented, do not deal with the fundamental problem of the political as well as the social and economic aspirations of blacks, coloreds and Asian South Africans.
80.	Without an early move towards government by consent and the abandonment of the system of apartheid, which we all abhor, the trend in South Africa can only be one of accelerating conflict and violence. The European Community appeals with the utmost urgency to those in South Africa who can act decisively to face this reality, and to show the imagination, the boldness, and the leadership that are necessary to reach a political solution. In the meantime, the members of the Community continue to press South Africa to bring about peaceful change in that country.
81.	In this catalog of unsolved problems I am glad to be able to mention one small chink of light. The European Community commends the efforts of the Secretary General on the question of Cyprus. Under his auspices the inter-communal talks have been established on a regular basis and conducted in a constructive manner. We have been pleased to note that there have been encouraging developments recently. We earnestly hope that there will be further progress towards a just and lasting solution to this grave problem.
82.	Simply to discuss specific crises does not give an adequate impression of the Community's approach to the problems facing us all. To be faithful to the principle of reconciliation we must work not just for the resolution of conflicts when they occur, but to lessen the tensions that give rise to them.
83.	Europe is fortunate to have been free from war for 36 years, but it is the area where the tension between East and West is felt most strongly. It contains the greatest concentration of military forces in the world. Community members recognize the need to lessen tension by maintaining a dialog between East and West. Efforts must be intensified to reduce the appallingly high level of armaments on both sides, while maintaining undiminished security for all States.
84.	Many of the hopes that we entertained for concrete measures of arms control and disarmament as we entered the 1970's have been cruelly disappointed. Nevertheless, the members of the European Community believe that there can be no substitute for painstaking negotiation resulting in agreements which tackle specific problems of arms control in a way which increases confidence and assures the security of all States.
85.	We strongly support negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on the mutual limitation of nuclear forces, and in particular the forthcoming negotiations on theater nuclear forces. Success will not be easy. Despite the difficulties, we believe that the objective should be to strike the balance at the lowest possible level. Nonproliferation of nuclear weapons remains a vital element for the security of us all.
86.	The control of nuclear forces, in Europe as in the rest of the world, is only one side of the coin. It is equally important to reduce the size of conventional forces. In Europe the negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions continue to work towards that. The members of the European Community have also given their full support to the French proposal for a conference on disarmament in Europe* to negotiate confidence building measures of real military significance, which will be binding, verifiable, and applicable to the whole of Europe. We are seeking agreement on this important proposal at the Madrid review meeting on the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and we remain convinced that confidence-building measures which meet these criteria will make a real contribution to reducing the tensions and dangers of armed conflict. Such an approach could be useful in other regions of the world.
87.	The European Community's second principle is cooperation. Here, duty and inclination point the same way. The Community is the world's biggest international trader. The handling of economic questions in harmony goes to the heart of the Community's interests.
88.	To draw harmony from a variety of existing instruments is a challenge for the whole world community. The International Development Strategy, to take one example, is addressed to developed and developing countries alike, and recognizes their mutual interdependence. The greatly increased assistance provided by IMF and, especially, the World Bank, to take another, deserves acknowledgment and support, and we welcome both,
89.	The current problems of the world economy accentuate the need for cooperation. They do not automatically make it easier. Adjustment to slower or negative economic growth, higher energy prices and weaker demand is taking time. Inflation, unemployment and interest rates remain high, and exchange markets volatile. The shoe pinches very hard for many countries, especially in the developing world. As was stressed at the European Council at its meeting last June, the Community is of the opinion that cooperation with developing countries and the intensification of international economic relations serve the interest of all concerned, and that they are necessary not only to strengthen the economies of the developing countries, but also to promote the recovery of the world economy.
90.	We in the Community see no room for defeatism. I shall examine some issues which are getting our active attention.
91.	Trade is vital if the developing countries are to achieve sustained economic growth. This concept underpins the close and friendly ties we have with the developing countries, reflected in the Lome Convention 10 the generalized system of preferences and the Community's other arrangements. The Second Lome Convention" has further improved the trade Advantages extended by the Community to the African, Caribbean and Pacific signatories. It has also made available substantially increased amounts of aid.
92.	Meanwhile, the Community stands firm for the maintenance of an open trading system and continued resistance to protectionism. GATT has served the international community well. The Community attaches importance to the full implementation of the Tokyo Round. It endorses the broad agreement within GATT that the contracting parties should envisage a ministerial meeting in the coming year to consider the overall condition of world trade.
93.	Let there be no doubt, equally, about the importance we attach to official development assistance. We welcome the intense diplomatic activity surrounding the problems of development. Despite real budgetary difficulties, we in the Community remain committed to the target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product and have accepted the target of 0.15 per cent as aid for the least developed countries. The Community and its member States individually already provide development assistance worth over $12 billion a year. This is 39 per cent of all aid given to the developing countries, more than half the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development total and six or seven times that given by the countries of Eastern Europe. We see room for a matching effort here.
94.	The Community was pleased to see the progress made at the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy at Nairobi last month. This was the beginning of a long but vital road. We were closely involved in the preparation of the Program of Action, and we welcome its adoption. The Conference will be seen as a milestone in the search for global solutions to energy problems that affect developed and developing countries alike.
95.	We in the Community know full well that the problems of the world economy, which affect us all, create a particular hardship for developing countries, and especially the poorest among them. That is why we welcomed the successful conclusion of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held at Paris and will do our best to ensure that it is followed by positive and concrete results which will help the least developed countries to overcome their fundamental problems.
96.	No discussion of the international economy would be complete without a tribute to the efforts of the outgoing President of the General Assembly to bring all sides together in order to launch a new round of global negotiations. Last June the European Council expressed the view that preparations for the new round of global negotiations should be completed as soon as possible and called on the summit conferences in Ottawa and Cancun to give a positive impetus to those preparations. The Community wants to see relations between developed and developing countries take a new and constructive course.
97.	In this connection, we were happy to note that those countries attending the Economic Summit at Ottawa declared themselves ready to participate in a mutually acceptable process of global negotiations in circumstances offering the prospect of meaningful progress. We welcome the recognition at the Ottawa summit of the importance of making increased resources available for the purposes of accelerated food production and food security in the developing world.
98.	The Cancun summit will provide an exceptional opportunity, and we hope that the exchanges there will be imaginative and spontaneous. A two day summit cannot achieve miracles, but the discussion could mark an important step forward in mutual understanding and provide a political impetus in the NorthSouth dialog. The atmosphere of the preparatory meeting for Cancun was an encouraging augury.
99.	The third principle which governs the European Community's activities on the international stage is the defense of human rights. The Community is a group of States founded on a commitment to democratic principles. Our citizens participate in a political system which guarantees and respects the fundamental freedoms of the individual. Inevitably, therefore, the defense of human rights is a matter of concern to them.
100.	We stand for the promotion and protection of all categories of human rights: civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural. We especially condemn cases of torture, detention without trial or arbitrary execution. We think it deplorable that there should still be situations where people disappear without trace, or where they are persecuted on grounds of race or religion, or for defending human rights.
101.	It is now accepted that these and other violations of human rights are a subject of proper and necessary concern for discussion at the United Nations. As States Members of the United Nations we all have the obligation to promote the protection of human rights in our own countries and in the international community as a whole. We shall continue to speak out against violations of human rights in appropriate United Nations forums and also at the Madrid review meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
102.	Too often in the past the United Nations has been unable or has failed for reasons of political expediency to respond to flagrant violations of human rights. This undermines the credibility of the United Nations. We must not overlook such violations of human rights no matter where they occur. Rather, we should work together to protect the victims and to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations to promote respect for human rights.
103.	I hope that I have demonstrated that the European Community is a force for peaceful progress in a turbulent and troubled world. We threaten the security of no one. We have no ideology or system that we wish to impose on those of other cultures and traditions. We respect the right of all nations to self-determination and freedom from foreign interference, and we wish to help them in their pursuit of stable economic growth. It is our conviction that among the vast majority of the members of the Assembly there is an enormous potential for common understanding and cooperation which could only be for the benefit of all mankind.


Allow me, first of all, Mr. President, to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I should also like to take this opportunity to express warm congratulations to the people of Belize, who have attained independence after a long period of efforts, and to extend a cordial welcome to the Republic of Vanuatu, which has been admitted to membership in the United Nations.
127.	In the past year, the people of various countries have waged effective struggles against imperialism, hegemonism, colonialism and racism and have increased their mutual support and assistance, thus contributing significantly to the maintenance of world peace. However, the world is still fraught with tension and turbulence. While old issues remain unsettled, new problems keep cropping up. Outrageous violations of the norms of international relations have not been stopped and the third world countries have been the major victims. The world is still faced with the danger of war.
128.	We cannot ignore the fact that the Soviet Union is trying hard to consolidate and increase its military strength and is stepping up its global deployment for war. On the one hand, it continues to occupy foreign territories and massacre the local inhabitants by the use of force and to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries by the threat of force. On the other hand, it has been paving the way for further expansions by carrying out political and economic infiltrations and stirring up troubles wherever possible. AN this shows that the Soviet Union has not given up its bid for world hegemony and that the corollary strategy of a southward drive remains unchanged.
129.	However, because of repeated setbacks and its own vulnerabilities, the Soviet Union, while adhering to a policy of aggression and expansion, has increasingly resorted to political tricks. It has launched a new peace offensive by putting forward so-called proposals regarding disarmament, political solutions and so on in order to confuse public opinion, to disguise its own hegemonism and to deceive or lull the people of the world. In these circumstances, it would be contrary to the objective realities of the international scene to suggest that the Soviet Union is harmless and on the defensive or that its deep predicament is forcing it to consider a retreat. Aggression and expansion by Soviet hegemonism continue to be the major threat to world peace. Hence, the struggle against hegemonism remains the primary task for the maintenance of world peace.
130.	The events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea major instances  which threaten the peace and security of the world and grossly violate the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international relations.
131.	The Soviet armed invasion of Afghanistan and the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea with Soviet support are both aimed at totally subjugating and occupying a neighboring country by force. If such lawlessness is not firmly stored, but instead accepted as a fait accompli, it will only  the appetite of the aggressors and convince them the they can go on practicing the law of the jungle unimpeded In that case, what would be left of justice and the code of conduct for the international community? How, then, can there be any security for the States Members of the United Nations, particularly the weaker third world countries?
132.	The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and its support for the Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea are not only aimed at subjugating the two countries, but also at using them as springboards for further expansion, so as to close the ring around the oil-rich region of the Middle East, push towards the Strait of Malacca and increase the threat to the surrounding countries and to the peace and security of the rest of the world. Many mo. countries will corns to grief if the aggression against Afghanistan and Kampuchea is not checked and if the Soviet Union is allowed to press forward with its strategy of a southward drive.
133.	Meanwhile, as the Soviet Union is going ahead steadily with its global strategic deployment, the risk of war will increase. Only by firmly putting an end to the aggression against Afghanistan and Kampuchea will it be possible to salvage the independence of these two nations, and to blunt or check the momentum of the Soviet Union's southward drive, curb its expansion in other parts of the world and upset its global strategic plan. The heroic struggles in the past three years of the Kampuchean people under the leadership of the Government of democratic Kampuchea and the widespread resistance movement of the Afghan people have made brilliant contributions not only to the defense of their own independence and sovereignty but also to the maintenance of world peace and the security of all countries.
134.	It is obvious that Afghanistan and Kampuchea are the priority issues in the overall world situation and that a fair and reasonable settlement can only be achieved by waging unremitting struggles. We trust that all justice upholding and peace-loving countries and peoples will continue to be deeply concerned with these issues and will strengthen their fighting will in view of the protracted nature of the struggle.
135.	It is understandable that quite a few countries have called for a political settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean issues. But the question is: on what principles should the political settlement be based? The resolutions on Afghanistan and Kampuchea adopted by the United Nations General Assembly, the declarations adopted by the Third Islamic Conference, held last January, by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non Aligned Countries, held last February, and by the International Conference on Kampuchea, last July, have all stressed that all foreign troops should be withdrawn from both countries and that any settlement of these issues must be based on the principles of respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all States and the right of all peoples to determine their own destiny free from any foreign interference.
136.	China is in favor of such a political settlement and is ready to work with other Member States towards this end. However, the withdrawal of all foreign troops is the primary condition for any political settlement. The Soviet Union and Viet Nam backed by the Soviet Union adamantly refuse to leave Afghanistan and Kampuchea, respectively. This is the basic reason why the Afghan and Kampuchean issues have remained unresolved till now. Under these circumstances, the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples are bound to carry on their sacred war in defense of their own countries. Lately, the patriotic forces of both countries have been closing their ranks in order to fight more effectively against the aggressors. For its part, the international community is duty bound to continue to support and assist in various ways the just struggles of the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples.
137.	Only when the aggressors have suffered heavier and heavier blows on the battlefield and have been subjected to mounting pressure from the international community will they be forced to consider pulling out their troops. Therefore, to increase the pressure on the aggressors from all sides is precisely the way towards creating conditions for a political settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean issues. Conversely, any attempt to weaken or break up the armed struggle against aggression or to strike a deal at the expense of the victimized peoples in exchange for concessions from the aggressors would only embolden the hegemonists and hurt the chance of a genuine settlement.
138.	The recent proposals offered by the Soviet Union and Viet Nam for settling the Afghan and Kampuchean questions are all based on the acceptance of the fait accompli created by their armed aggression. A compromise on such a basis' would be tantamount to accepting a new Munich agreement by allowing the aggressors to gain easily at the negotiating table what they have failed to get on the battlefield. That is obviously impermissible. The
Chinese Government maintains that all foreign troops must be withdrawn from Afghanistan and Kampuchea immediately and unconditionally, that these two countries must be restored to their independent and nonaligned status, and that the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples must be free to choose their own political systems and governments.
139.	The Chinese Government reiterates its position that following the settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean questions in accordance with the aforementioned principles, the countries concerned should join in an international guarantee that there shall be no interference whatsoever in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and Kampuchea and that their territory shall not be occupied or used for encroachment on the independence and sovereignty of other countries in either region. We hope that the General Assembly will adhere to the principles set forth in the resolutions adopted at its previous sessions and make renewed efforts towards a settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean issues.
140.	In the past year the situation in the Middle East, rather than improving, has become more tense. Israel is still clinging obstinately to an expansionist position. It has not only continued to obstruct a reasonable settlement of the Middle East question, but has become more reckless by committing fresh atrocities against the Arab countries and peoples in violation of the Charter and the norms of international relations. It flagrantly raided Iraq's nuclear reactor, repeatedly invaded Lebanon and frequently bombed Palestinian refugee camps in open defiance of the relevant resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Israel's lawlessness is intolerable and must be stopped. The Chinese Government and people sternly condemn these Israeli acts of aggression and firmly support the just struggles of the Arab people. We maintain that Israel must withdraw from the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem; that the Palestinian people must regain their national rights, including the right to return to their homeland and the right to self-determination and establishment of a state; that the PLO, as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, is entitled to participate on an equal footing in a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question; and that all countries in the Middle East have the right to independence and existence. We are pleased to note that many Arab countries, the European Community and others, have been making positive efforts to bring about a settlement of the Middle East question. Our attitude is that we welcome all initiatives that are conducive to a comprehensive and just settlement of the Middle East question and to peace and stability in the region.
141.	In southern Africa, the white racist regime is becoming more and more unbridled in trampling upon the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international relations. Not only does it continue to occupy Namibia illegally in defiance of United Nations resolutions and to strengthen the system of apartheid in South Africa, but it has launched repeated armed attacks against the front line States. Not long ago it even carried out a large-scale invasion of Angola. These outrages constitute a flagrant provocation to the African people and to the people of the entire world. In our view, Namibia should attain genuine national independence immediately on the basis of territorial integrity and national unity and in conformity with the aspirations of the Namibian people and the relevant United" Nations resolutions; the system of apartheid in South Africa must be completely abolished; and the international community should apply, without reservation, comprehensive sanctions against South Africa. We firmly support the solemn resolution adopted at the emergency special session on the question of Namibia [iES8/2]. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) must be fully implemented without further delay.
142.	The Middle East and southern Africa are two important regions rich in strategic resources. The Soviet Union has always regarded them as important targets for its aggression and expansion. Masquerading as a supporter of national liberation movements, it has long since infiltrated these regions in an attempt to expand its influence there. The crimes committed by Israel and South Africa have not only brought untold sufferings to the countries and peoples of those regions, but have also provided the hegemonists with more opportunities and pretexts for infiltration, thereby posing a greater threat to peace in the Middle East, southern Africa and the rest of the world.
143.	It must be pointed out that the arrogance and defiance of Israel and South Africa are attributable, in large measure, to United Stales support and protection. The United States has repeatedly expressed its willingness to improve its relations with the third-world countries and to join them in safeguarding world peace. But what is the sense of expressing such sentiments when Israel and South Africa are being condoned and given support instead of being denounced for their flagrant breaches of the norms of international relations? This only antagonizes the hundreds of millions of Arab and African peoples and a large number of third-world countries.
144.	The situation in the Caribbean region merits our attention. The peoples in some of the countries there have long been subjected to imperialist and colonialist exploitation and oppression and unbearable domestic, political and economic conditions. It is their inalienable right to uphold their national independence and State sovereignty, develop their national economy and carry out democratic reforms. This should be recognized in the first place. On the other hand, it must be noted that another superPower and its proxies have been meddling in the internal affairs of those countries and trying hard to infiltrate the region under the guise of supporting the progressive movements. In our opinion, the people of the region should be left alone to solve their own problems. We are opposed to all outside interferences no matter where they come from.
145.	The situation in NorthEast Asia is also not tranquil. The United States has thus far failed to withdraw its troops from South Korea. The peaceful reunification of Korea continues to meet with obstructions from the authorities in South Korea. In October 1980, President Kim II Sung of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea put forward a new formula for the establishment of a Democratic Confederal Republic of Koryo, which would incorporate both North and South Korea. This reflects the fervent hope of the broad masses of the Korean people for the reunification of their fatherland and provides a practical way for its realization. We maintain that resolution 3390 ft (XXX) on the question of Korea, sponsored by 43 countries and adopted by the General Assembly at its thirtieth session, should be implemented expeditiously so as to create. favorable conditions for the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea.
145. Over the past year, the world has not only witnessed a series of major political events, but has also been faced with serious economic problems. The economic conditions of many developing countries have further deteriorated and the economic contradictions between the North and South have become more acute. Faced with worsening terms of trade, the developing countries are plagued with greater deficits in their international balance of payments and heavier burdens of foreign debts. They basically remain powerless in international economic relations. Certain developed countries are clinging to the old international economic order and trying to shift the consequences of the economic crises onto others, thus creating greater obstacles for the developing countries to build independent economies and making it more difficult for them to achieve the objectives of their, development strategies.
147.	The efforts of the developing countries to achieve economic independence after winning political independence represent an irresistible trend of our time. The major developed countries, however, refuse to go along with this trend by changing their unequal and unfair relationship with the developing countries. This is the root cause for the ever sharpening economic contradictions between the North and South.
148.	The economies of nations are closely interrelated. The developed countries are increasingly dependent on the developing countries for their economic growth. From the longterm point of view, the prolonged impoverishment of the latter will not be in the economic interests of the former. A number of developed countries have come to realize that their own economic "stagflation" may be alleviated as a result of the economic growth of the developing countries. We are of the view that the principle of equality and mutual benefit, which is the norm of international relations, should also apply to the economic field.
149.	Moreover, one must not lose sight of the fact that the economic difficulties of the developing countries and the resultant domestic political turmoil, as well as the worsening NorthSouth contradictions, will provide the hegemonists with opportunities to stir up troubles. To support the developing countries in building their independent economies and to promote appropriate reforms in the international economic order so as to establish step by step a new international economic order is therefore not a purely economic matter but a vital political question that affects the maintenance of world peace and stability.
150.	It is pure hope that the major developed countries, proceeding from the overall situation of the world, will give serious consideration to the legitimate desires and demands of the developing countries, promptly come to an agreement at the current session or at the forthcoming Cancun summit to launch the global negotiations, and take practical and feasible measures to meet the urgent needs of the developing countries and improve North South relations.
151.	The political and economic situation of the world today is grim indeed. The maintenance of peace is the common aspiration of the people of the world. However, We have to struggle for peace; we cannot beg for it. To
defend world peace it is imperative to oppose hegemonism. To this end, the peoples of all countries should unite and coordinate their actions, taking into account their respective situations. In order to achieve greater unity against hegemonism it is necessary for all parties to respect each other's sovereign rights and interests and to treat each other as equals. On the eve of the Second , World War certain countries failed to discern in time the source of the threat and failed to unite effectively to oppose it. The people of the world ended up paying a heavy price and the world learned a bitter lesson.
152: China has consistently pursued a foreign policy of peace. Having suffered enormously from foreign aggressions and wars in the past, the Chinese people know only too well how precious peace is. Today, as the Chinese people are engaged in building China into a modernized socialist country, they need all the more a lasting peaceful international environment. However; in pursuing the policy of safeguarding world peace and opposing hegemonism, China is motivated not simply by its own interests, but also takes into account the interests of the people of the whole world.
153.	China is a developing socialist country; it belongs and will always belong to the third world. China is ready to work together with other third-world countries as well as all countries that uphold justice and love peace and to contribute all it can to the defense of the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international relations and to the cause of opposing hegemonism and maintaining world peace.


 Permit me, Sir, before I begin my statement to express the profound sorrow that my country feels over the death of President Sadat, a death which is a cause for grief among all peace-loving nations.
2.	Mr. President, in you I greet one whose intellectual qualifications are worthy of the presidency of the Assembly, and I welcome the fact that your election reflects a general tribute to the image of a centuries-old country which, in our day, maintains a cordial friendship with Latin America.
3.	Ecuador extends a friendly welcome to the new Members of the United Nations and offers them its support in achieving their goals and overcoming their problems.
4.	The principles that govern international life are well known and my Government fully respects them. Those principles are contained in the Charter of the United Nations, or which, being fully in accord with its aims, require reinforcement through acts of conduct that will give them effective force in the international field. In that regard, I would point out that my country attaches the utmost importance to the strengthening of the principles of non-intervention, self-determination of peoples, the equality of States in law, ideological pluralism, repudiation of any form of racial discrimination, condemnation of colonialism and neocolonialism, respect for legally concluded agreements, rejection of any form of aggression, non-validity of territorial conquests obtained through the threat or use of force, and peaceful settlement of disputes.
5.	With regard to a principle as fundamental as that of respect for human rights, Ecuador not only believes in it and practices it, but also maintains the need for its universal application and above all for a general adherence to it and recognition that all the regimes of the world are morally obliged to accept it. In fact my country maintains that in the various international forums and organizations, no representative should, take a public stand on how far human rights are respected in other nations without first reporting on the situation with regard to those rights in his own country.
6.	I particularly wish to mention freedom of speech. Ecuador is a representative, republican democracy with free elections for the three branches of government; it has no political prisoners, no martial law, and it gives generous hospitality to those seeking asylum, exiled or fleeing from brother countries. It also prides itself on having absolutely unlimited respect for freedom of opinion, allowing access to any source of information and absolute freedom for newsmen to travel anywhere in the national territory and to enter or leave it. Ecuador's view of the debate during the last few decades about the idea of freedom of the press is that it is better to have great latitude rather than restrictions, and my Government prefers to surround the owner as well as the editor and the reporter with guarantees. Ecuador is proud to report that its media enjoy the right of dissent, within a broad democratic framework where, of course, the political parties, both in-side and outside Congress, are respected in accordance with their own decisions on their degree of co-operation, independence or opposition.
Moreover, the Government of Ecuador believes there is a clear choice: and instead of dictatorship, which provides safeguards and privileges for the ruling regime, it prefers the democratic system, where strains and discomforts are absorbed by the executive branch in the interests of the well-being of the majority.
7.	That is a principle that is backed by ethical concepts and it is also the most solid basis for any legal argument in the international field.
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8.	While registering the gratitude of the Ecuadorian people for the expressions of solidarity received from abroad on the occasion of the tragic death of President Jaime Roldos, I must also mention the fact that Ecuador's democracy has functioned steadily following that unforeseen and regrettable event. The Vice-President, Mr. Osvaldo Hurtado, a university professor, politician and writer of broad experience, well versed in the study of our national circumstances, elected to his office by a popular vote, assumed the presidency in accordance with strict constitutional norms, and the Congress appointed as Vice-President of the Republic, by a majority and in conformity with the law, Leon Roldos, a lawyer, an expert in economic and monetary matters, and one long familiar with the subjects relating to national development. I am therefore pleased to state that the restoration of democracy in my country has suffered no setbacks, nor is there any
legal or political reason to justify or foresee any in the future.
9.	Ecuador believes that the problems of regions other than the Americas which fall within the ambit of interests of the United Nations are governed by the same principles. To be specific, three pillars should uphold the legal structure that should be formed by the resolutions and actions of the United Nations, namely, the withdrawal of foreign troops from wherever they may be; the return of territories occupied by force; and free elections so that the people may exercise their capacity for self-determination and go forward by themselves to meet their destiny.
10.	Of course, those are the same norms that inspired the recent Ecuadorian statement on El Salvador. My Government maintains that "it is up to the Salvadorians alone to find a polity,,; and democratic solution to their problems, free from any kind of foreign intervention, either direct or indirect. Within a traditionally Ecuadorian conduct opposed to violence, this statement means a condemnation of any possible military solution."
11.	Ecuador, which in its domestic affairs respects and practices ideological pluralism and in the international field is ruled by the same guidelines and maintains relations with all kinds of countries, has since the inauguration of the present constitutional Government extended its relations to more than 20 nations of the Caribbean, Africa and Asia. Those principles governed its entry into the non-aligned movement, the members of which I greet cordially, while reaffirming that the international conduct of the Ecuadorian Government will continue to be independent and that it will not submit to any directives of the hegemonic blocs of the world, since the autonomy of our decisions and daily exercise of freedom are as deeply rooted in us as our continuous struggle for justice.
12.	My country associates itself with those most characterized by their attachment to peace. That spirit, which is the inheritance of centuries, and our concept of the dignity of man make it inconceivable to us that scientific development, the world's industrial structure and the economic power of a few nations should be oriented towards warlike purposes. Such a prospect is even more fearsome if one recalls that in industrial societies man has reached the absurd extreme of producing and storing some 50,000 nuclear bombs capable of exterminating the human race 20 times over. It is therefore urgently necessary to establish a continuous warning system so that mankind may recover a certain measure of good sense, for if it should come to the extreme of arguing in favor of certain recent weapons that they destroy only human beings, that would amount to declaring that human existence is subordinate to the armaments business.
13.	The unbelievably high military expenditure, which now amounts to well over $1 million a minute, is the real cause of inflation, of the disturbance of the very concept of international trade, and of distortion of the principles at the basis of economic activity, which is currently being conducted by those arms merchants.
14.	Consistent with that reasoning is the clear condemnation of the policy of increasing military expenditure in developing countries, particularly those whose confidence that they can impose solutions to their external problems stems from their belief that they have a greater military capacity than their neighbors.
15.	Among the theaters of confrontation that represent a threat to the world is Namibia. In that connection, as in others, my country's position is clear. The foreign troops that are occupying that Territory are committing an act of rebellion against the United Nations and are the accomplices of apartheid, one of tHiTWorst forms of discrimination and racism. Therefore South Africa, a Power typified by its violations of international law, must move without delay to accept the independence of Namibia in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), a just, solid and practicable basis for the solution of that serious problem.
16.	Lebanon is a pathetic example of wars imported by elements foreign to the spirit of the peoples in whose territories the conflicts take place. The Lebanese people are being martyred and it is the responsibility of all, and particularly the United Nations, to put an end to this. My Government fully understands that unfortunately the solution of the Lebanese tragedy depends to a great extent on measures that must be taken by all the peoples of the Middle East. That is why we reiterate the basic principles applicable to the region, principles which in this case constitute also norms of procedure: the right of all States, including Israel, to existence and security; the need for solutions concerning all the peoples, particularly the Palestinian people; the condemnation of all forms of violence and of the retention of territories occupied by force; and the need to settle disputes by peaceful means.
17.	Perhaps all the world's dramas are rooted in the situation I shall now present. One of the major frustrations of the poor, who make up the majority of the world's population, consists in the persistence of economic injustices from which the affluent societies derive a profit. This generates deep resentment, acute tension and the misunderstandings between the industrialized countries of the North and the countries of the South. The objections of the former, which in international forums take advantage of the smallest preliminary points of procedure, not only hamper any kind of global strategy and common progress but also constitute a threat to the future of those same enclosed societies. If the forthcoming International Meeting on Co-operation and Development at Cancun does not succeed in opening the way and establishing at least some new guidelines for conduct, the United Nations will continue to be a forum for the expression of vague hopes and concrete disappointments and will not open up the ways towards the new international economic order, the philosophy and program of Action of which were adopted in 1974 [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)].
18.	Among the resources of primary interest in connection with which we wish to avoid title depredations and injustices of which we have been both witnesses and victims in the distribution of the world's wealth are, without doubt, the resources of the sea. Ecuador attaches due importance to those resources, and it affirms that they are the heritage of the riparian States within the already historical limit of 200 miles. But it does not limit itself to that. It further maintains that the agreements will become a mere list of theoretical calculations unless the world Powers are confronted with the firm and clear exercise of sovereignty by the riparian States over that area, sovereignty that encompasses the resources of the sea as well as those of the sea-bed and the ocean floor.
19.	My country will also more assiduously protect its rights to the finite natural resource of the increasingly occupied geostationary orbit. It will do so in conjunction with the other equatorial countries and in co-operation with other developing countries, in order to make a joint contribution in an area that vitally affects the future of our peoples.
20.	We are concerned that the space Powers, in an expansionist manner, may be, for purposes of power competition, exploiting outer space, which should be conceived of as a zone of peace. The arms race already involves artificial earth satellites, which are being launched at the rate of three per week; thus more than 1,700 satellites of a military nature have been placed in orbit during the past decade. Of the existing total of satellites, 75 per cent are for warlike purposes, according to the latest reports of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, which includes in that figure the functions of navigation, communications, meteorology, geodesy, remote sensing and anti-satellite capability. This alarming race must be halted and brought back within the normal evolution of the universe, instead of incurring the risks of a course that could be tragic not only for the space Powers themselves, but for all the peoples that share this great spaceship called Earth.
21.	Casting a glance at what man is doing, or has already created, of which art is a prime example, Ecuador calls for the restitution of cultural assets to their legitimate owners, even though their acquisition may have resulted from centuries-old spoliation, tantamount, in fact, to colonialism, a vestige of times long past. World-wide restorations by the Powers involved to the native peoples that have created cultural eras could be initiated under the sponsorship of the United Nations. In this regard, the direction given to the activities of UNESCO is praiseworthy, as are the incentives extended to those who support it.
22.	Fortunately, there are signs of understanding between dissimilar societies when they resort to the framework of the United Nations. An example of North-South co-operation in positive terms, although on a very small scale, is UNDP, with its flexible and co-ordinated action to meet the requirements of the developing world above all in the matter of the technological gap. Ecuador has firmly supported the principle of universality on which UNDP is based, and has repeatedly appealed for increased voluntary contributions on the part of all countries, rich and poof alike. For its part, despite its financial constraints, my country has amply responded to the recommendation for a minimum increase of 14 percent per year a recommendation still being ignored by those who could most afford to respond.
23.	At the other, more fruitful, level of cooperation South-South Ecuador has entered, this year, into a specific project of co-operation with the sister Republic of Equatorial Guinea, with which we share a common heritage of Spanish colonization. This is but one example of the activities which Ecuador, a small country with limited economic capacity, has undertaken in co-operation with countries both within its region and in more distant latitudes.
24.	Because of its intrinsic value for development, and because it is the best possible form of co-operation, we have faith in economic, social and cultural integration. For this reason, Ecuador remains active in the Andean Group, where it seeks effective fulfillment of the commitments undertaken in respect of sectoral industrial development programs, as well as those concerning a common external tariff, the lowering of duties, the common treatment of foreign capital* and, above all, the structuring of the Andean Tribunal of Justice. We Ecuadorians believe that the sub-regional process helps reduce the dependence of developing peoples, promote their harmonious progress and facilitate a consolidated position in international forums.
25.	We also believe that a prerequisite is the removal of real or potential threats among its members. In this respect, it is only natural that I should mention an issue that is of crucial importance to my nation.
26.	In his statement to the Assembly [6th meeting], the Foreign Minister of Peru made specific reference to the territorial problem that his country has with Ecuador. On that occasion, the tone of the statement by the Foreign Minister of Peru was conciliatory, and we Ecuadorians and all Latin Americans must appreciate it, since it can be interpreted as a shift in attitude towards a peaceful line of conduct on the part of his Government. That, assuredly, is something most worthy of note.
27.	On the substance itself, when he asks that an end be put to the problem by the placing of landmarks along a 78-kilometer stretch, he is, while admitting that there is a disagreement, maintaining, in short, that the formula for a solution is Ecuador's acceptance, 100 per cent, of Peru's case.
28.	In a constructive spirit, it is pertinent to recall, among the main Latin American problems related not only to the loss of territory but also to the historical exercise of sovereignty, the irrevocable rights of my country over the Marañon, or Amazon river, which it discovered, and part of whose basin it evangelized and civilized up to its banks, on the basis of the Royal Deed of 1563.
29.	I shall not tire the Assembly with a review of the four continuous centuries of Quitonian and Ecuadorian presence in the Marañon or Amazon, and its basin. To avoid entering into this long and comprehensive review, I have submitted to the Secretariat and to representatives a brief summary of the unsung heroic deeds of our religious communities and of our lay people, who devoted literally thousands of lives to the cause of the inclusion of the Amazon region within what was then the Audience of Quito and which is today the Republic of Ecuador.
30.	The discovery of the Amazon river by Francisco de Orellana took place within the framework of the continuous efforts which finally led to the inclusion of the Marañon, or Amazon river also called the River of Quito in the geography of the world.
31.	The sequel to these efforts of discovery and colonization took concrete form in the Royal Deed of 1563, which, by creating the Audience of Quito, at the same time recognized for it all of the territories to the east which it might discover or colonize, which was done for no other South American Audience.
32.	Thus it was that during the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the religious and secular citizens of Quito navigated the Napo, the Pastaza, the Morona, the Santiago, the Putumayo and other rivers, while populating Amazonia.
33. In order to counter the effects of this historical truth Peru opposed the creation by Ecuador of the See of the Bishop of Maynas by the Royal Deed of 1802, which was not implemented, even in its religious aspect, since there was no territory.
34.	Peru maintains that the discovery of the,Amazon started from Cuzco, but the route followed by Orellana started from the very center of what is today our capital city. The route is a road that we use today to go to Amazonia. a road where 4,000 native citizens of the Audience of Quito died during the epic of 1541.
35.	I have emphasized the fact that this discovery, which was the result and the background of a long and sustained religious community effort, bears out the Ecuadorian right, which is recognized by titles beginning with the Deed of 1563 through those of 1717, 1720, 1739 and 1740, and ending with the Treaty of Guayaquil of 1829, following the declaration of Marshal Antonio Jose de Sucre, that victory grants no rights and justice must be the same before and after battle.
36.	In this same brotherly spirit I say that the instructions of the armed forces and those of the Governments of all States must be positive. It makes no sense that Peru's objective should be to ignore our right and prevent the attainment of the national objective embodied in the history and in the feelings of all our people: namely, Ecuador's Amazonian destiny and its character as a riparian State of the river it discovered. It makes no sense that Peru should have undertaken to confine Ecuador by force of arms to the Amazonian tributaries only up to the point where they become navigable. It cannot be said that a country is denied its right to such banks in a zone extending east of the Cordillera del Condor, when its own representatives in 1890 acknowledged that "not a shadow of reason" could be adduced and that "nowhere is its right less defensible". With regard to that region, where the confrontations of early 1981 took place, the Foreign Minister of Peru himself publicly acknowledged at the Organization of American States [CMS] on 3 February 1981 that his country as its first act of presence, established a military outpost in 1938, that of CMvez Valdivia, thereby admitting the truth of an old Ecuadorian accusation, that Peru had violated by force of arms the status quo of 1936.
37.	The Protocol of Rio de Janeiro of 29 January 1942,1 the very text of which states that it was imposed by force, mentions for the said zone a divortium aquarum, a geographical feature which in reality does not exist. The words "Cordillera del Condor", the feature at which Peru demands that the border be set, do not even appear in that treaty. The geographical reality of the zone was discovered in 1947 through mapping done by the Aerial Photography Service of the United States Air Force, and it was definitively confirmed by other later work.
38.	That fact is so irrefutable that Ecuador has from the start repeatedly invited the Peruvian Government to set up a commission whose fundamental purpose would be to verify the geographical facts. Faced with Peru's refusal, in 1956 Ecuador reiterated to Peru, through Brazil, Chile, Argentina and the United States that it was necessary to survey the zone. Invited through these countries, Peru once more refused and went to the extreme of rejecting the suggestion by these four States that a new aerial photographic survey of the zone be made.
39.	Peru unilaterally maintains that the boundary in that area is the Cordillera del Condor and that it owns the eastern slope. It cites an award of 1945, which was prior to the discovery of the problems in 1947. On the basis of that reasoning, in 1981 it machine-gunned and bombed Ecuadorian outposts located in the Cordillera del Condor, on the eastern slope, even after the cease-fire had been formally agreed upon within OAS.
*	v
40.	Ecuador, then, must recall that Peru has not complied with the undertakings which it was led to make by the consultative meeting and the four friendly countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States, to which Ecuador reiterates its gratitude for their endeavors in the defense of peace, which they conducted with sincerity and impartiality. Ecuador has formulated and is formulating emphatic public reservations as concerning whatever Peru may do in the zone extending east of the Cordillera del Condor, a zone as yet without boundaries, even under the Protocol of Rio de Janeiro. It is simple and categorically a matter of occupation of territories by force. The reservations which my country has encompass any military outpost, human settlements, any general infrastructure and anything that is contrary to the spirit of coexistence, which requires the parties to negotiate on pending problems and not presume to solve them unilaterally or limit themselves to denying that such problems exist.
41.	On this occasion I address a new appeal to the Government of Peru to undertake and maintain negotiations leading to an understanding that may solve one of the oldest problems of the continent, as mentioned by the Secretary-General, whose concern for the restoration of peace was appreciated at the time by Ecuador, and his reference to the problem in his report on the work of the Organization [see A/36/1, sect. IV] is inspired by a spirit of concord with which my country fully concurs.
42.	I reiterate before the Assembly the words President Osvaldo Hurtado spoke before the National House of Representatives in his message of 10 August:
"The armed conflict of the beginning of the year and its dramatic after-effects must lead us Ecuadorians to meditate seriously on our territorial tragedy and to And a solution that would allow us to solve it definitively. Ecuador has permanently sought, by various means, what constitutes its vital aspiration: a solution of peace and justice to the border problem with Peru."
43.	Ecuador, a signatory of the San Francisco Charter, looks upon the Organization as the maximum guarantee and the embodiment of the will of the peoples, which is the source of international law in our time. That is why it gives its support,, without reservation, to the United Nations, in which it places its trust, and expresses its fervent wishes for the attainment of the noble ideals which inspire the Organization. My people and my Government will spare no effort that may be necessary to achieve that end.