Mr. President, it is a particular
pleasure for me to see you presiding over the General
Assembly. As Ambassador to the former Soviet Union for
five years, I had a long association with Ukraine, and I
retain the fondest memories of my several visits to your
beautiful country. You preside over an Assembly that will
deliberate on crucial issues before the world community,
on which your experience and guidance will be
invaluable. I would also like to congratulate your
predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, on the
engagement with which he acted during his presidency to
carry our work forward. I am delighted also to see the
Secretary-General here.
We are celebrating in India the fiftieth anniversary
of our emergence as a free nation. The constitutional
moorings and the democratic forms which the new nation-
State has accepted and adopted rest on the vast foundation
of civilizational experience and ethos. This explains the
stability, coherence and creative unity of the vast Indian
society, which is a world in itself. The experience has
wrought in us the deep conviction that, while there are
universally shared values and striving, there can be no
rigid prescriptions. We see the United Nations in this
image, as a crucible in which we meld together our
individual contributions to a world civilization, yet
6

recognizing the variety of historical and cultural experiences
we bring to it.
The cold war cast an early shadow on the
Organization, creating a situation of ideological
polarization. The Non-Aligned Movement rejected this
imposition of rigidity, representing an independent and
responsible alternative to the world view. This remains true,
and the Non-Aligned Movement retains its validity and
relevance, even after the disappearance of bloc rivalries.
Non-alignment was not a by-product of the cold war. Then,
it expressed the overwhelming need of previously colonized
and disempowered nations to a voice, a perspective and an
agenda in a politically and economically unequal and
inequitable world. Today, it remains a voice of reason and
constructive engagement for the times ahead, which demand
common purpose and contribution from all sides towards a
convergence of intent on vital, even fateful, global
concerns.
Since the creation of the Charter of the United
Nations, the world should have changed far more than it
has in the half century that has elapsed. Decolonization is
almost complete, but the scars of colonization are still with
us. The present bears a heavy burden of the past. South
Africa is free, but racism rears its ugly head amidst us,
often laced with xenophobia. Development and growth —
and even human dignity — remain for much of the world
a distant dream. We must insistently ask ourselves what we
can decisively do at the United Nations to make the dreams
of the hundreds of millions come true, how we can make
the United Nations a more vibrant organization for the
world community as a whole, at a time when we need it
more than we ever have, a United Nations that is better
equipped to fully respond to the challenges of the next
century.
As an organization, the United Nations must also
evolve and adapt itself to a rapidly changing environment,
the better to serve the core needs of the world community.
As a country which sets very great store on the capacity of
the United Nations to contribute to international peace and
security, and to development — the two crucial priorities
before the world community — India, like others, has a
vital interest in a United Nations that continually makes
itself more responsive to the needs of its Member States
and prepares itself to serve them better. This, we believe,
is the objective of reform. We are hence very pleased that
the Secretary-General, immediately after taking office,
made reform one of his priorities and we congratulate him
on this commitment. Within the first seven months of his
tenure, he has produced a series of proposals of impressive
breadth and scope. These are before us, and many have
described this session as a reform General Assembly. In
this connection, I extend my good wishes to you,
Mr. Secretary-General.
We judge the agenda for reform by the measures I
have described. We are supportive of all proposals that,
in our view, will carry forward, or improve, the
Secretariat’s ability to respond to the mandates of the
international community. We will express our thoughts
constructively with the aim of strengthening the process
and direction of reform to the collective advantage of the
global community and the Organization that represents it.
We do not see reform simply as an exercise to trim the
budget of the United Nations. Instead, reforms should
contribute towards strengthening the United Nations and
its capacity to respond effectively to the priorities
identified by the overwhelming majority of its
membership.
The crisis that confronts the United Nations
manifests itself in many ways. A financial crisis has
resulted from the inability of some to fulfil their Charter
commitments, and from the laying down of pre-conditions
to meet them. The United Nations does not have the
means to execute programmes that respond to the felt
needs and priorities of its membership, precisely at a time
when such programmes are sorely necessary. As a result,
the United Nations is in danger of being marginalized as
the global forum where decisions can be taken that truly
respond to the challenges of globalization. The solution
lies not in piecemeal reform but in building trust between
nations, and in an acceptance that in international
relations democratic principles should be the norm, just as
they are being increasingly accepted in national
governance.
In our view, international peace and security and
development are inextricably linked. The one is
impossible to achieve without the other. Over the last six
or seven years, there has been a growing emphasis on the
political aspects of the tasks of development, such as
democracy and human rights. Unless the underlying
causes of underdevelopment, poverty and social alienation
are effectively addressed and removed, this emphasis will
remain unrealized. Therefore, the single most important
target that the United Nations should set itself is the
promotion of sustained economic growth in the
developing countries that will lead to the eradication of
poverty, and erase the tensions and pressures that have
led to the collapse of governance and social order in
several States, and to conflicts between others.
7

International peace and stability will be enhanced only
when all countries enjoy a minimum standard of economic
self-sufficiency and well-being. Therefore, we believe that
the thrust of any reform proposals in the United Nations
should make the promotion of sustained economic
development the principal cross-sectoral issue for the
Secretariat’s programmes. We believe that there are enough
intergovernmental mandates to permit the Secretariat to
tailor programmes towards this end.
The universality of human rights, to which we all
committed ourselves almost five years ago at Vienna,
expresses itself at one level in the international norms for
the promotion and protection of human rights and our
collective efforts to foster respect for these standards. On a
higher plane, this universality stems from the search in
different civilizations for ways of protecting the human
dignity of every individual. Next year, as we celebrate the
fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, we will reflect on whether the ideals enshrined in
the Declaration have become a reality for people in all parts
of the world. As we do so, we must build confidence in a
process that encourages introspection and self-criticism,
dialogue and consultation, rather than confrontation and
judgement. The Declaration calls for the advent of a world
order in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech
and belief and freedom from fear and want as the highest
aspirations of the common people. It recognizes the
importance of economic, social and cultural rights as well
as their interdependence with civil and political rights. The
full realization of all these rights is what will give true
meaning to the quest for human dignity embodied in the
Universal Declaration.
India’s approach to the observance and promotion of
human rights is inspired by the holistic vision of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Indian
Constitution. A strong constitutional framework, mutually
reinforcing safeguards, both within and outside this
framework; a policy of transparency and responsiveness to
civil society; and cooperation with the human rights system
of the United Nations — in particular with the treaty
bodies — are the main elements of this approach in the
areas of civil and political rights. Equally important, if not
more so, are the assault on poverty and underdevelopment;
the promotion of awareness of rights; and a policy of
affirmative action for the uplifting of socially and
economically vulnerable sectors of society.
This is a complex task, especially in a country of
India’s diversity. Many times, when the State has faltered
civil society has stepped in. In India, as elsewhere,
individuals have wrought miracles by working outside the
established systems and going beyond traditional ways of
thinking. In recent times, the most moving example has
been that of a frail, sari-clad woman: Mother Teresa. Her
fathomless compassion and soothing touch will be missed
by millions in India. I would like to pay tribute to this
apostle of mercy who rendered service and brought hope
to millions of poor and suffering people, not only in India
but all over the world.
While development must be our supreme objective,
we also need peace, stability and security in order to
achieve it. The dangers that threaten us have become
increasingly more frightening during the last 50 years
than any that have cast their shadow over mankind in its
entire history. The development of nuclear, chemical and
biological weapons has made it possible to destroy whole
populations. As the international community, we have
decided to outlaw the production, possession and use of
chemical and biological weapons.
However, with regard to the weapons of mass
destruction capable of the total annihilation of human
civilization, the global community has lived for too long
on a diet of empty promises. The pretexts cited in favour
of clinging to nuclear arsenals, while always questionable,
have now vanished. Mere non-proliferation treaties
promoted as disarmament measures only serve to entrench
a nuclear monopoly. No credible steps towards striving to
realize a nuclear-weapon-free world are contemplated,
much less taken, by those who should be showing the
way. No justifications can be proffered, as they were
during the cold war.
The patience of the world community — as
expressed by the International Court of Justice, by the
enlightened voices of those who formerly believed in
deterrence, by political and general opinion and by
weighty voluntary initiatives — is starting to wear thin.
Nuclear-weapon Powers owe it to the world to answer the
question why they need nuclear weapons. Global opinion
wants a nuclear weapons convention — as has already
been outlined for the class of biological and chemical
weapons — and will not rest until it is achieved. We
appeal to nuclear-weapon States to align their policies
with what the world wants. We see the United Nations as
the forum in which the international community must
continue to demand universal nuclear disarmament, and
we therefore expect that the Secretariat's programmes will
support this intergovernmental objective.
8

Under the Charter, the Security Council was
constituted as a body on which the general membership
conferred primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security, acting on its behalf. In
recent years, the Security Council has been able to play a
more active role in discharging its responsibilities.
However, there is often a perception that the Council’s
actions have not always reflected the sentiments of the
general membership. Therefore, it is imperative — and the
time has come — for the Security Council to take on as
permanent members developing countries which are
equipped to make important contributions through their
world views and historical experiences and the values of
their civilizations. In this way the decisions of the Council
will truly reflect the wider membership of the United
Nations. Otherwise, the Council’s actions will be seen as
progressively less representative precisely at a time when it
is being called upon to act far more frequently than before
on behalf of the world community.
India has let it be known in the General Assembly
since 1994 that it is prepared to accept the responsibilities
of permanent membership. We are the largest democracy in
the world, with a civilization replete with ancient values
and achievements, as well as a world view based on a
universalist inspiration, participatory governance, respect for
diversity and pluralism, and a readiness for constructive
engagement in the world’s affairs. These strengths, we
believe, would be an asset to an expanded Security Council.
India’s standing as one of the leading economies of the
world will be progressively strengthened, and we are
prepared to bear fully the responsibilities of permanent
membership. India’s long-standing participation in United
Nations peacekeeping operations testifies not only to the
dedication and professionalism of Indian soldiers, but also
to the political will of the Government to actively
contribute to these operations.
The core of our foreign policy is our keenness to
pursue close ties and build confidence and cooperation with
our neighbours, while recognizing fully that we are the
largest country in the region, in terms not only of size and
population but also of economic capabilities. We extend our
hand of friendship not in a spirit of mere reciprocity but in
good faith. Where we do expect reciprocity, unrelated to
size and capacity, is in mutual respect for each other’s
territorial integrity and sovereignty. We seek to advance
cohesion, synergy and mutual goodwill in our
neighbourhood so that together we can fully participate in
and derive benefits from the dynamic changes the world is
currently witnessing. Our approach has contributed to the
setting in motion of a trend towards cooperation in our
region.
As a large and diverse economy, we are developing
new partnerships that go beyond the region and revitalize
the old cultural and commercial links. Politically, this is
expressed in the active interest that we have taken in
supporting the Middle East peace process — our ties with
the Arab world reaching deep into history — and our
strong fraternal ties with developing countries in general
and with Africa in particular. In our larger
neighbourhood, with which we have a shared history, we
have enhanced our engagement with the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a full-dialogue
partner and as a participant in the ASEAN Regional
Forum.
While maintaining our traditional relationships with
the United States, Russia, the European Union and Japan,
we have also been strengthening global trends in regional
cooperation by actively promoting cooperation among
countries of the Indian Ocean rim and trying to recover
the cultural and commercial connectivities that have
existed since time immemorial and which were snapped
in the colonial era.
Global society is seeking to find an equilibrium
between the opposing pulls generated by the forces of
globalization, nationalism and sub-nationalism. Indeed, it
is difficult to see just how they can be balanced, yet they
must be or else the potential for international
conflagration will be immense. Hence, the absolute need
for extreme caution to prevent established nation States
from being destabilized either through too hasty a push
towards globalization or through the pull of sub-national
demands. We see this as a challenge which we will have
to face collectively as well as individually.
A global menace that threatens international peace,
and to which open democracies are particularly
vulnerable, is terrorism. It takes innocent lives
indiscriminately, brings fear into the lives of others and
shatters the peaceful existence and the normal growth of
entire communities. Terrorism should be anathema to the
international community because it is the antithesis of
every ideal that the United Nations Charter enshrines. Its
main vehicle is violence; its aim is destruction rather than
development; its doctrines are founded on intolerance;
and, in the means it uses and the effect it has, it destroys
human rights utterly.
9

Incitement to terrorism and complicity and
participation in terrorism across borders undermine the
international system. And even though very few societies
are free from its clutches, we still have not developed a
global strategy to defeat this evil. The resolve is absent. It
is important that we find it, not least because terrorism has
a global web, spanning all countries and continents and
quickly building links with the other global menace: drugs.
We in India see in our region just how deadly a poison this
mix of terrorism and drugs is. The United Nations should
take the lead in determined global action to root out these
scourges.
The protection and preservation of the environment is
an area to which all of us attach the highest importance.
The commitment to global partnership for preventing
further degradation of the environment, made at the Rio
Summit in 1992, was reiterated and the need for effective
implementation of Agenda 21 reaffirmed during the special
session of the General Assembly in June this year. All the
elements of Agenda 21 have to be implemented in full and
we need to accelerate the process of such implementation.
Any partial or non-comprehensive implementation will be
detrimental not only to international cooperation in this
area, but also to the threatened stability of the Earth’s
fragile environment. In this connection, it is our hope that
the spirit of the Convention on Climate Change and the
Berlin Mandate will be fully encompassed by the protocol
or legal instrument to emerge from the Kyoto Conference
to be held in December 1997.
What has been touched upon represents huge
challenges beyond the capacity of any country to face on its
own. This is why it is so vital for the United Nations, now
more than ever before, to be a forum where we can pool
creative ideas and lessons from our experience and to assist
us in understanding and coping with these challenges. This
is the ultimate rationale of reform. We will be ready to
work with other countries to rebuild the United Nations in
the image of our collective aspirations and as our trusted
instrument to meet the challenges of the approaching
century.
Addressing the General Assembly at its fifteenth
regular session, I recall India’s first Prime Minister,
Jawaharlal Nehru, saying here in 1960:
“The main purpose of the United Nations is to
build up a world without war, a world based on the
cooperation of nations and peoples. It is not merely a
world where war is kept in check for a balancing of
armed forces. It is much deeper than that. It is a world
from which the major causes of war have been
removed and social structures built up which further
peaceful cooperation within a nation as well as
between nations.” (Official Records of the General
Assembly, Fifteenth session, Plenary Meetings,
882nd meeting, para. 117)
It is in this spirit that we should approach the tasks
before us. I do hope and pray that, under your guidance,
Sir, and under the spirited leadership of the Secretary-
General, these objectives will be achieved.


Sir, your rich experience in the United Nations
system, your country — Ukraine — your current
responsibilities and your personality assure us of the
competence and dedication with which you will fulfil
your mission as President of the fifty-second session of
the United Nations General Assembly.
We would like to extend our most sincere
congratulations and our gratitude to your predecessor,
Ambassador Ismail Razali of Malaysia, for a full, hard-
working and stimulating fifty-first session. We reiterate
our encouragement and support to the Secretary-General,
22

Mr. Kofi Annan. We also wish to commend the work
which he and his team have accomplished in only nine
months.
Last Thursday, 25 September, the Security Council
issued a statement on the situation in Africa, in which it
said:
“The Security Council reaffirms the responsibility of
all Member States to settle their international disputes
by peaceful means and its own primary responsibility
for the maintenance of international peace and security
in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.”
(S/PRST/1997/46)
Burkina Faso shares this vision. Together with other
African countries, it has become involved in subregional
and regional initiatives with regard to our brother countries
of Liberia, the Central African Republic and Burundi, to
name only a few. Burkina Faso, whose confidence has been
strengthened by that experience, reaffirms the inestimable
value of preventive diplomacy. We therefore support any
action designed to achieve that end, and call upon the
United Nations to develop a genuine conflict-prevention
policy. From north to south and from west to east, African
States have been taking action on a continuous basis and in
a variety of ways to deal with armed conflicts, political
instability and internal disorder in our continent.
Africa is daily demonstrating its clear determination to
solve its own problems as a matter of priority by creating,
among other things, a Mechanism for Conflict Prevention,
Management and Resolution. Having made the maximum
regional contribution, therefore, to the resolution of these
problems, it wonders why the Security Council seems not
to be responding. Where does the Security Council’s chief
responsibility lie? The worst thing that could happen to the
Organization would be for Member States to begin to
believe that our common institution has two different
yardsticks. Our statements and appeals would then no
longer be of any value, and our possible actions would be
affected, and weakened.
The purposes enshrined in the United Nations
Charter — peace and security and economic and social
development — can only be attained, consolidated and
maintained by means of justice within nations, justice
among nations and, therefore, justice throughout the world.
The task is enormous. The justice demanded would not
imply the end of the influence of power, but it would
indicate whether such influence was positive or negative.
With regard to disarmament, we must reaffirm the
necessity of working towards the elimination of weapons
of mass destruction, whether nuclear, chemical or
biological.
In Africa, the illicit traffic in small arms has had
new and increasingly uncontrollable consequences,
ranging from an increase in armed criminal acts to the
proliferation of armed refugees. This provokes and adds
to the instability of entire regions. My delegation would
like to know what has become of the follow-up to the
Secretary-General’s initiative under resolution 51/45 L on
assistance to States for curbing the illicit traffic in small
arms and collecting them.
Burkina Faso welcomes the results of the Oslo
conference on anti-personnel landmines, and urges all
States to adhere as quickly as possible to the Convention
adopted in Oslo, and above all to comply with its terms.
Burkina Faso remains concerned by all situations of
turmoil, instability and conflict, from Afghanistan and the
former Yugoslavia to Cambodia.
The illusions harboured after the end of the cold war
are now giving way to a contrasting vision in which the
factors of integration and disintegration in our world are
becoming clearer. In Africa, the tragedy in Somalia has
been followed by tragedies in the Great Lakes region and
the Republic of Congo, while the Democratic Republic of
the Congo is now embarking, with some hesitation, upon
the road towards restoration. In Liberia, elections finally
allowing that country to recover, too, and to contemplate
the colossal task of national reconstruction are taking
place. However, in the neighbouring country of Sierra
Leone constitutional order has been violated and flouted.
Burkina Faso reaffirms its resolute condemnation of
the interruption of the democratic process in Sierra Leone
as well as its adherence to decision 356, on the situation
in Sierra Leone, taken by the Heads of State or
Government of the Organization of African Unity at its
thirty-third summit meeting in Harare.
We welcome the significant advances made in
Angola and urge all the parties, especially UNITA, to
play a constructive role.
In the Middle East, Burkina Faso is concerned about
the repeated setbacks to the peace process and calls on
the parties to ensure that acts of provocation do not create
23

a deadly chain of violence that would go against the
interests of the peoples of the region.
The international environment is undergoing a process
of constant change under the combined effect of three
phenomena: globalization of the economy and of threats;
liberalization of markets; and the information and
communications revolution. While we welcome the creation
and consolidation of large economic and monetary
groupings throughout the world, the upheavals created by
globalization and the demands of a triumphant free-market
model illustrate the fragile nature of the successes achieved,
and show more clearly that moderation and justice are the
basic requirements.
Africa, like a patient being cared for on his sick-bed,
has heard and heeded the diagnosis and the suggested
remedies, including programmes, projects, agendas and
special initiatives. This continent, which is engaged in a
constant struggle, is achieving some results that run the risk
of being wiped out by globalization, in that its international
trade is continuing to decrease as a result mainly of outside
factors, further increasing its marginalization.
Developing countries expect the Agenda for
Development, adopted during the fifty-first session of the
General Assembly, to be a catalyst for a new global
partnership for development. The sincerity of the
commitment of each and every one of us will be judged
according to the effectiveness of its implementation. In this
regard, and on all economic and environmental issues, we
support the comments made on behalf of us all by
Tanzania, which holds the presidency of the Group of 77.
Burkina Faso, together with other Member States, has
asked for consideration of the need to review resolution
2758 (XXVI), which excludes from the United Nations the
Republic of China on Taiwan. In doing so, Burkina Faso
has no intention of violating the rights of another Member
State. It merely asks that, given the new context, the reality
of the Republic of China be acknowledged. This reality is
demonstrated by the many and various relations that the
Republic of China has in one form or another with most
States. A review would do justice to the 21.5 million
inhabitants while work goes on to resolve the matter by the
reunification desired by both sides.
While we continue to call for respect for human rights
and respect for freedoms, there is still concern that it has
not yet been possible to implement a position that the
General Assembly has affirmed and reaffirmed, year after
year. The principle of freedom of trade is overtly being
violated, and Cuba, a Member State, is the victim.
Burkina Faso believes that the international community
must continue its efforts to convince all the parties
concerned that since the embargo and obstacles to free
trade have not yet resolved the dispute, new constructive
paths must be explored.
Similarly, along with the current Chairman of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), Burkina Faso
affirms the need to find a solution to the dispute between
Libya, the United States and the United Kingdom with
regard to the Lockerbie tragedy. As well as the sufferings
of the families of those who perished, many other people
are continuing to suffer from the sanctions imposed
against Libya. The Organization of African Unity has
always expressed its concern at the unremitting sanctions
imposed on Libya and their humanitarian consequences
for its people, and has advocated a fair trial of the
suspects pursuant to accepted principles of justice and
international law. With the OAU, Burkina Faso hopes that
the Security Council will give due attention to the
proposal made jointly by the Organization of African
Unity and the League of Arab States with a view to
finding a just and equitable solution to the crisis.
Speaking of the Security Council, a permanent
member of the Council used the formula that it is far
better to support a proposal for change backed by a large
majority than to support a status quo that enjoys the
support of almost no one. Such reform is now a necessity
with regard to which Africa has developed a common
position. Africa, which was absent in 1945, intends to
gain recognition for its right to a place in the Security
Council, in which most of the matters dealt with are
African. Two permanent seats and some non-permanent
seats would represent the beginning of justice for a
continent which, along with Latin America, has no
permanent representation. Burkina Faso believes that the
enlargement of the Security Council, while including
Japan and Germany, must necessarily provide equitable
representation for Africa, Asia and Latin America.
In addition to the Council’s composition, its
functioning must also be reviewed. The future Security
Council must no longer be a body that behaves all too
often like a club for the privileged; rather, it must behave
like an institution imbued with the highest responsibilities
and aspirations for the benefit of all, without
discrimination. Without that understanding, reform will be
futile.
At the fifty-first session, I concluded by saying:
24

“We are now seeing that the State is surrendering
control over certain elements of its sovereignty.
Everywhere, structures and organizations with varying
degrees of legality are transcending States and
establishing transnational networks and relations. It is
therefore imperative that we keep pace with these
trends and adapt now and in the future our special
instrument, our common instrument: the United
Nations at the service of peoples. Political will is what
will make the difference.” [Official Records of the
General Assembly, Fifty-first Session, Plenary
Meetings, 20th meeting, p. 24]
Earlier today, speaking of the globalization of the
economy, I also mentioned the globalization of threats. I
had in mind poverty, environmental deterioration, terrorism,
drug trafficking, pandemics and, in general, the great
disasters caused by man or by nature.
The United Nations is in this regard an irreplaceable
and invaluable tool. We thank and most warmly commend
our brother Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General, who, in the
space of nine months, has produced proposals designed to
keep us all in step with the times and future challenges. In
our quest for peace, security, progress, prosperity and
justice, the Secretary-General is proposing that we define
and redefine the instrument of our solidarity and our
common condition. Burkina Faso will join wholeheartedly
in this exercise and will support any movement that can
lead us to development, which is one of the cardinal points
of our quest and a platform on which all of the United
Nations essential missions can come together: the
maintenance of international peace and security, the
promotion of justice and international law, the strengthening
of cooperation for development, the protection of human
rights and humanitarian assistance.
While we welcome and applaud the generous
contribution a wealthy individual has made to the United
Nations, we must also remind all States that their
contributions are a fulfilment of solemn and voluntary
commitments. Contributions to the budget must be made in
full, on time and without conditions. This is also part of the
needed reform.
The developments we are witnessing are profoundly
contradictory. The future is marked by pairs of opposites —
integration and disintegration; stability and instability;
wealth and poverty; health and incurable disease; the
opening and closing of borders; democracies and
dictatorships; inter alia. They, it is said, are the very stuff
of life.
The pendulum swings from optimism to pessimism
and then back again. To stop it as it swings towards
optimism, we will need, as never before, to see to it that
the international community can find and cultivate the
virtues of inclusion and justice, for otherwise we will see
develop before our eyes, to an increasing degree, a world
of cruel and pitiless violence.
The United Nations is our chance for a world of
hope, justice, peace and progress. Let us seize this
chance.


Allow me first to
congratulate my colleague from Ukraine, Minister Hennadiy
Udovenko, on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly, and to convey to him our appreciation and the
confidence we place in his personal qualities and experience
to steer the work of the current session. In his election, I
see also the recognition of the role played on the
international stage by Ukraine, a European nation with
which we have friendly ties. I am pleased to recall the
occasion on the margins of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) meeting in Portugal last May when
he initialled a “letter on the special partnership between
NATO and Ukraine”.
I would also like to pay tribute to the outgoing
President, Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the dedicated and
competent manner in which he presided over the work of
the fifty-first session of the General Assembly, and notably
for his promotion of United Nations reform, which we
consider to be essential.
I wish to express my appreciation to the Secretary-
General for the new dynamism he has brought to the
Organization and for the proposals he has made for its
modernization.
My colleague from Luxembourg has already addressed
the Assembly on behalf of the 15 member States of the
European Union. However, I would like to reflect on a
number of questions of particular importance to my
country.
The main question on our agenda is undoubtedly the
reform of the United Nations. Despite its achievements and
increasing importance on the international stage, the United
Nations today needs a profound transformation to enable it
to face the challenges of the next millennium.
Portugal expresses its appreciation for the programme
of reforms presented by the Secretary-General and reaffirms
its readiness to participate in the further development of
this initiative, taking up the challenge to build up a more
effective Organization, with a better capacity to respond
and a more rational utilization of its resources. The
Portuguese Government supports in general terms the
proposals contained in that programme.
Among the instrumental measures proposed, Portugal
sees merit in the creation of the post of Deputy Secretary-
General. We also welcome the proposal to rationalize the
debates of the General Assembly so that it may focus on
specific themes.
With regard to the area of peace and security, the
primary focus of the action of the United Nations, we
support the strengthening of its institutional capacity in
the field of preventive diplomacy and of post-conflict
peace-building. The creation of a rapidly deployable
mission headquarters and the initiative of some Member
States to constitute a high-readiness brigade are
instruments that will permit the United Nations to
strengthen its capacity to react to emerging crises. I am
pleased to note that Portugal is ranked twenty-sixth
among nations contributing troops for United Nations
peacekeeping operations.
We also believe that cooperation between the United
Nations and regional organizations should continue to be
encouraged, particularly as concerns the African
continent.
With regard to the defence and promotion of human
rights, I would like to commend the emphasis given by
the Secretary-General to its cross-sectoral nature, which
must be taken into due account in all the activities and
programmes of the United Nations.
In this context, we are also particularly pleased to
see the proposal to fuse the Centre for Human Rights
with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights. The process of reform in this area will be carried
out by the new High Commissioner, Mrs. Mary Robinson,
whom I congratulate on her recent appointment.
The effectiveness of intervention by the United
Nations in humanitarian assistance is of special concern
to us, including within the framework of the Security
Council. Therefore, Portugal welcomes the proposal of the
Secretary-General to restructure this sector by
strengthening the role of the Emergency Relief
Coordinator, as well as the suggestion for the
establishment of an Economic and Social Council
segment for humanitarian affairs.
The promotion of social and economic progress is a
fundamental goal of the United Nations. As the Secretary-
11

General rightly reminded us in an Agenda for Development,
development cannot be attained in the absence of peace and
security or in absence of respect for all human rights and
fundamental freedoms.
Portugal notes with satisfaction the process of
readjustment proposed by the Secretary-General to
strengthen the macroeconomic coordinating mechanisms of
the activities of the United Nations and its specialized
agencies.
In the area of assistance for development, we see with
equal satisfaction the focus on guaranteeing an integrated,
coherent and coordinated activity of all funds, programmes
and agencies involved. As we see it, however, such efforts
must not jeopardize their respective autonomy and
specificity.
We understand the goals of the challenge launched by
the Secretary-General to replenish the levels of financing
for development activities of the United Nations. For our
part, we pledge to continue our efforts, within the limits of
our capabilities. We also believe that the persuasion and
mobilization of the private sector may turn out to be very
useful at a time of acute budgetary restrictions.
In this context, and in the light of the increasing
disparity between developed and developing countries, the
proposal of the Secretary-General to channel savings
resulting from reforms towards development activities is
particularly welcome to us. The promotion of sustainable,
equitable and socially just development has increasingly
become a top priority for the United Nations. The guarantee
of a balance between economic growth, the conservation of
the environment and the protection of natural resources is
essential for the future of our planet. Portugal therefore
supports the proposals of the Secretary-General aimed at
strengthening the United Nations Environment Programme
as the core environmental agency of the United Nations.
Finally, we cannot fail to underline that the goal of the
reforms, particularly in the economic and social sector,
should not be exclusively to reduce costs but to rationalize
structures and consequently to improve the capacity of the
Organization.
We support a reform and enlargement of the Security
Council that reflects the increase in the Members of the
United Nations, takes into account the new political and
economic realities and ensures fairer geographical
distribution. In this way, the Security Council will be more
democratic and therefore more effective in the
formulation and implementation of its decisions.
With regard to the composition of the Security
Council, we advocate an equitable increase in both
categories of membership, encompassing all regional
groups, in order to make it more representative.
As to the selection of new permanent members, we
believe that certain criteria should be applied, namely,
respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter,
full acceptance of the jurisdiction of the International
Court of Justice and the capacity and will to contribute to
the maintenance of international peace and security, as
well as global influence.
The Portuguese Government reaffirms its support for
the inclusion of Germany and Japan as permanent
members of the Security Council. But it would be
difficult to understand if the increase in the number of
permanent members did not also include States from the
regions of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean.
In this context, among eligible countries, there is Brazil,
a founding Member of the United Nations, the largest
country in Latin America and a State that is committed to
the principles of the Charter.
Portugal believes particular emphasis should be
given to the review of the working methods of the
Security Council, not only in order to strengthen the
transparency of its decision-making process, but also to
create the conditions for an improved ability for
non-members to accompany the work of the Council. In
fact, this was one of the concerns of the Portuguese
candidature for the Security Council for 1997-1998 and
was one of the main priorities of the Portuguese
presidency of the Council last April. Within the Security
Council, we have advocated the holding of open Council
debates to allow non-members to participate in
discussions of matters of direct interest to them.
We have also encouraged the involvement of the
Security Council in debating themes which have particular
relevance to its work, such as the promotion of human
rights, the protection of refugees, humanitarian assistance
and the impact of sanctions, aiming at providing a more
coherent framework for the Council to act in the future.
One of the most pressing concerns requiring an
urgent response is resolution of the Organization’s serious
financial crisis. We believe that the solution lies in the
full and timely fulfilment of obligations, the unconditional
12

payment of arrears to the Organization, review of the scales
of assessment so as to reflect the real capacity to pay of
Member States, and applying financial rigour and
rationalizing the use of existing resources. These proposals
seek to guarantee a sound financial base for the United
Nations.
Portugal, a member of the troika of observer countries
of the peace process in Angola, and a member of the
Security Council, continues to pay particular attention to
developments in that African country. We were particularly
encouraged to witness the positive events of March this
year: the formation of a Government of Unity and National
Reconciliation including members of UNITA, as well as the
return to the National Assembly of that movement’s
parliamentary group. These important fulfilments of the
1994 Lusaka Protocol, which is the framework for the
entire process, were undoubtedly an important step forward
in the eyes of all those, foremost among them the Angolan
people themselves, who yearn to see this great African
country enter fully into a future of peace, national
reconciliation and economic and social development. We
are therefore understandably concerned about the new
difficulties affecting the peace process, which have already
resulted in the timely, and we hope decisive, intervention
by the Security Council through its resolution 1127 (1997),
adopted last month. As we stated on the occasion of its
adoption, we consider the terms of the resolution — the
ability to impose sanctions — to be a stimulus for UNITA
to fulfil its obligations under the Lusaka Protocol, which it
accepted freely. This is not an attempt to condemn UNITA
to isolation or to exclude it from the peace process, of
which it is, and should continue to be, an integral part.
Peace in Angola is possible and necessary. But, as we
have stated before, in the final analysis it depends on the
political will of the Lusaka Protocol signatories. They must
not, however, ignore the human, financial and material
investments the international community has already made
in Angola in defence of the peace process. Should the
current impasse in the Angolan peace process continue, the
international community will undoubtedly adopt the
measures required under the circumstances. We therefore
reiterate our appeal to the parties, and in particular to
UNITA, to show the international community, by taking
concrete steps, that they have decidedly opted for the road
to peace, once and for all relegating to the past the spectre
of a fratricidal war.
Finally, I could not end this reference to Angola
without saluting the Special Representative of the Secretary-
General for Angola, Maitre Alioune Blondin Beye, who has
been tireless in his mission to defend the peace process.
We would also like to place on record our sincere
appreciation to all those who, working with either great
commitment with the United Nations Angola Verification
Mission (UNAVEM III) or the United Nations Observer
Mission in Angola (MONUA), embody the international
community’s hope that a brighter future awaits the
Angolan people.
Year after year Portugal has brought to the attention
of this Assembly the question of East Timor. Some may
have thought that time would consign this question to
oblivion. But the events of this last year have confirmed
that the problem of East Timor is more alive than ever
before in the conscience of the international community.
I recall the award of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1996 to
Monsignor Ximenes Belo and José Ramos-Horta, two
East Timorese who, in different fields, have greatly
distinguished themselves in taking up the rights and the
identity of the people of East Timor. The award of that
Prize also demonstrates the respect and solidarity of world
public opinion for the struggle of a people for freedom
and for their inalienable right to self-determination, which
all Members of the United Nations are duty-bound to
respect.
Here, I would like to praise the recent initiative of
the President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, in support
of the efforts of the Secretary-General, aimed at the
release of the East Timorese leader Xanana Gusmao and
of all other East Timorese political prisoners.
Unfortunately, this increasing international attention
to the question of East Timor has not resulted in an
improvement of the situation in the territory, where the
systematic violation of the most basic human rights
persists and whose people continue to be denied the right
to express and affirm their identity, despite the
deliberations, year after year, of the Human Rights
Commission.
I would like to express our recognition of the new
impetus which, in accordance with the mandate given to
him by resolution 37/30, the Secretary-General has sought
to give to the search for a negotiated settlement to the
problem of East Timor by: appointing a Personal
Representative dedicated exclusively to this matter, in the
eminent person of Ambassador Jamsheed Marker;
providing a more operational and active impulse to the
tripartite negotiations under his auspices; and relaunching
13

the all-inclusive East Timorese dialogue which involves the
active participation of the East Timorese in this process,
involvement that is essential to its success.
Only through negotiations will it be possible to find a
lasting solution to the problem of East Timor. Portugal is
contributing, with hope and commitment, to this new cycle
of negotiations aimed at achieving a just, comprehensive
and internationally acceptable solution for East Timor,
according to the terms of the Charter and the relevant
resolutions of the United Nations.
Portugal has sought to give fresh impetus to its
participation in international organizations, recognizing the
dynamism and increased importance of multilateral forums
in international life. Since the last General Assembly
session, Portugal has hosted two important international
meetings: the Summit Meeting of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe and the spring
ministerial meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO). Portugal has also recently hosted
two rounds of negotiations on Western Sahara. We
welcome the positive results achieved on this question by
the special envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. James
Baker.
In 1998, Portugal will be hosting the eighth Ibero-
American Summit, and will organize, in close cooperation
with the United Nations, the first world conference of youth
ministers, which will take action on the United Nations
World Programme of Action for Youth to the Year 2000
and Beyond.
I would like also to refer to the Community of
Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP). The promotion of
the Portuguese language, spoken today by more than 200
million people, the new modalities of institutional
cooperation which have been established and the
coordination of the diplomatic and political positions of the
founder countries in the many international forums
involved, have made this organization, despite its youth, an
attentive participant within the international community.
The problems associated with the many components of
the drug phenomenon are among the biggest challenges
faced by our societies today. The phenomenon particularly
affects our young people, and its global nature certainly
requires a concerted response on the part of the entire
international community. In this context, and given that
Portugal is presiding over the preparatory work for the
special session of the General Assembly on drugs, which
will take place in June 1998, I would like to underline the
importance we attribute to that event. We sincerely hope
that that session will produce a clear political commitment
on the part of Governments to combat the drug plague,
and that concrete steps will be taken in that direction.
With a view to achieving these objectives, I appeal to
Member States to be represented at the special session at
the highest political level.
With regard to sustainable development, Portugal has
closely followed the implementation of the principles
established by the Rio Summit. The nineteenth special
session of the General Assembly confirmed, however, that
we are still far from implementing fully the goals
established there. Allow me to underline the three
components to which Portugal attributes particular
importance: combating desertification, protecting the
forests and protecting the oceans. Portugal considers that
in the fight against desertification the United Nations
Convention is the fundamental legal instrument for the
implementation of new international actions on this
matter. With regard to the northern Mediterranean, we
will continue to promote the most extensive cooperation
with our partners, and we are open to closer association
with the countries of North Africa in a joint effort
involving the entire Mediterranean region.
In the area of the preservation of forests, we support
action undertaken, particularly in the context of the
United Nations, with a view to the conservation,
integrated development and sustainable management of
this important heritage of mankind. I would like to draw
attention to the holding in Lisbon in June 1998 of the
third Pan-European ministerial Meeting on the protection
of the forests, which we hope will contribute significantly
to protecting forest ecosystems that have deteriorated.
As regards the oceans and seas, Portugal will
continue to support efforts to preserve them, advocating
in particular the more effective protection of marine
biodiversity and the integrated management of coastal,
continental and insular zones.
Following the proclamation of 1998 as the
International Year of the Ocean, Portugal is proud to be
organizing in Lisbon the last universal exposition of this
century, Expo 98, which will be dedicated to the theme
“Oceans: a heritage for the future”.
Particularly relevant in this context will be the work
of the Independent World Commission on the Oceans,
chaired by the former President of the Portuguese
Republic, Mr. Mario Soares, the conclusions of which
14

will be presented to the General Assembly at its next
session.
I would like to end my statement with a word of hope
and optimism for the future of the Organization. We believe
in a revitalized and even stronger United Nations for the
twenty-first century. The Assembly can count on our efforts
to work towards that goal.


Please allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your
assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at
its current session. I believe your wisdom and experience
will enable you to accomplish your lofty mission with
distinction. At the same time, I would like to express my
appreciation to Mr. Razali Ismail for his contribution as
President of the General Assembly at its last session.
This year, 1997, is no ordinary year for China. Last
February, when Deng Xiaoping, the chief architect of
China’s reform and opening-up, passed away, the 1.2
billion Chinese people were immersed in deep sorrow.
Turning grief into strength, we are determined to heed his
behest by deepening reform, opening the country still wider
to the outside world, stepping up national development and
promoting the cause of world peace. Here, on behalf of the
Chinese Government and people, I would like once again
to thank the United Nations and its Member States for the
sincere condolences they expressed on the passing of Deng
Xiaoping. Your kind words gave us strength at our time of
bereavement.
Just a few days ago, the Fifteenth National Congress
of the Communist Party of China came to a triumphant
conclusion in Beijing. This Congress, holding high the great
banner of Deng Xiaoping theory, charts the future course of
China’s development with a blueprint and displays the
resolve to carry forward the cause of building socialism
with Chinese characteristics well into the twenty-first
century.
On 1 July of this year, China resumed its exercise of
sovereignty over Hong Kong, which wiped out our national
humiliation of one and a half centuries and opened up a
new chapter in our peaceful reunification. During the more
than two months since its return, Hong Kong has enjoyed
social stability and economic prosperity, which fills the
people of Hong Kong, of China and of the world at large
with great joy.
The realization of Deng Xiaoping’s concept of “one
country, two systems” in Hong Kong carries profound
significance. Firmly adhering to this concept, we will
keep up the peaceful reunification of our motherland by
ensuring a smooth return of Macao and eventually
resolving the Taiwan question. Taiwan is an inalienable
part of Chinese territory, and the Taiwan question is
purely an internal affair of China. Any country that
attempts to use the Taiwan question to put pressure on
China or even clamours for “two Chinas” or “one China,
one Taiwan” has acted in total contravention of the
purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and
the relevant General Assembly resolutions. Such
behaviour will be absolutely unacceptable to the Chinese
people, as well as to all the countries upholding justice in
the world.
As the international situation continues to undergo
profound changes, peace and development have become
the main themes of our times. The world is evolving
towards multipolarity with growing diversity in countries’
political, economic and cultural lives. This trend has
become an irresistible tide of history.
The two world wars in the first half of the twentieth
century plunged mankind into unprecedented havoc. And
the cold war, which lasted for more than four decades in
the latter half of our century, kept humanity in the dark
shadow of war. Reviewing the past and looking to the
future, people throughout the world are anxiously waiting
for the establishment of a just and equitable new
international political and economic order, and they are
hoping to see lasting peace and prosperity for all in the
coming century.
The cold-war security regime that featured military
alliances and the arms race is, as has been proved,
incapable of making peace. Expanding military blocs and
enhancing military alliances under new circumstances can
do little to bring about greater security. Relations between
States should be based on the five principles of mutual
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual
non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal
affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful
coexistence. Each country has the right to choose a road
of development according to its own national conditions,
and no country should interfere in the internal affairs of
other countries on whatever grounds. This must serve as
the political prerequisite for global and regional security.
16

All countries should increase their mutually beneficial
cooperation in the economic field, eliminate unequal
practices in trade and economic relations, and do away with
discriminatory policies with a view to gradually narrowing
the gap between the rich and the poor and achieving
common prosperity. This should serve as the economic
foundation for global and regional security.
All countries should step up consultation and
cooperation in the security field, increase mutual
understanding and trust, and undertake to settle through
peaceful means, whatever differences and disputes they may
have. This is the practical way to achieve global and
regional security.
In the first half of the year, five countries — China,
Russia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan — signed
the agreement on mutual reduction of military forces in the
border areas; the four-party talks aimed at bringing about a
new peace mechanism on the Korean peninsula were
launched; and the Regional Forum of the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) introduced a
preliminary form of cooperation on security issues featuring
equal participation and negotiated consensus. These are
some of the examples of searching for new models of
security cooperation and of the initial progress already
made.
We feel concerned about the recent setbacks in the
Middle East peace process. We are of the view that the
relevant United Nations resolutions should be complied
with, agreements reached among the parties concerned in
the peace process should be honoured, the principle of land
for peace should be adhered to, and terrorist activities
should stop. We hope that the parties concerned will work
together on that basis so that the Madrid Peace Conference
on peace in the Middle East will resume at an early date.
We are also deeply concerned about the incessant conflicts
and turmoil which have plagued Africa since the beginning
of this year, and wish the African countries steady progress
along the road of peace and development.
The past year has seen new progress in the field of
international arms control and disarmament. The Chemical
Weapons Convention has entered into force; the Preparatory
Committee of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
has started its work; the extent of nuclear-weapon-free
zones is increasing; and negotiations on the efficacy of the
Biological Weapons Convention have made further
headway.
In our view, no one should try to monopolize the
market in the name of preventing proliferation or try to
interfere in the economic and technological cooperation of
other countries, developing countries in particular. An
overhaul of the discriminatory and exclusive
non-proliferation regimes and arrangements is thus
necessary, on the basis of universal participation, and the
United Nations should see to it that it accomplishes
something in this regard.
We maintain that continued efforts should be made
to advance the process of multilateral arms control and
disarmament. The universality of international arms-
control treaties should be strengthened and complete
adherence to them ensured. Instead of weakening and
undermining security, arms-control and disarmament
efforts should reinforce it. The target of disarmament
should not be shifted to developing countries, as countries
with the largest and most sophisticated arsenals bear a
special responsibility for disarmament.
I would also like to draw the Assembly’s attention
to China’s recent announcement of a unilateral step of
disarmament — that is, having reduced its troop strength
by 1 million in the 1980s, China will further reduce its
military by 500,000 troops within the next three years.
This is a move of major significance in the field of
disarmament.
In the past year, the overall situation of the world
economy has been good. Economic links and mutual
penetration among countries and regions are on the
constant increase. The importance of international
cooperation should be given a fresh evaluation with a
view to making it broader, closer and more fruitful.
Developing countries are most vulnerable to the
impact of adverse environmental conditions because of
their weak economic foundations. At present, the
international financial market is highly globalized and
very risky. We should work to stabilize the financial
market and ensure steady economic growth of the
developing countries.
The Uruguay Round agreements should be
implemented in a comprehensive, faithful and balanced
manner, and attempts to impose a linkage between
environmental or labour standards and trade must be
opposed.
Environment and development pose a common
challenge to mankind. The United Nations has held two
17

important conferences in the 1990s, setting forth a set of
guiding principles for the solution of the issue. We hope the
international community, developed countries in particular,
will honour its pledges to provide funds and transfer
technology to the developing countries so as to translate the
declaration of partnership into real action.
Many transboundary issues, such as poverty,
unemployment, refugees, drugs and crime, need to be
addressed through consultation by the international
community. The work of the United Nations in the social
field needs to be strengthened. All countries should, in
keeping with the principles of mutual respect, equality and
mutual benefit, endeavour to promote international
cooperation. They should get down to practical tasks, the
first of which is to help developing countries deal with their
most urgent difficulties. We hope that the special session of
the General Assembly on international drug control,
scheduled for next year, will yield positive results by
formulating a cross-century strategy for combating drug-
related crimes through strengthened international
cooperation along with effective measures of
implementation.
China will continue to support the United Nations in
its work in the social field and will make a greater
contribution to social progress around the world.
The realization of human rights is the common ideal
of mankind. All countries have made great efforts to this
end, with both achievements and lessons. We maintain that
the universality of human rights should be respected; yet
their realization must be integrated with the conditions of
each country. A review of United Nations practice over the
past 50 years and more shows that when countries or
regions do this they will enjoy social stability, economic
development and popular contentment. When they do not,
society will face disintegration, with people losing their
most basic human rights and freedoms, and gross violations
of human rights will even take place when chaos erupts as
a result of war.
We say it is quite natural for people to differ on the
human rights issue. The question is how to deal with these
differences. Which is the better approach: dialogue or
confrontation? I opt for dialogue. Only dialogue can
enhance mutual understanding and cooperation.
Confrontation, on the other hand, can only lead to further
estrangement and do nobody any good. We are pleased to
see that more and more countries are in favour of dialogue
in handling the human rights issue.
The Chinese Government attaches importance to
human rights and is dedicated to promoting and protecting
human rights of its people. Having repeatedly suffered
from foreign aggression in the past, the Chinese people
know full well how state sovereignty and territorial
integrity fundamentally guarantee the realization of their
human rights. We in China — taking upon ourselves the
task of feeding, clothing, sheltering and educating, and
providing travel facilities to, our 1.2 billion people —
know full well how vitally important our right to
subsistence and our right to development are. To enable
our people to lead a freer, happier and more democratic
life, we are focusing above all on the development of our
economy and on advancing democracy and our legal
system.
China will soon sign the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and is studying
earnestly the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights. We stand ready to work with other countries in a
continued effort to promote cooperation in the
international human rights field.
As the most important intergovernmental
organization in the world, the United Nations occupies an
irreplaceable position in international life. At the same
time, an evolving situation calls for reform of the United
Nations.
Last July, Secretary-General Kofi Annan submitted
an extensive report on the reform of the United Nations.
We appreciate his effort.
We are in favour of reforming the United Nations.
The purpose of such reform is to strengthen the role of
the United Nations and enhance its efficiency. Measures
taken in this regard must reflect the common interests of
all Member States and the results must be able to stand
the test of time. To this end, we offer the following
views.
United Nations reform is the shared cause of all
Member States. It should allow full play to democracy,
heed the voices of all sides and take into account the
interests of various parties. The reform plan should be
widely acceptable to Member States.
To enhance efficiency, an appropriate reduction of
personnel and expenditure is necessary. What is
important, however, is for the reform to put greater
emphasis on development issues with a view to
18

strengthening rather than weakening the United Nations role
in the promotion of economic and social development.
The reform should help preserve the diversity in the
United Nations, which is a microcosm of the diversity of
the world. Only when world diversity is recognized and
respected can different countries live in harmony and make
progress together.
The reform should stress practical results, place value
on quality, and progress in an incremental manner.
The enlargement of the Security Council should follow
the principle of equitable geographical distribution and
ensure a proper balance between developing and developed
countries. The Security Council will better perform the lofty
mission entrusted to it under the United Nations Charter
only when it becomes more broadly representative.
Payment of assessed dues is the bounden duty of
every Member State under the Charter of the United
Nations. We urge the countries concerned to pay off their
arrears without conditions and as early as possible in order
to put the United Nations on a sound financial basis for
normal operation.
Countries around the world need the United Nations.
So does the United Nations need their support.


Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on behalf
of my country, Guinea-Bissau, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly and to reiterate our
confidence in your ability to conduct the work of this
session successfully. You can rest assured of the
willingness of the delegation of Guinea-Bissau to cooperate
with you.
I should also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to
your predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia,
for the innovative and constructive manner in which he
carried out his task.
Congratulations are also due the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, who, since his assumption of the
Organization’s highest office, has shouldered his important
responsibilities with great resolve, inter alia with regard to
United Nations reform. We encourage him to continue his
work with the same dynamic spirit in order better to adapt
our Organization to the current and future needs of a
world in flux.
The General Assembly is meeting at a time when the
Organization is going through a period of complex
transition that has brought several questions to the fore.
Guinea-Bissau is nevertheless convinced of the ability of
the Organization and of Member States to define new
policies and to develop suitable structures to deal with the
new challenges that are being posed by international
problems.
During the observance of the fiftieth anniversary of
the United Nations the leaders of the entire world
solemnly reaffirmed the irreplaceable nature of the
Organization’s role as well as the need to reform and
modernize the United Nations. The historic Declaration
adopted at that time should continue to form the basis of
the Organization’s work, laying down as it does a
framework for global action based on the principles and
ideals of the Charter.
Accordingly, we welcome the important initiatives
for reform taken by the Secretary-General, which in my
delegation’s view are deserving of the support of Member
States.
My delegation believes that the expansion and
democratization of the Security Council are also priority
matters. That important body must reflect, both in its
composition and in its decisions, the concerns of all
Members and should have a more transparent basis and
a more equitable geographical representation.

Therefore, in keeping with the Harare Declaration of
Heads of State and Government of the countries members
of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), we believe
that Africa should have two permanent seats in the Security
Council, with the same privileges as the current members.
Similarly, we believe that the candidacies of Japan,
Germany and Brazil to be permanent members of the
Security Council deserve the serious attention of Guinea-
Bissau, without prejudice to other proposals before us for
consideration.
The United Nations has played a decisive role in
international affairs since its founding. However, the
challenges we are facing at the threshold of the twenty-first
century are unprecedented and call for greater efforts from
the Organization and all its Members, particularly in
seeking the solution to financial problems, a sine qua non
for effective progress in the reform process.
Despite the Organization’s commitment to
international peace and security, conflicts and fratricidal
wars continue in various parts of the world, causing loss of
life, massive displacements of population and floods of
refugees. Africa, unfortunately, continues to furnish tragic
examples of such scourges. The seriousness of these crises
on our continent prompted the Security Council to devote
a ministerial meeting to such problems on 25 September of
this year in an effort to analyse their causes and propose
suitable solutions.
In addition to conflicts in Angola, Burundi, Rwanda
and Somalia, there are new tensions and crises in Sierra
Leone, the Republic of the Congo and the Central African
Republic.
In respect to Angola, a country with which Guinea-
Bissau enjoys a relationship of deep friendship, we
welcome the progress made there towards restoring peace
and achieving national reconciliation, and we encourage
UNITA to make the efforts necessary to bring to
completion the tasks set forth in the Lusaka Protocol.
In Burundi, the Republic of the Congo, the Central
African Republic and Somalia dialogue must prevail in the
search for solutions to the problems that affect those
countries.
In Sierra Leone, the United Nations — the Security
Council in particular — must support the efforts of the
Economic Community of West African States and OAU to
restore the democratically elected Government.
In Liberia, we welcome the holding of free and fair
elections and the return to peace. We urge the
international community to continue to provide aid for
reconstruction and the consolidation of peace and
democracy in that country.
Turning to Western Sahara, Guinea-Bissau welcomes
the recent agreement concluded between the various
parties and hopes that this new understanding will lead to
a definitive solution to this question through the holding
of a referendum on self-determination.
The sanctions imposed on Libya by the Security
Council in 1992 seriously affect innocent people. Guinea-
Bissau encourages the parties concerned to seek, through
negotiations, a just solution to that question. The joint
proposals of OAU and the League of Arab States merit
the attention of the international community.
Recent events in the Middle East have weakened the
peace process. We urge the State of Israel and the
Palestinian Authority to continue their dialogue to restore
a climate of confidence, which is so essential to the
establishment of a just, lasting and comprehensive peace
in the region.
We are also concerned at the slow pace of the
implementation of the peace agreement in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, and we appeal to the various parties to show
greater determination to resolve the conflict.
In East Timor, we continue to support the
negotiations conducted under the auspices of the
Secretary-General to find a just and definitive solution to
this question.
The embargo imposed on Cuba continues seriously
to affect that country’s people and development process.
We appeal to the parties to take the necessary steps
towards a definitive and satisfactory solution to this
problem.
On behalf of our Government, we should also like
to reiterate our conviction that the Republic of China on
Taiwan deserves to regain its rightful place in the United
Nations on the basis of respect for the principle of
universality and the sovereign equality of States. The
Republic of China on Taiwan, a democratic country of
over 20 million people that has made enormous progress
in the economic and social field and with regard to
respect for basic human rights, is today a reality that
cannot be ignored. The readmission of the Republic of
2

China to the United Nations and to all its specialized
agencies would be an important factor for peace, stability
and international cooperation.
Mindful of the fact that the United Nations, and the
Security Council in particular, play an essential role in the
maintenance of international peace and security, we attach
special importance to regional bodies with respect to
conflict prevention and resolution.
In our subregion, the Economic Community of West
African States has, with unprecedented success, been
managing the crisis in Liberia through the establishment
and deployment of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group. The
steps undertaken through the Mechanism for Conflict
Prevention, Management and Resolution of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) deserve special
mention. Given the magnitude and complexity of the
problems to be resolved, that organ needs increased support
from the international community to complete its mission.
In this context, we believe that any approach to
strengthening the capacities of African countries to prevent,
manage and resolve conflicts must be supported. Thus, we
welcome with interest the joint initiative of the United
States, France and Great Britain in this area under the aegis
of OAU.
Guinea-Bissau welcomes the adoption in Oslo of a
draft convention for the complete elimination of anti-
personnel landmines and urges all countries to accede to it
so that it may enter into force as soon as possible.
The intolerable persistence of poverty in the world,
particularly in Africa, requires the ongoing mobilization of
the international community and the elaboration within
international bodies of coherent policies to confront the
major problems of development. Given the fact that Africa
has more least developed countries than any other continent
in the world, the General Assembly’s recent adoption of the
Agenda for Development is of the greatest interest to us.
Africa continues to suffer the negative effects of the
problems of external debt, deteriorating terms of trade,
difficult access for its products to international markets and
decreased investment. Moreover, the effects of the
globalization of the economy and the drop in official
development assistance have reduced the capacity of
African countries to tackle socio-economic problems
successfully. The initiatives of the Paris Club, the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund to provide debt
relief — initiatives that have already benefited some
African countries — meet our concerns and we hope that
Guinea-Bissau will soon be able to profit by them.
Respect for and the full exercise of fundamental
human rights are factors for freedom, peace and
guaranteed internal stability. Guinea-Bissau, which
recognizes the importance of good governance, pluralistic
democracy and a state of law, continues to work for the
preservation of values intrinsic to the dignity of the
individual and his full, harmonious development. In this
regard, we wish to congratulate Mrs. Mary Robinson on
her timely nomination to the post of United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights. We wish her every
success in the performance of her duties and call on all
Member States to lend her the support she needs.
The rational use of our world’s natural resources and
environmental protection are responsibilities which, to
varying degrees, fall to all mankind. Guinea-Bissau has,
together with its partners, defined a strategy for
sustainable development that respects ecological balances.
The disappointing results of the review of the
implementation of Agenda 21 at last June’s special
session of the General Assembly is clear proof that the
international community must be much more committed
to defining agreed policies for environmental protection.
The achievement of the ideals of the United Nations
to which our peoples aspire, the need to reform and
modernize our Organization, and international cooperative
efforts are all the subjects of our collective thinking and
the inspiration of our ongoing commitment. Indeed, given
the challenges of the late twentieth century, our
Organization continues to embody the greatest hopes of
our peoples for a future of progress, well-being, social
justice and understanding among all peoples.
As Mr. João Bernardo Vieira, President of the
Republic of Guinea-Bissau, said during the celebration of
the United Nations fiftieth anniversary:
“I would call for greater ... coordination of our
efforts in order to forge a world Organization
capable of preserving future generations from the
scourge of war and to give the poorest and most
helpless true reasons for hope, thus safeguarding the
common interests of mankind.”


I would like, first of all,
on behalf of the Bulgarian delegation to congratulate
Mr. Udovenko on his election to the presidency of the fifty-
second session of the General Assembly. His vast
experience and knowledge will be of great importance for
the successful fulfilment of the tasks facing the
Organization today. I would also like to express our
appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Razali Ismail, for his
competence in presiding over the fifty-first session.
The statements of previous speakers have proved the
importance of the necessity for an efficient overall reform
of the United Nations. I would like to declare Bulgaria s
support for the position of the European Union, as stated in
this general debate by the Deputy Prime Minister and
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Jacques
Poos.
The word “reform” has been used so much today in
different parts of the world that I would be afraid of
classifying United Nations reform with the various other
reforms advocated by numerous politicians. If I take the
liberty of sharing the Bulgarian experience, it is because
in early 1997 my country lived through its genuine
reformist resurrection. Hundreds of thousands of citizens
walked in the streets of Sofia and other Bulgarian cities
and towns to demand opportunities, not well-being. Their
voice precipitated early parliamentary elections and
brought a disastrous rule to an end.
Obviously, three things are needed for the success of
reform: vision, strategy and courage. The vision about
where we want to go, the strategy for getting there and
the courage to begin.
I hope that the fifty-second session of the General
Assembly will be remembered for decisive progress in
designing and carrying out the reform of the United
Nations. We have already heard the profound analysis and
the valuable proposals put forward in the report of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan. It is now the turn of
the representatives of Member States to commit their
vision, sense of strategy and courage.
Let me briefly present our views on the main aspects
of the reform of the United Nations. The Bulgarian
Government has thoroughly studied the proposals and the
report of the Secretary-General. In principle, we support
and approve of these proposals.
The Republic of Bulgaria considers the ongoing
discussion within the United Nations on the reform and
enlargement of the Security Council to be positive and
substantive. In our view, the decisions on these important
matters should be reached by consensus. We believe that
the enlargement should reflect the increased number of
United Nations Member States. On the other hand, the
growing economic and political potential of some
Member States may attest to their ability and maturity to
successfully assume the responsibilities and meet the
challenges of permanent members of the Security
Council.
A fair decision on the enlargement of the Council
should preserve the balance between the permanent and
non-permanent members, as well as among the regional
groups. Such a decision should also include the allocation
of an additional non-permanent seat for the Group of
Eastern European States.
We support the efforts aimed at further improving
the early warning system of the Organization. The new
challenges to international peace and security demand an
25

enhanced role for United Nations peacekeeping operations.
As an active participant in United Nations peacekeeping
operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambodia,
Tajikistan and elsewhere, Bulgaria welcomes the growing
efficiency of the Security Council and also supports an
enhanced role for the Secretary-General in the field of
preventive diplomacy.
Bulgaria shares the view that future peacekeeping
operations should encompass the whole complex of
political, humanitarian and military aspects of peacekeeping
in order to achieve maximum efficiency. Close cooperation
with the regional security organizations and other relevant
bodies is of key importance to the success of future United
Nations peacekeeping efforts as well.
For years now the United Nations has been operating
under the burden of a serious financial crisis. Bulgaria
supports the initiatives contained in the report of the
Secretary-General aimed at elaborating criteria and
mechanisms for stringent financial discipline, strict control
and accountability. Such an approach could contribute to
the successful implementation of the administrative reform
and reorganization of the Secretariat.
We believe that a new scale of assessments for
contributions to the United Nations regular and
peacekeeping budgets would allow greater account to be
taken of the financial potential of individual Member States.
Bulgaria shares the ideas expressed by the Secretary-
General that the reform should be implemented within the
framework of a complex approach that would not neglect
the specific needs of the countries in transition and the
smaller States.
We support the efforts aimed at restructuring the
governing institutions of the United Nations in the socio-
economic field; at raising the operational capacity of the
Economic and Social Council and of the specialized funds
and programmes; and at transferring funds from
management and administration to social and economic
programmes.
As Assembly members are probably aware, 1997 was
a difficult but successful year for Bulgaria. The beginning
of the year was marked by an acute economic, financial and
political crisis, which resulted in the appointment of a
caretaker government, the dissolution of the Bulgarian
Parliament and early elections. At the same time, the
civilized, peaceful and constitutional way in which
Bulgarian society overcame the political crisis is a very
important sign of the maturity of democracy in the country.
At the elections held last April the Union of
Democratic Forces won an overwhelming majority for
their agenda: financial stabilization, market-oriented
structural economic reform and speedy privatization; the
strengthening and modernizing of State administration;
rule of law and combating organized crime and
corruption; and the integration of Bulgaria into the Euro-
Atlantic community of nations.
We have made every effort to implement this
strategy, and today we already have the first positive
results. In the political sphere, the transition to the rule of
law, political pluralism and respect for fundamental
human rights and freedoms has been completed. The
democratic institutions are stable and enjoy the broad
support of more than 50 per cent of the people. In the
economic sphere, a currency board was successfully
introduced as a means of guaranteeing financial
stabilization and of restoring the confidence of the
international financial institutions and business circles in
Bulgaria. This has resulted in a radical decrease of the
inflation rate and an increase in foreign investment and
the country s currency reserves. The results of the
crackdown on crime and corruption have re-established
respect for law and order.
Here I would like to point out that Bulgaria attaches
great importance to the concerted efforts of the world
community in the fight against organized crime and
terrorism. We look forward to contributing to the efforts
to elaborate the future international convention for the
suppression of terrorist bombings and for the drafting of
a widely accepted text of the statute of the international
criminal court.
We are also committed to draft regional programmes
for preventing organized crime, international terrorism,
illicit drugs and arms trafficking, illicit trade in nuclear
materials and the trafficking of people.
The desire of the Bulgarian Government to join the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the
European Union underlies our foreign policy and is
overwhelmingly supported by the Bulgarian nation. For
us, accession to these institutions is an expression of the
European identity of Bulgaria and an integral element of
the political and economic transformation of the country.
It is a question of immediate national interest and
strategic priority, a matter of choice of civilization; and
not an issue of politics of the day.
26

Bulgaria considers the decisions reached at the NATO
Summit in Madrid as a historic opening of the alliance to
the new European democracies. We feel strongly that the
enlargement should continue as a geographically balanced
process aimed at achieving equal security and stability in
different regions; thus the risks of new dividing lines or
grey zones in Europe would be avoided.
Our Government is making great efforts to intensify
its preparations for accession to the European Union, with
a view to meeting the requirements for membership in the
nearest possible future. We strongly hope for a political
decision by the European Union to start the negotiations
with all associated countries at the beginning of 1998. This
would be a confirmation of the position that all candidate
countries have equal chances of becoming members.
Bulgaria considers these integration processes as a
significant contribution to the strengthening of regional
stability and security in south-eastern Europe. The
Bulgarian Government is making every effort to promote
European standards of international conduct in this part of
the continent. Our approach has been backed by a number
of important initiatives at the regional level. The
cooperation between NATO members and partner countries
in the area is an important element in this process, and
Bulgaria has advanced ideas for an enhanced Euro-Atlantic
cooperation on the security of south-eastern Europe and the
Black Sea.
Bulgaria will also continue to work actively along the
lines of its 1996 initiative for security, stability and
cooperation in south-eastern Europe. We attach great
importance to the coordination of our efforts with the other
initiatives for cooperation in the region, especially with the
Royaumont process launched by the European Union and
the South-east European Cooperative Initiative, sponsored
by the United States.
Our aspiration to non-permanent membership of the
Security Council for the 2002-2003 period demonstrates our
readiness to assume responsibilities for peace and security
both in the region and in a wider international context.
As members know, Bulgaria has suffered tremendous
losses as a result of the strict implementation of the
sanctions imposed by the Security Council against the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro).
Combined with the disadvantages caused by the sanctions
against Libya and Iraq, the total amount of the direct and
indirect costs to Bulgaria is comparable to the country s
foreign debt. Therefore, the Republic of Bulgaria will
continue to attach particular importance to the work being
done within the United Nations system to address more
effectively problems related to the implementation of
Article 50 of the Charter.
We welcome the provisions of the General Assembly
resolutions urging the organizations within the United
Nations system, international financial institutions and
other international bodies to continue to address more
specifically and directly the issue of economic assistance
to third States affected by the implementation of the
sanctions. I should like to draw the Assembly s attention
to the possibility of granting certain exemptions from
sanctions or creating a preferential regime for the most
gravely affected third States. Naturally, these exemptions
and preferences should be in accordance with the Charter.
We believe that the burden of the specific economic
problems created by the sanctions should be fairly
distributed among all third countries and not borne by
neighbouring States only.
We strongly believe that while negotiating with
sanction-affected third countries, the international
financial institutions should take account of the need to
compensate them indirectly.
It is our understanding that the United Nations
specialized agencies play an important role and provide
valuable support to countries in their efforts to achieve
sustainable development. The reforms which are under
way in these agencies need the support of the Member
States. The reform processes in the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations
Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) and other
organizations give us hope of success.
Bulgaria believes that the activities of international
forums and bodies for human rights should be aimed at
ensuring the effective exercise of these rights by every
human being. The implementation of international
standards could be achieved by improving existing
mechanisms and by a constructive and open dialogue on
the most sensitive issues. This approach is not directed a
priori against any country or group of countries. In this
context, Bulgaria attaches high importance to the
guarantees for the human rights of Bulgarians living
abroad and is closely watching the situation of Bulgarian
minorities. We consider respect for the rights of
Bulgarians in neighbouring States and the related
implementation of international human rights standards as
an important factor in the promotion of bilateral relations.
27

The monitoring and the effective control of the
implementation of human rights and fundamental freedoms
remains of critical importance, and Bulgaria reiterates its
support for the efforts of the High Commissioner for
Human Rights. I should like at this point to welcome the
appointment of Ms. Mary Robinson to this high post and to
wish her every success in her activities.
The Bulgarian Government regards the possible spread
of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery
as one of the major concerns of the 1990s. The existing
regimes of multilateral treaties, such as the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the Chemical
Weapons Convention and the Biological Weapons
Convention, provide for basic restrictive norms in this field.
The Republic of Bulgaria supports all international
endeavours to meet the goals of non-proliferation and
stands for a further strengthening of these regimes.
The Conference on Disarmament is an appropriate
forum for negotiations on the elimination of certain types
of conventional weapons. A long-lasting solution should be
found to the problem of anti-personnel landmines, the ban
on which has humanitarian and disarmament aspects and
needs a verification regime. We believe that the text of a
new Convention that would ultimately ban all anti-
personnel landmines, which was agreed at the Oslo
Diplomatic Conference this month, could well serve as a
basis for achieving a comprehensive and widely accepted
international agreement. We also hope that the Ottawa
process and the negotiations in the Conference on
Disarmament will be mutually supportive and will result in
an effective ban on anti-personnel landmines.
In conclusion, finding an adequate solution to these
problems will be impossible without the successful reform
and restructuring of the United Nations Organization and of
all its bodies. Therefore, we expect a decisive breakthrough
in this direction at the present session of the General
Assembly. I am personally convinced that by the end of
this session the United Nations will have changed, and that
this change will be for the better.