102.	To be one of the last speakers in the general debate, which is about to be concluded, entails both advantages and disadvantages. The advantages lie in the fact that, by having listened to so many distinguished and well-informed speakers, one finds it easier to form precise opinions on issues whose intricacies and details are, by their very nature, not all known or not well known to some of us. The disadvantages, on the other hand, are even more obvious, in the sense that one runs the risk of repeating most of the things which have already been said, discussed, stated and analyzed. Being conscious of this, I shall try to limit myself to what I consider to be some of the most essential points.
103.	In joining with all the speakers who have preceded me in expressing to the President of the General Assembly my warmest congratulations on his election to this high office, I trust that my remarks will not be taken as a mere formality. I extend to him my very sincere wishes for his success in his most difficult and delicate task, which still lies ahead. He will be presiding over a session of the General Assembly which might prove to be a landmark in the history of the United Nations, not only because of the renewed effort to promote its universality, but also because of the valid and justified expectation that some significant decisions may be taken and significant progress made as a result of the almost unanimous will, so strongly expressed last year, to take concrete steps towards the furtherance of the purposes and the attainment of the goals of the United Nations.
104.	We all deemed it appropriate, last year, while celebrating that historic event, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, to assess the failures and the achievements of the United Nations. In so doing we reiterated not only our conviction regarding the usefulness of our Organization and our faith in its principles, but also our resolve to do our utmost individually and collectively to make the United Nations succeed in the interest of humanity as a whole.
105.	It was admitted by everybody that it is the Members of the United Nations who are to blame for its failures and it is the Members who can make tLe United Nations succeed. It is the Members who must show respect for the United Nations by fulfilling their obligations under the Charter. It is not necessary to expand any further on that point, for it has been stressed so many times. No cure can be found by merely repeating the diagnosis.
106.	What we did last year, on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary, was to pledge ourselves solemnly to provide the cure, which, if we wish to avail ourselves of it, is within our reach. Last year, as we have been doing every year, we praised the achievements of the United Nations, which are by no means insignificant, whether in the political, economic, technical, legal, cultural, scientific or humanitarian field. In drawing up the balance-sheet of the achievements and the failures of the United Nations, whatever differences and variations may have been observed in individual assessments, the unanimous conclusion was that much more must be done, and indeed can be done, by the United Nations.
107.	Despite the frustrations of the past and the pessimism which was so prevalent over the last few years in regard to the inability of the United Nations to deal in a satisfactory and effective manner with a number of serious problems, it was a good omen and a promising sign that the importance and the authority of the United Nations was generally acknowledged and accepted. This was, in fact, the message which was conveyed to the world from this hall last year.
108.	The fact that we have all agreed that the failures of the United Nations and its shortcomings are exclusively the fault of its Members, the fact that we have all recognized and praised the achievements of the United Nations however limited they may be, the fact that we once again pledged ourselves to the United Nations and its principles, and the fact that from this very hall a message was sent to the world asking it to maintain its faith in the United Nations and to continue to hope for its final success-all of this amounts to a renewed and firmer commitment meaningfully and genuinely to do our utmost faithfully to discharge our obligations and to advance the purposes of the United Nations.
109.	These conclusions and this commitment were repeated again this year, the first session of the General Assembly to be held since our solemn re-dedication last year. It is, therefore, our duty not only to continue to make progress but also to make progress in the right direction and at a quicker pace. But, again, the responsibility lies squarely and solely with the Members. The Members must decide to abide strictly and invariably by the rules and not merely to invoke them when it suits their own interests and not to ridicule the United Nations and its noble task when its rules do not permit them to pursue selfish interests of their own. Nor do some serve the cause of the United Nations in any way when they come to this rostrum full of praise for the Organization while outside it they describe it as a "house of illusions" or signify, in any other manner by words or by deeds, their lack of respect for the United Nations, thus illustrating-to put it mildly -their inconsistency. They cannot be allowed, without
consequence, to break the rules and to boast of being false to their commitments.
110.	We have to choose between international anarchy and t'-.e rule of international law, and it is the United Nations which provides the basic and elementary set of standards of international behavior and conduct. To pay lip-service to the principles of the Charter and to the authority of the United Nations is a form of behavior which was tolerated too much in the past and which should not be tolerated any more in the future. If the United Nations is to become our effective, collective organ for peace and security in the world, as was originally envisaged and as we once again confirmed 25 years later, we must all act always in accord with its rules and principles and not permit deviations and violations, whatever their reason and whatever expediency may lie behind them.
111.	Not forgetting the experience of the past, from which many lessons have been and can still be derived and which must have a great bearing on our attitudes in the future, we must still strive for what we describe every year as a necessity: we must strive to strengthen the United Nations, As we have often said, we should look upon the United Nations not merely as a forum from which to air our grievances, or as a place from which we can freely disseminate propaganda, or as an arena in which to quarrel and argue for the purpose of scoring points for home consumption; on the contrary, we must look upon it as the place in which differences should be smoothed out, problems resolved, crises averted and conflicts eliminated. This should be done on the basis of and in accordance with the accepted standards of international behavior and in conformity with the principles of the Charter, which, in theory, no one in this Organization has ever questioned. It must be stressed that quite often the real and basic purpose of the United Nations is being undermined because its Members-at least some of them-are not honest or courageous enough to accept these principles and criteria in practice. From now on we must more scrupulously protect the honor of the United Nations. Otherwise its achievements will decrease and its failures "will mount, to the detriment of humanity. We are living in a world of many and compelling necessities-necessities that must be met without delay by the international community acting together in harmony. Above all, there is the overwhelming necessity to fulfill the basic prerequisites for lasting peace and security: equality, universal freedom and universal justice.
112.	Mr. President, as has already been suggested, this year's session of the General Assembly may prove to be a historic one. You will be required to guide the Assembly in its deliberations on many crucial issues. Some evidence must be offered to the world to the effect that what was said and declared last year in this hall by the leaders of the world was not simply an empty promise not meant to be fulfilled but an earnest of our readiness and determination to act.
113.	We shall again be inspired this year by the wisdom, the rare personality and the experience of our Secretary- General, for whom it is not possible to find enough words of praise. UThant is the man who has devoted himself to the cause of the United Nations, who has for 10 long years been the dedicated servant of humanity and whose faith in the United Nations has never been shaken, despite the very many adversities with which he has been faced. Through his work and his deeds he has proved that idealism and adherence to principles should not be looked upon as something different or contrary to the so-often advocated need for realism. U Thant has proved that moral principles and moral standards cannot be divorced from a realistic approach to various problems. Foresight and vision would help to convince everyone that this is so. It would indeed be a great blow to the United Nations were U Thant to give up his post, as he has announced he will do. No one can question his right to relinquish his post after such a long, hard and trying, but successful, period of service. He has carried on his shoulders for 10 long years an immense burden of responsibility in a manner that has won for him universal respect and admiration. In paying a tribute to the Secretary-General, I submit that we should fail in our duty to the United Nations if we were not to request him once again to reconsider his decision and carry on with his mission. While we shall continue to benefit from his experience and his advice in the time that lies ahead, we still wish to remain with the hope that he will accept our request to stay on. In this connexion, I fully endorse the remarks on this score made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary in his statement this morning [1964th meeting].
114.	A number of developments are likely to occur during, the next few months. There are many items on the agenda. All of these items are important, but some are bound to receive special attention at this session. Among such items is the question of the representation of China. That issue, which has been regarded until recently as a perennial one, now appears to be nearing solution. There is going to be a full debate on that question very soon, and I therefore consider it unnecessary to go into the matter at any length at this stage. But I do wish to emphasize that a decision to enable the People's Republic of China to occupy its rightful seat in the United Nations, both as a member of the General Assembly and as a permanent member of the Security Council-a decision which, due to well-known circumstances, has been delayed for too long will be the biggest possible step forward towards achieving the goal of universality for the United Nations.
115.	The acknowledgment and acceptance of that reality is most significant. That development will undoubtedly produce an immense change in the United Nations. We believe that, because of that development, together with other great steps and important developments which are occurring in the world today, greater opportunities will arise for better understanding and for an improvement in international relations, and this in turn may contribute to the speedier solution of many problems. We believe that it would be in the interests of the United Nations if that question could be resolved this year.
116.	Of the other questions which are before us, one of paramount importance, which continues to present a potential threat to peace, is the situation in the Middle East. More than four years have gone by since the last war in that area. Almost four years have passed since the Security Council, in its resolution 242 (1967), laid down the foundations for a peaceful and over-all settlement of the Middle East problem. The various efforts which have since been made have produced no results, with the exception of the cease-fire agreement, the significance of which cannot be denied. The problem, however, remains unresolved, and the dangers are ever present.
117.	While there is talk of an effort to achieve a partial agreement with regard to the reopening of the Suez Canal, and while other initiatives, such as the one by the Organization of African Unity, are about to be undertaken; and while there are hopes-due perhaps to some recent developments for the reactivation of Ambassador Jarring's mission, an over-all settlement is not yet in sight. And the people in the area continue to live in conditions of anxiety and agony about their future. And the involvement of the super-Powers remains deep.
118.	Any further delay in tackling the basic issues involved can easily lead to a new explosion with unforeseen consequences. Unless the basic issues are settled, the danger and the threat to international peace and security will not have been eliminated. Resolutions of the United Nations cannot be ignored; the acquisition of territory as a result of war cannot, with the passage of time, become admissible; the drama of so many thousands of refugees cannot go on indefinitely. Partial agreements can help if their result is to increase the chances for an over-all settlement: if they are in the direction of an over-all settlement, and not instead of it. Peace must be secured and ensured, and the basic guidelines are laid down in the resolution of the Security Council of November 1967, which we fully support and have always fully supported. The parties to the conflict must do their utmost to give a new impetus to Ambassador Jarring's mission.
119.	Apart from the specific items which are on our agenda, there are other important and serious questions which, because of their gravity, have been prominent in the general debate. This is not the first time that we hear of the situation in South-East Asia, but we all hope that it will be the last. Despite the fact that no progress has been made in the Paris talks, and despite the fact that the war is still raging, with continued untold human suffering on all sides and which, again, cannot go on forever despite this basically unchanged situation, there is a strong feeling that those involved in the conflict have come to the conclusion that a way must be found to disengage themselves from the battlefield. In this, as in almost ah other cases, the conflict cannot be resolved by war. Here again; as in the case of the Middle JEast, there exists the basis for a peaceful settlement: namely, the Geneva Agreements of 1954.
120.	Wars, apart from their inadmissibility as a method of solving problems, in the world of today cannot solve any problems, as a rule, whatever their outcome. The sooner it is realized that violence and oppression cannot replace conciliation and the rule of justice, the better it will be-for the weak as well as for the strong. This should be borne in mind, in particular, by those through whose actions or policies new wars and new conflicts may arise. The task of the United Nations is not only to try to contain and correct situations which have arisen in the past and continue to exist, or only to stop wars, but also to prevent wars and conflicts. In order to do so, it is the task of the United Nations and of all of us to remove all possible causes of conflict and war, and to ask, and to urge, and to call upon all those who bear some responsibility in each particular case to listen to reason, to reconsider their attitudes and to realize to what situations their wrong policies may lead the world.
121.	In this connexion, I would wish to stress that it would be totally unrealistic if the authorities in South Africa and Rhodesia were to think that they can continue without serious consequences to pursue their policies ex' apartheid and racial discrimination. Serious consequences may also ensue if self-determination is denied to the majorities in those and other Territories, and if freedom is denied to Namibia, and if the remnants of colonialism are not eliminated in Africa and everywhere else, and if human rights continue to be violated and denied in various parts of the world. New sources of wider conflicts will sooner or later be created; again, it would be totally unrealistic to believe that those situations can be perpetuated without posing a grave threat to international peace and security.
122.	It is the task of the United Nations to correct those situations. It is true that, in the field of decolonization, the United Nations has done quite a lot, but the process must be completed, because it is not only a matter of justice that the peoples of those Territories should secure and enjoy conditions of freedom and human dignity, but it is also imperative to eliminate all causes of conflict. Not that conflicts in regard to these situations do not already exist: they do exist. But those conflicts, as time goes by, will become wider and deeper, and it will be much more difficult to solve them. Are we ready, this year, to take a more positive step forward towards implementing out resolutions?
123.	A new issue that does not appear as a specific item of our agenda is the situation that has arisen in East Pakistan. This is a situation we cannot close our eyes to or pretend that we are not aware of its potential dangers. The consequences of the situation in East Pakistan, which has caused millions of refugees to flee into India, may be described as a humanitarian problem, but humanitarian problems usually have their roots in political situations. The Secretary-General has put the proper emphasis on this issue, and he himself has undertaken commendable initiatives, there must be a follow-up. No one wishes to interfere in the domestic affairs of an independent State Member of the United Nations, but the humanitarian aspect of the problem has acquired such dimensions that the international community will have to play a more active role, and, in so doing, it cannot overlook the real causes of the problem. Let us look at this problem also from the same point of view we took in looking at all other problems: is it or is it not possible that this situation, if it is not contained and speedily corrected, may lead to conflict with wider repercussions?
124.	It would be both difficult and repetitive to refer to all the problems composing the present international situation, but to counterbalance the pessimism that prevails with regard to some-not all-of the problems to which I have referred, I believe I should emphasize the marked improvement that has taken place in the course of the last two years in Europe. Although the developments in Europe-the progress that has been made, the lessening of tensions between East and West and the propitious conditions that have been created, this time promising a real detente, which we all hope will continue are not the direct result of United Nations activities, they cannot be considered irrelevant to the United Nations. After all, the basic pursuit of the United Nations is international peace and security, and it is in that respect that what has been achieved in Europe has great relevance. The Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin of 3 September 1971, the Treaty signed earlier between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany, and all the other developments justify many hopes for further progress to the extent that a European conference on security and co-operation as it was well described and analyzed by the Foreign Minister of France during the first few days of this general debate [1942nd meeting, para. 51] ~can now be considered almost a certainty. The significance of such a conference will not be limited to Europe or to the countries expected to participate. The more progress that is made in Europe, the easier will be the task of the United Nations in pursuing its primary objective.
125.	The great and rapid changes that are occurring in the economic field, the action which is necessary not only to readjust economic relation and trade patterns but also urgently to expedite the development of the less developed countries, and therefore the necessity for some further planning by the appropriate agencies of the United Nations, also require special attention this year, as indeed do many other issues and problems. Questions relating to the Second United Nations Development Decade, to disarmament and to the implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)] are also of special significance and deserve proper attention.
126.	It is clear from what has been stated in this debate, which we are about to conclude, that we all feel the necessity for a new, determined effort to further the basic pursuits of the United Nations, to complete the process of decolonization that has been undertaken with success by the United Nations and to eradicate the last vestiges and remnants of colonialism, foreign occupation and racial discrimination. We have also concluded and stressed the necessity for providing the United Nations with wider and greater authority in regard to the removal and elimination of all causes of conflict and war, including poverty, slavery, non-respect for human rights, interference with the sovereignty and independence of States, expansionism and gunboat diplomacy. Those are some of the targets we have set ourselves, in a renewed effort, to pursue with more vigor in and through the United Nations at the beginning of a new chapter in its history, after the completion of a relatively successful quarter-century of life.
127.	Before I conclude, and with your indulgence, let me refer to the present situation with regard co Cyprus. For the last three years, we have been having a period of uneasy calm. We have been doing our best to preserve the peace. But it would be. very wrong to take the attitude that we should be content to live with the problem. Problems must be solved. Despite its apparent complexity-as 1 have often had the opportunity to explain and analyse in this Assembly and in the Security Council-the Cyprus problem can easily be solved if the objective criteria and standards laid down by the United Nations in its resolutions and if the principles laid down in its Charter are strictly adhered to and implemented. Those have always been our guiding criteria. That has always been our policy, and this will remain our policy until a solution is finally reached. I am sure that all in this Assembly will agree that force cannot solve this problem, or indeed any other problem. In this respect I wish to state most emphatically once again that we are committed to a peaceful solution. But on the other hand, we cannot bow to the wishes of others, nor can we accept any curtailment of our sovereignty or independence; we cannot accept anything that may lead our small island to division or partition, or anything that would be contrary to the wishes of the vast majority of the people, who are firmly committed to the principles of democracy and to the Charter. The local talks that have been going on for three years have unfortunately yielded no results, and they are now in a state of deadlock. Who is to blame? That will soon be established, but it is certainly not those who wish to preserve and ensure the unity of the State.
128. Our policy may be summarized as follows: First of all, we aim at preserving the peace. That is the most immediate objective. Secondly, we aim at further improving the internal situation. We believe that that would contribute to the creation of even better internal conditions.
129.	Thirdly, we aim at securing a solution within the framework of the United Nations, in accordance with the Charter and in conformity with the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. In this respect, any initiatives and any new procedures should emanate from, and should be within the framework of, the United Nations and in conformity with its resolutions.
130.	Finally, we aim at a solution on the basis of a unitary, fully sovereign and really independent State. Any kind of divisive arrangements are completely unacceptable. At the appropriate moment we shall explain in more detail our concept of unity as well as the philosophy of division to which we refuse to subscribe.
131.	We shall continue to do our utmost to find a peaceful solution, a solution which will secure for all the citizens of Cyprus, irrespective of ethnic origin or religion, conditions of equality, happiness and prosperity. And, I submit, we know better how this could come about than others outside the country. Although Cyprus is a very small State, it is an equal and full Member of the United Nations. It is a State which, like all the other States, is entitled to enjoy the same rights, the same privileges and the same opportunities as others, and it is ready to discharge to the full its obligations which, by virtue of the Charter and the resolutions, all States are obliged to respect and fulfill. Despite our efforts, which I repeat we shall continue, and despite the simplicity of the problem which we have in detail repeatedly explained and analyzed both in the Security Council and in the General Assembly as we would have no difficulty in doing again and as we shall do if the necessity arises we have not yet been able to secure a solution on the lines that I have described. But we are determined to continue with our effort.
132.	I hope and trust that in this effort we shall continue to have the assistance of the United Nations in which we have as is well known from the very beginning placed our faith and our. hopes. And we are confident that the United Nations and its appropriate organs will spare no effort to assist and protect one of the smallest, but at the same time, may I humbly submit, one of the most faithful Members of the Organization.
133.	By way of conclusion, I wish, on behalf of Cyprus, to reiterate our faith in the United Nations and to place on record once again our readiness, within our limited possibilities, to play our role in the common effort to strengthen the United Nations, whose high and noble principles and purposes we shall continue to serve with dedication and absolute devotion.


225.	 Mr. President, I should like to associate myself with the speakers who have spoken before me from this rostrum, and convey to you, on behalf of my Government and my country, my sincere congratulations on your being elected to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I am very pleased that you were chosen to conduct our debates since your qualities are an earnest for the success of the work of the twenty-sixth session, of which each of us expects that it will mark a decisive turning point in the unrelenting struggle being waged in the United Nations to preserve peace throughout the world.
226.	It is with equal pleasure that I address to Mr. Hambro my warmest congratulations for the remarkable way in which he conducted the discussions of the previous session.
227.	It is also my delegation's duty to pay a particular tribute to the Secretary-General for the tremendous work ht accomplished during his term of office. Summoned to this office, as he was, at a tragic moment in history,
J Thant was able to discharge his functions admirably thanks to his outstanding qualities as a great diplomat and, why should we not say it, as a man, by shedding light on the international situation, which at that time was so confused.
228.	In view of his refusal to accept a third term of office, a refusal the reasons for which we fully understand, may we express the hope that the problem of his succession will be considered by the Assembly with due calm and realism. We believe that in view of the incalculable services which have been rendered the Organization by the Secretary-General, in view of the fact that very shortly a certain number of objectives will be realized, for which he personally fought, it is our duty to see to it that his succession will, above all and exclusively, take account of the major interest of the international community.
229.	In other words, whether this succession be taken over by U Thant himself or by anyone else in whom we have placed our confidence, our hope is that the tremendous work that has to be done to serve world peace, and which has been started by the present Secretary-General, will be continued.
230.	Finally, the Government and the people of the Congo are gratified that the United Nations family has admitted the States of Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar, whose presence among us eloquently reflects the universal character which should remain one of the essential features of our Organization.
231.	Despite certain changes that have occurred in the relations among the great Powers since our last session, the essential problems which we referred to at that time still remain before us in their entirety. Throughout the world, unfortunately, we cannot fail to note that the aggressive trend of the world system of imperialism continues to be accentuated. With the new characteristics of contemporary imperialism, which lias taken on a collective form, we are witnessing every day, in various places, the regrouping of imperialist forces as soon as the interests of international monopolies are threatened by the legitimate struggle for the national liberation of oppressed peoples. On every occasion, the machinery of the world system of imperialism is set in motion in order to thwart those regimes which have decided to concentrate their efforts on bringing about their total liberation and safeguarding and consolidating their dignity, their personality and their sovereignty. It is precisely through military blocs and through diplomatic coalitions or by the combined action of sabotage and economic blockade, through these aggressive attitudes, which are subtle and perfidious, that these agents of evil attempt to quell .the resolve of the exploited peoples to struggle.
232.	Do I need to cite examples of this on-going aggression of imperialism, its callous and savage violence against the third world? The scandalous and shameful complicity which benefits the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia, the criminal support which is so lavishly accorded to Portugal Portugal which is both atavistic and colonialist the threat which from day to day hangs like a sword of Damocles over the regimes in Asia, Latin America and Africa which are subjected to the basest forms of
blackmail, the conspiracy of silence which cynically surrounds the crimes perpetrated by American imperialism and its by-products in Viet-Nam, in Cambodia, in Laos, all these constitute eloquent examples of Machiavellian machinations which each of us has a duty to unmask and to denounce.
233.	During the twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization, with its accompanying euphoria, when the flow of oratory ran unchecked, we were promised a world of peace, of freedom, of prosperity, a world would be cast in the mold of brotherhood and international co-operation. If we take a closer look, we catch ourselves suspecting the tremendous credulity which at that time appeared to affect the international community. The same problems, the same danger spots, the same aggressors, who are just as favored and unpunished as they were then, the same victims-such is the harsh reality of facts, the rude awakening of the world of today.
234.	It is really distressing to note that 11 years after the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and notwithstanding the numerous appeals that have been made to it both by the United Nations and the OAU, Portugal continues to wage a war which is as barbarous as it is stupid, as unjust as it is devastating, in order, they believe, to ensure the survival of a system of domination and oppression which is the greatest anachronism of our time and, consequently, an intolerable affront to man's conscience.
235.	Unfortunately, it appears that in its refusal to believe in the ireversibility of the historical process the most backward country in Europe is enjoying the complicity of the NATO Powers, which make available to it their military, financial, diplomatic and political machinery.
236.	The numerous discussions which have been held on this matter in all the bodies of the United Nations have proved abundantly that, were it not for the connivance of the imperialist Powers at the Lisbon regime in its criminal enterprise in Africa, Portugal, a small country, would long ago have suffered the verdict of history. However, the truth is that the heroic and resolute struggle of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) to recover their inalienable rights to freedom and independence will triumph, certainly sooner than the assassins of Africa and the other traitors in our continent can imagine.
237.	The People's Republic of the Congo, once again this year, has been confirmed in its fears, which we have frequently had occasion to express from this rostrum, regarding the dangers with which the war of extermination waged by the Portuguese in Africa overshadows the entire continent, more particularly those countries which border on the combat areas.
238.	After having desperately practiced a systematic scorched earth policy in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau), Portugal, which is a bridgehead of imperialism in Africa, is indulging in overt acts of aggression against independent countries in Africa.
239.	Who can be unaware of the flagrant and persistent violations of the frontier regions of Zambia, the United
Republic of Tanzania, the People's Republic of the Congo, Guinea and Senegal carried out by Portugal, which have been the object of numerous complaints brought before various bodies of the United Nations? Is not the aggression perpetrated by Portugal last November against the sister Republic of Guinea still fresh in our memories? Everyone knows that since March of this year, Portugal has declared a blockade against Zambia by refusing to allow transit through the ports of Mozambique, for commodities going to or coming from that country.
240.	For all African countries-particularly those bordering on territories under colonial domination it is an imperative duty to help those peoples throw off the yoke of oppression. The People's Republic of the Congo, faithful to its ideals and commitments, has continually carried out this noble duty, and because of that now finds itself up against a campaign of systematic defamation marshaled against it by Portugal and its NATO allies by posing a permanent threat of aggression to our country. In fact, Portugal and its NATO mentors are still openly recruiting mercenaries in European capitals to consummate their heinous crime and to plunge our country into wretchedness.
241.	In the meantime, those of our towns that are situated near the theater of war are pillaged by Portuguese hordes and our peaceful citizens and even their children are abducted from their homes by Portuguese commandos. We no longer bring these serious and repeated facts before bodies of the United Nations as we have done in the past. A country like the People's Republic of the Congo, attached to peace and placing its hopes in the United Nations, wishes above all to rely on its own strength by mobilizing its entire people in order to check aggression wherever it may originate.
242.	We have always said and frequently repeated that the problems in southern Africa are the result of the continuing colonial domination imposed on millions of Africans by minority and racist regimes and because of the existence of an illegal regime in Rhodesia in total contempt of the legitimate aspirations of those peoples, in violation of the provisions of the Charter and of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
243.	In addition to this we see the denial of fundamental human rights to the majority of Africans as the result of the criminal and inhuman policy of apartheid and the continued occupation by force of the international Territory of Namibia by the Pretoria regime, which still refuses to apply the pertinent General Assembly resolutions and Security Council decisions which withdrew its mandate over this territory.
244.	Faced with such a situation, the United Nations has-we are unfortunately forced to admit-displayed a manifest inability to act. We know that this regrettable failure cannot be ascribed to a lack of goodwill on the part of most of the Member States but rather to the attitude of certain Powers, which, in order to safeguard their selfish economic interests, have continually refused to discharge the obligations which are incumbent upon them under the Charter. These same Powers, applying the theory of divide
and conquer, have initiated the idea of a so-called dialog which is nothing but a red herring designed to distract the attention of world public opinion at a time when the international campaign against racism and racial discrimination is beginning to gain ground.
245.	Practically all of Africa .has rejected this idea of dialog because the African leaders and peoples refuse to bargain with the freedom of their brothers who are waging a pitiless struggle against the forces of foreign domination so that justice and liberty may triumph.
246.	Need we recall that the year 1971 was proclaimed the International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination [resolution 2544 (XXIV)] in order to incite the United Nations to redouble its efforts in the field of decolonization?
247.	We venture to express the hope that the moving appeal which Mr. Moktar Ould Daddah, President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania and President of the Organization for African Unity addressed to the Security Council at its 1583rd meeting and to the international conscience on behalf of the African peoples and Governments has been heard, and it is our profound hope that justice will be done.
248.	The Congolese people, its Party and Government, faithful to the sacred principle of the right of peoples to self-determination, has always unstintingly supported national liberation movements and all those progressive forces which, are struggling throughout the world against colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism and for independence, justice and peace.
249.	It is in this spirit that we give unconditional support to the valiant peoples of Viet-Nam, Cambodia and Laos who are heroically resisting the barbarous aggression of American imperialism and its allies. In Viet-Nam and Cambodia, despite the use of mechanized warfare to an extent equaled only by its stubborn relentlessness, American imperialists are going from defeat to defeat. The People's Republic of the Congo condemns outright the acts of aggression perpetrated by American imperialism in Viet-Nam, and demands settlement of the Viet-Namese problem on the basis of the proposals enunciated by the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam. My delegation believes that these proposals constitute a reasonable basis for negotiation.
250.	The Korean problem, whose consideration has been deferred to the next session of the General Assembly following a lengthy discussion, also claims the attention of my delegation. By that decision, our Organization once again has associated itself with an imperialist enterprise, the object of which is to perpetuate the division of Korea.
251.	In fact, after more than 20 years, by using various stratagems and delaying tactics, the Government of the United States of America and its allies are perpetrating a gross and dangerous fiction in the United Nations whereby it is made to underwrite their criminal aggressions against the people of Korea. For some years now, various delegations, including that of the People's Republic of the Congo,
have denounced this scandalous use of the United Nations, to counter the legitimate rights of the Korean people. In the past we demanded and we continue to demand now that an end be put to this bizarre connivance which exists between the United Nations and the occupation troops of the United States so that favorable conditions may be created to ensure the peaceful unification of Korea.
252.	I am gratified to be able to say that today, after more than 20 years of errors and mystification, that the Organization has reverted to wisdom and common sense in the matter of restoring to the People's Republic of China its legitimate rights in our Organization. This is a victory for the oppressed peoples.
253.	The historic debate on this important issue which will open this year will henceforth be clear, without any ambiguity, at any rate devoid of the subterfuges which have hitherto been employed by the Government in Washington whenever it has been a question of redressing the serious injustice committed against the largest nation on earth.
254.	The entire world now realizes that there is but one China. The island of Taiwan is an integral part of the People's Republic of China and has arrogated to itself the status of a pseudo-State, thanks to international imperialist conspiracies, following the crushing defeat inflicted by the Chinese national liberation army on the Chiang Kai-shek clique. This clique has so far been able to maintain itself artificially on the Chinese island of Taiwan because of the support of the United States army of aggression.
255.	Today the entire world understands the emptiness of the claims advanced by this clique in Formosa that it will reconquer the continent,
256.	Finally, the entire world, if it is not yet aware of it, should henceforth realize that all those accusations which have been leveled against China by imperialism are vile maneuvers intended to mask the truth.
257.	Today, this truth shines forth in its burning reality to teach those who have been won over by the imperialist campaign of distortion that the Chinese people, guided by its outstanding leader, Mao Tse-tung, desires only one thing: to draw closer to the other peoples of the world, to co-operate with them in all sincerity, in a completely disinterested spirit, strictly obscuring the sacred principles of equality among States, great or small, mutual respect and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other countries.
258.	In so far as the Congolese people is concerned, we are gratified by the degree of fruitful co-operation and the sincere friendship which have bound us with the Chinese people for over seven years now. In the context of these extremely friendly relations, we have learned to know the Chinese people, whose modesty and creative capacity need no praise and should serve as an example to more than one Government which, undoubtedly through ignorance, but in any case erroneously, believes that the greatness of a country can only be measured by the number of its inhabitants, forgetting in so doing that the will to build itself up in peace with all nations and the capacity to create its own independent existence also serve to increase the strength and greatness of a people.
259.	It is for all these reasons that the People's Republic of the Congo has always demanded that our Organization immediately rectify the grave injustice committed by the international community against the People's Republic of China, the great and peace-loving people of China, and thus benefit from its numerous valuable experiences.
260.	Turning now to the situation in the Near East, I should like to affirm once again *hat the People's Republic of the Congo has always been in favor of a peaceful settlement of any conflict. Hence, we support the mission recently entrusted by the OAU to 10 heads of States members of that organization. In looking for ways and means which would be likely to lead to a lasting solution to this conflict, however, the fundamental interests of the people of Palestine should under no circumstances be misinterpreted or sacrificed. Our thoughts should be turned towards these people who have been driven from their lands and who have been reduced to international beggary and condemned to endless wandering. This heroic people has known the most cruel of all fates. It is time that each of us becomes fully aware of the extent of the Palestinian tragedy.
261.	The purposes which the founders of the United Nations sought to pursue in the vital areas of economic, social and humanitarian development, have become the vehicles for the expression of national egoisms, watching jealously from the battlements of their ivory towers. How far removed we are from the principles defined in the Preamble and in Articles 1 and 55 of the Charter, which record the overriding importance of economic and social development in the world, on which international peace and security depend. The threefold objective of solidarity in the face of aggression, solidarity in the face of poverty and solidarity in the face of the violation of those human rights and freedoms which are fundamental for all, which are the corner-stone of the United Nations, is constantly scorned by those who dream of domesticating the Organization. Instead of observing, as recommended by the Charter, the universal and effective respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, imperialism in its unassuaged thirst for the domination of small nations, is only concerned with greedily exploiting the soil and the subsoil of the developing peoples, guided exclusively by the ambition to continue realizing even greater profits.
262.	One can understand in these circumstances why the frenzied imperialist monopolies are attempting to oppose in every way, as they have always done and are still doing, the institution in their zones of influence of regimes that are resolved to break away from the inertia of the colonial condition and to build up an independent national economy. With the taste of defeat in its mouth imperialism continually threatens our still fragile independence in a desperate desire to reconquer the positions which it knows it has lost. Coups d'etat, attempted coups d'etat, blackmail, maneuvers to perpetuate socio-political differences between the African States in order to better divide them, to dominate them, to daunt their fighting spirit in order to exploit them-these are some of the harsh aspects of this
monopolistic and exploiting system which is a serious threat to peace and co-operation among peoples.
263.	The first United Nations Development Decade which ended in failure has shown that the international economic order, suffers from a lack which is more fundamental than the simple shortage of capital and skilled labor which affects the poor countries. We can affirm that, far from favoring the process of development in the poor countries, the attitude of the rich nations simply hampers it, precisely because, since they previously exercised authority in the colonies, the imperialist Powers have taken decisions concerning infrastructure, trade flows, training of labor and import preferences which have resulted in confining development solely to the types of primary commodities which served to meet the needs of their own industries.
264.	Hence, it is clear that whatever efforts are made, no tangible or satisfactory progress can ever be made unless the industrialized Powers revise the selfish and outmoded conception of the structure of international trade they have so far had.
265.	Since we are beginning the Second Development Decade proclaimed by the United Nations [resolution 2626 (XXV)] it is therefore imperative that the countries of the third world react swiftly to create the necessary psychological impact. Indeed, the time is at hand for the poor countries to become acutely aware of the need to organize themselves, so that they may contribute positively to finding solutions to their development problems.
266.	I could not complete my present statement without warmly commending the goodwill shown by international institutions, which is so well known. But objectivity obliges me to state that the capacity of these institutions to change present conditions remains under par.
267.	I have just set forth the views of my Government on the major problems of the hour, whose solution could undoubtedly bring States Members of the Organization to understanding, co-operation and international peace.
268.	By working patiently, assiduously and with perseverance and accepting the full measure of our responsibilities and our duties, we will be able to look forward with optimism to the settlement of these problems.
269.	History will judge us by the way in which we prepare the future for the generations of tomorrow, the way in which we understand the aspirations and the wishes of our peoples and the way in which we promote the cause of peace.
270.	This is what the President of the People's Republic of the Congo, H.E. Marien Ngouabi, has always taught us and this is also the message which he instructed me to transmit to the General Assembly on behalf of the Congolese Labor Party and the Council of State.


112.	  Mr. President. I am happy to convey to you our sincere congratulations on your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We are fortunate that our work will be carried out under the guidance of a man who plays an active part in present-day political developments as Foreign Minister of his country and whom we esteem as an experienced statesman.
113.	I further wish to associate myself with the expressions of appreciation by previous speakers to the outgoing President, Edvard Hambro, The distinguished and dignified manner in which he directed the commemorative session of the General Assembly of the United Nations last year confirmed the feelings of gratification with which we had welcomed his election.
114.	I should also like to pay a sincere tribute to Secretary-General U Thant for the devotion and dedication with which he has continued to work for the cause of international peace and co-operation.
115.	May I take this opportunity to convey our best wishes to the delegations of Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar? We welcome the admission of those three States as a further step towards the achievement of universality of the United Nations.
116.	It is our firm conviction that the high goals and purposes of the United Nations can be reached only on the basis of universality. It is in this spirit that the Austrian Government firmly supports all measures conducive to bringing about, without any further delay, the participation of the People's Republic of China in the work of the United Nations.
117.	We sincerely hope that it will also be possible in the near future to admit the divided countries to membership in the world Organization.
118.	Last year's commemoration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization afforded the opportunity of a retrospective appraisal. A review of the first 25 years has revealed with great clarity the limitations imposed on the Organization by political and historical realities. At the same time, we have become even more clearly aware of the potential and value of its work.
119.	An appraisal carried out in retrospect over a longer period of time enables us not only to grasp the complex problems facing the United Nations when confronted with the urgency of taking rapid, effective decisions in acute political crises, but also to realize the constructive role that it can and indeed does play in the long run as an agent and element in the process of international politics,
120.	At the beginning of this session of the General Assembly, our attention is focused once again upon the great unsolved international conflicts. We realize with a sense of frustration how limited the contribution of the United Nations has been towards the peaceful settlement of the military confrontation in Indo-China. As in past years, we express our deep concern at the continuation of the conflict and voice our sense of shock at the human suffering that every new day of war brings to the population of Indo-China. This year, however, we believe we see some sign of a turn of the tide, indicating a de-escalation of the confrontation. Convinced that a solution to this conflict can be found only through negotiations and not through military means, we renew our appeal to all parties to the conflict to create conditions that will facilitate a peaceful settlement.
121.	Nor has it been possible to neutralize another dangerous crisis area of recent years, one which affects Europe directly the Middle East. I should like to express our profound concern at the serious situation prevailing in that region, which was recently even aggravated by the flare-up of military activities.
122.	Although the United Nations has not been able to find a solution to this deep-rooted conflict, it has taken a number of steps in the Middle East crisis which, we are convinced, could be of considerable help in settling the conflict. In its resolution 242 (1967), the Security Council has established the basis for a solution in the Middle East. Austria fully supports that resolution and considers it imperative that conditions should be created which would enable Ambassador Jarring, whose impartiality and objectivity are universally recognized, to activate his mission in order to pave the way for a settlement of the dispute. During the past year repeated efforts to reach a solution in the Middle East conflict have been undertaken but we regret that these efforts have not produced tangible results. In view of the complexity of the problem, we feel that partial arrangements could constitute a valuable first step on the road to a comprehensive solution.
123.	The current year has brought into the forefront of our concern another crisis with grave consequences and, inevitably, with international repercussions. The tragic succession of events in East Pakistan gives cause for deep dismay. Millions of people have sought refuge in India. The immense sufferings of the population of this region must prompt generous international aid. We appreciate the efforts of the Secretary-General in this context. Austria is to be counted among those that have already contributed to international humanitarian assistance for the people concerned, and we shall endeavor to continue our aid. Tragic events on such a vast scale call for combined assistance by all peoples and for purposeful action by the United Nations. Here, indeed, lies a genuine field of action for all members of the international community.
124.	At the same time we must not lose sight of the fact that, as the Secretary-General has pointed out: .. the basic problem can be solved only if a political solution based on reconciliation and the respect of humanitarian principles is achieved" [A/8401/Add.l, para. 191].
125.	It is also extremely regrettable that there has been no improvement in the situation in the southern part of Africa where, as the result of a policy of racial discrimination raised to the status of official doctrine, a center of unrest and conflict has been created. In view of the persistence of this situation, which has preoccupied the General Assembly for many years, I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate the firm rejection by the Austrian Government of any policy of discrimination, and of the apartheid policy in particular. We have full understanding for the concern felt by the African States at this problem and for the efforts of the United Nations aimed at eliminating this policy by peaceful means.
126.	In my statement before the General Assembly last year [1855th meeting], I welcomed the decision of ihe Security Council, as reflected in its resolution 284 (1970), requesting an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice regarding " 'the legal consequences for States of the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia'". The position which the Court has now taken in its advisory opinion  flows logically from earlier decisions of this Organization which placed Namibia under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. The highest judicial organ of the United Nations has thus clearly established the illegality of the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia. The Security Council and the General Assembly will have to take the Opinion of the Court into very serious consideration, I am convinced that, ultimately, justice and equality, rather than the doctrine of racial inequality and racial prejudice, will come to bear also in southern Africa.
127.	I have already emphasized the merits of a retrospective review over a longer period of time in assessing the work of the United Nations. This appears to be of particular relevance for the efforts regarding disarmament and the control and limitation of armament.
128.	Recent years have brought us a series of concrete and significant, though admittedly marginal, international agreements on the limitation and control of armaments: the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], the partial test-ban Treaty,  the outer space Treaty,  and, last year, the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof [resolution 2660 (XXV), annex].
129.	Hopefully, we shall be able to take a further step at this year's session: a convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological weapons and on their destruction, Austria supports the efforts to bring about such a convention and will advocate the adoption of a final draft by the General Assembly at its current session.
130.	Nevertheless, we consider it essential that such a convention should be followed by an early agreement on a similar convention on chemical weapons. The 192,5 Geneva Protocol  constitutes a good basis in this respect.
131.	In this context I wish to stress the importance of fully implementing all disarmament agreements that have already been concluded. Of particular importance is the activity of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in the implementation of the Non-ProHferation Treaty. Only recently, on behalf of the Austrian Government, I signed in Vienna an Agreement between Austria and the IAEA on Safeguards as called for in article III of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, making Austria one of the first States to conclude such an agreement with the IAEA.
132.	I should like to appeal to the nuclear Powers to honor the obligations they have accepted in article VI of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and to engage in negotiations on effective measures relating to a cessation of the nuclear arms race and to nuclear disarmament. We do recognize, however, the determined efforts made by the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in the current Strategic Arms Limitation Talks held alternately in Vienna and Helsinki. The hope seems to be justified that an agreement between the two Powers will promote confidence between them and in this way reduce the dangerous threat to the survival of mankind.
133.	Austria has always supported and will continue to support all measures and initiatives aimed at achieving genuine disarmament and control of armament?;. In this spirit we welcome the proposal to convene a world disarmament conference.
134.	No continent throughout its history has had to suffer the terrible consequences of the use of force as much as Europe. It is therefore understandable that Austria, located at the center of that continent and particularly affected by the conflagrations of past decades, should regard the maintenance of peace, stability and security in Europe as one of the principal concerns of its foreign policy. We consequently welcome all efforts towards strengthening security in Europe. We therefore welcomed last year the signing of the treaties between the Soviet Union, Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany and we now welcome the signing on 3 September of the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin as significant steps in this direction.
135.	The time now appears ripe to proceed to more active preparation of a conference on security and co-operation in Europe. We continue to give our full support to such a conference,
136.	Austria's desire to create a climate of mutual confidence in its part of Europe has been and continues to
12 Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in Wai' of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gasep, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, signed at Geneva on 17 June 1925 (League of Nations, Treaty Series, vol. XCIV(1929), No. 2138).
be the guideline for all its efforts to solve by negotiations all problems with neighboring States.
137.	In this spirit, a problem which particularly preoccupies Austria and which has for many years strained the relations between Austria and Italy could be brought closer to a solution by negotiation: the problem of South Tyrol.
138.	It will be recalled that the General Assembly dealt with the problem in 1960 and 1961 and in its resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI) urged Austria and Italy to resume negotiations with a view to finding a solution for all differences relating to the implementation of the Paris agreement of 5 September 1946.  The purpose of the Paris agreement is to guarantee the German-speaking inhabitants of the Province of Bozen complete equality of rights with the Italian-speaking inhabitants, within the framework of special provisions to safeguard the ethnical character and the cultural and economic development of tile German-speaking population.
139.	Last year, I was able to inform the General Assembly that, after nine years of efforts, Austria and Italy had agreed on a proposal for the solution of their differences, with each party reserving its legal position. The proposal provides for an extension of the autonomy of South Tyrol by the passing of a constitutional law, ordinary laws, executive regulations under the constitutional law and administrative decrees, in accordance with a time-table called "calendar of operations".
140.	I am glad to be able to inform the Assembly today that Austria and Italy have made further progress in implementing the calendar of operations since the last session of the General Assembly. Thus, the constitutional law on the extension of the autonomy of South Tyrol was given its first reading by the Italian Parliament in June of this year. The second reading is under way. In July of this year the two Governments signed a treaty according to which the provisions of chapter I of the European Convention for the peaceful settlement of disputes  should be applicable to disputes between Austria and Italy regarding the interpretation and application of bilateral agreements between the two States, even in those cases where the disputes involve facts or situations relating to a time prior to the entry into force of that Convention.
141.	There is good reason to expect that the aforementioned constitutional law will be given final approval by the Italian Parliament in the course of the coming months.
142.	The Italian Government has, with two exceptions, already introduced drafts of the ordinary laws provided for in addition to the constitutional law; I do not wish to dwell on these two exceptions at this moment, on the assumption that the relevant drafts will be introduced in the near future.
143.	The progress so far achieved in the implementation of the calendar of operations has resulted in a noticeable further improvement in Austro-Italian relations. This found
clear expression during my official visit to Italy in July of this year. There is good reason to assume that the present development, based on the implementation, in letter and in spirit, of the still outstanding measures for South Tyrol, and a sympathetic attitude on the part of the Italian Government towards the needs of the South Tyrolean ethnic group, may lead to ever closer and more friendly relations between the two neighboring countries, Austria and Italy. Austria is sincerely interested in such a development.
144.	Permit me now to touch upon three subjects in regard to which I consider increased activity by the United Nations to be both valuable and necessary.
145.	First of all there is the problem of international aid in natural disasters and similar cases. Repeatedly in past years we have been deeply moved by such events as they occurred in different regions of the world and in differing circumstances. We wish to pay a high tribute to the work of the International Red Cross and other national and international relief organizations in this field. We are also aware of the important assistance that many Governments render to the victims of such disasters. The United Nations has also been able to help in past years, though to a limited extent.
146.	Yet it seems to me that the United Nations could ply a more dynamic part whenever such disasters occur. Human tragedies on a scale such as we have experienced in the natural catastrophes of past years call for much more generous and effective international aid within the framework of our Organization.
147.	The present session of the General Assembly will receive reports from the Secretary-General and recommendations by the Economic and Social Council in this connexion. The Austrian delegation will strongly support all efforts towards a fundamental reshaping and a considerable strengthening of the effectiveness of the role of the United Nations in international disaster relief and will advocate concrete measures to ensure that our objectives can in fact be achieved.
148.	A second pr which would require a stronger involvement of the United Nations is that of the control of narcotic and other drugs. Austria fully supports recent initiatives undertaken by the Secretary-General and designed to give the United Nations a more significant part to play in the international drive against drug abuse.,
149.	There is a third point which, in my view, demands particular attention by the United Nations. The problems of the- younger generation have assumed increased importance for all Governments. For the United Nations it is imperative that youth should continue to feel involved in the work of the Organization, and it will be of special importance for the United Nations to seek a new commitment of the younger generation to the purposes and the ideals of the United Nations. Austria intends to submit specific proposals to this effect in due course.
150.	In recent years the United Nations has considerably widened the scope of its activities. The Organization has directed its attention to a series of technical and scientific areas which require new and imaginative patterns of international co-operation. Austria supports this trend, as we believe that it will in turn favorably influence the political scene by eliminating possible areas of friction.
151.	We are happy that two world-wide organizations which have produced such new approaches to international co-operation in the fields of atomic energy and industrial development have their headquarters in Vienna. In acting as host country to the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA] and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization [UNIDO] we have given concrete proof of our belief in and our support of the United Nations. Let me recall here that the Austrian Government has put provisional accommodation at the disposal of those two organizations thus enabling them to become fully operational.
152.	As to the planning and the construction of the permanent headquarters of the IAEA and UNIDO in Vienna, the Austrian Government and the City of Vienna, after consultation with the two organizations, have made a final decision on the most suitable design. The size of the project has also been decided upon. Planning in detail, which is done in contact with the two organizations, has already started. Construction is expected to begin in the near future. The Austrian Government and the City of Vienna will provide, at their own expense, office accommodation for a total of 4,500 persons by 1981. With the completion of the construction project in the above- mentioned size which represents approximately a doubling of the original Austrian offer the Austrian Government considers its obligations towards the United Nations in this respect as fulfilled,
153.	In adopting the International Development Strategy for the Second Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] the United Nations last year enacted a bold and forward-looking global concept for economic and social development. We have now entered the phase of giving shape and effect to the program as set out in that historic document, and of devising the necessary machinery to review and appraise the progress achieved. This task will require the streamlining of action and the increased deployment of the United Nations machinery as well as maximum co-ordination within the United Nations system. In dealing with the various and complex organizational aspects of implementing the Development Strategy, our main preoccupation must be to ensure that the momentum which has been engendered by the adoption of the Strategy is not lost. My Government is ready to support all measures which will enable the United Nations to meet the challenge of this decade. We pledge this support in our firm belief that economic and social progress form the indispensable basis for peace, freedom and justice.


1.	 Mr. President, I feel happy and privileged to be able, in my capacity as Prime Minister of Malaysia, to deliver my first address to the General Assembly under your distinguished Presidency. I have had the pleasure of working closely with you over many years during which we have collaborated together (to forge ever-closer relations between our two neighboring countries and to strengthen regional ties among the countries of South-East Asia. From my long and close association with you I have come to know and to admire your remarkable attributes as a courageous leader of Indonesia and a wise and far-sighted statesman of Asia. Now with you as its President this General Assembly is assured of brisk, impartial and effective guidance of its affairs. It is with special pleasure, therefore, that I offer my sincere congratulations to you on your election as President of the General Assembly.
2.	I wish to take this opportunity to convey to your distinguished predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, my delegation's warm admiration and thanks for his patient and statesmanlike leadership in steering the historic and difficult twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly to a successful conclusion.
3.	My decision to come to the United Nations at the first available opportunity upon assuming office as Prime Minister of my country just a year ago reflects my Government's continued commitment to the ideals and the purposes and principles of the Charter. It also reflects my keen desire to renew personally my Government's pledge of support for the United Nations system in all its endeavors to secure for humanity a safe, just and prosperous international order.
4.	Over the 26 years of its existence, the United Nations can claim to have played an important role in human affairs. It has often been successful in restraining the wilder excesses of power politics on the international stage. Its

efforts have brought the colonial system almost to an end, except for the stubborn resistance to decolonization in southern Africa. It has formulated and implanted certain basic principles of human rights and human dignity. It has played a considerable role in the field of disarmament. Its activities in the field of economic development have been of immense value to developing countries. All that and more the United Nations can rightly claim.
5.	It will be noticed that I have described the record quite modestly. I have done so on purpose because I believe it is important that we do not lose ourselves or our bearings in a welter of self-congratulations about the United Nations. The achievements of the United Nations are sufficiently remarkable to stand by themselves without any embellishment. But it is important that, as we meet here each September, we should ask ourselves what part the United Nations plays in the lives of our countries and in the formulation of our foreign policies. Are we in fact serious about the United Nations? It is understandable that the bright glow and expectations of the dawn of 1945 have inevitably paled in the cold light of experience over the last 26 years.
6.	We should nevertheless frankly face the question whether the people of the world look with hope and expectation to each session of the General Assembly or whether they, and their Governments, regard it as yet another international meeting which consumes a disproportionately vast expenditure of time and money.
7.	Let me say at once that I, for my part, do not regard the annual session of the General Assembly as merely a ritual gathering of world statesmen. Nevertheless, I am acutely conscious of the disillusionment and disappointment experienced by many people and many Governments the world over in the United Nations. This is a fact which we must face; we must not gloss over it; we cannot ignore it in the hope that it will somehow disappear. Of course, the United Nations will go on. But do we take seriously its role in international affairs as a center for harmonizing conflicting interests and as a catalyst for peaceful change? Or have we established alternative networks of relationships for the solution of our problems while paying suitable and regular obeisance to the United Nations? For my part, it is precisely because I value the United Nations-what it stands for and what it can achieve-that I urge the Assembly to take a dispassionate and even a critical look at the direction in which we are going.
8.	By its very nature, of course, the United Nations has to work on the basis of the factors underlying the international society: the interests, the fears and suspicions, the hopes and the expectations of the Member States. It represents the sum total of the national entities of which it
is composed. But it should be more than the sum of its parts. This annual gathering in New York must be something more than a meeting of representatives of national Governments. It should also be an expression of the concept that there is an international community which bears responsibility for dealing with matters that refuse to be confined within our national boundaries, This does not mean that we should ignore the fact that we assemble here to promote the interests of our own national constituencies. But we must try to go beyond that and to remember that we also comprise a collective body whose electorate is the international society. That is the framework within which the United Nations must operate. One of the great challenges of the 70s is whether the nations of the world can, in their pursuit of national objectives, conform to the underlying concepts and norms of the Charter and work together as a global community,
9.	I believe that sometimes we have succeeded. From time to time we have shown our consciousness of the fact that we are ail fellow passengers on this fragile planet Earth. We are on this journey together; we are becoming inevitably more interdependent. It is this consciousness of a world community which we must carefully cultivate and nurture.
10.	The facts of international life in the world today are such that the further development of the United Nations is dependent, in the first place, on the attitude of the major Powers. They have it in them to decide whether the United Nations can become a truly effective Organization which is capable of fulfilling both its purposes and the hopes and expectations of mankind. This is because those hopes and expectations cannot be ignored. The resolutions of the United Nations can be ignored. The weak, developing countries can be ignored. It depends on the major Powers, therefore, what role the United Nations will play on the international stage.
11.	There is at the same time a corresponding obligation on the part of the smaller Powers. Just as we must do our utmost to avoid the alienation from the United Nations of smaller countries because of the dominating role of the major Powers, so also we must strive to prevent the alienation of the major Powers from the Organization through the attempted imposition of the will of the majority. Speaking as a representative of a small developing country, I am acutely conscious of the fact that the simple- mechanical process of majority voting along group, political or ideological lines will not solve any problem. There is often a need for greater realism and restraint. Greater efforts might be made through the process of negotiation and consultation to arrive at solutions which, while they must be solutions of principle, are at the same time realistic and attainable.
12.	There is, however, one aspect of this matter which must not be lost sight of. The rhetoric and resolutions of the United Nations cannot simply be dismissed as a sign of immaturity or irresponsibility, because they are often only the expression of the impotence of the group of developing countries in the United Nations. We cry aloud in the hope that we may be heard. We seek to express our appeal and our outrage at the human condition to which all humanity must bear witness. We seek to remind a callous world of the horrors and injustices of apartheid and colonialism in southern Africa, of the tragic plight of the people of Palestine, and of the continuing struggle against human poverty and human misery which face such a vast majority of mankind. I need not add any more to that list. The problems of the world which cry out for solution are quite familiar to us all.
13.	Now let w pause a moment and look again at the situation in southern Africa, The stubborn refusal of the South African Government to abandon its abhorrent apartheid policy and its persistent denial of United Nations authority in respect of Namibia must be regarded as constituting one of the grave challenges confronting the United Nations. There are also the entrenched forces of colonialism in Southern Rhodesia, Angola and Mozambique. Some five or six years ago, there was a glimmer of hope. Since then, dark clouds have enveloped the horizon almost completely. It cannot be denied that South Africa's contemptuous disregard of the United Nations has established a precedent whose corroding influence on the authority and credibility of the Organization has already begun to assume alarming proportions. Today, it is my hope that the recent advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice  will give the necessary impetus to the Security Council to take positive action which could represent a breakthrough in this tragic issue.
14.	I refer to another problem with which the United Nations continues to grapple, and that is the situation in West Asia. Resolution 242 (1967) was unanimously approved by the Security Council to provide the framework for a peaceful settlement. Four years have since passed, and we are almost precisely where we were then. Israel continues to be in, illegal occupation of Arab territory. The people of Palestine continue to be denied their inalienable rights. While noting with deep regret the negative Israeli at'itude, let me express the hope that the positive reply of the Arab Republic of Egypt to the initiative taken by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General will enable the search for a peaceful settlement to proceed forward.
15.	I do not wish to sound unduly pessimistic. Looking at the picture as a whole, and looking towards the future, we may find some encouragement in the events of the last session of the General Assembly. That session was characterized by a degree of understanding and co-operation. The culmination of the first quarter-century of the Organization was marked by the adoption of several historic declarations which together sum up the progress already made and the determination to continue with the work of achieving the purposes of the United Nations. I refer to the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)]; the Declaration, on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)]; the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction[resolution 2749 (XXV)]; and, finally the International Development Strategy for the Second
United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. It is in this sense that I view the decade that we have just begun as one of hope as well as one of great challenge and opportunity for the United Nations.
16.	I should like specifically to refer now to the problem of economic development, which is the single most crucial issue facing the developing countries. The challenge facing the international community does not concern merely economic development; it is in its totality a challenge to the peace and stability, and indeed the survival, of mankind. What the world is striving for, to ensure a durable peace, is not merely a balance of power but a balance, of prosperity, of opportunity and of well-being-and in this the developed as much as the developing countries have a mutual stake and interest.
17.	It is in this context that I view the urgent and compelling need for the effective implementation of the International Development Strategy of the Second Development Decade. While economic development must remain the primary responsibility of the developing countries themselves, it is essential that their dedication and labors should be matched by development assistance and more favorable economic and commercial policies on the part of the developed countries, equally dedicated and committed to the attainment of the goals of the Second Development Decade.
18.	The problem of development must, therefore, be approached in the perspective of creating the over-all conditions necessary for peace and stability in the world. Unless there is a genuine partnership between the developed and the developing countries, and unless economic development is accepted as a common challenge to all, the prospects for a radical improvement in the world economic framework and consequently the prospects for establishing a sound basis for world peace and security will remain as remote as ever.
19.	Whit I am advocating, in sum, is a realistic appraisal of the United Nations as it is today and, in the light of that appraisal, a renewed effort to fulfill the dreams and hopes which were born in San Francisco 26 years ago. I am aware that what I have said is not new: we are all conscious of it, though we may not often wish to express our thoughts-but I believe we must if we value the United Nations. It is useless to come to the United Nations each September to say polite things to one another and then to go on our separate ways. Let us even be a little impatient, a little critical of ourselves. Let us look at our agenda and remind ourselves how many of the items on it have become hardy annuals on which we appear to be going through the same debates every year. Is it any wonder, then, that there is increasing disillusionment about the United Nations? What should we think, what would our people think, if every year in our own national assemblies the same debates took place, the same decisions were taken and then things went on precisely as they had been before?
20.	Let us reassess our position, let us take stock of where we stand and apply ourselves with vigor and tenacity to solving the problems which face us. Let us remember that words are only words. We must mean what we say and we must do our utmost to see through to the end what we have agreed upon. We must have a sense of commitment and a clear sense of direction. There must be a definite and sustained follow-through of the sentiments we express here. Only in that way can the United Nations succeed. I believe it is important, indeed vital, that the United Nations should succeed. I should like it to occupy a central place in our consideration of foreign policy. I should like it to capture the imagination and live up to the hopes of our people. To those ends I pledge Malaysia's readiness to play its part.
21.	I believe it would be right that in this statement '7 should also address myself to the political and security situation, especially as it affects South-East Asia. There c >n be little doubt that the 70s will be a period of great challenge and opportunity. We are already witnessing the beginnings of a momentous drama dawning on the political horizon. In Asia, in particular, while wars and human suffering admittedly still rage, there are already hopeful signs of a gradual thaw in long-held rigid positions of the protagonists in the ideological and political confrontation in the area. The recent announcement by Washington and Peking of a visit by the President of the United States, Mr. Nixon, to China in the near future is a dramatic manifestation of that thaw. I do not entertain any illusions about the outcome of that meeting, but it is essential that we should be aware of the significance of the moment and that we should seize the opportunity to chart a new course of destiny in Asia and the world.
22.	While the dialog among the major Powers is a welcome development, it may be well for the other countries of Asia not to be content to be spectators in this unfolding drama; for in the evolution of a new situation which such dialog among the major Powers may well bring about it is essential that the interests of all countries, both the big Powers and the small Powers, should be accommodated. In terms of peace and security in Asia, I believe that South-East Asia would have a great relevance in the establishment of an Asian equilibrium and it is incumbent upon the nations of South-East Asia to play a positive role in this dynamic political evolution.
23.	This leads me to the policy of neutralization of South-East Asia which Malaysia has been advocating in the past year or so as the only possible and viable long-term solution to bring peace and stability to that region. It is in this context that I welcome the initiative if the Government of Ceylon in proposing that the India** Ocean area be declared a zone of peace [A/8492J. The United Nations should take action towards this objective while there is still time and before the military involvement of the major Powers in the area assumes significant proportions.
24.	As regards the proposal for the neutralization of South-East Asia, my Government has on many occasions explained the considerations which have led us to make the proposal. I do not, therefore, propose to elaborate on them again. What is required in South-East Asia, in our view, is a new international order under which the region would be free and isolated from competition and interference from outside power and under which the neutrality of the region, and the independence and territorial integrity of the countries in it, would be fully guaranteed.
25.	The essence of the neutralization proposal must be the recognition and accommodation of the legitimate interests of all Powers concerned in the area-the guarantor Powers as well as the countries within the area itself. There needs to be a harmonizing of all these interests, the end result of which should be an order everyone can live with. The question really is, therefore: is there room for adjustment and accommodation so that there can emerge in time an international order which is acceptable to all and is compatible with the legitimate interests of all? Surely there must be, if there is a determined will and effort on the part of all concerned to work for the attainment of that objective.
26.	The countries in South-East Asia have a primary role to play in bringing about the conditions which are necessary for the realization of the neutralization proposal and to show that a neutralized South-East Asia meets the legitimate interests of the great Powers themselves. The question of peace and war in South-East Asia affects all of us in the region. It is, therefore, my firm conviction that on these questions we in South-East Asia should consult closely together and should move together for the attainment of our common objectives.
27.	Central to this approach is the cultivation of a sense of regional cohesion and solidarity. The movement towards regionalism is gaining increasing momentum among the countries of South-East Asia and there have been established many regional bodies covering such matter, as education, transport and communication, development financing, and so on. Above all, there is the region's own body, the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN], formed and fashioned by us some five years ago to forge closer links and to promote co-operation in economic, social and cultural matters among its members.
28.	For my part, I view the exercise in regional cooperation in South-East Asia exemplified by ASEAN as having a value beyond that of merely economic, social and cultural co-operation. Even more important, such cooperation will engender conditions of stability in the region and a sense of solidarity and cohesion among South-East Asian countries. It will constitute the solid foundation for the realization of the neutralization proposal for South-East Asia.
29.	One of the essential prerequisites for the realization of the neutralization proposal is the existence of a dialog between the major Powers. It is important that the channels of dialog be opened and widened, and the most important of these channels is China's participation in the United Nations. That China should be in the United Nations is, after 22 years, no longer a matter of dispute. There are, however, certain shall I say technical differences among us. I wish, therefore, to take this opportunity to state the position of my Government.
30.	Malaysia will oppose any draft resolution which proposes "dual representation" for the se belonging to China because, in our view, there is one China and one seat for China in the United Nations. It is beyond doubt that the Government of the People's Republic of China is de jure and de facto the Government of China. Also, in our view, the seating of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations does not involve the expulsion of an existing Member, as this question does not arise. We shall, therefore, have to oppose any draft resolution that puts forward such a view. As things stand at present, what has been termed the Albanian draft resolution [A/L.630 and AddJ] most nearly meets our position. If there is no other proposal which comes closer to our position, we will support that draft resolution, but I wish to make it clear that, in our view, the question of Taiwan is a separate issue which will have to be resolved by the parties concerned. We are anxious that this question should be peacefully resolved. It is our hope that in the solution of this problem due account will be taken of the wishes of the people of Taiwan, to be ascertained by the process of self- determination.
31.	It is my hope that, with the participation of China in the United Nations, we shall enter a new era of meaningful dialog among all the major Powers of the world so that, as a result of that dialog, conflicts could be blunted and disparate interests harmonized. One of the great virtues of the United Nations as a center for harmonizing the actions of States is that it is not only the consensus of the big Powers that counts but the consensus of the entire membership.. The United Nations is, therefore, the forum in which not only the interests of the major Powers can be reconciled but the consensus of the major Powers can be, reconciled with, and even serve, the interests of the entire international community. That, I submit, is what the United Nations is all about, and it lies within our hands to make our Organization discharge this function.
32.	May I finally say a few words about our Secretary- General. He came into office following the tragedy that befell his predecessor. From that moment of tragedy he has unobtrusively but resolutely held the United Nations together by his strength and quiet dignity. It is very difficult for me to express the deep debt of gratitude which we owe to him. Through 10 full years, with unfailing devotion he has steered the Organization through many perils. We all know how difficult is the task of the Secretary-General. But his unflinching perseverance in his endeavors to give practical expression to aims and purposes of the Charter is an example from which we may draw inspiration. His work will be remembered by present and future leaders of the United Nations, and history will preserve his name as one of the architects of international co-operation and understanding. In many crises, especially in the crises of confidence the United Nations has had to face now and again, U Thant has represented all that is best in the United Nations. We wish to express to him our gratitude. We hope that he will remain available in the future for other great services to the United Nations in fields where his experience and ability would bring the Organization great results. May I, in conclusion, express my wish and my prayer that he and his family will enjoy continued health and happiness in the years to come?