100.	 Mr. President, you have been entrusted with the enormous responsibility of directing the proceedings of this thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, which is taking place under exceptionally complex conditions. The fact that we know you and that you come from the beloved sister land of Panama, whose long tradition of struggle for the salvation of national sovereignty, along with its contribution to the search for peace and negotiating formulas for the long-suffering Central American region, are very well known, allows my delegation, after extending our warmest greetings to you,  express our full confidence in the success of your mission and, at the same time, to assure you that you will always be able to count on the assistance of the Cuban delegation for the success of this session.
101.	We also extend greetings to our friend Mr. Imre Hollai, President of the General Assembly during its thirty-seventh session.
102.	We welcome the admission to the United Nations of another Latin American and Caribbean State, Saint Christopher and Nevis.
103.	In a review of the long list of very important matters to be discussed at this session and which command our attention, the imperative necessity of avoiding the eruption of a confrontation that could bring to an end the very existence of mankind must be given the highest priority.
104.	Never since the end of the Second World War has the international situation shown signs of such extreme peril, nor has mankind been so close to nuclear apocalypse. For this reason, I believe we all agree that once again, but with greater courage and dedication, we must endeavour to ensure that our deliberations and subsequent decisions lead to progress in the complicated and difficult process of disarmament and to the strengthening of the peace and security which our peoples demand in order to devote themselves to the noble effort of economic and social development.
105.	Imperialist intransigence and the Reagan Administration's zest for supremacy and power, which is expressed on a daily basis in its obsolete cold-war rhetoric and gunboat policies, constitute the major obstacle faced by the international community in eliminating the dangerous climate in which we currently live.
106.	For our part, we are fully aware of the fact that, notwithstanding the decisive role played by the international community and the peace movement throughout the world, the greatest responsibility for adopting disarmament measures ultimately rests with the nuclear Powers. Essentially, however, the main responsibility rests with the two mightiest Powers—and we all know exactly who complicates the dangerous present situation and prevents its being overcome.
107.	The Government of the United States, dragging along its allies in NATO, considerably increases its war budget, extending the arms race to new horizons. It unilaterally interrupts important negotiations on specific questions, while blocking others it cannot stop because of the high political price attached to them; and at the same time it does everything possible to stifle the work of the international organ of negotiation, the Committee on Disarmament.
108.	We must add that besides dashing the hopes embodied in the SALT II agreements, an attempt is now being made to destroy the limited legal order thus far achieved on the question of disarmament by alleging false violations or breaches of promise or the fallacious intention of strengthening them with new provisions regarding verification.
109.	It is not enough for Mr. Reagan and his advisers to enjoy the destructive potential of the United States with all its weapons—nuclear or other—nor is it enough for them to extend the threatening language of weapons to other areas of our natural habitat. They are not at all interested in considering the wishes of other peoples when they station nuclear weapons and delivery systems in their territories to launch attacks on neighbouring borders, thus exposing them to a devastating riposte.
110.	The United States Government refuses to commit itself not to be the first to use nuclear weapons; it does not accept the offer of a mutual freeze of existing nuclear arsenals, nor of their qualitative and quantitative development; it turns a deaf ear to the establishment of a moratorium on nuclear-weapon tests; it develops and produces lethal binary chemical weapons; it develops the neutron bomb; it reinforces old silos to deploy the aggressive strategic MX missiles—all of which is done without
abandoning the continuous build-up of its submarines, ships, aircraft, tanks, guns and other instruments of aggression and destruction.
111.	NATO'S United States-inspired plans to install 572 medium-range missiles in Europe are particularly serious. This decision constitutes an extremely dangerous, adventurist and grave step which threatens to bring the world to the brink of war.
112.	Those of us who follow attentively and anxiously the development of negotiations being conducted on that subject at Geneva clearly assess the delaying tactics on the part of the United States, which, juggling deceitful options for propaganda purposes, vainly pursues unilateral concessions which would enable it to obtain advantages and establish its military superiority, thus upsetting the present balance. The international community represented at the United Nations must, as a matter of urgency, demand seriously and responsibly the results it expects from Geneva and save the old continent of Europe from the serious threat that hovers over it.
113.	The ground on which we stand and the seas that surround us are no longer enough for the United States. It is now dangerously aiming at outer space, sending up space weaponry with which it dreams of imposing its supremacy, power and law on the whole world.
114.	We must pool our efforts to defend the first right of mankind: the right to live.
115.	It is necessary to strive to ease the present climate of tension and not to despair in the search for ways and means leading to agreements which, on the basis of parity and equal security, would contribute to the limitation and subsequent reduction of the levels of weapons, particularly nuclear weapons.
116.	The States members of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries, meeting recently at New Delhi at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government, firmly reiterated the demand of the entire international community that the arms race be halted and that disarmament agreements aimed at establishing a climate of peace embracing all regions and benefiting all peoples be adopted.
117.	The will for peace of the socialist countries is an unquestionable fact, made evident by various initiatives and at times by unilateral arms limitation measures, which, as everyone knows, are only rejected by the United States, when they are not simply ignored.
118.	While the world yearns for peace, the United States is moving towards war. The tragic incident of the South Korean aircraft which was sent off without any qualms to commit an act of indescribable provocation falls within the framework of the attempts to exacerbate tensions.
119.	The international community is faced with the tragic case of an aircraft which violated Soviet airspace and remained for a long time over Soviet territory, ignoring the warnings issued in accordance with international guidelines, and for that reason was brought down, with the regrettable loss of 269 lives. It became known later that this was a civilian aircraft which had strayed from its normal course. We are certain that Soviet military aviation would never have fired on that aircraft, even if it was on an espionage mission, had they realized that it was a civilian airplane carrying passengers. There is no doubt that it was mistaken for one of those spy-planes which are constantly probing the borders of the Soviet Union in that zone.
120.	This tragedy, about which no one can think without grief and sorrow, has been used by President Reagan and his Administration as a means of fanning international hatred and enmity and justifying the arms race and their aggressive war-mongering policies.
121.	Those who are against solving the problems of Central America through negotiated non-military solutions and whose brutal international policy supports the Salvadorian regime which has caused tens of thousands of deaths among the civilian population of El Salvador in recent years; those who see fit to disrupt the process of social change in Nicaragua, even if to do this they must carry out direct or indirect military intervention against that country; those who trained, instigated and supported the individuals who then committed a barbarous act of sabotage against a Cuban civilian aircraft over Barbados; those who stood by in silent complicity when, in February 1973, Israel shot down a Libyan passenger aircraft, causing 108 deaths, over Egyptian territory occupied by force; those who encouraged the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and must share responsibility for the genocidal acts which, a little over a year ago, left thousands dead in the Palestinian camps of Sabra and Shatila; those who support the South African racists in their illegal occupation of Namibia and their aggression against Angola and the front-line States, which have cost tens of thousands of lives; those whose spy-planes have been flying over Cuban territory for many years, shamelessly and openly violating our airspace, using first the U-2 aircraft and now the more sophisticated SR-71, flying provocatively over the whole island and trying in vain to frighten our people; those who do not even reply to the notes of protest sent by our Government, the most recent of which was in September this year—those it is who now hypocritically rend their garments and accuse the Soviet Union of an act whose roots lie in the international tension which they themselves create and in an act of provocation in which a commercial aircraft was used without any qualms and innocent people were sacrificed.
122.	We believe that collective international measures should be taken to prevent tragedies such as this. We are all duty-bound to adopt codes of conduct forbidding the employment of civil aircraft in espionage activities. The use of incidents of this kind further to foment international hatred, justify armament and aggression and create a climate conducive to war rather than peace is wholly unacceptable.
123.	The latest in the long list of provocative actions undertaken by the United States Government against the Soviet Union, using the South Korean aircraft incident as a pretext, is the preventing of the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union from participating in this session of the General Assembly. To this act of provocation against the respected representative of one of the permanent members of the Security Council they have added proof of their disregard of their obligations as the United Nations host country.
124.	If peaceful existence on our planet is to be achieved it is of paramount importance that the international situation be improved by eliminating current insecurities and restoring a climate of trust and detente in international relations.
125.	The peoples demand an end to the arms race and the abandonment of the philosophy of military supremacy and the endless accumulation of weapons, which can lead only to the peace of the graveyard.
126.	Today, perhaps more than ever before, mankind demands that decisions be made and agreements adopted which will pave the way to security, peace and development.

127.	As part of these efforts we include support for the United Nations and for the activities of the Secretary- General. It is well known that those who work against peace do not conceal their contempt for the Organization. We believe that the highest priority should be given to continuing action to attain the principles and objectives of the Charter and to strengthen the broadest international co-operation within the framework of the United Nations.
128.	The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries is striving for peace and development and for the elimination of colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, Zionism, racism, apartheid and every form of exploitation and domination. Its successful seventh summit conference was a new step forward in terms of unity and cohesion and made a contribution through its decisions to the achievement of those goals.
129.	On the other hand, the economic crisis which in recent years has severely affected the economies of the capitalist world continues to make its effects felt increasingly in the countries of the so-called third world. The reduction in real terms of the transfer of resources for development; the unprecedented and increasing foreign debt, for which there seems to be no likelihood of a reasonable short-term remedy; the even greater deterioration in the terms of trade; monetary instability; the transnational corporations' activities and plundering; and the growing difficulties faced by underdeveloped countries in gaining access to sources of funds, food and technology continue to characterize the present state of international economic relations. Only the genuine restructuring of these relations, without unnecessary delay and through a comprehensive process of co-operation, can provide a true long-term solution of these serious and potentially dangerous problems facing the world today.
130.	The proceedings and results of the important international meetings held this year have shown the determination of the underdeveloped countries to find solutions likely to reactivate the international process of economic co-operation. Regrettably, the reactions of the industrialized capitalist countries to their proposals have not permitted the resumption of a truly significant process of international economic negotiations aimed at restructuring international economic relations to provide for the effective establishment of a new international economic order, or, in the shorter term, taking measures immediately for the solution of the most urgent economic problems of the so-called third world. In short, we are witnessing the lowest point in international co-operation: economic co-operation is deteriorating daily, as are the prices of the main exports of our underdeveloped countries. For this reason, just as we must devote ourselves to the search for solutions to the world economic crisis, we must also devote all of our efforts towards rapidly overcoming the crisis in international economic co-operation.
131.	The global negotiations continue to be the most important question before the General Assembly in the sphere of international economic negotiations. Consequently, the talks designed to lead to their speedy implementation must be given momentum and direction so that they can begin in 1984 in a comprehensive, interrelated and coherent manner, in keeping with the proposals of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries.
132.	Cuba's positions of principle on the most urgent, serious and important problems of international relations are known. On every occasion the voice of our people has been clear in one way or another. Fighters for freedom and independence in any part of the world have never lacked our word of encouragement. Those who face oppression, discrimination and exploitation have never lacked our most active solidarity. Those who uphold the highest ideals of their peoples have never lacked the ready warmth of the Cuban revolution. Our word of encouragement, our friendly hand, our active solidarity, our fraternal warmth will never be lacking for all those, whether in Government or in opposition, whether in power or in the struggle against oppression, who confront the joint forces of reaction, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism—including zionism—apartheid and imperialism.
133.	From this forum of nations the Cuban people salute the Sandinist soldiers who defend with honour the sacred soil of their land; the Salvadoran fighters who with exemplary courage confront imperialist Power, displaying an extraordinary fighting capacity; the Guatemalan patriots struggling for more than 20 years against the genocidal regime imposed by the United States since 1954; the heroic and brave people of Grenada who face with determination all imperialist attempts to subvert their internal order and halt the powerful development of their revolutionary process. We also ratify our solidarity with Suriname, which is still being subjected to many destabilizing acts of aggression by the United States to frustrate the process of social change and national liberation that has begun in that country.
134.	The Cuban delegation reiterates its unflagging support for the inalienable right of the fraternal people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence. On some not-too-distant day, Puerto Rico, freed from colonial ties, will join the group of independent and sovereign countries and, as such, will occupy its proper seat in this world Organization.
135.	We also support the aspirations of the Government and people of Panama in their struggle for the fulfilment of the Canal treaties. We support the historic and just demand of Bolivia to regain access to the sea. We support the independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Belize. In accordance with its position of support for a negotiated solution of conflicts, and within that framework, Cuba is in favour of a peaceful solution of the border disputes between Guyana and Venezuela. Similarly, we hope that, in conformity with the General Assembly's resolutions, negotiations can be started immediately between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Argentine Republic to restore the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands to Argentina. We also express our deep concern over the British Government's decision to build a military base in the Malvinas, which not only hinders negotiations on the decolonization of the islands but also adds unnecessary tensions to the region. We salute the valiant Chilean people who are today unanimously rising up against fascist tyranny. We also salute all the peoples of the southern part of the Americas who are struggling for democratic freedom and for an end to repression and oppression in their countries.
136.	We salute the efforts to guarantee peace and stability in South-East Asia, and we urge continued efforts to achieve that important goal. A spirit of mutual understanding and respect conducive to a climate of security must prevail in the region of South-West Asia also, and efforts to pursue a constructive dialogue between the parties in conflict must also be continued.
137.	The Cuban delegation renews its support for the just cause of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea in its search for the peaceful reunification of that country and calls for an end to interference in its internal affairs and the withdrawal of the interventionist United States forces from the south of the Korean peninsula.

138.	We support the aspiration of the Comoros to recover its sovereignty over Mayotte. We support the restitution to Madagascar of its rights over the Malagasy Islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Europa and Bassas da India, and the just demand of Mauritius to recover the island of Diego Garcia. We support the sustained efforts of the people of Cyprus to preserve its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity in a united and non-aligned republic.
139.	Cuba wishes to repeat once again its appeal to the Governments of Iraq and Iran to end the war that for more than three years has been inflicting enormous loss of life and of all kinds of resources on their peoples and that constitutes a threat to international peace and security.
140.	We salute all peoples who, in other continents, are also struggling for their independence against imperialism and reaction. We salute the brave Saharan fighters for their legitimate right to live in peace and to occupy their rightful place among the independent States. We salute our dear Palestinian friends who, rallying around the PLO, their sole and legitimate representative, firmly hold high the banner of their just struggle. We salute the brave patriots of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and legitimate representative. We salute the stoic and dauntless fighters of South Africa led by the ANC. We salute all the front-line States, which are resisting with determination the pressures, threats and attacks of the racists and imperialists. We salute the Arab States, permanent victims of imperialist and Zionist aggression. We salute the determined people of Libya, who face the threats and provocations of imperialism with serenity and resolve.
141.	The current state of affairs in Central America has mobilized broad sectors of world public opinion. The ever-increasing concern over an irreversible escalation on the part of the United States is fully grounded.
142.	The countries of the Contadora Group have made enormous efforts in the quest for a negotiated settlement of the explosive situation in that region. At its summit meeting at Cancun last July, the Contadora Group- made up of Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia and Panama— appealed to the Central American countries, as well as to the United States and Cuba, for co-operation and support in the quest for a political solution.
143.	Nicaragua immediately responded to that appeal with a six-point programme, which includes its readiness to initiate multilateral negotiations in the presence of the Contadora Group and to sign a non-aggression pact with Honduras, and its willingness to reach an agreement regarding El Salvador that would include the cessation of all arms supplies to both sides.
144.	The Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation—Revolutionary Democratic Front reiterated its readiness to seek, through dialogue, channels of negotiation which would lead to peace in El Salvador. At the beginning of September it proposed the installation of a new Government, representative of all forces, which would be responsible for bringing about the conditions required to advance a comprehensive process of political solutions to the Salvadorian conflict.
145.	Cuba also promptly and clearly responded to the summons by the presidents of the Contadora Group and let it be known that it unhesitatingly supports the efforts to bring about a just and negotiated settlement of the problems in Central America.
146.	The United States, for its part, continued its brutal escalation clearly designed to destroy the Nicaraguan revolution, dismember the Salvadorian revolutionary movement and safeguard its full imperialist domination in the region. Under the pretext of joint military manoeuvres with other countries of the area, the duration of which has no parallel in history, the United States Government is attempting to create an intimidating situation which constitutes a real and dangerous intervention in the area and irrefutable proof of its aggressive militarist policy. Such an interventionist step taken by the United States under the pretext of military manoeuvres reminds us of the criminal actions of the military forces of that Power in the Lebanese conflict.
147.	Nicaragua finds itself virtually blockaded, surrounded by military bases, troops, ships—including aircraft carriers from the Mediterranean—and fighter planes.
148.	At this moment an unabashed and virulent aggression is being launched against Nicaragua from bases in Honduran territory. Thousands of former Somozist guards, drilled, trained and advised by American officers, are harassing the sacred soil of Sandino's land, cruelly assassinating the civilian population. Time and again they penetrate Nicaraguan territory and are repeatedly beaten back by the armed forces and Sandinist militias, fleeing terrified to the sanctuary provided by the immunity of the Honduran border. The Sandinist combatants have not allowed themselves to be dragged into a provocation and have respected the borders of their neighbours with the conscientiousness and zeal with which they would want their own respected.
149.	Honduras finds itself under virtual United States military occupation, illustrated by the adoption of decisions on the entry and presence of United States troops in that country, without the so-called Honduran President or Congress being informed. The Green Berets are running a Honduran army infantry centre under construction in the Pacific port of San Lorenzo. In addition, 600 members of the Corps of Engineers and Marines are engaged in the construction of new facilities, including a landing strip near the Nicaraguan border. In mid-September 1,000 new Salvadorian soldiers reached Tegucigalpa en route to the United States base at Puerto Castilla on the Honduran Atlantic coast. Previously 1,200 were trained at the Regional Military Training and Security Centre. Furthermore, the United States has more than a thousand experts in Honduras, of whom 950 form the logistical support contingent of Palmerola Air Base at Comayagua, in the centre of the country.
150.	In the same way, Guatemala is becoming a possible springboard for Yankee military intervention in the area. United States and Israeli military aid to Guatemala is destined to strengthen the army in its effort to annihilate the Guatemalan revolutionary movement and to prepare it for the eventual intervention in El Salvador and Nicaragua.
151.	American Government circles are obsessed with the idea that the imposition of a military solution to the conflict in Central America is possible and advisable. Under the feeble pretext of preserving the  third border , they are sliding down a slope that will plunge them into a quagmire, but what else can be expected of those who still think in terms of  spheres of influence  and endorse the feasibility of a  limited nuclear war ? Obsessed with creating a climate of terror and insecurity in Nicaragua in order to destroy the revolution and attack the national liberation movement in the area, the Reagan Administration may reproduce a new Viet Nam in America itself.
152.	Peace-loving governments, the peoples of the world and those forces that struggle for international security and peaceful coexistence are called upon to make
every effort to prevent the intensification and spread of this conflagration.
153.	A war of larger dimensions in Central America would only add pain to pain and misery to poverty, but it will never mean victory for the imperialists. We therefore support the request that the General Assembly at its thirty-eighth session devote special attention to  the question of Central America—threats to peace, sovereignty and the exercise by the Central American peoples of the right to self-determination and peace initiatives , as stated by the Co-ordinator of the Junta of the Government of National Reconstruction, commander of the revolution Daniel Ortega Saavedra, in his address to the Assembly .
154.	History shows us that in the long run force has never been able to prevent the triumph of freedom, social justice and sovereignty of the peoples. Our President, Fidel Castro, was unquestionably right when he recently said that  A truly revolutionary and patriotic people may be physically wiped from the face of the earth, but it can never be conquered .
155.	History has also shown that fire will be met with fire, violence with violence, and that nothing and no one will be able to retard the progress of peoples towards their legitimate and true independence. Nevertheless, this is not the only road that our people are obliged to travel, nor is this always the price that they must necessarily pay for their freedom.
156.	I wish to avail myself of the opportunity offered by my presence at this important international forum to reiterate on behalf of our Government and people Cuba's positions with respect to the Central American situation. Cuba advocates a proper and honourable solution based on mutual commitments. Neither intimidation, force of arms, blackmail, pressure, nor a vain hope of surrender and concessions will pave the way to a lasting and stable solution. A solution based on the bludgeon and on contempt for the most fundamental principles cannot be imposed on Nicaragua, nor can an unfavourable outcome of the conflict be imposed on the Salvadorian revolutionaries. Methods which ignore, evade or damage the primary interests of the Salvadorian revolutionary movement cannot be applied, nor can Nicaraguan interests be ignored.
157.	Peace cannot be achieved or coexistence and security in the region activated on the basis of forcing one of the parties to suffer humiliation.
158.	We support the spirit and proposals of the Contadora Group to find a political solution based on respect for the sovereignty of peoples and on non-intervention in the internal affairs of States. Indeed, we wish to draw attention to the fact that a political solution in Central America cannot be achieved unless a peaceful solution is found to the existing situation in El Salvador.
159.	The problem in El Salvador today constitutes the crux of the regional conflict. The present state of insurgency in El Salvador is rooted in the centuries-old exploitation by colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. Under the able leadership of their legitimate representative, the FMLN-FDR, the people are waging a tenacious fight against the genocidal regime already marked by infamy and ignominy.
160.	The situation in El Salvador cannot be even remotely compared with that in Nicaragua, which from land, sea and air is being subjected to various forms of joint aggression by Yankee imperialism and its lackeys. A dirty  secret war  is being waged against Nicaragua which, although becoming dirtier every day, is each day becoming less secret. There is no internal conflict or civil war in Nicaragua, but external aggression aimed at destabilizing the process of national reconstruction and preventing the consolidation of the Sandinist revolution.
161.	Cuba, I repeat, supports the Contadora Group's efforts and is prepared to co-operate in every way it can in the quest for an equitable and proper political solution.
162.	With that in mind, I should like to quote the following words of Fidel Castro from an informal talk with a group of American journalists:
 I agree with Contadora's proposal to seek a political solution based on respect for the sovereignty of States and on non-intervention in the internal affairs of States.
He added:
 It is not precisely a question of concessions; it is a question of seeking an agreement involving commitments by all parties, and in that sense we are sincerely prepared to assume such commitments. We cannot dictate a formula. I think that those who are directly involved in the conflicts are the ones that have to define a formula to reach an agreement. We would then support such a formula.
163.	That is Cuba's position. The path to a peaceful solution of the Central American conflict is still open.
164.	Negotiation based on mutual commitments is still possible. The search for a formula that would involve neither capitulation nor unilateral concessions is still feasible. Cuba is quite willing to contribute to progress along that path, to undertake such commitments and to support a formula for solution whereby the parties directly involved in the conflicts may reach an agreement.
165.	In its dangerous attempt to reverse the course of history, Ronald Reagan's Administration stubbornly maintains a policy aimed at destabilizing the Cuban revolution.
166.	This United States policy against Cuba combines diplomatic, economic and military measures which violate both the spirit and the letter of the Charter of the United Nations as well as the most elementary internationally recognized and accepted norms of coexistence between States.
167.	The continuous militarization process that the United States carries out in the area of Central America and the Caribbean is also aimed at military encirclement of our country. This process includes moving additional military units towards the southern coast of the United States and strengthening those already there to unprecedented levels, in addition to the increase in United States permanent military personnel in the area, the forced militarization of the countries of the region and threatening and provocative military manoeuvres and exercises.
168.	On the other hand, the self-styled defenders of air navigation safety systematically violate Cuba's airspace with flights by their SR-71 spy planes.
169.	The United States also illegally occupies part of the territory of the Republic of Cuba, where against the sovereign will of our people it maintains the Guantanamo naval base.
170.	The strengthening of the criminal economic and trade blockade of our country, the efforts and pressures of all kinds exerted on third countries to make them end their trade and financial relations with Cuba constitute not only a form of aggression against our people but also an insult to the sovereignty and national dignity of those countries.
171.	The United States has adopted as an unchanging official policy systematic attempts to obstruct and block Cuba's participation in international organizations and
forums and unceasingly carries out covert and overt campaigns to harm the diplomatic relations of our country with other sovereign States.
172.	In this obstinate determination to defeat the Cuban revolution, Reagan has worked hard to set up a radio broadcasting station with the aim of destabilizing our country through slander and the dissemination of false news to the Cuban people on facts about their own country. For this purpose he has used the illustrious name of Jos6 Marti—an affront to our apostle, who was the first Latin American to discover that the country which in 1776 the fathers of United States independence wanted to be an example of freedom had become an imperialist monster whose decaying entrails he denounced and fought. This effort is laughable but offensive. Neither the defects nor the difficulties of building socialism are ever concealed from the Cuban people, who face them with determination and enthusiasm. But that does not make Reagan's interventionism  less reprehensible nor does it diminish our resolve to reject it.
173.	During the Reagan Administration the plans for blatant armed aggression against Cuba have been publicly discussed in an unprecedented manner.
174.	These and other threats and measures of imperialism aimed at deviating us from our course, diverting our path and hindering our development will culminate in the most absolute and shameful defeat.
175.	Our people are firm in their decision to fight off any attempt and any imperialist aggression, and nothing nor anyone will be able to prevent the impetuous progress of our socialist revolution.
176.	The situation in southern Africa continues to deteriorate owing to the actions of the South African racist regime, which persists in its policy of subjecting the black South African people to the most ferocious oppression, exploitation and racial discrimination that history has ever known.
177.	The contemptible regime of apartheid increases repression and terror as the patriotic and democratic movement becomes stronger and the opposition to that unjust system and the struggle for its eradication grow. The incarceration for more than 21 years of Nelson Mandela, a combatant of the ANC who has become a symbol of the struggle against racial discrimination on a world scale, is outrageous. The shameless disregard of the South African racists for General Assembly and Security Council resolutions is outrageous. They continue the tortures, massacres, executions and false suicides in South African goals. But even more outrageous is the fact that, despite repeated resolutions of the General Assembly opposing aid to the racists of Pretoria, the IMF continues to grant astronomical loans, while denying them or attempting to impose in exchange for those funds conditions detrimental to the sovereignty of Governments which struggle for a better life for their citizens. No one can deny that responsibility for this rests mainly with the Government of the United States.
178.	The Government of Ronald Reagan has proclaimed the legitimacy of its strategic alliance with the racists of Pretoria, and that is the fundamental reason for the perilous situation which persists in southern Africa. We are all aware that only that alliance, accompanied by sordid delaying tactics and brutal pressures, has prevented the peaceful negotiated settlement of the Namibian problem.
179.	That is why it has not yet been possible to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The United States Government is primarily responsible for dashing the hopes that many had placed in the efforts of the so-called Western contact group.
180.	For more than two years South African troops have been illegally occupying parts of the territory of the People's Republic of Angola, a sovereign Member State of this Organization. The international community has demanded on numerous occasions the withdrawal of the invading South African forces from Angolan territory. The international community has also repeatedly demanded that the illegal occupation of Namibia be ended. But the response from Washington and Pretoria has been the so-called theory of linkage between the independence of Namibia and the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces from Angola. There is no record in history of such arrogance, cynicism or total disregard of the decisions of the Organization, which has unequivocally rejected this manoeuvre intended to perpetuate and extend the racist regime in the African continent. Cuba's position on the withdrawal of its internationalist forces from Angola is widely known and shared. The rejection of such a linkage has been reiterated by the front-line States, the Organization of African Unity, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations.
181.	In these circumstances there is only one valid alternative: to increase our support for SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people; to demand with increasing force the unconditional withdrawal of the racist forces from Angolan territory and the unrestricted implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978); to demand the cessation of all terrorist acts against the front-line countries, all acts of aggression against Mozambique, Botswana, Lesotho, Zambia and other independent African countries, which have resisted in an exemplary manner aggression of all kinds, in extremely difficult circumstances, in order to prevent the expansion of the racist dominion on the African continent.
182.	Time and again the United States has impeded with its veto in the Security Council the imposition against the South African regime of the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter. That is why now we must demand more strongly than ever that the United States Government end its policy of blackmail and deceit regarding the African peoples and fulfil the commitments it has made.
183.	The Arab peoples of the Middle East are living in a very critical situation. Israel, thanks to the support it receives from the United States, has become a military Power and has unleashed a bestial policy of expansion and domination against all Arab peoples in general and of annihilation of the Palestinian people in particular.
184.	Today the danger posed by lack of a solution to the complex situation prevailing in the Middle East has increased, owing to the fact that the American forces stationed on Lebanese soil under the cover provided by the so-called multinational forces have taken an active part in the fighting in Lebanon, thus making a reality of the old dream of American imperialists of penetrating and dominating the Middle East.
185.	Lebanon, which was the target of aggression by the Israeli hordes that are still present in its territory, is now also the target of direct aggression by the United States. The combined forces of zionism and Yankee imperialism will not be able to crush the independent spirit of the Lebanese patriots who are now defending their soil from external aggression. Some day, sooner rather, than later, Lebanon will be able to exercise its full rights as a free and sovereign nation.

186.	We do not doubt that the Assembly will try to set in motion the machinery necessary for reaching a just and lasting solution of the Middle East problem. This cannot happen, of course, until the Palestinian people are fully able to exercise their inalienable rights to self-determination and independence and to create their own sovereign State in Palestine, under the leadership of the PLO, their sole legitimate representative.
187.	This is indeed a suitable occasion on which to support the right of the PLO to occupy a seat in this great assembly of the United Nations.
188.	It is not possible to conclude our statement in the Assembly without directing our thoughts and recollections to the immortal figure of Simon Bolivar on the bicentenary of his birth. His revolutionary action, his efforts on behalf of independence, his dreams of unity for the peoples of America are neither forgotten nor consigned to history; they live in the life blood and the daily struggle of our peoples for a future of peace and development.


109.	 Allow me to congratulate Mr. Illueca on his election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. His abilities and his reputation for integrity and goodwill are widely known. I am confident that we shall ail be well served by his presidency. Allow me also to express my appreciation for the tireless efforts of the Secretary- General to further the objectives of the United Nations.
110.	Early this month the world condemned a superpower for shooting down a civilian aircraft and killing all 269 passengers on board. Although ICAO is still investigating the tragedy, two facts are beyond dispute. First, the conduct of the Soviet Union in shooting down the civilian aircraft and denying others access to its waters for search and rescue operations is in violation of the rules of international civil aviation. Secondly, the domestic laws of the Soviet Union, which authorize the destruction of intruding civil aircraft, are inconsistent with the Soviet Union's international obligations. We in Singapore, therefore, add our voice to the world-wide appeal to the Soviet Union to admit its responsibility for the tragedy, to pay compensation to the victims and to bring its domestic laws into line with its international undertakings.
111.	It is difficult to identify any political problem or conflict where the prospects of achieving progress in the near term look promising. In the Middle East, peace with justice continues to elude us. The Palestinians continue to be denied the right of self-determination and to a homeland of their own. The outcome of efforts to persuade foreign forces to withdraw from Lebanon has not been satisfactory.
112.	Both the Soviet Union and Viet Nam continue to defy the international community, and their troops remain in occupation of Afghanistan and Kampuchea respectively. Military might has not, however, been able to crush the spirit of resistance. Nationalist forces in both Afghanistan and Kampuchea have grown steadily in strength, ensuring that the invaders will continue to pay a high price.
113.	We in ASEAN have continued to seek a political settlement in Kampuchea. Our proposals would secure the legitimate interest of all the countries of South-East Asia and the right to self-determination of the Kampuchean people. Our proposals have been endorsed by the overwhelming majority of the international community, but Hanoi has refused to loosen its grip over Kampuchea. The tragedy is that it is the people of Kampuchea who suffer. We in ASEAN invite Viet Nam to join us in the search for a process that would result in the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces and the establishment of a neutral Kampuchea.
114.	The United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia cannot be implemented because of South Africa's insistence on linking the plan's implementation to the withdrawal of foreign forces from a neighbouring country. The intercommunal talks in Cyprus grind on without progress. In Central America, bloodshed continues. There are no simple solutions. Genuine economic and political reform is necessary. But countries in the region must have the means to resist foreign-backed subversion and insurgency. Domestic changes and problems cannot provide a pretext for foreign-inspired take-overs.
115.	I could continue this catalogue of the world's woes. We are no closer to solving any of the conflicts and tensions that preoccupied us last year. Nevertheless, this year we meet under slightly less gloomy circumstances than last year. The fact that the industrialized countries of the North seem at last to be slowly pulling out of recession is cause for guarded optimism.
116.	Not all the countries of the third world will, however, benefit from the economic recovery in the North. The harsh fact is that the recovery in the North will only imperfectly, unequally and slowly be transmitted to the South. But we cannot deny that the recovery gives us hope that the worst is over.
117.	There is, however, no reason to be sanguine. No one knows how long this recovery will last. It could be choked off by high interest rates, or the huge debt overhang of less developed countries could bring the banking system cashing down on all of us. Most important, the end of the recession does not mean that many of us will necessarily come closer to achieving the economic and social goals we have struggled for.
118.	For the past decade or so, countries of the third world have sought to organize themselves politically and economically in order to impress upon the developed countries of the North the need for a new international economic order. The record thus far has not been very encouraging. Appeals for a new deal have for the most part fallen on deaf ears. This was perhaps inevitable so long as the developed countries were mired in recession.
119.	It would be comforting to think that with economic recovery there will be greater support for special measures to assist economic development in the countries of the third world.
120.	The reality, unfortunately, may be very different. The countries of the North are more and more preoccupied with solving problems which have arisen in their relations with each other and so may come to see the South as increasingly peripheral to their welfare and to the recovery of the ailing international economy. In addition, there is a growing conviction in the North that much of the cause for the failure of the South to achieve more rapid development is due to misguided domestic policies in the countries of the South. Good will, a sense of guilt or self-interest—whatever it is that motivates those who strongly support special assistance to countries in the South is being rapidly exhausted.
121.	The recovery will therefore not mean a return to business as usual. The industries of the developed countries are undergoing a period of profound technological change that will restructure the world economy. Robotics and computerization are already revolutionizing production processes in the same way that mass production and assembly-line methods revolutionized production early this century. Further down the road, advances in such fields of basic science as genetic engineering and biotechnology and artificial intelligence will also have a far- reaching impact.
122.	A further change that we will see in the North is in the outmoded institutions, such as labour and management practices and attitudes forged during the first industrial revolution. These rigidities have hindered Europe and North America in absorbing new management and production techniques. The result has been a decline in competitiveness usually redounding to Japan's advantage. Those countries must, and will, set about creating new institutions and practices that will enable them to regain their competitive strength.
123.	All these changes pose challenges for us in the third world. They will make it possible for the developed countries to increase productivity and output with less labour. The introduction of automated production processes will erode the comparative advantage of the less-developed countries in cheap and plentiful labour. Economic recovery will not necessarily bring down levels of unemployment in the developed countries. Political pressures for protectionism will therefore not necessarily abate and may even become endemic. While this will naturally have an adverse impact upon our exports, the most dangerous consequences are far more subtle. Under electoral pressure and natural greed, the industrial North may hold on both to the labour-intensive industries and to the industries employing the new technology.
124.	The fact is that the North is not really very concerned over competition from low-cost imports from the South. It is today evident that the developed countries of the North are far more preoccupied with each other than with the third world. Trade frictions between the European Community and the United States, between the European Community and Japan and between Japan and the United States have been far more significant and have had a greater impact on the world economy than North- South problems.
125.	With the cost advantage arising from the cheap labour of third world countries being eroded by the new productive processes, we in the third world can no longer automatically depend upon a steady flow of investments from the North even if the world economy picks up dramatically. Developed countries may find it increasingly more profitable to locate plants in their own home countries to tap the highly educated and highly skilled labour needed by the new processes of production. The persistence of protectionism may also restructure existing patterns of capital flows, especially private capital flows. We already find, for example, Japanese companies setting up new plants in Europe and the United States in order to mute criticism and guarantee market access.
126.	As these trends work themselves out in the coming years, there is a real danger that the developed countries will come to believe that by themselves they can constitute a self-sustaining and closed international trading and economic system that can safely afford to ignore the rest of us in the third world.
127.	Needless to say, this is simply not true. I need only point out that in recent years more than 40 per cent of all United States exports have been to developing countries; more than 23 per cent of all exports from the European Community and some 57 per cent of all Japanese exports have also gone to developing countries. The magnitude of these trade flows shows that North and
South form a single interdependent system in which neither can ignore the other without dire political and economic consequences.
128.	Asserting this fact, however, is not enough. The record of North-South negotiations has demonstrated that warnings or cries for help fall on deaf ears. We will be heeded only if we help ourselves. To be taken seriously, each country in the third world needs to organize itself to face the challenges of the recovery. We cannot ignore the implications of the new technology. Unless we acquire new skills, identify new opportunities and absorb new ideas, we will be left on the wayside of development. We need to retrain, upgrade and educate. We must move up or remain, as we have been, hewers of wood and drawers of water.
129.	The measures needed to lift ourselves out of stagnation and low growth are more within our control than we care to admit. We have only to seek the reasons why some countries in the South have succeeded where others have failed. We will find that it is domestic policies that have made the difference. Pragmatic economic policies based on a sound knowledge of what motivates individuals and societies; education, training and social policies to elicit maximum effort; and institutions that meet specific local conditions—these are the ingredients of the success of the nations in the South which have managed to break the vicious cycle of poverty and stagnation. Such domestic policies have the great advantage of being within the control of each Government for their formulation and implementation, unlike schemes of international restructuring which no single Government can hope to influence decisively. The potential consuming power of the South, if translated into reality, gives it a more powerful leverage against the productive North. Production and consumption are inseparable elements of economic growth and prosperity.
130.	The South has too often defined the challenge of development in terms of the past. To be sure, a history of colonization and exploitation has trapped much of the third world in a vicious cycle of poverty. But the future has its own vicious cycle. Technology can trap us in poverty as surely as history. I do not think that our peoples will be much consoled if, in seeking to redress the injustices of the past, we fail to meet the challenges of the future.


1. May I begin, Sir, by extending my warm congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Your country and mine have always enjoyed friendly relations. I am convinced that you will lead this session to a successful conclusion.
2.	Permit me also to express the best wishes of Finland to the newly independent State of Saint Christopher and Nevis, the 158th Member of the United Nations.
3.	We in Finland recall vividly the recent visit of the Secretary-General to our country. He made a deep impression by his wisdom and experience when analyzing the problems the United Nations is facing. I hope that we convinced him of the dedication of the people and Government of Finland to carrying out their responsibilities towards the Organization.
4.	As my predecessor did in 1970, 1 have come to the Assembly in order to reaffirm Finland's active commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter, and to the United Nations as the principal instrument available to nations for keeping the peace in the world.
5.	Finland's security is based on co-operation and friendly relations with its neighbouring countries and with all States of the world. We are ready and fully committed to work in co-operation with other Member States for collective security under the Charter and for joint action to preserve and to restore peace.
6.	Many of the most serious threats to international security today seem, unfortunately, to be beyond the reach of the United Nations. The use of force in international relations has remained a regrettably common phenomenon. This is one of the principal challenges to the authority of the United Nations.
7.	The United Nations must be strengthened.
8.	A strong United Nations is in the interest of every Member State, big and small alike. Yet all too often this is forgotten by the parties to various disputes on the basis of short-sighted calculations and political expediency, with tragic consequences for all.
9.	The world can ill afford such a development. To counteract it, we must look realistically at the capabilities of the principal United Nations organs.
10.	The Security Council bears the primary responsibility for international peace and security. Implementation of and respect for Security Council resolutions by Member States are the corner-stone of the Charter and the foundation on which the viability of the United Nations as a whole rests. This applies to all Member States, yet the heaviest responsibility falls on the permanent members of the Council. Their failure to agree in the case of a specific dispute in no way absolves them or the Council from the duties entrusted to them by the Charter.
11.	The international community, and in particular small States like Finland, will always look to the Security Council to take swift and decisive action to impose its will, to stop aggression and to promote the peaceful settlement of disputes. This has often proved impossible. States have learned not to turn to the United Nations in their security need. There is another lesson to be learned: that the task of the United Nations is not only to stop wars, but to prevent them.
12.	The United Nations could be the most effective instrument for preventive action. Member States should make full use of the services the Organization can provide for making peace and keeping the peace. This is the way to a rational world order based on the Charter of the United Nations.
13.	The Charter remains as valid as ever, but the working methods and procedures of the principal organs of the United Nations may need adaptation on the basis of experience. Above all this concerns the functioning of the Security Council. We hope the Council will be able to develop procedures for initiating action in the early stages of conflicts in order to prevent the use of force.
14.	Preventive diplomacy and the prevention of the use of force are challenges both to the Security Council and to the whole international community. All countries live in the shadow of nuclear weapons, and nothing can be more important than the prevention of nuclear war. Tension between nuclear-weapon States is therefore a source of concern to all.
15.	We have been witnessing mounting tension and distrust in recent times. Harsh language has been their measure; increased fear may be their consequence. In this Hall, intended to provide a forum for dialogue in which all States ought to be able to participate without impediment and where courtesy and respect are every Member State's due, I wish to make an earnest appeal for a cool attitude when tempers are hot. Such an attitude does not exclude generosity and compassion.
16.	Yet to an optimistic mind some signs of hope have been discernible. There are indications that the political will to negotiate has not been lost. The 35 States participating in the follow-up meeting at Madrid of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe have agreed on a substantive concluding document, which opens new avenues towards improved security. This fact justifies cautious optimism, as do the hopes recently born that the leading nuclear Powers will finally find a way to proceed successfully in their negotiations on both strategic and so-called intermediate-range nuclear forces. Security will increase not with the acquisition or deployment of new and even more destructive nuclear weapons, but rather with limitation and reduction of their number. The world expects that the dialogue between the nuclear- weapon States will help to turn the arms race in the opposite direction.
17.	Without new agreements the arms race will continue, producing more fear and tension. It is an undeniable fact that the nuclear-weapon States already possess a manifold over-kill capacity. Nuclear weapons are not weapons in the old sense of the word. They are devices of senseless and uncontrollable destruction, the scope of which eludes our imagination. No rational political aims can be pursued by reliance on the use of these fearsome products of modern technology. They have become a source of infinite insecurity for all nations, including the nuclear-weapon States themselves. Possession of them therefore implies an enormous responsibility.
18.	People everywhere—in the West and in the East, in nuclear-weapon States and in non-nuclear-weapon States alike—are expressing their anxiety about the present course of events. The Governments bearing responsibility for nuclear weapons, and the international community as a whole, should finally be able to display the moral courage and the common sense needed to respond in the only sensible way: by eliminating the nuclear danger.
19.	Nuclear war is nowhere professed to be a means of rational policy. To limit such a war would scarcely be possible. Its effects would extend beyond all national boundaries. The authorization of even the smallest nuclear reprisal in a crisis situation would quite probably lead to an all-out nuclear war. Awareness of this fact should lead to further agreements now. The use of force is prohibited by the Charter, but the peoples of the world are entitled to specific assurances against the use of nuclear weapons.
20.	Finland has made its contribution by becoming a party to all treaties in the disarmament field open to it. In particular, Finland has consistently supported the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as the best instrument to combat the spread of the possession of nuclear weapons, which is a threat to all States, nuclear and non-nuclear alike. We urge all nations to accede to it and to accept international safeguards on all their nuclear activities. The supply and use of nuclear materials for peaceful purposes and the prevention of the proliferation of nuclear weapons are necessary complements of each other.
21.	By acceding to the Treaty, my country has reaffirmed an obligation never to acquire nuclear weapons of its own. Nor do we allow any nuclear weapons on our territory. The non-nuclear status of Finland is thus comprehensive in the full meaning of the word. As a consequence, we are entitled to expect and to demand that such weapons are never, under any circumstances, used against us and that we are not threatened with such weapons. We welcome the assurances given so far in this respect by the nuclear-weapon States. We hope that they will eventually agree on a set of effective security guarantees.
22.	Finland has sought to consolidate the prevailing nuclear-weapon-free status in the region of northern Europe through initiatives for the creation of a Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone.
23.	The days when a State could pursue a policy completely independent of all others are long past. It is therefore of great importance that all countries, irrespective of their social systems and their belonging to different military alliances, be ready to increase their co-operation. This by itself will strengthen confidence in a peaceful political development in the world. Peace is the best guarantee for all peoples that they will be able to achieve their own objectives. This requires consideration for the valid interests of others, mutual understanding and tolerance.
24.	The United Nations, together with the specialized agencies, is a unique instrument for international cooperation, not only in the field of security. Through the United Nations, Finland and other small States have learned to carry wider responsibilities than ever before. Thus we all take part in the efforts to reduce poverty and implement human rights and fundamental freedoms. In areas such as these, the practical results of the work of the United Nations cannot be easily quantified. They are important components in the contribution that the United Nations and its specialized agencies make to the construction of a safer and more just world.
25.	Here I want to pay a tribute to the initiative of the chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries leading to the presence of a number of heads of State or Government at the present session of the General Assembly. This is convincing proof of widespread willingness to give full weight to the efforts of the United Nations to maintain peace and to strengthen its authority.
26.	Maintaining relations of trust and co-operation with its neighbours and pursuing an active policy of neutrality designed to promote peaceful development, Finland hopes to play a constructive role as a member of the international community. Our policy of neutrality enables us to maintain friendly relations with all States, irrespective of their social system, size or security policy. Through this consistent policy, we stand ready, whenever possible, to work for conciliation and the peaceful settlement of international disputes.
27.	We believe in the United Nations. We need the Organization, and we are convinced that the United Nations needs the full co-operation of all its Member States.


102.	  It gives me great pleasure, Mr. President, to begin my statement by congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Your election to that responsible office is an expression of the esteem of the international community both for you personally and for the prominent position of your country among the nations of the world.
103.	I also wish to join those of my colleagues who have preceded me in expressing admiration and gratitude to Mr. Imre Hollai, President of the thirty-seventh session, for the skill with which he conducted its proceedings.
104.	Our appreciation goes also to the Secretary-General, who has to carry out his heavy responsibilities in the difficult circumstances now confronting the countries and peoples of the world. The wisdom, foresight and objectivity with which he conducts United Nations affairs deserve our respect and support. We wish him all success.
105.	I also wish to join the heads of other delegations in welcoming Saint Christopher and Nevis as a new Member of the United Nations, now to participate with the other Member States in achieving the noble objectives of the Organization.
106.	The General Assembly is reconvening this year in the shadow of an international community still burdened with conflicts, turmoil and intrigues, of an international situation still characterized by tension and anxiety, of political problems still awaiting solutions and of economic crises which are choking the countries of the world.
107.	We come here every year to the General Assembly to face this long list of issues, problems and tensions, like someone searching for the light at the end of the tunnel. We seek ways and means of finding common ground in confronting these problems. We make pledges and promises to protect the independence of our countries, to refrain from interfering in each others' affairs and to respect the sovereignty of each State and its right to choose freely the form of government it desires. We fervently endeavour to adhere to the lofty purposes and principles which form the basis of the Organization.
108.	Fortunately the keen interest we sensed on the part of world leaders this year in participating in the deliberations of the General Assembly and their statements about the need to deal seriously with the problems under consideration and to adhere to the Charter of the Organization are all an indication of the value attached by States and peoples to the important role of the United Nations.
109.	As Members of the Organization, we are all pledged to adhere to the Charter and to be in earnest in implementing its provisions. The super-Powers bear a special responsibility in this regard. The fact that they are superpowers possessing considerable resources of power and means of defence and influence given them no special rights. Power does not confer rights; rather, it imposes duties and responsibilities.
110.	It is the duty of those Powers to establish the basis for just and efficient international co-operation and to protect the interests and independence of small States, rather than dividing them into spheres of influence. History provides ample proof that a division of the world into spheres of influence among conflicting forces leads, in the final analysis, to the outbreak of world wars, with the resulting catastrophes and destruction.
111.	All this confirms that world peace cannot prevail and international relations cannot be established unless the contemporary international political order is based on the principles of right, equality, justice and the rule of law—all of which constitutes a complete and indivisible framework.
112.	The Islamic world, through the Organization of the Islamic Conference; the Arab world, through the League of Arab States; and, from within those two groups, the group comprising the States of the Gulf Co-operation Council, have played and continue to play constructive roles in strengthening and developing cooperation among the States members of those organizations, in accordance with the basic rules which brought them together and unified them, and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, international laws and practice and the principles of right and justice. These organizations strive for prosperity and progress among their member States, thereby fulfilling the purposes of the United Nations and reaffirming the principles of its Charter.
113.	We hope that the Secretary-General of the United Nations will intensify his efforts to ensure co-operation with the Secretary-General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Secretary-General of the Arab League, in accordance with General Assembly resolutions that have recommended increased co-operation among them, in the interest of international co-operation and world stability.
114.	His Majesty King Fahd Ibn Abdul Aziz has confirmed the Kingdom's keen desire to lend its full cooperation at the international level, within the United Nations and its organizations and agencies, and to abide by the Charter of the United Nations, supporting its endeavours and combating any attempts to weaken it and reduce the rule of law, as happens when attempts are made to replace it by the force of arms and by terrorism.
115.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has anchored its dealings with other States on solid grounds. These grounds are: the principle of national sovereignty, absolute rejection of any attempts to tamper with that sovereignty, and dealing with others on the basis of equality and refraining from any intervention in their internal affairs.
116.	While my country supports all the efforts of the United Nations to reduce tension and conflict in various areas of the world, it condemns all attempts at external covert or overt intervention that can threaten the security and stability of other States. In this connection, we should learn from past experience and realize that these external adventures will backfire and in the end have adverse effects for those engaging in them.
117.	It is regrettable that there should be a deep gulf, a wide gap, between the commitment to the principles and provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and the actual conduct of international relations. This has rendered more frequent the resort to force, violence and military superiority in settling disputes, instead of adhering to the principle of legitimacy and searching for concepts of right and justice. This regrettable development has led to a loss of prestige for the international Organization, which is a reflection of the hopes of mankind for a society where security, peace, justice and the rule of law prevail. 119. This dangerous situation makes it necessary, indeed urgent, for all the members of the international community to consider serious and responsible measures to reaffirm the commitment to the original principles of the Organization and to strengthen its lofty aims and objectives.
120 , The United Nations has adopted dozens of resolutions relating to Israel's naked aggression against the people of Palestine, including resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly since 11 December 1948 providing that the Palestine refugees should be permitted to return to their homes if they choose to do so and that compensation should be paid to those choosing not to return. Resolution 194 (III) has been followed by dozens of resolutions on the same line, but Israel has refused to implement any of them. Israel has also refused to implement the resolutions confirming the rights and legitimate interests of the Palestinians living in the territories occupied by Israel. In this regard, a cause for concern is the extent of Israel's defiance of these resolutions, which has led the United Nations to reaffirm its past resolutions by adopting new ones every time the Palestine question comes up for discussion.
121.	This dangerous defiance has a negative effect on the credibility of the United Nations itself; the prestige of the international Organization, which embodies the hopes and aspirations of peoples and nations for peace, will be severely shaken if it contents itself with adopting resolutions and recommendations. The viability of the United Nations as a reliable and effective safety-valve for maintaining peace and security in the world and establishing the basis of justice in international co-operation depends to a great extent on its ability to assume its role, not merely by adopting resolutions but also by ensuring their implementation.
122.	The United Nations has repeatedly stressed the necessity of safeguarding the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and has in its resolutions condemned Israel for its role as an aggressor and its occupation of Arab lands. But the result has been that the Zionist entity has not moved one inch away from its policy of aggression. There can be no better example of that than the naked Israeli military occupation of Lebanon and the resulting deterioration of the conditions in the area.
123.	In that way Israel has given conclusive proof that it does not wish to listen to the unanimous calls of the international community. After all this, we must ask: Does the United Nations have any alternative to proceeding from the level of condemnation to the level of tangible measures that would put an end to this aggression, which violates all international obligations, principles and laws?
124.	That question is put to the United Nations. If it wishes to regain its credibility, its resolutions must be taken seriously. That cannot be done if the resolutions are not implemented.
125.	The continued denial by Israel and those who support it of the right of the Palestinian people to live in freedom, security and peace in its own country will result in catastrophe for those who created the problem.
It is also necessary to warn against the dangerous measures that the Zionist entity has taken and continues to take in Al-Quds, which is recognized as a Holy City by more than 1 billion Moslems all over the world. Foremost among these measures are those taken to judaize the Holy City and to change its features, as well as the excavations under the Masjid Al-Aqsa and the adjacent demolitions, which are likely to undermine its structure. If the won J wakes up one morning to the news that the Masjid Al- Aqsa has been damaged or completely destroyed, the violent reactions by the Islamic world will have dangerous effects, effects that will not be confined to the security and stability of the area but that will extend far and wide.
126.	The dangerous developments and repercussions arising from the events in the Middle East crises, added to the inhuman practices of the Zionist entity in Al-Quds and the rest of the occupied territories—in particular, the persistence in establishing settlements—provide most impressive proof of the futility of the hope of establishing a just and lasting peace in the area as long as Israel plans aggression and expansion and as long as the international community does not respond to those plans with more than resolutions of rejection, condemnation and denouncement. On our part, we, as Arabs, have established that we advocate peace, and we continue to reiterate our desire for peace—peace based on justice and not peace imposed by force and subjugation.
127.	The Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez, confirmed the firm Arab approach to peace based on justice, peace that guarantees the security and safety of all the States in the region, including the Palestinian State, and secures the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Those rights include the right of return and self-determination and the establishment of its own State on its own land. Such a peace cannot be established without the participation of the Palestinian people through its sole and legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization.
128.	This approach has recently been endorsed in the texts adopted at the International Conference on the Question of Palestine held at Geneva, which affirmed the primary responsibility of the Security Council for the establishment of security and peace. These texts appeal to the international community to end military, economic and political aid to Israel in order to prevent its continued aggression.
129 As in past years, the General Assembly has before it this year for consideration and for the adoption of positions and resolutions a long list of problems involving Zionist aggression and crime.
130.	We hope the international community will demonstrate its objectivity and its determination to require each Member State to enforce its resolutions or suffer the sanctions stipulated in the Charter.
131.	We demand of the great Powers, to which the Zionist entity owes its creation and continued existence— and we demand of the United States of America in particular, which bestows upon Israel considerable means of power and a great portion of its means of livelihood— that they take action to deter Israel, since the danger has now grown to an extent that poses a threat to the security and stability not only of the region: but of the world at large.
132.	The problem of Lebanon today is the result of continued and recurring Zionist aggression. Israel's aggression and invasion of Lebanon under the eyes of the international community has stirred up internal conflicts nourished by Israel, thus creating further complications. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, in co-operation with
Lebanon and with sister States and friends, is doing its utmost to prevent a further complication of the problem and to protect Lebanon's integrity, freedom and independence and to secure the resumption of normal life.
133.	At a time when the Arabs prove to the whole world their good intentions, their movement towards peace and their keen interest in establishing the principles of legitimacy and respect for the international will, Israel gives one proof after another of its aggressive intentions, its expansionist objectives and its designs to pervade the region with chaos, instability, disturbance and dissension.
134.	While the Arabs have offered to the world irrefutable proof of their desire for a just and comprehensive peace—namely, the Arab peace plan—Israel has added to its chain of aggressive actions a new link which involves horror, violence and threats to security and stability on a scale not less than its previous actions. I refer to its brazen military invasion of Lebanon and horrible massacres that resulted in the deaths of thousands of innocent children, women and elderly persons, a deterioration of conditions in Lebanon and a threat to security and peace in the region. Israel's aim was to abort all peace efforts and initiatives. Action in furtherance of that aim included its categorical and immediate rejection even of President Reagan's initiative, while the Arab States endeavoured, particularly through the Committee of Seven emanating from the Fez Summit Conference, to benefit from positive aspects of that initiative.
135.	This happened at the very time when the intensive efforts of the Arabs to stop the fighting in Lebanon and to begin a national dialogue between the various Lebanese factions, as a prelude to the return of stability, national unity and full sovereignty, proved the Arabs' capability and determination to engage seriously in the issues of peace, while the continued Israeli military presence in Lebanon, the continued naked Israeli attempts to stir up dissension and  problems between the various Lebanese communities, and Israel's interference in Lebanon's internal affairs provide further proof of its evil intent and its aggressive objectives and purposes.
136.	By its repeated attacks on Lebanon and its flagrant military invasion of that country, Israel intended to make Lebanon a feather in the wind, to make it unable to stand on its own feet or to make its voice heard, with no cause to occupy it except fighting, internal strife and the loss of life and property. Hut the courageous Lebanese people has proved its resilience and ability to rise to the challenge, even under the harshest and gloomiest conditions. An agreement has been reached on a cease-fire and on the initiation of a national dialogue in order to reach agreement and find a fundamental solution to the problem, based on respect for Lebanon's sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence, Arab character, the unity of the people and Government, and the protection of the rights of everyone in the country on the basis of equality, respect, coexistence and co-operation.
137.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which made intensive efforts to achieve a cease-fire agreement and to begin a national dialogue between the Lebanese parties, hopes that the positive spirit which led to that agreement will grow deeper and firmer. At the same time, the Kingdom believes that the Israeli presence in Lebanon—an aggressive military presence resulting from an invasion by force—will remain the major cause of setbacks and deterioration in the situation. The Israeli perspective of the situation in Lebanon—or, rather, in the whole Middle East region—emanates from dangerous racist and expansionist attitudes and relies on arrogance of power and a desire to dominate. Therefore, the ending of Israeli intervention in the internal affairs of Lebanon and the full and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Lebanese territories are prerequisites for the return of normal conditions to Lebanon and for dedicating all efforts once more towards establishing a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.
138.	The war between the two neighbouring Muslim States, Iraq and Iran, has entered its fourth year, and it still inflicts on the two countries the highest price in lives and potential. There is no justification for its continuance, and there will be no victor, regardless of the outcome.
139.	Iraq has demonstrated its complete readiness to forget the past, to stop the fighting and to preserve the lives of the Iraqi and Iranian peoples. It accepted the mediation of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the United Nations and the various international and bilateral endeavours, the latest of which was the endeavour by the States of the Gulf Co-operation Council, which we hope will be successful.
140.	The application of the principles of our Islamic religion, accepted by the international community, requires that both Iraq and Iran stop the fighting and resort to reason to settle their dispute. The great Powers and the Security Council also bear a special responsibility in this regard.
141.	We hope that Iran will respond to the call for peace and proceed in that direction.
142.	The fierce war in Afghanistan, where for three years and nine months the Afghan mujahidin have engaged in a war of liberation against the Soviet military invasion, sets the greatest example of sacrifice and struggle.
143.	This war also represents another face of aggression, that perpetrated by a super-Power against a State which to that very moment had had friendly relations with it and had maintained good-neighbourly relations with it for many years. That State was rewarded by invasion. We salute the Afghan	and we fully support the demand of the Afghan people for the withdrawal of foreign troops from its territory and the establishment of a system of government acceptable to it that would maintain its neutrality and preserve its beliefs and faith. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has fulfilled its responsibilities within the framework of the intensive efforts of the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eliminate the means of the oppression and occupation suffered by the Afghan people in order to enable it to act freely and to assure its right to freedom, independence and the exercise of sovereignty in its own land, and to draw attention to the gravity of the Soviet armed invasion of Afghanistan and the need to stand firm against that aggression. That aggression constitutes a serious precedent that is not limited to violating the sovereignty of the Afghan people and depriving it of its right to self-determination and to choose the system of government acceptable to it, but extends to breeding instability in the region and threatening international peace and security,
144.	We reiterate our appeal to the Soviet Union, as a super-Power sharing the responsibility for international peace, to set an example by withdrawing from Afghanistan and leaving the country to its people, so that it may recover the status of neutrality and live at peace with all its neighbours.
145.	We also hope that the Soviet Union will appreciate the high moral and political price it must pay for its continued occupation of Afghanistan and its war against the Afghan people. The entire Moslem world and all nations that cherish freedom and peace support the rights of the Afghan people and demand that the Soviet Union withdraw from its land.
146. I wish to reiterate my country's thanks to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan for the generous assistance it extends to the Afghan refugees and emigrants, at the expense of Pakistan's economy and potential. The number of refugees in Pakistan exceeds 3.5 million.
147. The policy of racial discrimination pursued by the Government of South Africa is an ugly feature of the civilization of the twentieth century. South Africa stands with its Zionist ally in Palestine and partner in the manufacture of nuclear weapons and the exchange of terrorist expertise before the eyes of the world, with the aim of threatening the security of small States and terrorizing them. Each of them ties its fate to the other. Each of them is doomed to failure unless it recognizes reality and follows the path of justice.
148.	We reiterate our condemnation of the racial policies of South Africa and its evil alliance with the Zionist entity in Palestine. We demand of the countries of the world that they take the position that corresponds with their international responsibilities and the principles which form the basis of the Charter of the United Nations. We also support the right of the Namibian people to independence.
149.	The General Assembly, at its second special session devoted to disarmament, convened last year, emphasized the dangers faced by mankind because of the problem of armaments. The non-nuclear States expressed the desire to protect themselves against the use and threat of use of nuclear weapons, to prevent the testing of nuclear weapons, to ensure the cessation of the manufacture of chemical weapons and the destruction of arsenals of such weapons, and to establish zones of peace and nuclear- free zones in the Middle East, Africa, South-East Asia and other regions of the world.
150.	We see how, nevertheless, the Zionist entity in Israel persists in the use of internationally banned weapons. The world has recently seen tens of thousands of Palestinians and Lebanese, most of them children, women and the elderly, falling victim to cluster and concussion bombs used by Israel during its aggressive invasion of Lebanon.
151.	The United Nations could solve the problem of ending the arming of Israel, South Africa and other countries with weapons of mass destruction, particularly as this falls outside the realm of the extremely complex issues of international disarmament.
152.	In the last few years the world has faced an economic situation characterized by continued economic recession, a deterioration in the terms of international trade, increased rates of unemployment even in the industrialized countries, a sharp fluctuation in the balance of foreign trade and payments, the increased recurrence of protectionism in the industrialized countries, and the adoption by these countries of a bilateral approach to solve their international economic problems. Naturally, the impact of these conditions on developing countries has been extremely serious and this has impeded then- developmental efforts.
153.	These developments proved the nature and importance of interdependence and illustrated the fact that no country cam live in isolation from the rest of the world or shield itself from the economic problems confronting the world. They also showed the impossibility of any country or group of countries undertaking alone responsibility for resolving world economic problems. They have consequently confirmed the necessity and priority of broad international co-operation in dealing with international economic problems.
154.	The increased tendency towards protectionism among the industrial countries represents a regrettable approach which world experience has proved to be futile and destructive to international trade. Consequently, a continuance of this tendency threatens the entire world with a return to the tragic and painful experiences of the 1930s.
155.	We therefore call upon the industrial countries to repeal the protectionist measures adopted by them and to reaffirm their commitment to the system of free international trade. We call upon them to deal with economic and trade problems through existing international channels and in accordance with recognized international agreements and treaties.
156.	It was natural that the international monetary system should face considerable difficulties as a result of the serious world economic developments in the past few years. We are convinced that although this system had demonstrated its ability to face difficult international conditions, it had also demonstrated the necessity and urgency of reforms which would enable it to respond more flexibly to the international economic and political changes that had taken place since its inception and to take better into account the development needs of developing countries.
157.	It is evident that there is an organic interrelationship between the issues of trade, commodities, finance and development that calls for an integrated and comprehensive approach to these issues. It is truly regrettable that the repeated attempts to activate international economic co-operation and to launch a new round of comprehensive economic negotiations have not as yet borne fruit. However, we still since we believe in the importance of these negotiations and in the necessity of overcoming all procedural barriers to their initiation.
158.	The developing countries have reiterated time and again their true desire for sincere co-operation in the interest of the welfare of the international community and have shown a considerable degree of flexibility and a definite tendency to pragmatism and objectivity in their approach to international economic co-operation for development. That tendency was particularly demonstrated in the resolutions adopted by the Seventh Conference of the Heads of State or Government of the Non Aligned Countries and in the Buenos Aires Platform adopted by the Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 779  is regrettable that this positive spirit among the developing countries has not yet received a proper response from the industrial countries. Thus a golden opportunity for co-operation was missed at the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
159.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has demonstrated its strong support for the efforts to develop and strengthen economic co-operation among the developing countries and for the strategy of collective self-reliance. I should like to reiterate from this rostrum our continued support for such efforts, which we consider an essential complement to the efforts to strengthen international economic co-operation.
160.	I am convinced that the difficulties which hinder our efforts to activate international economic co-operation and to establish an international economic system based on justice must under no circumstances be a cause for despair. On the contrary, they should prompt us to continue our efforts tirelessly and relentlessly.
161.	The tools of death and destruction possessed by the super-Powers have reached such a degree of perfection and precision that they could easily and instantly annihilate our civilization. Consequently, it rests with all of us to exert earnest and continuous efforts to prevent the resort to those weapons of mass destruction and to support world peace by every possible means. If that imminent danger and the tremendous balance of terror between the nuclear Powers, particularly the United States and the Soviet Union, is a deterrent to the transformation of crises into full-scale destructive wars, then such a preventive deterrent provides no certain guarantee for peace. There can be no guarantee except by initiating a process of disarmament, by destroying those lethal weapons and abandoning their production. That alone will not suffice. Nothing will be achieved unless there is a fundamental change in present attitudes, a relinquishment by the Powers monopolizing weaponry of their greed, an endeavour by every nation on Earth to choose co-operation and harmony in preference to feuds and conflicts, and the creation of a suitable environment wherein mutual trust can prevail.
162.	Force may sometimes succeed in solving certain problems, but such success remains vulnerable. It will never reach the roots of problems. In the last analysis, those who seek fundamental solutions to their problems must acquire the necessary moral capability.
163.	Peaceful coexistence between peoples is not just a political slogan or an economic necessity. It is a pressing need for humanity to achieve its goals of progress, prosperity and abundance.
164.	As is rightly written in the Koran, "As for the foam, it disappears like scum upon the banks, while that which is for the good of mankind remains on the Earth". The All-Powerful God spoke the truth.