1.	  Mr. President, I should first like to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly and to assure you of our complete cooperation in the discharge of your functions.
2.	This Assembly meets a quarter of a century after the Charter was signed and the United Nations created. This occasion prompts us to take stock of the results achieved, to assess the effectiveness and utility of the Organization and to analyze the means and action required to help it achieve the aspirations and ideals for which it was created.
3.	This Organization was created to promote a new international order based on respect for the equal rights of all States large and small, and on the age-old determination of the peoples of the world to live in peace, to establish international cooperation and to develop. Those desires remain valid 25 years later.
4.	The fight against imperialist aggression, the fight to do away completely with colonialism and neocolonialism, to ensure that all the peoples of the world may enjoy their sacred right to self-determination and independence, to create conditions in which backward nations can develop economically and socially and overcome the barriers between them and the achievements of science and technology these continue to be the most important tasks before us, and they have prompted most of mankind to join together in a common front.
5.	However, as a result of factors that have nothing to do with the Charter, and which may be summed
up as the failure of certain imperialist Powers, and particularly the United States, to comply with its purposes and principles, the United Nations has been unable fully to carry out its lofty mission of guaranteeing international peace and security.
6.	An item that has remained on our agenda since the last session as a result of an initiative of the delegation of the Soviet Union the strengthening of international security has unquestionably helped to bring that preoccupation into focus. Cuba shares the concern expressed by that delegation and by other socialist countries in the draft declaration that has in this connexion been submitted to the First Committee for consideration [A/C.I./L.513].
7.	Cuba has unswervingly maintained that peace is an indivisible and universal value and can be guaranteed only when it is enjoyed by everyone without exception. So it is that the successful efforts to bring about peace in today's world depend both on the fight against imperialist aggression and on militant solidarity with any people facing imperialist aggression, weapons in hand. Stopping the aggressor and cutting off its claws wherever he may be trying to use them is the best way of guaranteeing the security of those who may fall victim tomorrow.
8.	The peoples of Indo-China, the Middle East and Africa are therefore in the vanguard of efforts to achieve peace and universal security.
9.	The situation in Indo-China seems about to be resolved. American imperialism, after a long and cruel war in which almost all the resources of its criminal arsenal have been used, not only has been unsuccessful in taking away the freedom and independence of the people of VietNam but also has suffered at their hands, one of the greatest military and political defeats in its history. Its infamous cause in VietNam having been irretrievably lost, the only way out now for the United States is immediately, completely and unconditionally to withdraw its troops, equipment and military personnel and its allies and lackeys must do the same. It has no other alternative unless it wishes to continue to accumulate defeats on the battlefield and dishonor and repudiation throughout the world.
10.	Cuba once again expresses complete solidarity with the people of VietNam and the Government of the Democratic Republic of VietNam, which has just commemorated the twenty-fifth anniversary of its heroic and exemplary existence, with the Revolutionary Provisional Government of South VietNam and the popular armed forces for the liberation of South
VietNam, which in their just and courageous struggle have shown all oppressed peoples the way to complete emancipation. International solidarity with the cause of the VietNamese people has become ever stronger with the passing of each day. This bears witness to universal repudiation of the innumerable crimes by American imperialism and its overseers in Saigon. The Conference of NonAligned Countries held last month in Lusaka  was a clear indication of the sweeping movement of sympathy and solidarity with the VietNamese people. Participation by the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South VietNam in the person of Foreign Minister Comrade Nguyen Thi Bin is a great stride forward in the movement of nonaligned countries who in this way have demonstrated their unswerving commitment to the struggle of the people of the world against imperialism and colonialism. The ovation given by the participants to Mrs. Bin was the longest and loudest of the entire Conference. The resolution which was adopted on Indo-China is an unequivocal warning to American imperialism that the peoples of the third world are standing by the VietNamese and other people of Indo-China in their heroic struggle against aggression and in support of their full enjoyment of independence and self-determination, and they demand an immediate and unconditional end to American aggression.
11.	But this solidarity is not shared solely by those who have experienced the harsh realities of colonialism. In Western metropolitan countries and in particular in the United States itself people have been expressing their determined support for heroic Indo-China.
12.	The Provisional Revolutionary Government of South VietNam submitted to the Paris Conference on 17 September last an important proposal designed to resolve the VietNamese problem and to bring about progress in talks. The Government of the United States must put an end to its so-called policy of Viet Namization of the war and must formally declare that it will withdraw all its troops and all those of its allies before 30 June 1971. It is also proposed that a provisional coalition government be set up consisting of members of the present Provisional Revolutionary Government, members of the Saigon Administration who genuinely want peace, independence and neutrality, and persons of various political and religious persuasions including those who reside abroad for political reasons. Obviously such a government will not include the traitors Thieu, Ky and Khiem. This Government would pursue an independent foreign policy, one of friendship and respect for the territorial integrity of the Kingdoms of Laos and Cambodia.
13.	The present American Administration with low profile demagoguery has promised peace while expanding the war. Imperialist aggression has extended to the kingdom of Cambodia in the plot against Prince Samdec Norodom Sihanouk and there is now greater use of Yankee and Saigon troops against Laos. An imperialist move is now afoot to use Asians against Asians or and this amounts to the same thing to organize the military riffraff of their lackeys to defend the interests of their imperialist masters against the patriotic forces of the people. This move met with failure in the past when imperialism undertook the so called "special war". Starting the whole thing once again today shows that the criminal strategy of the Pentagon has run out of ideas. The present course can lead only to an even greater defeat for imperialism. The Yankee slogan of "Asians against Asians" is one which the people of the region will turn into "Asia against American imperialism and their traitors and mercenaries". The Conference of the peoples of Indo-China made an historic commitment and expressed its unanimous determination to fight until it has completely done away with American intervention.
14.	A particular cause for indignation is aggression against Cambodia. The neutral Cambodia of Prince Sihanouk defended its independence and sovereignty in exemplary fashion in difficult circumstances. Its conduct earned it the admiration of the whole world, particularly of the independent Asian and African nations. At the third conference of nonaligned countries the opinion of the third world on the situation in Cambodia was set forth with utmost clarity. After a lengthy debate in which 40 countries participated, 21 unequivocally stated that the only legitimate representative of Cambodia at the conference was the Royal Government of the National Union presided over by Prince Sihanouk. Only seven delegations defended the spurious representation of Lon Nol and 12 abstained. The figures could not be more eloquent. It is indeed scandalous that in this Assembly the lawful seat of the Government of Cambodia has been usurped by spokesmen of a puppet regime created by the Central Intelligence Agency, propped up by foreign bayonets and guilty of the crime of genocide against its own people. This Assembly must heed the call of the people of the third world, expressed at the Lusaka Conference, and must expel the Lon Nol clique and restore the rightful place of the legitimate government which together with its armed branch, the National United Front of Cambodia, has liberated a large part of the territory and represents the right of the people to an independent and peaceful life.
15.	In the Far East the tensions provoked by the aggressive policies of American imperialism against the Popular Democratic Republic of Korea continue. This problem has been considered by the General Assembly for many years. It is high time that it was resolved in the only way consistent with the principles of the Charter. The immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from South Korea must be called for and the so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea must be dissolved. Once and for all an end must be put to United Nations interference in the internal affairs of the Korean people. The peaceful and independent unification of Korea is a matter for the Korean people alone. Using the United Nations as an instrument in the antiKorean policies of the Government in Washington is a gross violation of the principles of the Charter and seriously impairs the prestige of this Organization.
16.	The conflict created by imperialist aggression in the Middle East continues unresolved. Cuba reaffirms its support of the Arab peoples and once again calls for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all occupied territories in the United Arab Republic, Syria and Jordan. Once again we express our solidarity with the Palestinian people in their heroic struggle to exercise their legitimate rights.
17.	We express once again our feelings of grief over the death of President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the great leader of the Egyptian people and hero of the Arab nation. His passing is a particularly severe blow for it has occurred at a time when the imperialists are threatening fresh aggression against the Arab people while Nixon is engaged in sabre-rattling around the Mediterranean.
18.	Young African nations, working hard to bring about progress, justice and independence, must cope with the growing threats of the forces of colonialism and racism which, disregarding all the resolutions adopted by this Assembly and the Security Council, wish to keep Africa in slavery and serfdom. The Lusaka Conference once again demonstrated that there is unity among all nonaligned countries defending the rights of the African peoples. It called on this Organization to adopt effective measures to put an end to colonialism and racial oppression and it condemned the military support which South Africa has been receiving from Western Powers. My delegation will cooperate with whatever efforts are made here to support the just fight of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea (Bissau), Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa.
19.	The right to self-determination is a universal one; it is an inalienable prerogative the exercise of which must be guaranteed for all peoples in all regions of the world. Therefore, my delegation once again would denounce the inertia of this Organization regarding the case of Puerto Rico. Five years ago my country called for consideration of the subject in the Special Committee on decolonization. But the Special Committee has not yet been able to consider it due to the stubborn opposition of the United States the administering Power. Puerto Rico is, has been, and will always be a Latin American nation. American military occupation since 1898, and pressure which has been brought to bear by all the resources of its empire to absorb it in the metropolitan country, has not been able to undermine the desire for independence of that sister people. Cuba would call on those who are opposed to colonialism to express their solidarity with the heroic struggle of the Puerto Rican people for national independence.
20.	Now when many delegations are concerned with strengthening the effectiveness of the Organization the question of its universality acquires fresh importance. However, there still remains a problem which has been hampering our activities for more than 20 years the representation of China. Our position is very well known and I need now only confirm it. Cuba will once again request that the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China be restored in this Organization and that the usurper Chiang Kaishek clique be expelled.
21.	The work of our Organization would be more effective if more States which could make an important contribution to international relations could participate. That is true of the German Democratic Republic. Discrimination against that independent State is unjust and harmful to the international community for it deprives it of the cooperation of a peaceful country which has achieved a high degree of economic development.
22.	As we begin the Second United Nations Development Decade the problem of promoting economic and social progress in the countries of the third world has become more pressing. We shall be considering that item in detail when it is taken up in the appropriate Committee, but we should now like to state a few important considerations which on more than one occasion have already been put forward by representatives of Cuba. The general picture outlined in various United Nations documents suggests that the effects of underdevelopment have been only slightly lessened. It is necessary to emphasize that development demands as its primary requisite profound structural changes in countries which wish to develop. That in turn inevitably requires revolutionary changes in the structure of power and social relations before injustice and inequality can be eliminated. Without such changes it would be illusory to imagine that the people can be mobilized or that the masses can make the sacrifices needed to develop the country.
23.	In the circumstances, therefore, it is impossible to expect that the Second Development Decade will achieve more than the first unless there is a radical change in international trade relations and in the generally prevailing ideas about foreign financing and its conditions.
24.	Furthermore, Cuba has said that the projected growth rate corresponds not even remotely to the plight of the developing countries. An annual per capita growth rate of between 3.5 per cent and 4.5 per cent in those countries means that the average annual income of the inhabitants of the countries of the third world would be approximately equivalent to 10 per cent of the average income of people in the developed capitalist countries and 5 per cent of the per capita income of the citizens of the United States. Such a prospect is hardly satisfactory for millions of men and women who live in poverty and who are prepared to fight for a more dignified existence.
25.	A number of delegations have expressed their concern over the hijacking of civilian aircraft. Cuba's position was very clearly set forth in the statement made by the delegation of Cuba in the general debate last year [1705th meeting] and in Cuba's Act 1226 promulgated by the Revolutionary Government to deal with this new form of crime. Allow me to say once again that Cuba has suffered more than any other country from the effects of these criminal activities which were invented, organized and promoted by the imperialist Government of the United States and its lackeys on this continent in an attempt to place our revolution in jeopardy. Since 1959 dozens of planes and hundreds of ships have been taken from our country and directed to the United States using violence leading on many occasions to the death of crew members and innocent passengers. Many of those planes and ships never came back to our country. They were literally stolen by the imperialists or their henchmen, and the end result, because of the bounty taken, has been tantamount to an act of piracy. The people responsible were never punished and even appeared on television and in the United States Congress where the legislators today who are complaining about such acts held them up as heroes. No international body raised a voice in protest. This Organization did nothing in the face of the reiterated denunciations of our delegation. At the time it was felt that we were a small country with very few planes and ships. But today an attempt is being made to mobilize the international community, for the effects of these crimes are precisely turning against those who promoted them before in such an irresponsible and criminal way.
26.	But the facts are there, eloquent and unassailable. No country has seized so many ships and planes in acts of piracy as the United States. No other country has provided a reception, protection and encouragement for those responsible for these misdeeds as the United States has done.
27.	Cuba, for its part, has rigorously applied a policy of immediately allowing these ships and crews to continue to their destinations and we have never encouraged such activities. Our Government was the first to pass a law establishing sanctions for those responsible for hijacking ships or aircraft. Our position is set forth in that law. We have not modified it nor do we intend to do so.
28.	We reject any attempt at pressure or boycotting through multilateral agreements and we would repeat that we are prepared to discuss the question of bilateral agreements to' resolve this problem with those countries which are prepared to take exactly the same action that we have taken as regards the hijacking of ships and planes and as regards other violations of laws and norms which govern international traffic and this on a strictly reciprocal basis.
29.	In connexion with this problem and to dispel certain tendentious interpretations, I will read the statement made on 28 September last by the Foreign Minister of Cuba, Dr. Raul Roa:
"We hope that the Government of the United States will not try an American citizen, Robert J. Labadie, for this is a case of mental alienation which has been established both in the United States and in Cuba.
"Mr. Robert J. Labadie is in a psychiatric hospital in Cuba. The Government of the United States, through the Swiss embassy, in a note dated 27 August of this year, expressed its willingness to receive Mr. Labadie in view of the fact that he "was under psychiatric treatment in the Valley Forge Hospital in Phoenixville, Pennsylvania. The Government of Cuba agreed to return him for humanitarian reasons.
"The authorities of the United States concealed this circumstance from public opinion. To apply the penal law to this person who is mentally ill would be a dishonest and illegal act.
"Through mere publicity the problem of the hijacking of planes cannot be solved.
"If the Government of the United States seriously wishes to deal with this problem, the Government of Cuba is prepared to sign immediately an agreement on the basis established in Cuban Act 1226, promulgated on 16 September 1969, which includes, in addition to the hijacking of aircraft, the hijacking of ships and other violations of laws and norms governing international traffic.
"We also wish to say clearly and categorically that we will not accept or endorse any international agreement on the hijacking of aircraft unless it specifically includes all other forms of piracy and violations without any exceptions."
30.	Of course, during the present debate an attempt was made to blame Cuba for these incidents. The self styled prosecutor has been a lawyer with the United Fruit Company and the Allied Chemical Company; he is at present a representative of the Aluminum Corporation of America, United States Steel and other United States companies, and in his leisure hours acts as the Foreign Minister of Costa Rica.
31.	Mr. Facio tried to divert the attention of this Assembly in his futile attempt to cover up aggressive plans against Cuba involving the Government that he personally represents. For a few months now, American imperialism has been hatching new aggressive plans against Cuba for which it is using the territories of Costa Rica and Nicaragua. This is a secret to no one. With the effrontery typical of pirates they even preach this to the four winds.
32.	Let us see what that gentleman said in Miami on 7 June last, according to the American press agency UPI:
"Gonzalo Facio, Foreign Minister of Costa Rica, suggested last night that the time had come 'to promote internal turmoil' in communist Cuba to overthrow the regime of Fidel Castro. He said that 'a few immediate blows from the defenders of freedom' would precipitate the defeat of Castro's control on the island."
He went on to say:
"First, Cuban military forces which are prepared to rebel must be guaranteed that they will be given the necessary means to do so."
33.	On 5 August last, when receiving two counterrevolutionary ringleaders who were organizing mercenary forces to be used for aggression against Cuba, President Jose Figueres of Costa Rica said:
"We must undertake a crusade to do away with all these ills and perhaps even to reply to one blow with one hundred blows, including armed action against Cuba for only our Latin American offensive can reverse the roles and bring everything into play to restore and strengthen our democratic system in America."
This is a direct quotation of Mr. Figueres' words which appeared in the newspaper La Nation of San Jose, Costa Rica, on 6 August 1970 and is taken from a report by the Associated Press, dated the same day.
34.	The stateless persons who have lost Cuban citizenship were so pleased with promises of aggression against Cuba that one of them said, according to the same newspaper: "When we go back to Cuba on 5 August 1970, that is, the day of the interview with Mr. Figueres, this will be a day which will go down in history as the first day of the Cuban liberation."
35.	A few days later Mr. Somoza, who is the present titular leader of the dynasty of Nicaragua and who on 26 July last exhorted other Nicaraguans to go and fight for the liberation of Cuba, received them in the same bellicose frame of mind.
36.	Our Government is familiar with the activities being carried out by mercenaries in the Caribbean and particularly in Florida, Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Our people, united and strong as ever, are prepared to put down, with an iron fist, any aggressors that dare to tread Cuban soil with their dirty boots.
37.	It would be regrettable indeed if these "crusades", paid for by the United Fruit Company, Allied Chemical, United States Steel or the Aluminum Corporation of America, were to forget the lessons of history. They should recall that almost 10 years ago, at the Bay of Pigs, our people put down the mercenary invasion organized, financed and directed by the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States Government.
38.	The Prime Minister of the Revolutionary Government of Cuba, Fidel Castro, issued a clear warning to the puppets planning aggression against Cuba, in his statement on 23 August last:
"Let none believe that they have the right to organize expeditions within their territory against our country, for we shall feel that we have the right, with the means available to us, to bring the war to the territory of the country that lends itself to such invasions against our country."
He added:
"We do not feel obliged to show any respect for the lackey Governments that organize bases for aggression against Cuba."
39.	That is a reply worthy of a people who achieved its independence and sovereignty at the price of much sacrifice and heroically faced the most powerful empire of the world. This is the position of a people prepared to defend its rights no matter what the circumstances, no matter how powerful the enemy. This is the unshakable policy of a people determined to live in peace but not fearing combat, one that will victoriously repel any act of aggression. This is the position of a people that will never return to being the prey of imperialists and will always raise high the banner of socialism in the heart of the Caribbean, at the very gates of the worst enemy of mankind. Fatherland or death. We shall prevail.


153.	  This session of the General Assembly which we are now beginning has, as has already been said, a special and far-reaching importance. For the first time in history an international organization of this kind has reached the celebration of 25 years of its existence.
154.	It is a happy augury for the development of our work to have you as the President of the Assembly, sir, not only because of your personal qualifications but also because you represent a country which is a paradigm of the legal, political and social values which should serve the world of today. We extend to you, Mr. President, the sincere congratulations and the best wishes of my delegation on your well deserved election.
155.	My country has felt deeply sorrowful on hearing of the death of His Excellency President Gamal Abdel Nasser, which occurred yesterday since he was the Head of State of a people with which we have always maintained friendly and cordial relations.
156.	We cannot but regret the death of a leader of such worldwide importance as was President Nasser, who always fought indefatigably for the improvement and wellbeing of his fellow citizens. On this painful occasion I should like to extend to the delegation of the United Arab Republic the sincere feelings of condolences of the Government and people of Honduras.
157.	To say that the United Nations has completed 25 years of existence implies something more than merely celebrating its silver anniversary. I believe that now among all the feelings which nest in our hearts the dominant one, the one which cannot be concealed, is the feeling of astonished and surprised joy. Nor could it have been otherwise. For those of us who saw this Organization being born out of the ruins of a devastated world destroyed by the largest conflagration which man has ever brought about; for those of us who saw its hesitant first steps and the constant crises which have threatened its existence, it cannot but be a cause for amazement, but also of pride, that the Organization has managed to survive.
158.	In itself, mere survival would be a source for optimism and faith in the future of mankind. However, the United Nations has not limited itself to mere survival but, through its various organs, it has struggled steadfastly to bring into being a better material and spiritual world.
159.	Often, on comparing what was achieved, with the objectives of the San Francisco Charter, we bring to light the shortcomings, deliberately ignoring the reasons which brought them about and which are to be imputed to its Members large or small. Such a recognition, although the results may fail to measure up exactly to our expectations, will be more than sufficient to make visible to the eyes of the world the efficiency of this world forum.
160.	A proof of the faith which the United Nations principles inspire is the substantial increase in the number of its Members. To the 51 States which signed the San Francisco Charter, 75 have been added, thus raising the membership to 126. Such an increase, as I said, is encouraging.
161.	Honduras, consistent with its tradition of legal and peaceful coexistence with all States, has attended the meetings which are intended to bring normalcy to the Central American region, and has been prepared to participate in a constructive dialog, conscious that peace in Central America is a precious heritage which we must restore for the benefit of our peoples.
162.	A year ago, with strong feelings which were then warranted, I denounced before this Assembly the armed conflict which a neighboring country imposed on mine. Today, although all the wounds have not yet been healed, I have come to give an account of the progress achieved in the process of bringing peace between both States.
163.	In December 1969 the Ministers of External Affairs of the Central American countries met in the city of Managua with the intention of bringing about normalcy in the Central American area. Realizing that these lofty objectives require the sincere cooperation of all States, we reaffirmed the decision of our Government to settle the conflicts which might arise between us in accordance with the rules of law. We also expressed the hope that the consequences of the conflict I mentioned would be resolved satisfactorily by means of bilateral negotiations between the parties directly concerned.
164.	For that purpose, a bilateral working group was set up composed of representatives of Honduras and
El Salvador, which was to study formulas which would make it possible to reach an overall solution to the conflict. I am happy to be able to inform this Assembly that this Group, whose moderator was the skillful diplomat and illustrious former SecretaryGeneral of the Organization of American States, Dr. Jose A. Mora, who was designated by the present SecretaryGeneral of the same organization with the consensus of the member parties, is carrying out its work in a satisfactory manner.
165.	After protracted discussions in the regional organization, we were able to establish, by an agreement signed at San Jose, Costa Rica, a security zone for the purpose of pacification of the Honduran Salvadorean frontier, which, no doubt, constituted the first step in the lengthy and arduous process of achieving the future reestablishment of peace in the area.
166.	To achieve final peace is a lengthy and arduous process. It would be Utopian to expect that overnight things would revert to what they were prior to the conflict. That is why my Government has set for itself as an immediate goal the attainment of peaceful and respectful coexistence with El Salvador. I reaffirm here that even this limited objective cannot be attained until there is a demarcation of the frontier between the two countries. This claim which my country makes is no whim nor caprice; it is nothing more than the adequate means to give effect to the well-known and universal words of Benito Juarez, namely,"Peace is respect for the rights of others". Unless one knows the extent of those rights, it is elementary logic to conclude that peace will always be precarious.
167.	On this occasion my Government once again affirms its faith that the law will prevail as a standard for international coexistence and that compliance with it by other countries will bring us to total normalcy in the Central American area.
168.	During the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly I reported on the direct negotiations which were then being held between my country and the United States of America, regarding recognition of the sovereign right of Honduras over the islands of Santanilla or Swan Islands. I can affirm today with genuine satisfaction that the enlightened Government of the United States in a gesture which adds much to its stature, in a note dated 12 November 1969 stated that it is prepared to recognize the sovereignty of Honduras over these islands I mentioned. I cannot fail to express my hope that all countries which still have conflicts of sovereignty over some territories will be able to find a solution similar to the one which we obtained in this case, which is an example of the fact that legal equality among States exists, as well as understanding and friendship among nations.
169.	On commemorating the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in the historic General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), we regret that its objectives have not been fully attained and that there are still colonial systems whose presence could not be justified in any era, least of all now. We condemn all forms of discrimination, whether on grounds of race, religion, origin or sex, wherever they exist, no matter by whom or against whom they are committed.
170.	Honduras believes that it is of vital importance to select more realistic standards, more in accord with technological advances, in regard to the law of the sea. The proper utilization of natural resources, within the right of every State to dispose of its natural resources, is basic for the immediate future of the developing countries.
171.	Our country, under our constitutional mandate, has established at present a twelve-mile limit for its territorial seas; we also reserve our rights over the seabed and the subsoil of the submarine shelf, the continental and coastal shelves and other submarine areas adjacent to our territory and beyond the territorial sea to a depth of 200 meters or to a depth-limit at which the exploitation of the natural resources of the seabed and the ocean floor is possible.
172.	Honduras attended a conference at Lima, Peru, in August last, and, being aware of our responsibilities to our people and to mankind, we signed a historic declaration in which States proclaimed, as general rules of the law of the sea, that we shall determine our maritime jurisdiction in accordance with geographical requirements and the need rationally to use the resources and the exploration, exploitation and conservation of the natural resources in the seas adjacent to our coasts and' in the soil and subsoil thereof.
173.	It is painful to observe that the situation in the Middle East, far from improving, continues to be a focus of violence which might well constitute the origin of a world catastrophe. My delegation, as on past occasions, unreservedly supports the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and by the Security Council of the United Nations, and we trust that wisdom will prevail among the leaders of the various sides, thus avoiding the spread of a conflict which, without any exaggeration, could lead to the destruction of mankind.
174.	It would seem that the ability of mankind to devise new forms of violence is inexhaustible. For some time now, two particularly repugnant crimes have become typical: the hijacking of persons and of aircraft. While in both cases ideological reasons are invoked, the standards of freedom and personal security and the principles enshrined by tradition and by international conventions are violated. Despite the fact that both the Security Council [resolution 286 (1970)] and the Organization of American States have vehemently condemned those two crimes and have described them as crimes against mankind, we realize and must say without circumlocution that, as long as there are Governments which give sanctuary to air pirates and view those criminals as patriots, any effort to prevent their wrong doing will be totally useless. It is necessary to give up ideological attitudes which are out of place when confronting systematic crimes and to adopt, individually or collectively, the most drastic measures which the law will allow, so as to prevent the continued mockery of justice with impunity and the sacrifice of innocent lives.
175.	It has been recognized that there is a close interdependence between foreign trade and the rate of economic development. In Latin America we have expressed our points of view on the subject in the Viña del Mar Declaration, which was adopted at the last meeting of the InterAmerican Economic and Social Council.16 In that document it was resolved at the ministerial level to request His Excellency Mr. Gabriel Valdez, Foreign Minister of Chile, President of the Special Session, together with the Ambassadors of member countries accredited to the Government of the United States of America, to deliver to His Excellency Mr. Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States of America, the document signed at that meeting with a view to establishing the procedure to continue the dialog and the negotiations between the Latin American countries and the United States, so as to achieve a readjustment of the termS of trade, which at present have fatal consequences for countries which export raw materials. We optimistically hope that in the near future positive solutions will be found to reduce the obstacles now being applied to Latin American exports. In this way we shall once again strengthen the inherent personality of the American continent, enhance the traditional forum of cooperation and friendship which has prevailed among all nations, as a logical consequence of the historical process of this hemisphere and promote the creation of a consciousness molded on their common interests.
176.	In the field of finance in international economic relations, the effects of the deterioration in the prices of raw materials are felt more keenly as time goes on and in contrast, the prices of imported manufactured goods rise continuously. This is reflected in persistent imbalances in the balance of payments of the underdeveloped countries. The circumstance is a secondary consequence, in so far as Latin America is concerned, of the barriers to trade imposed by the highly industrialized countries, from which it follows that redress of the latter is closely linked to the former; that is to say, that the liberalization of international trade is a sine qua non condition to put an end to the financial imbalances with which our countries are afflicted. In this field, the underdeveloped countries maintain our hope that we shall continue to have the support of the tenacious and indefatigable work of the United Nations and its respective specialized agencies, as well as the efforts of our own continental and regional organizations themselves.
177.	In international forums, we are already beginning to hear about items which refer to the constant weakening of the world financial system. In the recent past, the basis for international financial stability was monetary discipline, to which the signatory nations to the Articles of Agreement of the International Monetary Fund committed themselves. Nevertheless, while a growing number of nations agreed to this rationalization by applying internal measures, others, possibly because of the obligations of national and international multiple commitments, fail to apply what has been called "monetary discipline" and exercise a broad discretion, even though their decisions are detrimental not only to their own economies but also, as a consequence, to the economies of other nations. That is what was recently said by the Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund in Copenhagen, on the twenty-first of this month, at a press conference which he held on the subject.
178.	Moreover, in April 1970, in Viña del Mar, Chile, at the seventh meeting of the Governors of Central Banks of the American Continent, it was emphasized that possibly due to political, economic and social reasons which could brook no delay, several nations may find themselves compelled to exercise greater freedom of action in their monetary and financial policies. It may then be seen that it is appropriate to look to a renewal of confidence in the self-discipline of nations, to prevent us from falling once again into the economic stagnation and the financial chaos of 1930, which was the precursor of the Second World War.
179.	I confess that the present world picture is not conducive to optimism about the future. Nevertheless, as my delegation stated during the nineteenth session of the General Assembly [1304th meeting], not all is gloom and despair. Among the four mythical horses of the Apocalypse, and to the extent that our human condition permits it, we are to a greater or lesser extent overcoming three of them: hunger, pestilence and death. The only one which rides un-intimidated is the most nefarious of them all: war. Let us therefore devote all our efforts, use all the means which science and technology place at our disposal, to eliminate the intolerance which leads to war, if not as a moral mandate in regard to our fellow citizens, at least as an expression of a mere instinct for self-preservation. That is my hope. It is also the hope of mankind.


Mr. President, permit me, first of all, to offer you my warm personal congratulations on your election as President of the Twenty-fifth regular session of the General Assembly. I have no doubt whatsoever that, with your wisdom and wealth of experience in international diplomacy, you will not only uphold the tradition of your distinguished predecessors in this high office but also guide this Assembly to even more significant achievements during this historic and important session.
3.	I have equal pleasure in conveying my sincere congratulations and thanks to your immediate predecessor, Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph, whose masterly conduct of the affairs of the Twenty-fourth regular session has brought credit not only to herself but also to her great country, the Republic of Liberia, and indeed to the whole of Africa.
4.	On this memorable occasion, I should also like to pay a tribute to our SecretaryGeneral, U Thant, and to those who have preceded him in this difficult, often thankless but certainly ever important office. I wish to pay homage to the memory of the late Mr. Trygve Lie, who carried a crushing administrative and political burden during the formative years of this Organization. I pay homage also to the memory of another distinguished son of Scandinavia, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, who served this Organization tirelessly and selflessly and finally gave up his life in the search for peace in my own continent. The United Nations is fortunate indeed in having, at this particular time in its evolution, a SecretaryGeneral of the caliber and integrity of U Thant. With a rare combination of the virtues of patience and understanding and the qualities of persistence and impartiality, he continues to enhance the image and the prestige both of our Organization and of his high office. On behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, I thank him sincerely for his indefatigable and continuing efforts in the cause of peace. Through him I wish to express my appreciation for the services of all those who assist or cooperate with him in his important and exacting task, from the governing bodies of the various specialized agencies of the United Nations to their dedicated but anonymous secretariats, not forgetting the interpreters, précis writers, security officers and other personnel, too numerous to mention individually, who are so essential to the orderly conduct of the day-to-day business of this highly complicated international machinery.
5.	Twenty-five years ago, in the city of San Francisco, fifty-one sovereign independent States met to establish an international organization, to be known as the United Nations, and to approve its Charter. Since that day, the membership of the Organization has steadily risen it is sometimes said in direct proportion to its problems. My country had the honor of being admitted in 1965 as the 115th Member of the Organization, which now has a membership of 126. Those who framed our great Charter were people determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war which, twice before in their lifetime, had brought untold misery, sorrow and suffering to mankind. These were people who firmly believed in the dignity and worth of man and unequal rights for all men. These were people determined to establish conditions of justice and respect for international law and order and to promote social progress and human development in an atmosphere of freedom. In their great wisdom, they declared the primary purposes of the United Nations to be: (a) to maintain international peace and security; (b) to develop friendly relations among nations, on the basis of equal rights and self determination for all peoples; (c) to achieve international cooperation in the economic, social, cultural and humanitarian fields.
6.	Let us pause for a moment, in this jubilee year of our Organization, to see how far we have traveled along the road we set ourselves a quarter of a century ago. Let us look back into our record and see whether we have kept faith with ourselves. Let us determine, if possible, where we have succeeded and where we have failed to come up to expectations, and why. In this way it may be possible to redefine our aims, to readjust our individual policies and attitudes to take account of present day realities, so that we may continue into the future, with greater success, the onerous but self-fulfilling task of promoting peace and progress on this planet.
7.	During the past Twenty-five years, mankind has gone through a series of crises and has at times come dangerously close to a cataclysm. Since the end of the last world war, events in various parts of the world have seriously affected the peace of our planet in varying degrees. The tragic sequence of events in IndoChina has left us the terrible legacy of the conflict in VietNam and now Cambodia. The problem of Palestine has precipitated the present explosive situation in the Middle East.
8.	United Nations forces had to intervene in 1950 to repel aggression in South Korea. The specter of secession raised its ugly head in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 1960 and again United Nations forces had to intervene to restore the situation. Only two years ago this monster again appeared in the Federal Republic of Nigeria and caused untold misery and suffering before it was finally exterminated. Everyone of us here should remember the Cuban missile crisis which brought the world close to the brink of nuclear conflagration. The list is long and makes very depressing reading. I have not even mentioned the Suez crisis, the emergency in Malaysia and later on the confrontation with Indonesia, leading to the temporary withdrawal of that great country from this Organization. Then there was Cyprus, Hungary, Algeria and Czechoslovakia, and the list is still not complete.
9.	Those were all times when the peace and security of various parts of the world, and sometimes even of the whole world, were seriously imperiled. In all but a few, either by direct intervention, by conciliation or mediation or merely by bringing the pressure of world opinion to bear on the situation, the United Nations was instrumental in averting a catastrophe.
10.	Many a time, people have expressed disappointment in the efficacy of the United Nations. It has even been predicted, with unjustifiable pessimism, that this Organization will go the same way as its predecessor, the League of Nations. I personally shudder to think what the world would be today without the United Nations. In spite of the tremendous difficulties which are imposed by its size and the variety of its membership and in spite of its shortcomings, the United Nations remains, in my opinion, the most effective instrument for the maintenance of world peace and the promotion of understanding among nations that man has so far devised. If its record is not any more impressive than it is already, the fault is in ourselves and not in the Organization. If Member States were to approach the United Nations in the true spirit of its Charter, instead of transforming it into an ideological battlefield or a mere talking shop, the interests of mankind in general would be much better served. I have no doubt whatsoever as to the efficacy of this Organization or about the essential role which it has played and continues to play in maintaining international peace and security.
11.	The second of the primary objectives of the United Nations is to promote friendly relations among all nations of the world, on the basis of equal rights and self-determination for all peoples. Even before the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples ten years ago, this Organization was already very actively involved in the decolonization process. The prominent and crucial role played by the United Nations in the political emancipation of many former colonial territories does not require to be glossed over. The increase in the membership of the Organization since 1960 is a living memorial to the success of the campaign waged by the world body in this direction.
12.	In commemorating this great event, it would have been a fitting tribute to the splendid work of the United Nations if today we were in a position to assert that colonialism and all that went with it had been relegated to history. It is a matter of profound regret that despite repeated appeals, recommendations and resolutions, and all the resources of diplomacy, both inside and outside the United Nations, certain colonial Powers still refuse to march with the times. Africa spoke with one voice when my colleague, His Excellency El Hadj Ahmadou Ahidjo, President of the Republic of Cameroon, presented the Lusaka Manifesto  to the Twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly [1780th meeting]. In this unequivocal statement of Africa's stand on the problems of decolonization and racial discrimination in the southern part of the continent, it can be seen that the hand of friendship was being extented to Pretoria, Lisbon and Salisbury for peaceful and honorable cooperation in achieving the purpose of the Charter in that part of the world. It is a sad fact that this gesture of peace and cooperation has been spurned. Apartheid, in all its forms and manifestations, continues to plague the conscience of mankind. Minority regimes continue to impose their will on and to perpetrate nefarious deeds against the suffering majority in Southern Africa. Repressive laws are enacted daily and brutal means employed to subjugate further the peoples of South Africa, Rhodesia and the so-called Portuguese territories in Africa, people whose only crime is their love for freedom and human dignity. neighboring African countries like Zambia, the United Republic of Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Guinea and Senegal, which have given humanitarian assistance and succor to the distressed people of these areas, have in turn become the victims of aggression. Time is running very short. This situation cannot continue indefinitely. It is my earnest hope that before it is too late, wiser counsels will prevail in Pretoria, Salisbury and Lisbon so that it may come to be realized that the Lusaka Manifesto offers what might well be the last chance for peaceful coexistence among the races in Southern Africa.
13.	The third of the primary purposes of the United Nations is to achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character. This part of the Charter also lays down the principle of respect for human rights and the fundamental freedoms. For the attainment of these purposes, the United Nations relies on the action of the Economic and Social Council and the specialized agencies, as well as on such emanations of the Organization as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, the International Monetary Fund, and so on.
14.	The problems hampering economic growth in the developing countries are many and varied. Many of these problems have an external source and cannot be resolved by the domestic policies of these countries. Perhaps the most acute of these problems is in the field of trade. The export trade of developing countries is largely dominated by primary products, the prices of which are very unstable. These fluctuations in export earnings restrict the extent to which developing countries can purchase capital goods and machinery from the developed countries. These fluctuations also adversely affect the capacity of developing countries to meet interest and amortization payments on foreign loans. This in turn prejudices the long term creditworthiness of developing countries which, in turn, again reduces the incentive to the flow of loan funds for development purposes. The steady deterioration in the terms of trade creates a vicious circle which the developing countries cannot break without greater assistance from the developed nations. The practical results of the First United Nations Development Decade have not been particularly encouraging. It is time that the affluent members of the international community understand that an indispensable concomitant to the realization of lasting peace and prosperity in the world is to reduce the gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots" by assisting the developing countries to rise above economic stagnation and to promote their economic development. Poverty and superabundance are strange bedfellows, and the division of the world into rich and poor nations will always pose a threat to peace and security. I am hopeful that more determined efforts will be made during the Second United Nations Development Decade to achieve the targets set by the second session of UNCTAD. The international agreements on coffee, sugar, wheat and tin have contributed towards reducing the instability of the market prices of these commodities. The compensation schemes for fluctuations in the total earnings of developing countries, evolved by the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, including the special drawing rights, have also been great sources of help.
15.	Protective barriers and the increasing substitution of synthetics for natural materials, made possible by technological progress, constitute further major impediments in the way of developing countries. In the field of foreign aid also, administrative complications arising from tied or conditional aid especially when this is tied not only to the source of procurement but also to certain projects greatly slow down planning and development.
16.	All those problems tend to compound the numerous domestic ones which are inherent to the developing countries; problems resulting, for example, from constraints to capital formation, technical knowhow and population growth. They are nevertheless, in my opinion, not insuperable. The Lester Pearson Commission report entitled Partners in Development  and the United States Peterson report on international development  contain some constructive imaginative suggestions. I can only hope that those recommendations will not fall on deaf ears, as it is an illusion to believe that the affluent sector of the world can remain a quiet island in the midst of a stormy ocean, an oasis of prosperity in a desert of desperate poverty.
17.	I shall complete my address with a brief statement of my country's position on certain issues which will be discussed during the current session of the General Assembly.
18.	On the question of disarmament and arms control, the Gambia cannot but lend its full support to the efforts being deployed by this Organization to achieve, firstly, the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons; secondly, a partial, leading to a complete, ban on the testing of nuclear weapons, either underground, in the atmosphere or under the sea; and, thirdly, final and complete disarmament.
19.	Whilst we deplore and are rightly perturbed by the havoc and devastation of local wars, we tend to forget the ever-present threat of total annihilation by the products of our own intelligence. With modern weapons of mass destruction, the balance of power has given place to the balance of terror, but, of course, a peace based on terror is not real peace. It is right therefore that we should, if only in the interests of self-preservation, revise our ideas on this important question, and reaffirm our belief in the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means, within the meaning of the Charter of the United Nations.
20.	With regard to the Middle East, we in the Gambia believe that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967 offers a basis for an equitable solution to this difficult problem, leading to lasting peace in that greatly disturbed area. The initiative of Mr. Rogers, United States Secretary of State, was most welcome to me and my Government at the time, as we saw in that development the first signs of hope and a desire for a settlement, particularly when the plan put forward by Mr. Rogers was accepted by the parties directly concerned in the conflict. It is to be deeply regretted that recent events and developments have brought those initiatives to a halt I hope only a temporary halt. The situation in the area, as everyone knows, tends to become more and more explosive with each passing day, and the danger of a general conflagration starting in the area is graver today than ever.
21.	We are aware that diplomatic moves are afoot, aimed at containing the situation and bringing about a detente. I therefore appeal to the great Powers to redouble their efforts in this direction. I strongly urge that all parties should refrain from any action at this time which may further aggravate the situation. I hope and pray that it will soon be possible to resume discussions under the Rogers plan, and that during those discussions the spirit of peace and brotherhood may touch the hearts of our brothers who have been locked in conflict for so long indeed, for too long and guide them to a mutually acceptable settlement which will restore peace, security, goodwill and brotherly cooperation among all the peoples of the area.
22.	On the question of the representation of China, the position of the Gambia has been enunciated several times. That position has not changed. In the first place, considering the form in which the problem has been put to this Organization, my country holds that the question of the representation of China is an important question within the meaning of rule 85 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. It is always an important matter to any Gambian delegation here to decide whether one China should be expelled from the place it occupies as an original Member of the Organization to make place for another China. The Gambia is quite satisfied that the Republic of China is a lawful Member of the United Nations. Apparently, the majority of the Members of this Organization feel the same way, as evidenced by the voting on the question of the representation of China from year to year. If the People's Republic of China wishes to apply for membership of the United Nations and agrees to accept the obligations imposed by the Charter, the Gambia like, I am sure, most other countries would consider supporting its application.
23.	Adverting to the Korean question, and dealing with this under the various aspects in which the problem has been posed in the past, I would say that the Gambia's position is as follows.
24.	Firstly, regarding the invitation aspect of the problem, our feeling is that representatives of the Republic of Korea and of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea may be invited to participate in the discussion, without the right to vote, if and only if the interested parties unconditionally and unequivocally accept beforehand the competence and the authority of the United Nations to take action in this matter within the terms of the Charter.
25.	Secondly, for so long as the precarious peace which now prevails in Korea continues, the Gambia cannot support any resolution, however worded, aimed at securing the withdrawal of the United Nations forces at present stationed in the Republic of Korea. In the opinion of my Government, those forces are legally stationed in that country as a result of a decision of this Organization which still remains valid, and we consider that those forces still play an important role in maintaining peace in that part of the world.
26.	Thirdly, as a corollary to the foregoing, the Gambia is unable to agree that the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea should be dissolved or that the United Nations should cease discussing the Korean problem. We continue to hold the view that the problem of Korea is one in which the United Nations has a legitimate interest. We consider that the ultimate aim and the final solution to the problem should be complete reunification of the two parts of the country under a popularly elected Government, following free and democratically conducted elections throughout the country, preferably under United Nations supervision.
27.	The problem of VietNam is perhaps more complex and for this reason, no doubt, has so far defied solution. The Gambia will actively support any moves to bring about an immediate end to the fighting and to create an atmosphere in which a peaceful and lasting solution could be devised. Here again, we believe that the people of VietNam, both North and South, should be given the chance to exercise a choice, free from coercion, intimidation or terror, concerning the form of government under which they would wish to live.
28.	On the question of Rhodesia, I have said in another place that considering the Smith regime had flagrantly violated and deliberately flouted all the five principles enunciated by the British Government, on the basis of which the British Government proposed to reopen negotiations it would only lend a degree of undeserved respectability to the illegal regime in Salisbury if negotiations were to be reopened. I have said that the Gambia still regards the British Government as primarily responsible for restoring legality in Rhodesia. My Government and I trust that sanctions will be maintained and further tightened, and that, if necessary, the United Nations will use force under Chapter VII, Article 42, of the Charter to put an end to this intolerable situation, which is a permanent insult to the United Nations and all that it stands for, and a direct challenge to the integrity of the Organization of African Unity and to African solidarity.
29.	Portugal persists in its pernicious doctrine that its overseas colonies are an extension of the metropolis. On this score, it continues to defy world opinion and to set at fought United Nations decisions calling on it to grant independence to its colonial Territories overseas, the so-called Portuguese Guinea and Cape Verde Islands, Angola and Mozambique. The time may have come when this Organization should consider expelling Portugal under Chapter II, Article 6, of the Charter. Alternatively, or even concurrently, some action under Chapter VII, Article 42, may be called for.
30.	Apartheid in all its forms and manifestations is, sadly, still with us. First South Africa, then Portugal, and now the illegal regime in Rhodesia, continue with cynical impunity, to impose this abhorrent doctrine, this inhuman practice, on the Africans under their domination. Whatever action the international community may contemplate taking in its efforts to predicate apartheid, it is clear that such action should be directed equally against South Africa, Portugal and Rhodesia. The Gambia believes that isolating these three countries from the international community might not be enough to achieve the desired effects. At the appropriate time, the United Nations should not hesitate to consider action under Chapter II, Article 6 expulsion or under Chapter VII, Article 42 persuasion by the use of force. In this context, my Government and I have indicated our strong opposition to the proposed sale of arms by Britain to South Africa. I do hope that the British Government will not fly in the face of world opinion by deciding on the resumption of such sales. I also strongly appeal, on humanitarian grounds, to. those countries which are still supplying arms to South Africa to refrain from doing so, as such arms would or could be used against the African majority in those "countries.
31.	In the matter of foreign relations in general, the Gambia pursues a policy of positive nonalignment in a pragmatic sense, by which I mean that we will not identify ourselves with any particular Power bloc, military grouping or ideological doctrine. We shall, however, actively encourage, second and support any moves or efforts, from whatever quarter, to enhance peace, and to promote better understanding and cooperation among all peoples. I am proud to be able to say that the Gambia is at peace with all countries. We have no enemies that we know of, and we shall do everything in our power to make things stay that way. We believe in good neighborliness and friendly cooperation among countries for the common good, and I am sure our record in this field will stand the closest scrutiny. We believe in noninterference in the internal affairs of other sovereign States, and we hold these views and we pursue these policies because we sincerely believe that only in this way can we attain universal peace, without which there can be no true happiness.
32.	In this era of rapid advance in technology, which has witnessed the first landing of man on the moon, mankind has displayed remarkable ingenuity for creating things that could lead to his own destruction. If only a fraction of this ingenuity were diverted towards peaceful coexistence and improving conditions on this planet, mankind would be infinitely the better for it. Let us strive continuously towards an enduring peace and everlasting prosperity in the sort of world order which was envisaged by the founding fathers who drew up the Charter of the United Nations.
33.	Finally, Mr. President, I am profoundly hopeful that this Twenty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly will, under your wise and able leadership, achieve results which will redound to the credit of representatives and further strengthen man's faith and hope in this august Organization.