It is with profound
pleasure that I salute the President, a diplomat of
experience and stature and one worthy to preside over the
functions of the fifty-first session of the General Assembly.
I wish to recall that it was his country and mine that
brought the question of Antarctica to the United Nations,
and our countries have worked closely together for a
number of years. We have made progress as countries from
various parts of the world have joined us in an effort to
preserve Antarctica as the last natural heritage of mankind.
His country’s efforts in regard to the betterment of the
global community are deeply admired by my countrymen,
and it is with a sense of genuine cordiality that we refer to
Malaysia as a friendly and brotherly country. Permit me
also to extend sincere thanks to the outgoing President,
Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral of Portugal, who so ably led
the historic fiftieth session of the General Assembly.
On 7 July of this year Hurricane Bertha passed
perilously close to Antigua and Barbuda, and our twin-
island State sustained some damage. Small island
developing States like ours are subject to various natural
disasters — earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and hurricanes.
In 1974, we experienced an earthquake that measured 7.8
on the Richter scale and caused considerable destruction. A
volcano on the island of Montserrat, some 50 kilometres
from our shores, has been active for the past 15 months.
Our people live in constant fear of fall-out and tidal waves
from a major eruption.
The natural phenomenon presently plaguing Montserrat
could be a prelude to a disaster that can destroy small
islands globally. Evidence of the warming of the planet has
clearly emerged, and extreme weather events have become
more frequent and intense. Last year, Hurricane Luis
unleashed its fury on our country for 48 hours and was
declared to have been the worst storm of the century.
Hurricane Marilyn followed in its wake, intensifying the
damage. Indeed, we remain grateful to the countries and
institutions that provided various forms of assistance to
help in the reconstruction.
In addressing the General Assembly of the
Organization of American States this year, our envoy
noted that development is not sustainable if a score of
storms and hurricanes are to trample through our region
each year. Carbon dioxide emissions caused by the
burning of petroleum, coal, wood and gas since the start
of the Industrial Revolution in western Europe 200 years
ago have begun to place the survival of small islands in
jeopardy. Harmful production, wasteful consumption and
dangerous disposal patterns continue to characterize the
behaviour of the largest industrialized States. We must
therefore reduce carbon dioxide emissions to the agreed
Toronto targets. Together, let us address the challenge so
that we may bequeath to future generations a better and
a safer world than we inherited. Our demise will only
signal the beginning of the end of a marvellous
civilization, more creative and more inventive than any
that has gone before.
Between 1 and 15 July Antigua and Barbuda played
its part at the human settlement Conference, Habitat II, at
Istanbul, and we urge that the Istanbul Declaration and
Plan of Action be adhered to. It must be recognized that
it is in the cities and towns of the new urban world,
where most of us will ultimately live and work, that most
economic activity will take place and goods be produced.
It is where most pollution will be generated and national
resources consumed, with an impact felt far beyond city
limits. Moreover, it will be in the cities and towns of this
urban world that growing social tensions and conflict,
rooted in poverty and the maldistribution of resources,
will be resolved, and where the key to true human
security will be found.
The problems of urbanization are not limited to the
more endowed countries. We too, despite our small size,
have to cope with the varying patterns and outcomes that
demand responses that have at times threatened to
overwhelm us. Nevertheless, I am happy to report that in
Antigua and Barbuda we have made considerable progress
towards control and adequate regulation.
1

Under the guidance of the Development Control
Authority and the Central Housing and Planning Authority
major initiatives have been undertaken, with assistance from
the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements and the
United Nations Development Programme. The Government,
in partnership with other sectors of society, is playing a
multiple role in improving living and working conditions on
an equitable basis to enable all its citizens to enjoy
adequate shelter, affordable basic services and sustainable
human settlements.
The Government of Antigua and Barbuda not only
performs the functions of a national policy-maker and
housing administrator, but also serves in the capacity of
lender and developer. In those roles, it has ensured that
interest rates are kept at reasonable levels and that
repayment periods for loans are as long as 20 years. In its
regulatory role, the Government of the Labour Party has put
forward development standards, stipulated building
procedures and integrated land and shelter policies with
programmes for reducing poverty and assuring employment,
for environmental protection, for improvement in education
and health, and for providing clean water and sanitation
facilities.
This is indeed a strange and puzzling world. With
reference to sustainable development, a myth has gathered
momentum that maintains that the developing world is
making significant forward strides. World Bank data,
however, demonstrate that over 60 per cent of the countries
in which the United Nations and other bodies have
development assistance operations have witnessed declines
in real per capita income over the decade ending in 1994.
James Gustave Speth, the Special Coordinator for
Economic and Social Development, in a forceful and
moving presentation at the opening of the 1996 substantive
session of the Economic and Social Council, noted two
major ironies of the current situation. He declared that now
that the world is freed from distorting effects on
development cooperation, just when the development
assistance community has learned so much more about how
to succeed and do its job well, just when the needs of the
developing world are growing rapidly and dramatically —
just at this precise time, the resources that are needed for
development cooperation are shrinking rapidly and
dramatically. In the past four years, real development
assistance has declined by 20 to 25 per cent.
The other irony is that just when there is a better
understanding of the essential links between peace and
development cooperation, just when the United Nations is
called upon to assume much greater responsibilities in the
follow-up to conferences and in post-conflict peace-
building and other areas, just when the United Nations is
reforming and strengthening itself to do these things, the
Organization finds itself threatened by a financial crisis
that afflicts both its assessed and its voluntary
contributions. Indeed, Speth sees the above as not only
ironies, but as tragedies of our era.
This, the major international Organization, is
restructuring itself and endeavouring to undertake
meaningful reform. While it may be true that the existing
financial crisis is primarily a crisis of payment, there is
no denying the fact that there is unnecessary waste being
generated here, whether in regard to the duplication of
work detail, the excessive copying of documents, the
scheduling of numerous meetings destined to accomplish
nothing or to a myriad of other undesirables. Financial
concerns are not, however, the only issue of which the
world body is seized. Reform is being undertaken in a
multi-pronged manner, which in itself will be a long
process that can be justified in a Benthamite way by
emphasizing the greatest good for the greatest number.
At present, even though the discussions have been
considered to have made progress, there is not even the
glimmer of a discernible outcome in regard to the
“Question of equitable representation on and increase in
the membership of the Security Council and related
matters”. Although consensus exists on expanding the
Council, the manner in which that can be achieved
equitably remains to be resolved. Antigua and Barbuda is
firm in its declared position that any expansion should
include developing countries and that both the African
and the Latin American and Caribbean Groups should be
represented. Similarly, Antigua and Barbuda would like
to see certain restrictions placed on the use of the veto.
We understand that all efforts at restructuring and reform
in the United Nations, however, should be focused on
economic growth and development.
In this whole process of misunderstandings, the
regional commissions are being placed under attack
through cut-backs and in some instances calls for their
dissolution. This is particularly hard on those of us who
are being served by the Economic Commission for Latin
America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). We see ECLAC as
a regional organization that has already reformed itself
and should not be penalized by calls for further reforms.
ECLAC has rendered valuable service through

subprogrammes on economic development, social
development, international trade, development financing and
transport, industrial, agricultural, and technological
modernization, environment, natural resources and human
settlements, statistics and economic projections, the
integration of women into development, regional integration
and cooperation, economic and social planning and
population. In all of these fields, ECLAC collaborates with
the Governments of the Americas in the investigation and
analysis of public policy, provides technical assistance and
training, and promotes regional cooperation.
For those of us in the Caribbean it is imperative that
ECLAC be fully sustained to continue to assist us in these
and other areas. This is set against the backdrop of the
pressures that are being brought to bear on the Caribbean
region, which Prime Minister Lester Bird described at the
meeting of Heads of Government of the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM) on 6 July. He spoke of the right-
wing voices that are ready to impose upon the States of the
Caribbean Community a new colonialism under a variety of
guises, such as those of limited sovereignty and
extraterritoriality. Indeed, the very economic survival of
some Caribbean States is threatened as a result of pressures
brought against countries whose sustenance depends almost
entirely upon the production of a yellow fruit.
Most of the countries affected by the banana dispute
are former European colonies, and the continuation of their
historic access to European markets is crucial to their
economic survival. Without some form of protection, the
banana industry in the CARICOM States would collapse,
leading to severe social dislocation that would ultimately
manifest itself in political catastrophe.
Recognizing the significance of banana production to
some of our economies, the European Union has a
programme in which a small portion of its market is
reserved for Caribbean producers, a portion that is less than
10 per cent. This has certainly not been a major problem
for the big companies, for a handful of multinational
concerns still controls 60 per cent of the European market
and 70 per cent of the overall market. However, it appears
that Bob Herbert, in an editorial of 13 May, was correct
when he asserted:
“for the multinationals, enough is never enough”. (The
New York Times, 13 May 1996, Section A, p. 15)
Indeed, for countries where literacy rates are in the
ninetieth percentile and where political prisoners are
unheard of, it would be disastrous if the economies of
their societies were to be destroyed through the
destruction of the banana industry.
The bleakness of the aforementioned situation is,
however, offset by the ideas expressed at the Tokyo
Conference on Development Strategy in March of this
year, where it was posited that there is the will to sustain
a new global partnership and make it effective. There was
consensus that the issues that stretched beyond
mathematical economics, that is, issues such as those
incorporating poverty, the environment, the advancement
of women and food security, had to be tackled at both the
national and international levels.
It was nonetheless brought out that many developed
countries are experiencing harsh financial difficulties that
are imposing severe limits on their capacity to contribute
to the international organizations. Thus, the nations of the
world had first to respond to the challenge of poverty by
striving for its eradication. Secondly, the key to success
clearly lies in nations working together to build and
implement a development strategy to meet the challenges
of the twenty-first century. Thirdly, in the process of
working out and implementing a new development
strategy, it is crucially important to reinvigorate the roles
of the international organizations, and in particular that of
the United Nations.
Of significant concern to developing countries was
the statement that in efforts to secure sufficient resources
it is important to take steps in other policy areas such as
trade or technological transfer. In addition, the
globalization of the world economy makes it important to
promote the development of human resources and the
capacity for institution-building in developing countries.
In its Human Development Report 1996, the United
Nations Development Programme acknowledged that,
although some countries are experiencing unprecedented
economic growth, the quality of human development does
not always reflect that progress. While many countries of
the developing world are struggling with the implications
of trade liberalization and globalization, individuals within
these societies are faced with a complementary struggle.
The sad fact is that as long as selective liberalization
between countries remains, individuals within countries
will find it more difficult to escape the downward spiral
into the depths of poverty. It hardly takes a stretch of the
imagination to recognize, therefore, that an early
investment in building human capacity is incumbent upon
3

any society wishing to achieve economic and social
development that is both equitable and sustainable.
While it can truly be said that the 1990s signalled the
end of the cold war and witnessed the dissolution of a
bipolar world, the conflicts we are witnessing today are
localized and appear to be gathering momentum as a result
of ethnic, religious and civil considerations. There is clearly
an upsurge of micronationalism, which fosters separatist
considerations. There is much social disruption, mass
starvation and the spread of contagious diseases. Of an
extremely frightening nature is the fact that access to
victims is often rendered difficult or impossible. There is
clearly a deepening lack of security for relief personnel and
supplies. Clearly, there is a need for the demobilization of
paramilitary groups, for demining and for an intensification
of peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace-building.
It must be recalled that the United Nations came into
existence to ensure peace among nations. With that in mind,
we should be prepared to take steps beyond a Non-
Proliferation Treaty and a Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty and move towards the elimination of weapons of
mass destruction within a time-bound framework.
Responses to the myriad of desperate problems have
to be interdisciplinary in nature, for there is no single
United Nations agency that can control, pacify, and
rehabilitate effectively.
Recognizing the dangers of increased international
criminal activity in the region, Antigua and Barbuda is
working with its neighbours and expects to receive
additional assistance from bilateral and multilateral sources
to initiate a national drug and money-laundering control
policy. Priorities of the policy include legislative and
regulatory reform, increased interdiction activities, technical
training, preventive health and public education and
training. Given its multidimensional nature, the drug
problem is one that the United Nations system is
particularly well equipped to address.
However, working alone, the Organization is helpless
to tackle this scourge that cuts across all sectors of society,
impacting on families, health and economic activity. There
needs to be greater coordination among nations if the blight
of narcotics is to be tackled in a meaningful way. Strong
and determined efforts within certain countries will be
seriously undermined if there is not a united global
approach to manifestations and practices that will destroy
not only the fabric of our societies but the lives of
countless individuals.
The plague of terrorism must be controlled. The
appeals of two South Asian nations to have an
international convention against terrorism must be heeded.
Often, terrorism is linked to narcotics. Not only do the
States of the eastern Caribbean have fears of subversion,
they are also concerned by the intense violations of ports
and harbours and the corresponding graft as their
countries serve as transit points.
In concluding, I would like to say that as the
representatives of the global community we have to live
up to the trust placed in us by our constituencies.
Multilateralism must be paramount as we strive toward
ways and means for better management of our planet. We
must agree on common values for common survival. Our
constituents are calling for an end to senseless violence
and for the re-emergence of concepts of compassion and
equity. They are asking for our dialogue to be creative
and forward-looking.
The peoples of different regions must be prepared to
make sacrifices and to suppress the barriers that divide —
barriers such as hatred, selfishness and bitterness. Let us
not forget the words of Philip Vundla, an executive of the
African National Congress, who said:
“What you achieve by violence, you will need
greater violence to maintain. Those who say the
answer is bloodshed have other people’s blood in
mind, not their own.”
However, the fundamental need in regard to
advancement remains that of economic reality. Michel
Camdessus of the International Monetary Fund reminded
the leaders of the G-7 countries on 24 June that:
“Too many refusals to grant development assistance
have the alibi that such funds are wasted. This
slippage, as well as the so-called donor fatigue, must
be vigorously combated if the international
community wishes to be in a position to keep the
poorest countries from marginalization and to steer
the world away from the tensions and crises that
extreme poverty cannot but engender whenever it
occurs. Marginalization is not inevitable, and every
country has its opportunity in this globalized world.”
4

My country recognizes the fact that we are in an era
of unprecedented change and opportunity, a period in which
scientific developments and technological achievements
seem almost miraculous and offer an improved quality of
life. The United Nations should become embedded in
reality and push the critical issues involving destitution and
social injustice to the centre of both national and public
debate.
Antigua and Barbuda takes pride in and cherishes the
United Nations and we believe that it has been judged,
unjustly, more by its failures than by its successes. But the
work done in regard to health, human rights, peacekeeping
activities, disaster mitigation and assistance to developing
countries presents an enviable record.
The United Nations has the capacity for achievements
in areas beyond the reach of national or regional authorities.
Subsequently, the nations that comprise this body must
redouble their collective commitment to translating vision
into reality. In this way, we will thrust the United Nations
manfully forward into the dawning twenty-first century.


I would like to begin by
extending to you, Sir, my warmest congratulations on your
election as President of the General Assembly. We are
certain that your long experience, outstanding ability and
diplomatic skill will guide us successfully in our work at
this fifty-first session of the General Assembly. Allow me
also to thank your predecessor, Mr. Diogo Freitas
do Amaral, for his untiring efforts during the previous
session.
At last year’s session, which marked the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations, we reflected on the birth
of the United Nations, assessed its development and
influence on international relations to date, paid tribute to
its achievements and identified some of its difficulties. At
the same time, we acknowledged that our main
responsibility for the future of the Organization is to
insure that it has the ability to address most effectively
the agenda of the twenty-first century.
In the Declaration on the Occasion of the Fiftieth
Anniversary of the United Nations, we agreed that
“In order to be able to respond effectively to
the challenges of the future and the expectations of
the United Nations held by peoples around the
world, it is essential that the United Nations itself be
reformed and modernized.” (resolution 50/6,
para. 14)
Now, as we begin the fifty-first session of the
General Assembly, we should take stock of what we have
been able to accomplish and redirect our efforts to what
remains to be achieved.
In 1996, we have continued our work towards the
institutional and financial reforms needed to make the
United Nations a more productive and dynamic institution
so that it will be better able to perform its key functions
and fulfil its mandates more effectively. In this regard, the
fundamental priority must be to ensure that the financing
of our Organization is placed on a firm and lasting base.
May I recall in this context that the Government of
the Republic of Cyprus is voluntarily contributing one
third of the total cost of the United Nations Peace-keeping
Force in Cyprus and, in addition, has increased by one

third its contribution to United Nations peace-keeping
operations in general.
During 1996, various high-level working groups of the
General Assembly have continued their efforts on the
institutional and financial reforms of the United Nations. I
would like to reiterate that we consider the work of these
working groups, covering a very broad spectrum of issues,
to be extremely important. Such issues, ranging from the
strengthening of the main United Nations organs to the
further development of an Agenda for Peace and an Agenda
for Development, deserve deep and profound priority
consideration.
We subscribe to the need to reform the Security
Council, to expand it and strengthen its capacity to
discharge the duties assigned to it by the Charter for the
maintenance of international peace and security. As for the
reform of its working methods, we recognize, that although
significant efforts have been made over the past two years
to ensure greater transparency and broader consultations
with non-members, more remains to be done. A good
precedent has been established with the holding of briefings
and regular consultations, including those with countries
that contribute troops to United Nations peacekeeping
operations.
The reports of the working groups of the General
Assembly and the proposals from Member States that we
have before us provide a good basis for further work. We
all understand and accept the need to reform and revitalize
our Organization. Our responsibility, then, is quite clear:
Let us make even more vigorous efforts and display the
courage and political will required to reach a successful
conclusion on these issues.
This year’s international conferences — HABITAT II,
the World Food Summit and the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development — have marked the completion
of a comprehensive series of United Nations-sponsored
conferences which covered the full range of civil, political,
economic and social issues that affect the peoples of the
world. We attach great importance to the successful
follow-up to United Nations-sponsored conferences and
their impact on those areas of the world where the lack of
economic and social development often contributes to
conflict. In this respect, we welcome next year’s General
Assembly special session, which will be devoted to the
assessment and review of Agenda 21 and of the results of
the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development. It will be a unique opportunity to take stock
of what we have done so far to implement the
recommendations agreed upon in that all-important
Conference.
An area of particular concern in today’s world is the
persistent violation of human rights. The human rights
agenda has for many years been dominated by efforts to
establish international standards. Our duty must be to
implement these standards unequivocally and to take a
firm stand against all forms of human rights violations in
all cases. The full implementation of the commitments
entered into will encourage those around the world who
believe in the promise of the United Nations to help
restore and keep the peace, to promote respect for human
rights, to expand and broaden social progress, and to help
those in urgent need. My country is fully committed to
the universal application and promotion of these
principles.
Another area of particular concern to Member States
is arms control and disarmament. Under the auspices of
the United Nations, the nuclear non-proliferation regime
has been further strengthened by the indefinite extension
of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons. We warmly welcome the adoption by the
General Assembly of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty. This represents the international community’s
determination to bring to completion one of the most
sought-after nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament
measures in the history of the United Nations. But the
Treaty is not the end of the process. There is need for
further systematic and progressive effort in order to
achieve our ultimate goal of the elimination of nuclear
weapons and of general and complete disarmament under
strict and effective international control.
Another important development in the field of
disarmament and arms control is progress achieved
towards the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons
Convention. Cyprus is in the final stages of ratifying this
Convention. It is our hope that it will soon enter into
force. While recognizing that much more needs to be
done in the realm of conventional weapons, we are
encouraged by the progress made during the review of the
Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of
Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed
to Be Excessively Injurious or To Have Indiscriminate
Effects and the agreement on Guidelines for international
arms transfers at this year’s United Nations Disarmament
Commission’s session.
We fully share the view espoused by many that arms
control and disarmament are and will continue to be
2

essential components of international security, contributing
to confidence-building and conflict resolution. It is in this
spirit that we proposed, as part of a comprehensive solution
to the Cyprus problem, the complete demilitarization of the
Republic of Cyprus, in which we have offered to disband
the National Guard of Cyprus and hand over all weapons to
an international force in exchange for the complete
withdrawal of all foreign troops, as demanded by the
relevant United Nations resolutions.
This body is familiar with the Secretary-General’s
report which characterizes the northern occupied part of
Cyprus as one of the most densely militarized areas in the
world. The presence of 35,000 Turkish troops and hundreds
of tanks and other armaments constitutes a clear and
present danger to peace and security in Cyprus and in the
region. Recent events in Cyprus have highlighted this clear
danger as well as the urgent need to implement our
demilitarization proposal. This year’s twenty-second
anniversary of the invasion and occupation of substantial
territory of the Republic of Cyprus by Turkish forces was
marked by the brutal killings of two Greek-Cypriot
unarmed demonstrators, witnessed on television screens by
the entire world, and the wounding of many others,
including two United Nations peace-keepers, by the Turkish
occupation troops and Turkish extremists imported from
mainland Turkey to the occupied part of the island.
Two United Nations reports on these tragic incidents
state clearly that the responsibility lies with Turkey and the
illegal Turkish-Cypriot regime, which used excessive and
unwarranted force against unarmed demonstrators who were
simply trying to remind the world that for 22 years Cyprus
has remained a divided country whose people are still
prevented by the Turkish occupation forces from returning
to their homes and lands and from moving freely in their
country. Furthermore, it has by now become abundantly
clear that the Turkish action was orchestrated well in
advance and involved the import from Turkey of 3,000
terrorists belonging to the Gray Wolves organization with
the goal of provoking bloody confrontation between Greek
and Turkish Cypriots. This sinister plan was aimed at
demonstrating that the two communities cannot live
peacefully together in Cyprus and therefore separatist and
partitionist solutions should be sought.
While we mourn and condemn the brutal murder of
the two unarmed Greek Cypriot protesters, we also feel
sorry for the subsequent killing of a Turkish soldier and the
wounding of another. We regret the haste with which the
Turkish Cypriot leader, Mr. Denktas¸, attempted to attribute
responsibility for this killing to the Greek Cypriot side
before an independent United Nations investigation
published its findings. The recent tragic events, however,
will not cause us to waver from our commitment to seek
a peaceful solution of the Cyprus problem through
negotiations, as provided by the United Nations
resolutions. These events only highlight the need to
expedite and increase efforts to find a just, lasting and
workable solution to the Cyprus problem.
We are encouraged by the rekindled interest and
more active engagement of the international community
in the Cyprus problem, as witnessed by the appointments
of Special Representatives from interested countries,
including the appointment of the Secretary-General’s
Special Representative, Mr. Han Sung-Joo. We welcome
all initiatives set out to reinforce the United Nations in
the search for a just and viable solution to the Cyprus
question.
Various United Nations resolutions, and the United
Nations Secretary-General himself, have declared the
present status quo in Cyprus unacceptable, a view shared
by the international community. The time has come to
make a further determined and sustained effort to solve
the Cyprus problem. To that end, the Government of the
Republic of Cyprus will be working earnestly and
imaginatively with the United Nations Special
Representative and with all others supporting its efforts to
prepare the ground for negotiations on the main
outstanding issues.
Any settlement of the Cyprus problem should be
based on a State of Cyprus with a single sovereignty, an
international personality and a single citizenship. Its
independence and territorial integrity must be safeguarded,
and it must be composed of two politically equal
communities, as described in the relevant Security
Council resolutions, in a bicommunal and bi-zonal
federation. Such settlement must exclude union, in whole
or in part, with any other country or any form of partition
or secession.
The security of both communities is a crucial issue,
which would be helpful in finding a solution. It will be
necessary to devise effective guarantees; demilitarization
and the stationing in Cyprus of an international force will
also be required. Demilitarization represents an important
contribution to this settlement.
We are prepared to embark on face-to-face
negotiations in 1997 once the ground has been sufficiently
prepared to ensure success. We are not, however, willing,
3

after 22 years of negotiations that have yielded no results
on the main issues of the problem, to embark on another
round of fruitless talks. On the one hand, they destroy the
credibility of the negotiating process, and on the other, they
keep the attention of the international community focused
on the intercommunal constitutional aspect of the problem,
thus overshadowing the real issue — the invasion and
continued occupation, for 22 years, of substantial territory
of the Republic of Cyprus by the Turkish forces.
We, for our part, will continue to do everything in our
power to help the Secretary-General of our Organization to
succeed in his renewed efforts, through his newly appointed
Special Representative, in the search for a lasting solution
to the Cyprus problem.
At the same time the Government of the Republic of
Cyprus will pursue its application for membership in the
European Union, because such membership will have
benefits for both communities. While we hope to keep
accession negotiations to the timetable already foreseen, we
earnestly desire to reach a solution to our problem before
accession.
At the beginning of my statement, I spoke of the need
to reform and strengthen our Organization. From this
rostrum, I have repeatedly underlined the importance of
honouring the commitments we enter into and of
implementing the decisions we take. I have stressed how
essential it is to uphold the principles of the United Nations
Charter and to hold to full account those who violate them.
The question of Cyprus continues to be such a case of
accountability, due to the refusal of Turkey to implement
solemn Security Council and General Assembly resolutions
calling for, among other things, the respect of the
sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of
the Republic of Cyprus, the withdrawal of all foreign
troops, the return of the refugees to their homes and lands,
the respect of the demographic composition of the Republic
and the restoration of the basic human rights and
fundamental freedoms of the people of Cyprus. In fact, not
only has Turkey not implemented these resolutions, but it
has grossly violated them. Even the immense humanitarian
problem of the missing persons remains unresolved,
perpetuating the tragedy of their relatives. All efforts should
therefore be exerted by the Security Council, and by all
those in a position to do so, to bring about a real change in
Turkey’s attitude.
The fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations has
highlighted the need to maintain and reinforce our faith and
that of future generations in our Organization.
Implementation of United Nations decisions will go a
long way towards achieving this lofty goal.


The delegation of the Republic of the Congo
wishes to express to the President its warmest
congratulations on his election to lead the fifty-first session
of the General Assembly.
My country is particularly pleased by this choice, as
it attests to the international community’s recognition of the
constant and active commitment of his country to ensuring
the triumph of the ideals of peace sought by the United
Nations. I have no doubt that under his guidance this
session will help humankind take new strides towards peace
and progress.
To his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas
do Amaral, I would like to express our great appreciation
for all he did in spite of the trying international conditions,
which were continually complicated by human actions.
Finally, from this rostrum, my delegation wishes to
welcome the tremendous efforts of the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali over the past five years. All his
work has contributed greatly to the specific efforts of
Member States to ensure that our universal institution is
better able to meet the many challenges of our times and
more likely to avail itself of the many opportunities of the
coming century to ensure that humanity will prosper.
The idea of humankind prospering leads me to wonder
whether such a phenomenon can become universal at a time
when, despite the efforts of the United Nations there are so
many differences between nations around the world, so
many contradictions and conflicting interests between rich
and poor countries and, in Africa in particular, between
those who wield political power and those who seek it,
frequently using armed force.
However, it must be emphasized that far from being
the by-product of a sombre period in the history of
humankind, the United Nations remains after more than half
a century, the best instrument for achieving and
consolidating peace, for the progress of humankind and for
preserving diversity around the globe. It also remains a
place of legal equality between nations and a crucible of
the ideals of humanism in which the interests and the
destinies of all continents and all peoples should be fused
but not confused.
This being said, the vision of the founding fathers of
the United Nations is yet to become a reality. This is
possible only if Member States are truly committed to
striving for such ideals. Is it Utopian for the increasingly
fragile nations to do this when they are trying to find
their own equilibrium? Unfortunately, it is very tempting
to say yes, as our world is increasingly divided between
those who have knowledge and wealth and those who are
sinking in ignorance, disease, war and poverty.
In saying this to this Assembly, I, who come from
a continent on the brink of oblivion, am not telling
anyone anything new. I beg the Assembly’s indulgence to
repeat the same prayer, the same cry of distress, already
voiced here, now and in the past, by our eminent
predecessors.
They have said many times, more eloquently than I
can, that Africa, 51 years later, is an ailing continent at
whose bedside the commonly held notion of international
solidarity should be translated into resolutions and quickly
followed by actions. The wealthiest countries will then
have helped thousands of human beings to join the
modern era through scientific and technological progress.
This is a major challenge that calls for foresight,
humanism and the mobilization of the richest countries if
our world is to be in a better position to deal peacefully
with the stakes of the future in the North and the South.
In this connection, the process of the democratization
and economic integration of Africa should be further
encouraged and supported by the international community.
This is the basis for liberating all the creative African
forces that used to be held in check by dictatorial regimes
that were not well disposed to fostering intellectual
development.
The end of dictatorial regimes in certain African
countries and the spread of the democratization process in
Africa does not automatically mean the establishment of
truly democratic institutions, as the democrats in countries
with democratic systems may have wished.
Caught between seeking its future and reconciling
the present with its past, Africa must, with universal
support, find modern institutional means of curbing the
political tension that frequently results from tribalistic or
13

clannish view of power, which in turn results in the civil
wars that so hamper the continent in its march towards
peace.
Seen in this way, democratic pluralism should be a
measure of our march towards progress and, at this stage,
make peace the stabilizing and constant factor of
democratic institutions. It should also, and above all, ensure
that peace is a decisive factor in human development in
Africa.
Our continent can no longer take democracy to mean
the mechanical imposition of some model of democratic
institutions while forgetting our historical baggage or giving
in to the temptation to undo with the stroke of a pen the
bases of our social and cultural values.
It was by seeking a true balance between peace and
democratic institutions that the President of the Republic of
the Congo was able to restore peace in our country after
two years of civil war, following the democratic elections
that brought him to power. By this same philosophy, having
integrated members of the major opposing political party
into the Government of the Republic, Mr. Pascal Lissouba
supports the idea of a necessary period of democratic
transition. This period is one of adapting the various
political actors to the needs of the democratic regime,
particularly to the principle of political change-over with
the preservation of our values based upon sharing, solidarity
and respect for authority.
We are convinced that an approach based on the
concept of participatory democracy will make it possible to
reduce the sources of conflict between those who have been
elected by the people and those who have lost in
democratic elections without affecting in the least the rules
of the democratic regime, particularly the principles of
equality, liberty and the right of the people to choose their
main leaders.
We think that African democracy, freed from the
dangers of political individualism, the temptations of power
for oneself and the torments of tribalism, even with the
legacy of political systems of the past, can become a factor
for pacification, a fairer distribution of the fruits of
collective efforts and social and economic progress.
In this vision, the present weakness of our political
systems can be regarded as a phase in the democratic
transition to a modern developed Africa only if the
international community fully realizes that democracy
cannot prosper in poor countries, where politics were for so
long the road to social success, without exposing our
citizens to the political games of those for whom the
advent of democracy and its attendant competitive
elections mean the end of the eminent position they enjoy
in society thanks to the exercise of political power. The
various civil wars that repeatedly cast a shadow over our
continent are sad testimony to this reality.
Therefore, assistance to promote economic
development in African countries that are committed to
the democratization of their institutions will result in the
emergence of new political classes that are protected from
need and that will be more likely to regard politics as a
means of governing a community of men and women
who are bound by a territory and a common destiny than
as the only means to get ahead in an economically poor
environment.
As the Assembly can imagine, the economic
development of Africa is a decisive factor for stability,
development, pacification and democratization. The
current world economic situation is clear evidence that
globalization is inevitable. However, globalization could
also have serious drawbacks if measures are not adopted
to rectify fundamental imbalances. Increased competition
means poor countries, particularly those in the sub-
Saharan region, will risk losing more market shares and
will be increasingly marginalized.
If it is first and foremost up to the African countries
to demonstrate that their marginalization is determined
only by fate and that their current situation is merely one
of those tragic aftermaths with which history has
frequently sprinkled the course of human events, then it
is also up to the international community as a whole, in
active solidarity, to make a special commitment to
supporting the efforts of the African countries to deal
with the challenges before them.
This is why I must emphasize the role of
international cooperation and, particularly, the importance
of official development assistance for our countries. This
assistance, important in principle, should be enhanced
with action, in accordance with commitments that were
entered into, in order to meet the needs of the poorest
populations and to make Governments better able to meet
their obligations. Unfortunately, the decrease in such aid
runs counter to this view.
My country is pleased to note the Secretary-
General’s Special Initiative to help Africa, which
reinforces the United Nations New Agenda for the
14

Development of Africa in the 1990s. The mid-term review
falls far short of our expectations, however. The Congo
supports the recommendations emerging from that
assessment and hopes that the international community will
do its utmost to respect its commitments towards Africa.
Earlier I mentioned the tragedies of the African
peoples caused by civil war. My country, the Congo, which
since March 1995 has presided over the Standing Advisory
Committee of the United Nations on Security Questions in
Central Africa, would like to say how pleased it is to note
that in Angola, as well as in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the
parties are endeavouring to implement the peace agreements
and are thus enjoying the support of the international
community. We must welcome the efforts of the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to settle the
Liberian conflict, and we are pleased to note the signing of
the new peace Agreement, which, in the light of current
political developments in that country, gives us reasons for
hope.
However, we are deeply concerned by the situation in
some other parts of the world. The recent, spiralling acts of
violence in the Middle East and the number of civilian
casualties have weighed heavily on the peace process. The
Republic of the Congo emphasizes the importance of an
early resumption of dialogue, with a view to continuing the
peace process in the Middle East.
The Republic of the Congo welcomes progress in
nuclear disarmament, particularly the opening for signature
last 24 September of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty (CTBT). This historic act strengthens the extension
of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT) and will promote international relations based upon
peaceful coexistence and trust between States. This is the
course of action chosen by African countries in the
Pelindaba Treaty, which makes Africa a nuclear-free zone.
We must express our deep concern over the situations
in Africa in which peace is threatened daily, both within
national borders and between States. By establishing the
United Nations Standing Advisory Committee on Security
Questions in Central Africa, the General Assembly has
established a cooperative framework that will enable
11 States from Central Africa to engage in dialogue in
order to build confidence among themselves and establish
their own machinery to facilitate the prevention,
management and settlement of conflicts in the subregion.
The first summit of the Heads of State and Government,
held on 8 July 1996 in Yaoundé, Cameroon, led to the
signing of a non-aggression pact.
We want to express our sincere thanks to the
countries, particularly Japan, that have contributed to the
special trust fund to implement the Committee’s
programme. That fund made it possible to hold in
Yaoundé, under the auspices of the United Nations, a
seminar for training specialized units of peace operations.
I would also like to express the Committee’s thanks
to President Julius Nyerere for his role in finding a
peaceful solution to the Burundi crisis. The Government
of the Congo calls upon all parties to the conflict in
Burundi, a fraternal country and a member of the
Advisory Committee, to regain control of the situation
and to create through dialogue conditions for a return to
peace and national reconciliation.
Before concluding, I would like to mention some
recent developments in the economic and political
situation in my country. Since the National Forum for the
Culture of Peace organized with the support of United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) in Brazzaville in December 1995 and the
signing of a peace pact among the various political
parties, we are more than ever determined to address the
most crucial issues before our country, namely,
consolidating peace and combating poverty.
At the initiative of His Excellency President Pascal
Lissouba, all the Congolese political forces have signed
a framework agreement on census-taking with a view to
prepare the second presidential election of our democratic
era. The recently appointed Government is endeavouring
to organize these elections in transparency, peace and
respect for deadlines. In order to meet its commitments
the Government of Congo will be able to count on the
United Nations, friendly countries and all those who
promote the consolidation of democracy in Africa.
The signing on 20 June of a strengthened structural
adjustment mechanism with the International Monetary
Fund ensures that our people will support an economic
and social recovery programme despite the many
sacrifices it will entail. These efforts will be pursued with
the same commitment in the hope that our country will
receive the support of the international community at the
round table of donor countries to be held at Geneva in
November.
Congo, freed from the burdens that have delayed its
development for so long and mortgaged its future, will
finally be able to offer its people the peace and progress
for which they have been waiting so long.


Let me begin by conveying to the President my
warmest congratulations on his election as President of
this session of the General Assembly, which is
12

recognition, not just of his personal qualities, but also of the
leading role Malaysia is called on to play in a part of the
world that is characterized by the rapid pace of its
economic development and where we are engaging in joint
efforts as members of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
Council.
My country wishes to express its recognition of the
spirit of rationality and moderation that has marked the way
in which the President has discharged his duties in this
period of restructuring as part of the complex task of
maintaining peace as the essential prerequisite for ensuring
a more just world free from discrimination of any kind and
aberrant xenophobia. As this is the moment of truth for the
United Nations, we wish to express our hope that the work
he has done in guiding this Organization so far will
continue so as to consolidate the restructuring process.
In the face of the two options that exist for resolving
the constant and recurrent crises that afflict the world —
law and justice on the one hand, force and violence on the
other — Mexico has always opted for the former.
We are here not to engage in a mere ritual act, but to
reiterate our full commitment to this common effort that we
initiated half a century ago. This commitment has to be
renewed every day, because peace and security are not free
gifts bestowed once and for all, but values that have to be
conquered and maintained from day to day.
A year ago, the world’s leaders came together in this
forum to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of our
Organization. They reaffirmed the validity of the principles
and purposes embodied in the Charter of the United Nations
and agreed on new parameters for our collective activity.
The complex effort made in 1996 to ensure a proper
follow-up to them must continue to be our target for the
coming year.
Although not with the forcefulness and clarity that
would be justified by current law and demanded by the
international community, the International Court of Justice
recognized, in an Advisory Opinion of July this year, that
the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons run counter to
international law. The Court also emphasized that
“there exists an obligation on all States to pursue in
good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations
leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under
strict and effective international control.”
The General Assembly must give immediate effect to this
by urging the initiation of negotiations on the subject in
the Conference on Disarmament.
While we welcome this ruling, we do not agree with
another assertion of the Court within the Opinion that the
threat or use of nuclear weapons could be legal in the
extreme circumstance of self-defence.
The Treaty of Tlatelolco, which Mexico promoted
and for which it acts as depositary, was the first legal
instrument specifically to establish a nuclear-weapon-free
zone in a densely populated region. Mexico will continue
to encourage the strengthening of the regime established
by this Treaty, which has undoubtedly served as a
precedent for other treaties establishing nuclear-weapon-
free zones throughout the world.
Mexico welcomes the recent addition of the new
South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone to those
already existing in the South Pacific and in Africa. We
hope that we shall soon be able to add another nuclear-
weapon-free zone in the Middle East, which would
undoubtedly help to promote détente in that area. We
firmly support Brazil’s initiative to proclaim the southern
hemisphere of our planet a nuclear-weapon-free zone.
On 24 September, just a few days ago, Mexico
signed the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
(CTBT). Despite the fact that its structure is not entirely
satisfactory, particularly with respect to its entry into
force, we signed it because we believe that it is a vital
step in a programme of action for the complete
elimination of nuclear weapons, the ultimate objective of
our efforts in this connection. Mexico and 27 other
countries members of the Conference on Disarmament
have already submitted a draft programme that we hope
can be considered as soon as possible. If we make enough
progress in this direction, it might even be possible to
overcome one of the main obstacles to the entry into
force of the CTBT, which is currently being hindered by
those obstacles mentioned earlier. Meanwhile, until the
Treaty — on which we worked for almost two years of
negotiations — comes into force, we urge all countries to
guide their actions in accordance with its text, even before
its formal entry into force.
It is a matter of great concern that the two Powers
acknowledged to possess chemical weapons have
postponed ratification of the Convention on the
Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling
and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction,
13

which took us 20 years to negotiate and requires only two
more ratifications to enter fully into force. We shall be
initiating consultations with a view to submitting a draft
resolution on this subject. We urge the United States
Congress and the Russian Federation to ratify the
Convention as soon as possible.
Also on the subject of disarmament, we wish to draw
attention to the fact that the President of Mexico,
Mr. Ernesto Zedillo, recently made two proposals at the Rio
Group summit in Cochabamba, Bolivia. The first concerned
the need to adopt a convention against the illegal arms
trade, which relates directly to the struggle in which we are
all engaged against drug trafficking, crime and terrorism.
The second concerned the desirability of adopting measures
for the control of conventional offensive weapons in Latin
America with a view to avoiding arms races that would
divert resources essential to our economic development.
We welcome the Canadian initiative, to which Mexico
gives its unreserved support, regarding the initiation of
consultations with a view to securing, as speedily as
possible, a total ban on the deployment, transfer, production
and stockpiling of anti-personnel landmines. We believe the
matter to be both important and urgent. Accordingly, we
propose that this Assembly consider this issue in that light.
It is precisely because we do not see peace as the
mere absence of war that we believe that international
peace and security must be embodied in development and
equity. Peace is inseparable from development; security is
inseparable from prosperity. If we sow today for
development, we shall reap the peace, security and
international harmony that must mark the world of the next
millennium.
Accordingly, Mexico enthusiastically supports the
work of the United Nations and its specialized agencies on
economic and social issues and, in particular, the adoption
of an agenda for development as the basis of its efforts to
eradicate poverty.
That is why we view with growing concern the fact
that, in supposed support of freedom and democracy, action
is being taken in the opposite direction through the adoption
of laws in the field of trade — the nerve centre of
contemporary progress — that are extraterritorial in scope
and in complete disagreement with the fundamental
principles of international law. I would draw the
Assembly’s attention to the opinion of the Inter-American
Juridical Committee of the Organization of American
States, distributed in document A/51/394, on the subject of
the so-called Helms-Burton Act. It argues convincingly
that this Act is not in keeping with international law. It is
neither by means of blockades or exclusions, nor by the
application of sanctions on third countries that democracy
and human rights can be promoted. Dialogue, inclusion in
multilateral forums, trade, investment and the exchange of
information and persons have always proven to be the
best way to disseminate the values we all share.
Drug trafficking has attained unprecedented levels
worldwide, to the point where it has become one of the
most serious threats to the integrity of societies and the
very security of nations. Despite the vast resources
directed by Governments towards combating illicit drugs,
the power of the drug traffickers is increasing, as is the
number of victims claimed by drug addiction and the
collateral damage caused to the social environment and
the economy. There is an urgent need to draw up and put
into effect measures and strategies which, on the basis of
international cooperation and shared responsibility, will
make it possible to launch a comprehensive attack on this
phenomenon and to do away with partial and subjective
evaluations in rating the level of compliance of each
Government in combating drug trafficking, or, still worse,
in making use of this rating as a political weapon and
pressure tactic.
We trust that, in the course of this session, the
General Assembly will take a fundamental step to
intensify the fight against drug trafficking by convening
in 1998, on the recommendation of the Economic and
Social Council, a special session to assess the state of
international cooperation in combating the production,
sale, demand, trafficking and unlawful distribution of
narcotics, psychotropic substances and related activities.
Once the draft resolution on this issue is adopted, we
shall have to get down to the task of preparing an
appropriate agenda for that special session, incorporating
the specific ideas put forward in the Economic and Social
Council and in this Assembly. In this connection, the
statement made on 23 September by the President of
Colombia, Dr. Ernesto Samper Pizano, is of special
interest.
Mexico recognizes and scrupulously respects the
sovereign right of every nation to determine the rules and
conditions for the admission of foreign workers to its
territory. Nevertheless, the situation of our nationals in
foreign countries has become a source of legitimate
concern to all sectors of society in my country in
response to the emergence of disturbing outbreaks of
racism and xenophobia in some countries to which
14

migratory flows are directed. We firmly reject all actions or
omissions on the part of national and local authorities in the
recipient countries that may contribute to creating or
exacerbating an atmosphere of violence and intolerance
against such workers and their families. In our view, the
mere existence of such a climate runs counter to the basic
assumption of respect for the human rights and fundamental
freedoms of all. Mexico believes that this complex problem
must be approached in a way that goes beyond mere
measures of repression and humiliation, but is rather
comprehensive, objective, broad in scope and responsive to
regional and subregional characteristics.
My country is convinced that the early entry into force
of the International Convention on the Protection of the
Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their
Families is certain to constitute an appropriate framework
for the protection of the rights of millions of people who
emigrate in search of better living conditions. Moreover, we
believe that it is necessary to draw up, as part of the effort
to protect the human rights of migrants, minimum rules that
will protect them in any recipient country, regardless of
their legal status and of the protection afforded them by the
laws of the country to which they emigrate. We shall be
submitting proposals in this regard at the next session of
the Commission on Human Rights.
Meanwhile, Mexico has been making a major effort to
improve the treatment and protection of the migrants
entering our territory across the southern border. Moreover,
the Mexican Government has recently taken a decision to
regularize the migratory status of more than 30,000
refugees, most of them Guatemalan, who have settled in
camps in the States of Campeche and Quintana Roo under
the auspices of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees. In a joint effort with all the countries of Central
America — including Belize and Panama — and the United
States and Canada, Mexico has embarked on a campaign to
combat and punish illegal trafficking in persons, which has
now taken on the attributes of international organized
crime. We are also working to pass legislation at the
congressional level to increase the penalties and lengthen
the sentences for those found guilty of this illegal
trafficking.
As the Heads of State and Government of the so-
called Group of 16, of which Mexico is a member,
indicated on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations, it is vital that we strengthen the multilateral
approach to solving the problems that affect the community
as a whole. We view with particular concern the lack of
substantive progress in the various working groups
responsible for examining the main aspects of the reform
of the Organization, and for this reason we should like to
propose that efforts be concentrated in the following
areas.
The capacity of the United Nations to prevent
conflicts and resolve those that already exist must be
enhanced. This would include, among other actions,
breaking the deadlock in the reform of the Security
Council, whose primary responsibility is the maintenance
of international peace and security. Secondly, measures
should be taken to strengthen the mechanisms for
resolving conflicts and disputes by peaceful means
through a convention on the subject. And, finally, the role
of the Secretary-General in conflict prevention should be
strengthened. An example of what action by the
Secretary-General can achieve is the important agreement
signed in Mexico City on 19 September between the
Government of Guatemala and the general command of
the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca, which
will make a significant contribution to the attainment of
lasting peace in that country, and in which the
Secretary-General and a group of friends, including
Mexico, participated.
From this rostrum I wish to pay tribute to the work
of the Moderator, which was essential to the signing of
six substantive agreements in the Guatemalan process.
Now we are awaiting only the signing of a few
operational agreements, which will lead to the early
establishment of a lasting peace in that country.
With regard to the reform of the Security Council,
Mexico considers it essential that in evaluating the
proposals before us, account should be taken of the need
for that organ’s composition to reflect the increase in the
membership of the Organization, while strictly respecting
the wishes of the countries of each region and the
principle of equitable geographical representation.
The United Nations must also strengthen its
activities in the protection of human rights and
fundamental freedoms, again on the basis of the
contractual obligations entered into by each State, and in
eliminating any vestiges of colonialism or of
discrimination on grounds of sex, religion, race or
political conviction.
One of the most urgent and complex issues of the
reform process is that of revising the financing system
and the criteria for establishing the contributions of
Member States. But let us be frank: the financial crisis
15

the United Nations is experiencing stems primarily from the
lack of timely payment of assessed contributions by a
considerable number of countries. This situation must be
normalized as speedily as possible.
The maintenance of international peace and security
continues to be the primary mission of the United Nations.
Barely seven years ago, a sigh of relief marked the ending
of the long night of the cold war. Hopes were reborn that,
with peace strengthened, confidence in the United Nations
would grow, the ambitions of dominance on the part of the
economically and militarily powerful countries would cease,
and a spirit of tolerance and harmony, of equity and mutual
assistance — indispensable for the building of a better
world — would soon develop. There was talk of “peace
dividends”. The reality has been more complex.
Mexico expresses its dismay at the violent incidents
that have occurred recently in the Middle East and joins the
appeal of the international community to all parties
concerned to refrain from undertaking any actions that
could worsen the situation and provoke further clashes.
Such incidents constitute a dramatic reminder of the need
for the parties to redouble their efforts with a view to
advancing the peace process and ensuring that dialogue and
reason prevail in the region.
Despite the magnitude of the obstacles that have to be
overcome in order to ensure that human beings are
educated for peace, Mexico maintains a profound faith in
the United Nations, whose structures must be strengthened
if we truly wish to give it the necessary capacity to
discharge the complex and lofty tasks entrusted to it half a
century ago, as well as those additional tasks it is charged
with almost daily.
With renewed optimism, we trust that human beings
still possess the resourcefulness and talent required to make
this world a worthy and just abode for all.


The current session of the United Nations General
Assembly is taking place at a complex international time,
marked by worrisome developments that exacerbate the
feelings of anxiety and precariousness that plague the
majority of humanity. These developments result from the
profound historic changes that have occurred in recent
years, which at one time had given us hope for a new and
improved system of international relations that would be
more open to the concerns of all in matters of security
and more receptive to development needs.
The transformation of the international economy and
accelerated trends towards globalization have, to be sure,
resulted in new, more complex relations, but have also,
due to certain harmful side effects, aggravated the
imbalances and the dependency of many developing
countries, whose courageous economic reforms, achieved
at the highest of costs, still confront a hostile
environment.
In this new era of heightened interdependence, a lack
of solidarity still characterizes international relations, and
self-interest is persistent in terms of both security and
development, emphasizing the lack of a mechanism that
can effectively narrow the growing gap between
developed countries — ever more prosperous and
stable — and a developing world faced with poverty and
disorder of every sort.
Such observations emphasize that a real awareness
on the part of the international community as a whole,
and of the developed countries in particular, is slow in
coming. They also confirm that piecemeal measures,
taken on an urgent basis, are not enough to compensate
for the lack of an overall approach to the global problems
of our times.
22

Also quite clear in this regard is the marginalization of
the mechanisms established to foster, channel and develop
cooperation, solidarity and joint efforts among nations.
It is significant to note that on the heels of an
anniversary session at which the commitment of States to
strengthen the authority of the United Nations was
forcefully reaffirmed, the Organization is experiencing one
of its greatest crises, notably due to restrictions on the
resources it needs to accomplish its missions — and this at
a time when the demands on it have increased and when
expectations are growing that it will play a larger role in
preserving peace, in promoting and developing international
cooperation, and in emancipating peoples still under
domination. Hence the need for all States to discharge their
obligations to our Organization, especially since it has
embarked upon a courageous process of restructuring and
reform designed to make it an instrument capable of
generating and developing dialogue, cooperation and
confidence among nations.
It should be noted, in this regard, that democratization,
transparency and a better balance among its major organs
all are requirements and basic objectives for a genuine
reform of the institution and for ensuring the restoration of
the General Assembly’s authority and the functions
conferred upon it by the Charter — also a key objective in
order to enhance the effectiveness of its action and restore
its credibility.
Similarly, it is important, within the framework of the
question of the expansion of the Security Council, to pay
special attention to such crucial aspects as the transparency
of its work, the representation on it of the Member States
on whose behalf it acts, and the links to be established with
the General Assembly.
Algeria, which has made a priority, in its foreign
policy, of strengthening the credibility and the authority of
the United Nations, naturally provides continuous political
support and makes varied contributions to its activities, as
shown by our participation in the success of certain peace-
keeping operations.
This is because our Organization remains the most
appropriate framework for realizing our aspirations for
shared security and development, at the very time when the
realization of the twin Agendas for peace and development
calls for respecting and strengthening its authority.
Here I should like to pay a well-deserved tribute to
our Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, for his vision, his perseverance and the
tireless efforts he has been making in the service of
adapting the United Nations to the challenges of the
current era. His courage, his commitment, and the
ambition he has to reinforce the reach and effectiveness
of the Organization at a particularly difficult phase in the
evolution of international relations have gained him the
support of the Organization of African Unity and the
League of Arab States. My country reiterates its support
for him and wishes him every success at the head of the
United Nations.
The dawning of a better-organized and more stable
international order requires seeking joint responses to the
most dangerous threats to the security and development of
our countries. These responses can emerge only through
joint undertakings, greater solidarity and an effective
commitment to combat the most serious consequences of
the rise in intolerance and extremism and the denial of the
most basic principles of humanity.
Among these phenomena, international terrorism is
more than ever manifest, in its seriousness as a universal
phenomenon, as a threat to the stability of nations and to
democratic values in our societies, and as a new type of
threat to international peace and security. So combatting
terrorism today requires effective international
mobilization commensurate with the challenges of a key
phenomenon which knows no limits or inviolable
sanctuary.
It is fortunate that an international awareness of the
dangers inherent in this scourge is beginning gradually to
emerge. The international response, however, will to a
large extent remain insufficient if it is not reflected in
concrete action in line with three requirements: the
establishment of true international cooperation; a show of
greater solidarity; and determination commensurate with
regularly stated political commitments.
In this regard, the fight against terrorism should not
be ambiguous or selective, as it sometimes is. It should be
marked by a constant, unfailing mobilization of efforts to
dismantle the criminal chain of terrorism, including those
who are perpetrators, those who are behind them, the
various political networks and their sources of financing
and supply, and the direct or indirect logistical support
given by individuals, groups or States. The necessary
conditions should be created for this. In this context,
Algeria supports the idea of holding an international
conference on the fight against terrorism.
23

Promoting more stable and more balanced international
relations requires collective effort to improve the situation
in areas of tension and conflict which threaten international
peace and security. In order to be fruitful, these efforts
should be buttressed by a search for viable, lasting solutions
to these conflicts and by increasing joint efforts and
strengthening existing frameworks for dialogue.
From this standpoint, the crisis in Bosnia and
Herzegovina was an example of how indecision and lack of
determination on the part of the world community cost us
a great deal in tragedy and destruction. This long-suffering
country is now, to be sure, embarking on the path to peace,
even if still remains fragile, and strewn with many
obstacles. We venture to hope, however, that its new
institutional direction will insure for Bosnia and
Herzegovina the peace it needs for stability and
reconstruction.
Furthermore, the promotion of international relations
also presupposes the strengthening of regional integration
frameworks which today are the hallmark of an emerging
new system of international relations.
In its immediate environment, Algeria is actively
participating in the establishment and consolidation of joint
action for solidarity and cooperation with its neighbours,
with which it hopes to develop exemplary good-neighbourly
relations. In the Maghreb, the identity, aspirations and
common mission of the peoples of the region, naturally,
make us desirous of retaining a plan for Maghreb unity as
a central element of my country’s policy. This is an
irreversible national priority.
Algeria’s determination is an expression of faith in the
future as is the ability of each of the Arab Maghreb Union
partners to take advantage of the opportunities for relations
which can be mutually beneficial and which can meet the
legitimate aspirations of our peoples. It is in this context of
a unified, homogenous and strong Maghreb that Algeria
hopes to contribute to the beginning of a just and lasting
peaceful settlement of the issue of Western Sahara. It is in
this regard too that Algeria continues to provide political
support and human and financial resources to the
Settlement Plan jointly put in place by the United Nations
and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) with a view
to holding a genuine, credible referendum which would
guarantee the free exercise by the people of Western Sahara
of its right to self-determination and independence.
Continuing problems encountered in the
implementation of the Settlement Plan, and the uncertainty
surrounding the desired political solution of this conflict,
require that we redouble our efforts to establish better
conditions for a genuine peace framework. We are
convinced that this will be possible only if each and every
party fully discharges its responsibilities in the
implementation of the Plan. A rapid solution would only
be advantageous for the peace and concord to which all
peoples in the region are entitled.
This means in particular that the two parties to the
conflict — the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIO
Front — should become aware that forthright,
constructive and responsible dialogue can bring a solution
to pending issues at the current stage, and can also help
them to prepare for the future.
This also means that the duty of the international
community, and of the United Nations in particular,
should be translated into a more sustained commitment
and presence, and into a continued peace effort in line
with international responsibilities towards the people of
Western Sahara and their legitimate rights.
The establishment of the OAU Mechanism for
Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution reflects
the determination of African leaders to make a decisive
contribution to reducing tensions and settling disputes on
our continent. Thanks to this spirit, the painstaking efforts
made by the countries of the Economic Community of
West African States have opened up promising prospects
for a settlement of the conflict in Liberia through national
reconciliation and a return to democratically elected
institutions.
Algeria hopes for a return to calm, reconciliation and
national unity in Burundi, which are so crucial for the
whole region. We continue to encourage all efforts being
made by the countries of the Great Lakes region.
The lack of prospects for a settlement in Somalia
and the international community’s lack of interest are
exacerbating the sufferings endured by the civilian
population and are a source of great concern to us. While
it is true that Somalians themselves must make a special
effort, it is also the duty of the international
community — through the United Nations, the OAU and
the League of Arab States — to do everything possible to
help in reconciliation and in the establishment of national
institutions which could earn the embrace and confidence
of all Somalians.
In the Mediterranean, Algeria has constantly worked
towards the establishment of a permanent framework for
24

dialogue and cooperation which would enable the coastal
States, without exception, to address their political, security,
economic and human concerns. We have always acted with
a view to defining a renewed operational machinery which
would organize and lead a future of stability and progress
in the European-Mediterranean theatre. This is what
motivated Algeria to join the process begun in Barcelona.
In our view, this was an initial accomplishment, an
important step towards the establishment of new European-
Mediterranean relations based on mutual confidence and
joint actions, which will give tangible content to the
indivisibility of security and development in the region.
In the Middle East, recent developments have in many
respects caused us concern and alarm. The Madrid
conference created a historic opportunity for a peaceful
settlement for the Arab-Israeli conflict. In the name of good
faith and responsibility, the commitments entered into must
be respected. Algeria hopes to pursue its contribution to a
just and lasting peace, and renews its commitment to the
principals adopted by the Madrid conference: land for
peace; the implementation of Security Council resolutions
242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978); and respect for the
national aspirations of the Palestinian people. These
principles are at the heart of the peace process and the basis
for our participation in it. Algeria believes that there is no
alternative to a settlement based on the total withdrawal by
Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 1967 and on
the right of the Palestinian people to the establishment of a
sovereign State, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital.
Today, it is the duty and the responsibility of the
international community, and in particular of the co-
sponsors of the peace process, to show resolve and
determination in continuing their efforts to promote the
success of the process — a process which has been
jeopardized by Israeli intransigence and back-sliding.
The improvement of relations between Arab States and
their unity constitute an essential pillar of the peace
process. The dawning of peace will depend to a large extent
on the mobilization of Arab potential and capacity in the
service of peace and to promote relations based on the
principles of good-neighbourliness, the non-use of force or
the threat of force, and non-interference in the internal
affairs of States. All of us, Algeria included, must reverse
the logic of confrontation, which has compromised relations
between Arab countries since the Gulf war, and work
towards reconciliation on the basis of respect for
international law.
In this context, the unjustified violations of the
independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of
Iraq require an increased awareness on the part of the
world community of the risks inherent in such practices,
which are contrary to international law, and of their
effects on the stability of the region. Such violations,
which Algeria rejects, have only increased the suffering
of the Iraqi people, who have already been sorely tried by
several years of sanctions which can no longer be
justified.
In the same vein, Algeria remains concerned at the
continuation of sanctions against our sister country, the
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, and by the sufferings these
involve for the Libyan people, to which we would like to
reiterate our full solidarity. Furthermore, Algeria renews
its support for the restoration of the sovereignty of the
United Arab Emirates over the Abu Musa islands and the
Lesser and Greater Tunb islands, which remain under
foreign occupation. My country also expresses its
solidarity with Bahrain in the face of the increased
foreign interference and threats to which it has been
subjected.
Algeria’s actions with regard to disarmament stem
from its conviction that the acquisition, stockpiling and
increased sophistication of arms, in particular high-
technology weapons and weapons of mass destruction, do
not bring security, but undermine the essential
establishment of confidence among nations. Strengthened
by this conviction, Algeria has shown — through concrete
initiatives taken at the international, regional and internal
levels — its commitment to strengthening the process
towards general and complete disarmament by eliminating
weapons of mass destruction. In this regard, we recall our
participation in the drafting and adoption of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty as an initial
stage for more substantial measures in this area.
Similarly, after having ratified the Convention on
chemical weapons and adhering to the nuclear non-
proliferation Treaty, on 30 March 1996 Algeria signed a
safeguards agreement with the International Atomic
Energy Agency.
Acting with similar responsibility, Algeria has helped
African efforts. These led to the adoption on 11 April of
the Pelindaba Treaty, by which the States Members of the
Organization of African Unity declared Africa a nuclear-
free zone. This African momentum should be encouraged
by similar efforts to establish new zones, especially in the
Middle East, which remains a legitimate source of
concern for all Arab countries, in particular with regard
to Israeli nuclear potential.
25

A better structured and more unified international
economic order is a precondition for international peace and
security. The globalization of economic, social and political
problems, the lack of coordinated management of
interdependent issues, the increase in global challenges, and
the weakening of national regulatory structures make it ever
more necessary to establish new structures for global
management within a framework of true democratization of
international relations. In response to these objectives, the
international community must shoulder more responsibility
for the many, interdependent links which hold it together;
improve its ability for a collective response to the challenge
of development; and increase its support for these efforts.
The worsening of the external, bilateral and
multilateral debt crisis of developing countries; the erosion
and unpredictable nature of resources from export earnings;
restrictions on access to markets; the lack of fairness in
international trade; one-sided views which affect
cooperation; and the unilateral nature of the world decision-
making process: all these highlight in different ways the
various obstacles which remain on the path to development.
This means that, in order to organize a common future
on a new basis, the international community must make
development a greater concern, promote joint solutions for
the sustained growth of the countries of the South and
ensure their true integration in the world economy.
In this vein, the issue of development financing
deserves special attention in the context of the persistent
external debt crisis in the countries of the South and the
drying up of funds for cooperation, since the approaches
taken to this issue thus far have been questionable, to say
the least. Imaginative and more global solutions must be
found to the external debt problem of the countries of the
South and their access to international financing. It is also
important to include in our vision of development the
enormous potential of the expanding world trade expected
from the fair and consistent implementation of the Uruguay
Round agreements.
The first Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade
Organization (WTO), to be held soon in Singapore, will be
a good opportunity for the international community to make
a clear appraisal of the implementation of these agreements
and to make the necessary corrections for a more
significant and equitable participation of the countries of the
South in international trade. It is through its predictability,
stability, openness and transparency that the new world
trade system established by the WTO will become a true
and forceful factor for development.
The international economic situation is still
characterized by gaps that make the future of the world
more uncertain, given the increase in inequalities and the
risk of social rifts they entail. These gaps, which also
affect developed countries faced with the severe problems
of adjusting to unemployment and exclusion, show how,
faced with globalization, international society can only
find joint solutions to global problems, particularly those
of growth and development. It is in Africa, where the
socio-economic situation is evolving more tragically, that
this dimension can be seen in all its gravity with the
expansion of abject poverty, the spread of disease and the
threat of impending famine.
It is on that continent that we find the greatest
expression of the categorical need for renewed and
strengthened international solidarity in a spirit of open-
mindedness and partnership to help African countries in
their efforts at the socio-economic restructuring necessary
to lay the foundations for lasting political and social
balance and to open new prospects of hope for their
peoples. It is in fact politically unacceptable and morally
intolerable to continue to ignore the international threat
inherent in the deterioration of the development crisis on
that continent.
In this vein, the new appeal made last March by the
Secretary-General through a special initiative of the
United Nations system for Africa deserves our full
support, since it compels the international community,
and, in particular the wealthy countries, to face up to their
basic responsibilities to our continent.
In a world that is constantly changing, we must
undertake in all diligence and determination to work
together to set new balances, enable mankind
harmoniously to manage its interdependence and make the
international economic environment more conducive to
development.
By its very nature and unique mission, the United
Nations is the appropriate place to give an articulate, joint
global response to these challenges. Who better than the
United Nations can carry out such a task at a time when
managing interdependence is more than ever at the heart
of the problems of development and peace?
26

That is why we should come to an agreement on the
development programme proposed by the Secretary-
General. This programme should support United Nations
efforts for Africa. This is why the criteria for streamlining
and efficiency which accompany the reform process in the
United Nations system in the economic and social spheres
should be made manifest in a joint quest for common
objectives in organizing the new system of international
relations. It is by doing so and by finding further
inspiration in its Charter that the United Nations will avoid
drifting off track and will become a more effective
instrument for the orderly reconstruction of international
relations and thereby provide the necessary stability for
peace and development.