I would first like to
briefly express my pleasure at seeing the representative
of Antigua and Barbuda, a country that is part of the
Caribbean and is very dear to Brazil and our region,
at the helm of the proceedings of this session of the
General Assembly. You can count on the permanent
support of my Government, Sir.

Before I begin my statement, I would also like
to voice the Brazilian Government’s and people’s
repudiation of the recent terrorist attack in Nairobi, and
to convey our condolences to and express our solidarity
with the families of the victims and the people and the
Government of Kenya. Wherever terrorism may occur
and wherever it originates, we will always condemn it
unequivocally and resolve firmly to deal with it. We
will never compromise with barbarity.

I would like to draw the Assembly’s attention to
an exceedingly important and serious matter. Recent
revelations concerning the activities of a global network
of electronic espionage have provoked indignation and
disgust in public opinion worldwide. For Brazil the
situation is particularly serious, since we have been a
specific target of that intrusion. Citizens’ personal data
has been indiscriminately targeted and intercepted.
Business information, often of major economic and even
strategic value, has been a focus of espionage activity.
And communications of Brazilian diplomatic missions,
including our Permanent Mission to the United Nations
and the Office of the President of the Republic itself,
have been subject to interception.

Such meddling in the lives and affairs of other
countries is a breach of international law and as such
is an affront to the principles that should govern
relations between them, and between friendly nations
in particular. A nation can never promote its own
sovereignty in a way that damages the sovereignty of
another. The right of one country’s citizens to security
can never be ensured by violating the fundamental
human and civil rights of those of another. It is even
worse when private companies support such espionage
activity. The argument that the illegal interception of
information and data is allegedly intended to protect
against terrorism is untenable.

Brazil knows how to protect itself. We repudiate
and fight terrorist groups; we do not give them shelter.
We are a democratic country surrounded by democratic,
peaceful countries that respect international law. We
have lived in peace with our neighbours for more than
140 years. Like many other Latin Americans, I have
fought arbitrary behaviour and censorship myself and
therefore cannot possibly fail to uncompromisingly
defend individuals’ right to privacy and the sovereignty
of my country.

Without the right to privacy there is no real
freedom of speech and opinion and therefore no genuine
democracy. Without respect for sovereignty there is
no basis for normal relations among nations. What we
have before us is a serious violation of human rights
and civil liberties through the invasion and capture of
confidential secret information pertaining to business
activities and, above all, a case of disrespect for the
national sovereignty of my country. We have registered
our protest with the Government of the United States
and we have demanded explanations, apologies and
guarantees that such procedures will never be repeated.

Friendly Governments and societies that seek
to build a truly strategic partnership, as in our case,

cannot possibly allow recurring illegal actions to take
place as if they constituted a normal, ordinary practice.
They are unacceptable. Brazil will redouble its efforts
to adopt legislation, technologies and mechanisms to
protect us adequately from the illegal interception of
communications and data. My Administration will
do everything within its reach and powers to defend
the human rights of all Brazilians and all the world’s
citizens, as well as to protect the fruits of the ingenuity
of Brazilian workers and companies.

The problem, however, goes beyond the bilateral
relationship of two countries. It affects the international
community itself and demands a response from it.
Information and telecommunication technologies
cannot become the new battlefield among States.
The time is ripe to create the conditions to prevent
cyberspace from being used as a weapon of war through
espionage, sabotage and attacks against the systems and
infrastructure of other countries. The United Nations
must play a leading role in the effort to properly regulate
the conduct of States with regard to those technologies.
It should also consider the importance of the Internet
and social networks as part of our efforts to build
democracy worldwide.

For that reason, Brazil will present proposals for
the establishment of a multilateral civil framework
for the governance and use of the Internet, as well
as measures to guarantee the effective protection
of the data and information that traverse it. We must
establish multilateral mechanisms for the worldwide
web that are capable of ensuring key principles. The
first is freedom of expression, individual privacy and
respect for human rights; secondly, multilateral, open
democratic governance, conducted with transparency
while stimulating collective creativity and the broad
participation of civil society, Governments and the
private sector; thirdly, the principle of universality,
which ensures social and human development along with
the construction of inclusive and non-discriminatory
societies; fourthly, cultural diversity, without the
imposition of beliefs, customs or values; and fifthly, the
neutrality of the web, which must be governed only by
technical and ethical criteria, rendering unacceptable
any restriction of it for political, commercial, religious
or any other purposes. Harnessing the full potential of
the Internet therefore requires responsible regulation
that will simultaneously guarantee the freedom of
expression, security and respect for human rights.

The choice of the post-2015 development agenda
as the theme for this session of the General Assembly
could not be more appropriate. The fight against
poverty, hunger and inequality constitutes the greatest
challenge of our time. For that reason, Brazil has
adopted a socially inclusive economic model based
on generating employment, strengthening small-
scale family agriculture, expanding credit, increasing
the worth of salaries and developing a vast social
protection network, particularly through our family
stipend programme. In addition to those achievements,
we have lifted 22 million Brazilians out of extreme
poverty in only two years through out plan to free
Brazil of extreme poverty. We have drastically reduced
child mortality. A recent UNICEF report indicates
that Brazil has achieved one of the most significant
reductions in the child mortality in the world.

Children are a top priority for Brazil. That is
reflected in our commitment to education. We are the
country that has most increased public investment in
education, according to the latest Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development report. We
have also just approved legislation that earmarks 75 per
cent of all petroleum revenue to education and 25 per
cent to health services.

In the debate on the post-2015 development
agenda we must focus on the results of the Rio de
Janeiro United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development as key drivers. The major step taken in
Rio de Janeiro was to place poverty at the very centre
of the sustainable development agenda. Poverty is
not a problem exclusive to developing countries, and
environmental protection is not a goal to achieve only
after poverty is overcome. The meaning of the post-
2015 agenda is the development of a world in which it is
possible to grow, to include, to conserve and to protect.
By promoting social mobility and overcoming extreme
poverty, as we are doing, we have created an immense
contingent of citizens with improved quality of life,
increased access to information and greater awareness
of their rights — citizens with new hopes, new desires
and new demands.

The demonstrations last June in Brazil were an
inseparable part of our process of building democracy
and of social change. My Administration did not repress
them; on the contrary, it listened to and understood the
voices from the streets. We listened and understood
because we ourselves came from the streets. We
ourselves came of age and developed through the great

struggles of Brazil. The street is our ground, our base.
The protesters did not ask for a return to the past.
Rather, they asked for further progress towards a future
of greater rights, more participation and more social
gains.

In Brazil, it was during this decade that we
experienced the greatest reduction in social inequality
in the past 50 years. It was during this decade that we
created a system of social protection that has allowed
us to nearly eradicate extreme poverty. We know all
too well that democracy generates the desire for more
democracy, that social inclusion creates demands for
further social inclusion, and that quality of life awakens
people’s yearning for even more quality of life. For us,
all the progress achieved thus far is just a beginning.
Our development strategy demands more, as desired by
all Brazilians.

It is not enough to listen. We must act. We must
transform this extraordinary energy into achievements
for everyone. I have therefore launched five major
pacts: a pact against corruption and for political
reform; a pact for urban mobility, geared towards
the improvement of public transportation and urban
reform; a pact for education, our great passport to the
future, which will be supported by royalties from oil
revenues and the petroleum social fund; a health pact
that provides for doctors to assist Brazilians in the
poorest and most remote regions of the country; and
a fiscal responsibility pact, to guarantee the economic
viability of this new stage in our history.

Although the most acute phase of the crisis is behind
us, the situation of the world economy remains fragile,
with unacceptable levels of unemployment. According
to statistics from the International Labor Organization,
there are more than 200 million unemployed people
throughout the world. That phenomenon affects
populations of both developed and developing countries.

This is the right time for us to strengthen the trends
for growth in the world’s economy, which is showing
signs of recovery. Emerging countries alone cannot
ensure the resumption of global growth. More than ever
before, it is necessary to engage in concerted action
in order to reduce unemployment and re-establish
momentum in international trade. We are all in the
same boat.

My country is restoring growth despite the impact
of the international crisis of the past few years. We
have relied on three key elements: first, a commitment
towards sound macroeconomic policies; secondly,
continuing and upholding successful social inclusion
policies; and thirdly, the adoption of measures aimed
at increasing our productivity, and therefore our
international competitiveness. We are committed to
stability and inflation-control, to improving the quality
of public spending and to upholding proper fiscal
performance.

We reiterate our support for a reform of the
International Monetary Fund. The governance of
the Fund should reflect the weight of emerging and
developing countries in the world economy. Delaying
such adaptive reform will further reduce the Fund’s
legitimacy and effectiveness.

The year 2015 will mark the seventieth anniversary
of the United Nations and the tenth anniversary of the
2005 World Summit. As such, it will be an occasion
for us to carry out the urgent reform that we have been
calling for since that first summit. We must avoid a
collective defeat of coming to 2015 without a Security
Council capable of fully exercising its responsibilities in
today’s world. The limited representation in the Security
Council, in view of the new challenges of the twenty-
first century, is a source of grave concern. Examples of
that concern include the huge difficulty in providing a
solution for the ongoing Syrian conflict and the state of
paralysis in addressing the Israeli-Palestinian question.
The recurrent polarization among permanent members
on important issues has led to a dangerous inaction. The
Council must be urgently endowed with voices that are
both independent and constructive. Only by expanding
the number of permanent and non-permanent members
of the Security Council and by including developing
countries in both categories will it be possible to
solve and overcome the current representativeness and
legitimacy deficits from which the Council suffers.

The general debate provides us with an opportunity
to reiterate the fundamental principles that guide my
country’s foreign policy and inform our stance on
pressing issues on today’s international agenda. We
guide ourselves and our actions through a defence of a
multilateral world governed by international law, where
the peaceful solution of conflicts holds sway and where
the pursuit of a fair and solidarity-based order prevails
both economically and socially.

The crisis in Syria has caused unrest and breeds a
sense of anger. Two and a half years of lives lost and
destruction have caused the greatest humanitarian
disaster of the century.

Brazil’s population of Syrian descent is an important
component of our nationality identity, Our country
is thus deeply involved with the plight of the Syrian
people. It is necessary to prevent the killing of innocent
people — women, children and the elderly — and to
silence weapons, whether they be conventional or
chemical or whether they be used by the Government
or by the rebels. There is no military way out. The
only solution is through negotiation, dialogue and
understanding.

Syria’s decision to accede to the Chemical Weapons
Convention and enforce it immediately was an important
development. As such, the measure is decisive for
overcoming the conflict and helps build a world free of
chemical weapons. I would like to stress that the use of
such weapons is heinous and unacceptable under any
circumstances. We therefore support the agreement
reached between the United States and the Russian
Federation to eliminate Syria’s chemical weapons. It
is incumbent upon the Syrian Government to fulfil the
agreement in its entirety and do so in good faith and
in a spirit of cooperation. Under all circumstances and
in any case, we repudiate unilateral interventions in
violation of international law and without authorization
by the Security Council. Unilateral intervention would
only further worsen the lack of political stability in the
region and would increase human suffering.

Likewise, lasting peace between Israel and Palestine
has taken on a new and pressing dimension given the
sweeping changes that the Middle East is currently
undergoing. The time has come to meet the legitimate
Palestinian aspiration for an independent and sovereign
State. The time has also come for us to bring about a
broad international consensus for a two-State solution.
The current talks between Israelis and Palestinians
should yield practical and significant results in favour
of an agreement.

The history of the twentieth century shows that
abandoning the multilateral system is a prelude to
war, with the ensuing trail of human destitution and
devastation. The history of the twentieth century
also shows that promoting the multilateral system
bears fruit on the ethical, political and institutional
fronts. May I therefore renew an appeal for a broad,
vigorous convergence of political will that will uphold
and reinvigorate the multilateral system, of which the
United Nations is the main pillar.

When the United Nations was founded, the peoples
of the world rallied around the hope that humankind
would be able to overcome the wounds of the Second
World War and the hope that, yes, it would be possible
to build, from the rubble of destruction and massacre,
a new world of liberty, solidarity and prosperity. We all
have the responsibility not to let such a generous and
fruitful hope die.


A year ago
when we met in the General Assembly, we joined our
voices to deplore the fact that the Syrian civil war had
claimed over 25,000 lives. One year on, it has killed
over 100,000 men, women and children. The number
of refugees, which stood at 250,000 in September 2012,
doubled by December that year, then doubled again
by March, and then it doubled again. Today, there are
2 million Syrians outside their country, half of them
children, and under current trends, their number is close
to doubling again, and there may be 3.5 million refugees
before the year is over. We cannot let this spiral of
criminal, sectarian violence pursue its dreadful course
at the heart of the world’s most unstable region. What
will the situation be when we meet again next year?

Any further paralysis of the international
community over Syria is simply untenable. It was
already true this summer, but worse was yet to come.
Five weeks ago in the outskirts of Damascus, there was
a new threshold of tragedy, a crime against humanity,
and in response the stakes were raised. Today we are in
a new situation.

The European Union welcomes the diplomatic
opening created in order to control and destroy
Syria’s chemical weapons. It is important in itself. We
absolutely must avoid a dreadful precedent being set
on the use of chemical weapons — an abhorrent crime
against humanity. The role of the United Nations in
this respect is indispensable and has been underscored
time and again by the 28 Governments of the European
Union.

Following the Secretary-General’s report and the
inventory of its arsenal provided by the Syrian regime,
it is urgent for the Security Council, together with the
Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons,
to take the necessary decisions to ensure the swift and
secure destruction of Syria’s stocks of poison gas and
nerve agents. A clear resolution of the Security Council
would mark a turn, and I plea for its adoption.

Eliminating Syria’s chemical arsenal is in itself
a major step. Potentially, it could also be important
for the wider dynamics in the region. Clearly, the
conflict wrecking Syria reflects many of the deep-
seated tensions rippling throughout the Middle East. It
is fed by these tensions and fuels them as well. So a
solution for Syria will need to take the wider picture
into account. That is why any political opening matters
deeply; a breakthrough on chemical weapons could
start opening other doors. In the black wall of Syria’s
doom, it will be a first crack.

Paradoxically, there is more scope for quiet hope
today than there was even a few weeks ago. Because
if commitments can be upheld and promises kept on
chemical weapons, if lines of communication can reopen,
if we can find an agreement within the international
community and at the Security Council — if we can do
all this on chemical weapons, then chances are we can
do it elsewhere.

There must be ways to open up opportunities. But
when new opportunities arise, we must seize them.
Only then will we see the outlook improve for Syria.
Now is indeed the moment to work actively towards the
“Geneva II” conference. The international community
must fully engage with all available diplomatic
means. The first priority is to bring all parties to the
negotiating table. Those close to Damascus and those
close to the Syrian opposition must do all within their
power to draw each side to the table. The European
Union is ready to provide all support needed to achieve
a political settlement.

Elsewhere in the region too, new opportunities must
and can be seized, not least in the Middle East peace
process, where prospects for progress look better than
they have for some time. All parties are returning to
the negotiating table with renewed seriousness. For the
European Union, the parameters are clear. Palestine and

Israel must be able to fulfil their legitimate aspirations
as two States living side by side in peace and security.
Now both parties must seize the moment.

We also hope that the expectations currently
building around the new Iranian leadership will
translate into concrete steps in the interest of regional
stability and for the nuclear talks, where all efforts
to find a negotiated solution, through the work of the
E3+3 led by High Representative Catherine Ashton,
have the European Union’s full support. Both these
developments — with Israel and Palestine and with
Iran — can be mutually reinforcing with what is
currently happening around Syria; there, all must be
done to forge the path to a political solution.

Once the “Geneva II” conference starts, we have to
be honest with ourselves. It will not be easy — ending
a war never is. It will require political will and a real
sense of compromise. But we must recognize that the
cost of hesitating, of not engaging, would be much
higher, and not only for the people of Syria. Every
day counts. With every day of unforgivable violence,
bitterness and trauma go deeper, radicalization and
warlordism gain ground, hatred and despair win. Every
day, reconciliation in Syria and around Syria becomes
harder.

We in Europe know that reconciliation is the
hardest thing. The countries of our continent agreed
to live peacefully together only after many wars, and
many civil wars, with huge numbers of victims — a
price we never want others to have to pay. And we know
reconciliation is even harder inside a country than
between countries. No longer waging war is one thing;
living again together is quite another.

Syria — as a country and a nation — is being
destroyed beyond recognition. It will take time,
courage and perseverance to build an inclusive, united,
democratic Syria, where all Syrians can feel they
belong and where all share a common future regardless
of their identity and regardless of their religion. The
promise of the Arab Spring must be met in Syria too,
just as it must in Egypt and beyond. At heart, it is a
shared yearning for democracy, for tolerance, for social
justice — a powerful message in which we still believe.

But on this long path, the Syrians will need all the
help they can get, just as others before, including we in
Europe, received support when mending their nations.
The United Nations can play an important role in
helping the country to re-establish unity and in helping
Syria eventually find justice and ensuring that there
is no impunity and that individual perpetrators of war
crimes are held accountable.

We Europeans are ready to play our part in helping
Syria to rebuild its nation, just as we are engaged today
on the ground in the humanitarian effort in Syria and in
the countries to which refugees have flown, not least in
Lebanon and Jordan, where the situation is extremely
worrying. Our countries and institutions are working
closely with the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees to bring food, protection and shelter, as
well as medical help and education. By far the biggest
aid provider for Syria, jointly we have already provided
€1.8 billion — some $2.4 billion — and we know that
more will be needed.

(spoke in French)
We do so because Europe is ready to continue to
play its role in the world. To many countries, whether in
Africa, Latin America or Asia or from the Mediterranean
to the Caspian, the European Union is a faithful partner
in development, peace and security, for the Millennium
Development Goals and world propserity through open
trade. We are a strong partner in the fight against the
extremism and barbarism of which the events in Kenya,
Pakistan and Iraq are recent and tragic manifestations.

Despite the financial crisis that is testing our
economies, we do not disengage from our responsibilities
in the world. Despite the crisis, we have maintained all
European funding for development and humanitarian
action in our common European budget, even as we
reduce its size. Despite the crisis, we maintain our
political and financial commitment against climate
change in Europe and the world, and we will lend our
full support to the international conference in Paris in
2015.

Indeed, despite the crisis, the European Union
launched no fewer than five new European civilian
or military missions over the past two years aimed at
supporting reconstruction in Mali and South Sudan and
re-establishing security in the Sahel and along Libya’s
borders and off the coast of Somalia. Moreover, in
2013 we renewed operational mandates in Afghanistan,
Georgia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In crisis and conflict areas, the European presence
on the ground is composed of doctors, paramedics,
agronomists and engineers; it also includes magistrates
and police and military personnel — men and women
who assist their local counterparts in efforts to stabilize

a country, re-establish order and the rule of law, restore
the sense of justice and build confidence in the future.

(spoke in English)
Europe is not disengaging, despite the economic
difficulties that the past few years have brought. The
global financial crisis, which started in this very city
five years ago, shook Europe and brought forth global
imbalances that we have worked hard to address. We
are putting our house in order and expect others to do
so too. Internal imbalances need to be corrected and
structural reforms pursued in countries all across the
globe. For us, the results are starting to show. Today the
eurozone is in better financial shape than 12 months
ago. The existential threat to the euro area is over, and
we are now focusing fully on improving prospects
for employment and growth. We have launched far-
reaching efforts, focused on the long term. It will take
time before results show, in terms of strong economic
growth and jobs, but once they start doing so, as they are
now, they will be longer lasting. Next year, economic
growth is projected for all but one of our 28 countries.

Our political will to preserve Europe’s unity cannot
be underestimated — we have shown it over the past
five years — for, ultimately, it is a political project that
unites us: to bring together countries; to bring together
people.

(spoke in French)
In the month of September 2013, here in New York,
the international community can and must make a
comeback. It is our common responsibility, shared by
all of us present here today, to translate the positive
signs into concrete progress for peace and prosperity.
I therefore call for negotiation, dialogue and the
conclusion of international agreements based on the
conviction — which is at the very foundation of this
Organization — that international political progress
happens through the free exchange of ideas among
countries.

That holds true for Syria, with regard to both
chemical weapons and the “Geneva II” conference. It
holds true for the Middle East peace process and for
the nuclear talks with Iran. But it also holds true for
all the other great global challenges. It is from here in
New York that a new momentum can and must emerge
for the important upcoming global meetings on climate
change, in Warsaw in November, on free trade in Bali
in December, or on financial regulation at the Group of
20 in Brisbane next year. To exchange words that bring
about action is itself an act of hope, and it is precisely
hope that we need.

Hope is in our hands.


I am pleased to join previous
speakers in congratulating the President on his election
to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-
eighth session. I thank our outgoing President for
his excellent leadership. Allow me also to extend my
respect and gratitude to the Secretary-General for his
untiring commitment to the mission and ideals of the
United Nations.

Since the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro
in 1992, the international community has supported the
principle that the best form of development is one that
meets the needs of the present without compromising
the ability of future generations to meet their needs.
Since that time, however, production and consumption
patterns have become increasingly unsustainable,
driven primarily by a desire to develop economies
at any cost. The Federated States of Micronesia has
therefore proposed the following approach to global
development beyond 2015.

First, any post-2015 development agenda must
move beyond addressing basic human needs and
focus on sustainable development. Secondly, in order
to ensure that sustainable development is carried out
in a dynamic and inclusive manner, the post-2015
development agenda must honour the environmental,
economic and social pillars that make up sustainable
development. Finally, international cooperation
and assistance are crucial to fostering sustainable
development globally. The Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) have posed significant challenges. We
continue to look to the international community for

assistance to overcome those challenges as we develop
the sustainable development goals.

As this body considers a post-2015 development
agenda, let us not forget one important point:
development and the environment are inseparable. No
country can develop its economy without degrading its
natural environment to some significant degree. While
society strives for economic progress, the natural
environment that sustained our ancestors through
thousands of years has come under attack.

Climate change is, without question, the gravest
threat to my people’s welfare, livelihood and general
security. It is the survival issue of our time. Our
sustainable development is threatened by the harmful
effects of excessive greenhouse gas emissions in the
atmosphere, the effects of which poison our root crops,
destroy our reef systems and drive many of our people
from their ancestral homes. All of us, developed and
developing countries alike, have a stake in finding ways
that minimize man-made damage to Mother Earth.

Only the international community can effectively
take up that cause. To that end, the comprehensive
climate change treaty planned for adoption in 2015
must impose legally binding commitments. These
commitments must reflect a level of ambition far higher
than under the second commitment period of the Kyoto
Protocol. Pre-2020 mitigation action must also be
ambitious enough to close the emissions gap.

I reiterate the hope that the world will address
the dangerous growth of hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs)
by phasing down those chemicals under the Montreal
Protocol. Micronesia was the first to submit an
innovative proposal in this regard. We welcome the
newly announced agreement between China and the
United States to phase down HFCs. We also welcome
similar developments around the globe. Achieving
a phase-down of HFCs under the Protocol will build
confidence and momentum for significant action on
climate change in the future.

Another notable contribution is the Majuro
Declaration for Climate Leaderhip, under which every
Pacific Island Forum leader pledged to strengthen their
country’s efforts to fight climate change.

As we move towards the post-2015 development
agenda, let us not lose sight of the enormous importance
of the world’s oceans. We call for the establishment of
a sustainable development goal on healthy, productive
and resilient oceans. In turn, we should expect a greater
share of the benefits from the world’s oceans. Let me
stress the central role that the effective management
of all fisheries must play in sustainable management.
Bycatch and, particularly, discarded bycatch threaten
effective fisheries management. This is a serious
conservation problem, because valuable living
resources are wasted. Moreover, it threatens our food
security and nutrition needs.

Similarly, we agree that it is essential to include
the goal of sustainable energy for all in the sustainable
development goals that are under discussion here
in New York. The transition to sustainable energy
places a huge fiscal burden on our national accounts. I
commend Tonga for spearheading the Pacific Regional
Data Repository for Sustainable Energy for All.

The Federated States of Micronesia looks to the
international community for economic cooperation and
support. With limited resources, we have undertaken
some bold initiatives.

First, we operate under a nationwide integrated
disaster risk management and climate change policy
that mainstreams climate change into our primary
governmental and economic decision-making
processes. This policy places special emphasis on
strengthening the application of traditional knowledge
of ancient conservation practices, which are threatened
by sea-level rise, ocean acidification and other effects of
excess global greenhouse gas emissions. Additionally,
our legislative branch recently ratified the Doha
Amendment to the Kyoto Protocol. We will soon submit
the instrument of ratification.

Secondly, we have taken significant steps in
conserving our limited land and fragile marine
ecosystems through the Micronesia Challenge. We
have undertaken this Challenge because our nation is
made of many small low-lying atolls. Our people are
wise stewards of our land and sea, working with the
environment to provide sustenance for us all. As the
preamble to our Constitution says,

“The seas bring us together, they do not
separate us, our islands sustain us, our island nation
enlarges us and makes us stronger... Our ancestors
who made their homes on these islands displaced
no other people. We, who remain, wish no other
home than this.”
Thirdly, we recently adopted a national policy
that aims to ensure a sustainable energy supply and

an environmentally sound energy policy. Historically,
Micronesia has imported all of its energy in the form of
fossil fuels. We have begun to reduce our dependence
on fossil fuels. There are already a number of renewable
energy projects up and running in many parts of my
country, thanks to the assistance of our generous
development partners. My country has adopted very
ambitious targets in this regard.

In order to continue implementing our national
development policies, we call on the major donor States
to honour their official development assistance (ODA)
target of seven tenths of a per cent of gross national
income by 2015. We look forward to the discussion
in the Intergovernmental Committee of Experts
on Sustainable Development Financing. Technical
assistance as a component of ODA is also crucial,
particularly in the form of appropriate technology
transfers and capacity-building initiatives.

Sustainable development must be supported by all
of its pillars — not just economic and environmental
concerns, but also social considerations. Our people are
our most valuable assets. Therefore, we are tailoring an
approach that is inclusive of all our people, with special
attention to the circumstances of our women, youth, the
elderly and disabled persons. Their advancement must
be mainstreamed into our discussion on a post-2015
development agenda.

Non-communicable diseases such as diabetes and
heart and kidney diseases continue to be a challenge.
We must address them through the sustainable
development goals. This is a global crisis, demanding
a global solution. If not controlled, it could undermine
sustainable development and degrade the quality of life
of our people.

We welcome the High-level Meeting on Disability
and Development (A/68/PV.3) that took place two
days ago. I was impressed by the achievements of
the speakers and their inspirational leadership in this
forum. We support the outcome document (resolution
68/3) of the High-level Meeting.

The Federated States of Micronesia places a high
priority on the harnessing of advanced information and
communication technologies for our socioeconomic
development, especially in the areas of distance
education, health, and natural disaster early warning.
We thank the World Bank and the Asian Development
Bank for the assistance that they have offered to improve
our telecommunications and to enable our country to
obtain fibre optics. We also welcome cooperation and
support from the International Telecommunication
Union and our development partners.

Human trafficking continues to be a serious crime,
affecting all nations and causing untold human misery
and economic harm. My country is striving to protect
its population from this scourge. We support the efforts
of the United Nations to stop human trafficking, and
we hope to implement the United Nations Blue Heart
Campaign against Human Trafficking in all forms in
Micronesia. The ongoing tragedy caused by human
trafficking demands that it be prioritized and addressed
by the entire international community.

The global development agenda will be shaped by
the launching of the sustainable development goals
in 2015. Many processes will influence the selection
and monitoring of those goals, including the work of
the Commission on Sustainable Development, which
has now been replaced by the high-level political
forum. I cannot over-emphasize the importance of
the new forum, which will take on the monitoring
of the implementation of sustainable development
commitments. These are outlined in the Barbados
Program of Action, the Mauritius Strategy and the
outcome document of the United Nations Conference
on Sustainable Development (resolution 66/288).

The second event that will shape the sustainable
development agenda is the comprehensive climate
change treaty, whose adoption is planned for 2015, and
for which we support ambitious, binding commitments.
Thirdly, preparations for the Third United Nations
Conference on Small Island Developing States, to be
held in September 2014 in Apia, Samoa, are now under
way. Micronesia and other small island developing
States recognize the international community’s
goodwill and renewed willingness to help our countries
address our priorities and challenges.

Fourthly, I would also like to commend the
Secretary-General for his vision and support of the wide
range of issues so critical to small island developing
States. His advocacy for next year’s high-level summit
on climate change and his focus on climate change
themes will generate the political momentum for a post-
2015 development agenda to guide all stakeholders.

We recognize the central role that reliable data
plays in government planning and the crucial need
for capacity-building, which must keep pace with
the changing dynamics of basic governance in the

international landscape. The remoteness of our
islands, limited national capacities, and the complex
requirements of the United Nations make our
development efforts even more difficult and expensive.
We therefore look to the specialized United Nations
agencies for urgent assistance.

In closing, let me express my sympathy and
solidarity with those people around the world who
are facing immediate threats to their survival. I am
horrified by the killing of innocents, especially women
and children, in Syria and elsewhere. We in our peaceful
islands condemn violence. But what can a small island
nation in the Pacific do? What can any country, large
or small, do? The answer, we believe, can be found
only within our Organization. The world in which we
live is too interdependent for us to stand aside while
generations of internal conflict harden into unending
hatred and bloodshed. We are all stakeholders. We must
put an end to the senseless killings around the world.
I call upon this Organization to employ its collective
will to pursue the ideals of our Charter. I know in my
heart that the goal is achievable. The future we want is
enduring peace and prosperity for our world.


I wish to start by extending our
sincere congratulations to Mr. John Ashe on his
assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly
at its sixty-eighth session.

At the dawn of the twenty-first century, we had
every reason to be optimistic about the future. With the
end of the Cold War, the moral balance of the world
shifted towards the pursuit of peace. A lasting peace
is far more than the mere absence of war. We, the
international community, understood the imperative of
working together for a stable world order. We maintain
our strong commitment to the universal principles of
the United Nations system and, in a spirit of solidarity
and cooperation, we develop effective international
responses to the scourge of terrorism.

Yet the most profound crises of our times have
been emerging from internal conflicts. Such conflicts
have been increasing in both frequency and magnitude.
They are largely driven by the problem of political
legitimacy, which leads the governed to withhold their
consent and limits the prospects for domestic order.
Leaders without political legitimacy share a common
delusion. Instead of reading the future and leading
transformation, they believe that they can buy time
with irresponsible actions against their own people.
Eventually, those domestic conflicts escalate into civil
wars, such as the tragedy we are witnessing in Syria.
The actions of those leaders have implications for peace
and security beyond their own borders. If some leaders
insist on defining their security in a way that inflicts
insecurity upon other nations there can be no collective
security.

Today regional and international peace and security
depend upon the maintenance of domestic order in each

individual nation. True domestic peace is the key to
regional and international peace and stability That is
a challenge that we will continue to face in the years
ahead.

We all know that no one holds a monopoly on
righteousness, yet I would like to touch upon the
function of the whole United Nations system. We all
need a strong, efficient and credible United Nations. We
need a United Nations fit for its purpose in confronting
current global realities. The United Nations of which
I speak should be a body capable of taking action to
maintain international peace and security. It should
be able to safeguard security, justice and the people’s
fundamental rights and freedoms. It should never forfeit
its prime responsibility for the sake of power politics.

We must realize that inaction by the Security
Council only emboldens aggressive regimes. We need
a United Nations capable of forcing the perpetrators of
brutal actions to submit to justice and the rule of law.
Only through such a United Nations can we achieve the
truly peaceful world envisioned by the Organization’s
founders. Yet as much as that remains a noble goal, it is
also an urgent necessity. Decisive action is the only way
that the United Nations system will remain relevant and
credible. To face that new reality, we need a Security
Council that is truly democratic, representative,
effective and accountable.

No issue facing us is more pressing than the
situation in Syria. Let me be clear. Turkey welcomes and
firmly supports the United States-Russian agreement
to eliminate Syria’s arsenal of chemical weapons. That
agreement has to be translated into a tangible Security
Council resolution. When Syria comes clean about its
arsenal, once and for all, it will be a relief for the Syrian
people and the region. As Syria’s neighbour, Turkey will
appreciate more than most the complete and verifiable
destruction of those weapons.

Nevertheless, we cannot forget that chemical
weapons were used against Syrian civilians only a
month ago. The perpetrators of that crime against
humanity must be held accountable and be brought to
justice. I also see the agreement on Syrian chemical
weapons as an opportunity. I hope it will be a first step
in the formation of a security architecture to ensure the
elimination of all weapons of mass destruction in the
Middle East.

Yet the recent approach to the situation in Syria
also raises difficult questions. Were it not for the use of
chemical weapons, would the international community
have continued to turn a blind eye to the deaths of more
than 100,000 people? For how long can we afford to
evade our moral responsibility to the people being
killed even as we speak here? The conflict neither
began with the use of chemical weapons nor will it
end with an agreement to eliminate them. We therefore
bluntly reject any position that is not troubled by the
killing of innocent people in itself, but only by the
means of such killing. Such an approach is immoral and
totally unacceptable. The agreement to destroy Syria’s
chemical arsenal must not allow the regime to avoid
responsibility for its other crimes.

Syria, a great country and a great nation, is
consuming itself. It is a disgrace that the Security
Council has failed to uphold its primary responsibility
in that case. It is deeply regrettable that political
differences, balance-of-power politics and geopolitical
considerations have prevailed over the imperative
to end the tragedy. Staying on this course cannot be
an option. When the tragedy began, we spoke of the
killing of hundreds of people, then thousands, then
tens of thousands, and now we speak of over a hundred
thousand deaths. If we cannot stop the conflict now,
rest assured that we will be talking about twice that
number next year.

I cannot emphasize this enough. Agreement on
chemical weapons must not be allowed to substitute
for a comprehensive political strategy to address the
situation in Syria. The conflict has evolved into a real
threat to regional peace and security. Any recurrence
of the proxy wars of the Cold War era will plunge Syria
into further chaos.

The continuation of the refugee crisis will pose
vital social, political and economic risks for the host
nations, as we have learned bitterly on many occasions.
We know that civil wars are among the most brutal. We
also know how they foster radicalism and extremism.
Once extremist groups take root in a State, they form
autonomous structures and become a real threat to
security, not only at home but also abroad. In the end,
dissolving such organizations presents the greatest
challenge to restoring security in a country.

We must be aware of the threat and realize that with
each day we lose in indecision, the more remote the
prospects for a peaceful Syria become. After the Syrian
people took to the streets against the regime, many
international statements were made to support their
cause, strong in their wording and promises. Those

apparent commitments raised the hopes of the Syrian
people. Yet many nations remained at a comfortable
distance, disturbed only by the horrible images from
Syria. Meanwhile, the Syrian people’s cries for help
went unheeded. What could match the Syrian people’s
disappointment as they suffered the worst massacre of
the twenty-first century as the international community
simply looked on.

That brings me to the question of what needs to
be done. There has to be a sound strategy with well-
defined and well-calculated objectives for a peaceful
solution. It has to aim to end Syria’s civil war, ensuring
the immediate safety and security of the Syrian people
and the country’s stable transition. The enforcement of
such a strategy requires a fully determined, committed
and robust international engagement — exactly what
has been missing since the beginning of the conflict.

In short, we cannot and shall not leave the Syrian
people to their fate. The burden of ending Syria’s
plight now rests on the shoulders of the international
community. Strong words of support must now be
matched by real deeds. We must be relentless in our
search for a new, stable, intact and secure Syria, at
peace with its people and its neighbours. To that end,
we must devise and enforce a political strategy led by
the Permanent Five and the neighbouring countries.

For the last three years, the Middle East has been
experiencing a remarkable era of social and political
change. The process of transformation begun in 2010
marks the end of the century-old, region-wide status
quo. Of course, there have been and will be waves
of reaction against the changes. Nevertheless, the
advances in the region, including in Tunisia, Libya and
Egypt, are irreversible.

Arab peoples are equally capable of building
pluralistic societies. Yet we should not expect the newly
emerging political systems to transform into mature
democracies overnight. It is only through slow but
steady democratic processes that societies will come to
understand the value of conciliation. The noble cause
of the Arab peoples deserves our full and unhesitating
support.

The continuation of the Palestinian question for
more than half a century has inflicted colossal damage
on the very concept of justice. The denial of the right
of the Palestinians to have a State of their own has no
justification on any moral, political or legal ground.
Despite insistent calls of the international community,
the continued expansion of the illegal settlements on
Palestinian land undermines the prospects for a two-
State solution.

The case for peace is self-evident. We therefore
welcome and strongly support the talks initiated
between the parties under the auspices of the United
States. The success of future efforts mainly depends
on the Israeli Government’s acceptance of the
establishment of a viable, contiguous Palestinian State.
There is also a need for the presence of a reconciled and
unified Palestinian front.

That brings us to another issue upon which our
credibility rests — the question of Cyprus. Repeated
attempts towards a peaceful settlement have ended in
failure, including the rejection of the Annan plan in
2004. Turkey, as a guarantor, is fully and sincerely
committed to finding a just and negotiated settlement.
We therefore expect the international community to
urge the Greek Cypriots to reciprocate by engaging in
result-oriented, time-framed negotiations in good faith.
Those who must solve this question are the Turks and
Greeks of Cyprus. They must start negotiating as soon
as next month, with no ifs or buts. The settlement of the
Cyprus question is essential to a stable and peaceful
eastern Mediterranean.

Frozen conflicts hinder effective regional
cooperation. We strongly urge peaceful resolution
of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict and achieving
sustainable peace in the Caucasus, based on territorial
integrity. We have proposed a comprehensive strategy
for regional economic cooperation and development,
combined with gradual withdrawal from the occupied
territories. We believe that can serve as a solid basis for
regional peace.

Another area where regional cooperation is in high
demand is the Balkans. In the last few years, Turkey has
bolstered its efforts to build strong ties with all Balkan
nations. Our objective is to create an atmosphere of
dialogue, trust, mutual understanding and conciliation.

We also have a dependable interest in a secure,
prosperous and peaceful Afghanistan. Here, too,
regional cooperation and ownership is a must. For that
reason, I have personally initiated and led the efforts
to establish the Trilateral Summit process among
Afghanistan, Pakistan and Turkey. Since 2007, it has
proven a real success, and I am confident that more
success will follow.

Another important issue that affects us all is
terrorism. It is real, extremely dangerous, and a crime
against humanity, and it must be defeated. We can defeat
it only when we get rid of “my terrorist/your terrorist”
distinctions. Effective international partnership against
terrorism remains a key priority for Turkey.

There is yet another issue that needs our attention.
Unfortunately, Islamophobia has become a new form of
racism. It aims to create an abstract, imaginary enemy
from the millions of peace-loving Muslims all over
the world. It is essential to strike a balance between
protecting freedom of expression and preserving
respect for faiths.

The current challenges of development are
matters of global concern. Turkey is now runing
a comprehensive assistance and direct investment
package for the world’s least developed countries.
Humanitarian diplomacy is a key objective of Turkish
foreign policy. In fact, Turkey became the fourth-
largest donor last year. Including the contributions of
Turkish non-governmental organizations in the fields
of health, education, and capacity-building, Turkey’s
humanitarian assistance totals $2 billion per year. Our
engagement in Somalia is an exemplary case. We have
allocated $300 million so far.

Our approach to Africa is one of equal partnership
and is best captured in the African proverb which
states, “If you want to go fast, go alone. But if you want
to go far, go together.” For Turkey, relations with Africa
remain a key priority.

Turkey is a candidate for a non-permanent seat
on the Security Council for the term 2015-2016. If
elected, Turkey will bring an independent voice to
the Security Council, one that listens to all and tries
to find comprehensive and lasting solutions through
dialogue. We expect the support of all Members for our
candidacy.

I believe that the new millennium is one in which
democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and
global welfare will continue to expand. I believe that an
international peace shaped by freedom, justice, dignity,
social progress and economic welfare is within our
reach. We must join our strength to build an enduring
international order that is worthy of the principles of
the Charter of the United Nations. A stable, secure, and
prosperous world is the best way to secure and advance
all of our interests. Achieving such a world remains our
fundamental responsibility to our nations.


At the outset, let me
extend my congratulations and appreciation to the
President of the General Assembly for his leadership
and work with the General Assembly at its sixty-eighth
session and to the Secretary-General for his continuing
leadership.

The Palauan flag depicts a yellow full moon against
a blue ocean. That combination of moon and ocean is a
metaphor for nature’s balance and harmony through the
consistency of the rising and falling tides. Just before
I left to come to the General Assembly, during a full
moon high tide, my back yard, which nestles against
the ocean, flooded. Typhoon Usagi passed through the
Pacific just a few days later and landed in Asia, killing
many people. It was followed almost immediately by
Tropical Storm Pabuk.

When I was a child, my back yard did not flood
and we did not have tropical storm after tropical storm
pass through our Pacific islands. It is therefore as clear
to me as it is to other Pacific leaders that the full moon
and the ocean are no longer metaphors for balance and
harmony. Today they represent imbalance from our
past excesses and a lack of harmony due to our current
inability, as the Secretary-General has so often said, to
create the world we want.

The leaders and the people of the world certainly
face many challenges moving forward in creating the
world we want and in developing a sustainable future.
In addressing the next round of sustainable development
goals and in responding to the ever-growing challenges

of global warming, it is imperative that we all do a better
job of working together to solve the serious issues that
we face.

World leaders at the 1992 Earth Summit in
Rio established a positive and rational vision of
partnership and sustainable development for the
world. Unfortunately, that vision seems to have been
sidetracked. There is therefore frustration in many
countries today related to our failure to move that vision
forward, the slow pace in progress in meeting our joint
goals, and the fear that those goals are being diluted.

Today, it appears that the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change has stalled, that the
Kyoto Protocol is on life support, and that the United
Nations Conference on Sustainable Development
has not done enough to strengthen our three pillars
of sustainable development. Our job as leaders is to
reinvigorate our efforts by establishing real mitigation
commitments and identifying immediate, sufficient
and long-term implementation financing.

Together, we reaffirmed the principle of common
but differentiated responsibilities at Rio and moved
forward with the green economy approach to
sustainable development issues. We must not allow our
green economy to become business as usual. Rather,
we must take concrete actions to make real our stated
reaffirmation of the principles of the Monterrey
Consensus and the Doha Declaration on Financing
for Development. Only then will our sustainable
development goals discussed at this session of the
Generally Assembly have a real chance to respond to our
current worldwide environmental and developmental
emergency.

It is clear that what is needed today is
leadership — leadership from the developed world and
leadership from the developing world; leadership that
focuses beyond borders and looks farther than today’s
problems; ultimately, leadership that creates a broad
consensus vision to preserve our planet for tomorrow’s
children. Such leadership must be based upon concrete
and clear principles that will help guide all of our
actions.

First, all nations, large and small, must accept
direct and primary responsibility for global issues that
threaten our planetary future, and must immediately
take appropriate action. Secondly, we must protect
the natural resources of all people and all nations,
and recognize that no nation has the right to pollute
the resources of another. Thirdly, we must recognize
the need for the richer nations of the world to actively
address actions that threaten the poorer nations of the
world. Fourthly, we must protect human resources
through governing strategies that focus on broad-based
education, health, jobs and equal opportunities, and
that acknowledge cultures, traditions and homelands.
Finally, we must agree, in all matters, to promote and
protect the human rights and peaceful existence of all
the people of the world. Discussion, not weapons, is
the best way to resolve differences and uphold human
rights.

Let me interject here that as we witness so many
areas of conflict on our planet, I think it is time for all of
us, as leaders, to use this great institution and our own
efforts to condemn violence against people, including
the use of chemical weapons, for any reason, and to
seek an end to armed conflict wherever we can. The
events in Kenya are but one of a series of violent acts
against people that we must work together to eliminate.

Our global warming doomsday is already set
in stone if we fail to act. It is therefore our job as
leaders to take all necessary action to eliminate the
current threat. My country, along with other Pacific
island nations, is unwilling even to discuss a 3°C-to-
5°C temperature-increase scenario by the end of the
century, for that will ensure our demise. We are also
unwilling to discuss the issue of migration. Instead, we
will continue to work with our developed partners to
implement strong mitigation commitments and follow-
through action to hold the line on that increase to a
more realistic 1.5°C level.

My small Pacific country supports the concepts
inherent in the Majuro Declaration for Climate
Leadership, issued at the Pacific Island Forum this year.
The Declaration acknowledges the gross insufficiency
of current efforts to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions.
It also recognizes the necessity of ramping up climate
change responses immediately and provides a platform
for country leaders to establish new and realistic
reduction commitments. As leaders, we must all
respond to global warming in both the short and long
term, from the top down and the bottom up, both pre-
2020 and post-2020.

We should not forget, however, that the primary
responsibility for reducing greenhouse gases still rests
with our developed partners. We must therefore use
the opportunity of the nineteenth session of the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change,

to be held in Warsaw, and thereafter, to support the
technical work needed to fast-track the policies and
technologies appropriate to accomplishing our goal; to
revive the Kyoto Protocol or develop a more responsive
alternative, and deliver and expand on commitments
to reduce greenhouse gases; to phase out inefficient
fossil-fuel subsidies that distort world oil prices; and
to arrive at a legally binding agreement to respond to
and compensate for loss and damage associated with
the impact of climate change in vulnerable countries.

Here at the United Nations in New York, we must
deal with global warming security issues by appointing
a special representative on climate and security to help
expand our understanding of the security dimensions of
climate change, and by establishing a joint task force,
led by the Secretary-General, to assess and expand
United Nations capacity to respond to the security
implications of climate change. We must make 2014
the year of ambition. As host of the forty-fifth Pacific
Islands Forum, Palau pledges to use that summit to
build on the Majuro Declaration and to drive greater
action. As leaders, we must also come to the Secretary-
General’s climate change summit next year ready to
discuss the new mitigation actions we are prepared to
take and the plans necessary to see that they are fully
implemented.

My country is trying with all its might to embrace
its leadership on issues of sustainable development. To
date, Palau has committed to providing 20 per cent of
its energy through renewable sources by 2020 and to
reducing energy consumption through efficiency and
conservation efforts. We have also declared and begun
to implement the Micronesia Challenge, which commits
the Micronesian region to effectively conserving at least
30 per cent of near-shore marine resources and 20 per
cent of terrestrial resources by 2020. In that effort, Palau
and other Micronesian jurisdictions have strengthened
or established more than 150 protected and managed
areas covering more than 680,000 hectares, leveraged
more than $20 million in operational funds and inspired
other efforts, such as the Caribbean Challenge, the
Coral Triangle initiative and the Western Indian Ocean
Coastal Challenge.

In addition, we have recently sponsored the
creation of a Pacific Islands Forum invasive species
advisory group to improve regional efforts to reduce
the expansion of invasive species throughout the
Pacific. Palau has also pioneered the planet’s first shark
sanctuary and, finally, recently engaged to pursue our
most ambitious commitment to date — establishing
the world’s first comprehensive marine sanctuary,
which will close Palau’s exclusive economic zone to
commercial fishing. We ask all the nations of the world
to move in a similar direction, while recognizing their
own unique circumstances, to help protect our planet’s
natural resources. An example of one simple action
that would have a major impact on saving our shark
population would be the prohibition of shark’s fin soup.
That is something that everyone in the world can clearly
do without.

We are at a historic global moment. A year from
now, the United Nations will launch the sustainable
development goals, in a framework that will define
the relationship between our peoples and our planet
for generations to come. Through those goals, we must
commit to a more sustainable use of the oceans. They
cover two-thirds of the world’s surface and connect
90 per cent of its population. A billion people are
dependent on their fish. The oceans’ health is undeniably
linked to our culture, societies and economies. Yet
in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the
oceans received no mention. As the MDGs wind down
in 2015, we need a new paradigm.

It is therefore time to enunciate our commitment
to our oceans with a sustainable development goal that
deals exclusively with them. Drawing from the lessons
learned from the MDGs, we as leaders must create a goal
that is resonant, measurable and easily communicated.
Failure to do so will leave us naked before the shifting
tides. In our sustainable development goals, we must
also focus on non-communicable diseases (NCDs),
which cause two-thirds of the world’s 57 million deaths
annually. Within that context, we should also recognize
that tobacco consumption, which was not included in
the MDGs, has a direct impact on worsening NCDs and
must therefore be separately targeted.

None of our leadership goals can be achieved
without strong partnerships. Fortunately, Palau has
been blessed over the last half-century with strong
regional and international partners. I would first like
to acknowledge the more than 50 years of support and
leadership shown to us by the United States. We stand
with the United States in its ongoing efforts to guide the
international response to the horrific actions in Syria.
We are also grateful for its very generous economic
support over the years, and for being a reliable ally on
which we can depend. We look forward to the final

completion of the treaty that will renew and reinforce
our relationship.

Palau would also like to acknowledge the significant
support we have received over the years from our friend
Japan. We are hopeful that expansion and reform of the
Security Council will result in permanent membership
of the Council for Japan. In addition, we would like
to thank the Republic of China on Taiwan for its
friendship and economic support in helping Palau to
achieve its Millennium Development Goals and move
on to the post-2015 development agenda through grants
and technical assistance in the areas of infrastructure,
food security enhancement and human capacity. We
strongly support Taiwan’s expanded participation in
the United Nations system, acknowledge the expansion
of its meaningful participation in United Nations
specialized agencies and mechanisms, and call on the
United Nations system to accept Taiwan’s participation
as a valuable contributor to our collective efforts.

Beginning with the leadership of those assembled
here, and working down to every level of international
action and cooperation, we can respond, in a timely and
expedited fashion, to the real emergencies we face. But
the time for excuses is over. It is now time for leaders
to lead.


It is a distinct honour for me to address this forum.
I would like to extend my sincere congratulations to
Mr. John Ashe on his assumption of the presidency of
the General Assembly at its sixty-eighth session. I am
certain that under his leadership, the Assembly will
successfully define the post-2015 development agenda
at this session. I would also like to express my deepest
respect to the Secretary-General for his significant
contributions to the continuing work of the United
Nations.

Over the past 100 years, the miraculous advances
of science and technology have changed our world
profoundly, making it appear smaller. People’s lives
have improved. Yet along with those accomplishments
have come latent dangers. The long-standing dream
shared by people across the world of living a safe,
peaceful, prosperous and happy life free from hunger
remains far from achieved.

Humankind yearns for peace, so why is it that
many regions remain under the constant threat of
disputes, conflicts and wars? The global economy is
growing, so how is it that billions of people still live in
abject poverty? Science and technology have brought
about outstanding advancement, so why have natural
disasters, epidemics and pollution become increasingly
severe and unpredictable? Those questions impose an
enormous responsibility on all of us, as the community
of nations.

Throughout history, wars have destroyed many
civilizations. In only the past 100 years, two world
wars and many others — including that in Viet
Nam — have cost millions of lives and produced
devastating consequences over generations. While
peace, cooperation and development are the dominant
trend, the threat of war is ever present.

Violence in the Middle East and North Africa is of
grave concern. The latest instance in Syria, involving
the use of chemical weapons, needs to be strongly
condemned. We must give peace every possible chance
and find solutions to eliminate chemical weapons, in
accordance with international law and United Nations
resolutions.

Unpredictable developments in the Korean
peninsula persist. Territorial disputes still rage in the
East China Sea and South China Sea. Just one single
incident or ill-conceived act could trigger conflict, or
even war.

In the East China Sea, through which over half
of the world’s shipping passes, maintaining maritime
security and freedom of navigation is critical, not only
to the region but to the world. Viet Nam consistently
pursues a policy of peaceful resolution of disputes to
defend its legitimate interests and fully respect those of
the global community, in accordance with international
law, the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law
of the Sea, the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties
in the South China Sea, other regional agreements, and
efforts to elaborate a code of conduct.

Ho Chi Minh used the words of Thomas Jefferson
in Viet Nam’s Declaration of Independence:

“All men are created equal. They are endowed
by their Creator with certain inalienable rights;
among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness”.
All human life is precious, irrespective of race, religion
or gender. Taking a single life causes heart-breaking
pain to any family, be it here in Manhattan or far away
in a remote corner of the Earth. Therefore, any effort
to prevent conflict must be valued and supported. Any
effort to preserve peace must be fully exhausted. Any
act to provoke war must be condemned and stopped. A
physician must do whatever is possible to cure a patient
if there is but a glimpse of life left. And we must devote
all of our efforts to preserving peace if there is but a
feeble sign that war can be averted, for war will take the
life of not only one, but many people, including many
women and children.
Peace can be built and preserved only when
all countries respect each other’s independence,
sovereignty and cultural traditions, without imposing
one’s own morality on another. Conflict and war can be
averted only if we eliminate actions that run counter to
the Charter of the United Nations and international law,
dominance and power politics.

Strategic trust among nations must be constantly
nurtured with honesty, sincerity and concrete actions.
In the lifting of the embargo against Cuba or the
recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to
self-determination, for example, the role of the United
Nations and the Security Council should be promoted.
The international community expects the major Powers
to set an example for others in peacebuilding. The
Security Council should be the fulcrum in building
consensus for driving all nations to join hands in
preserving peace. The deadly hand of war, conflict,
terrorism and violence lies in wait to take the lives
of hundreds, thousands or even millions of innocent
people. Let us not offer war a hand or look away. Let
us stop it.

I share the Secretary-General’s view that the
Millennium Development Goals are our most successful
endeavour against hunger and poverty to date, but let us
not forget that close to 40 per cent of global wealth rests
in the hands of no more than 1 per cent of the world’s
population. The gap between rich and poor continues
to widen. Over 1 billion people still live in extreme
poverty. Hundreds of millions of people, especially
children, continue to be hungry and food insecure,
ill and without basic medicines, and they face a grim
future due to the lack of educational opportunities.

At the same time, deforestation, exhaustive
exploitation of natural resources, pollution and other
factors have led to global warming, rising sea levels,
unpredictable weather, natural disasters and new
epidemics. Those grave dangers are driving poorer
nations into deeper destitution.

We must rally together to escape poverty, fight
disease, protect the environment, respond to natural
disasters and build a greener and more just world.
Poor countries and peoples need to lift themselves out
of poverty with the help of wealthier people and more
developed countries. That help must arise not only from
a sense of philanthropy — as we say in Viet Nam, whole
leaves wrap torn ones — but above all from a sense of
responsibility and understanding of our joint destiny.
After all, poorer people and nations have contributed
to the wealth of richer nations and people, and they
deserve a more prosperous future.

I urge the global community to craft, with a sense
of responsibility and humanity, an ambitious post-
2015 development agenda and to redouble our efforts
to promote peace, to end hunger and poverty and to
protect our planet. Together we can develop a road map
of actions for poorer nations to effectively participate
in international agreements and institutions and to
face and overcome global challenges and dangers in
the spirit of the motto adopted by Alexandre Dumas’s
musketeers — “One for all and all for one”.

As a Vietnamese, what I have shared with the
Assembly comes from experiences soaked in sweat
and blood. Just a few decades ago, the very name “Viet
Nam” was synonymous with war, division, blood and
tears. A remote country called Viet Nam suffered
15 million tons of bombs — four times the amount used
in the Second World War. Each Vietnamese bore nearly
10 times his or her weight in bombs, not to mention our
population’s suffering from over 70 million litres of the
silent but deadly Agent Orange/dioxin compound.

According to a traditional Vietnamese expression,
benevolence triumphs over brutality and virtue drives
out tyranny. With courageous sacrifice and creativity
and with the support of peace-loving people, nations
and international organizations, Viet Nam has defended
its independence, united and rebuilt from the ashes of
war, and left the past behind to become an active and
responsible member of the international community.

Viet Nam has integrated the Millennium Development
Goals into the formulation and implementation of our
development strategy, and it has balanced economic
development and social security. We have received a
United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization
award for our outstanding achievements in poverty
reduction, Because we consider people the goal
and centre of development, Viet Nam pays special
attention to providing health care, education and the
means of communication even for people in remote,
underdeveloped areas and among our ethnic minorities.

Viet Nam is working actively with other members of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations community
to build it into a common house for all South-East
Asian nations that were once deeply divided by war.
That work vividly embodies our aspirations to a bright
future of peace, cooperation and prosperity, to unity in
diversity, and to the accomplishment of the Millennium
Development Goals.

Having survived devastating wars of aggression
and extreme poverty, our aspirations to peace and
prosperity burn ever more brightly. We are committed
to doing more to participate in peacebuilding, poverty
reduction, environmental protection and other efforts.
We stand ready to join United Nations peacekeeping
operations. We are willing to share our resources and
experience as a tribute to the international friends who
have supported us in our struggle for independence,
unification and poverty reduction.

Viet Nam remains and always will be a reliable
partner and responsible member of the international
community. In the area of food, for example, Viet
Nam, a country that has traditionally suffered from
hunger, has become a leading rice exporter. We have
achieved national food security but consider it our
responsibility to help maintain global food security.
We not only export, but also help countries to become
self-reliant in food production, as we have done in
Cuba, Mozambique, Angola, Mali, Madagascar,
Myanmar and elsewhere. We hope developed countries
and international organizations will participate in
supporting similar programmes as a meaningful and
substantive multiparty model of cooperation.

I am deeply convinced that the post-2015
development agenda will be created and finalized
for a world free from war and hunger and devoted to
peace and cooperation, for sustainable development
and prosperity for humankind, and for our evergreen
planet. Viet Nam commits itself to that purpose.


As we meet this
morning to address global concerns and seek ways to
ensure progress and lasting peace, the people of Kenya
are emerging from a terrorist attack that has cost them
many lives and shaken the continent. In expressing our
solidarity with the Government and the people of Kenya
and with the families of the victims, Mauritius would
also like to express its unreserved condemnation of that
abominable and dastardly act of terrorism. The Nairobi
attack should also compel us to revisit regional and
global responses to national and international security
threats, including extending support to countries,
particularly those on the African continent.

Mauritius commends you, Mr. President, for the
theme you have proposed for the sixty-eighth session
of the Assembly, namely, “The post-2015 development
agenda: setting the stage”. The goals we set ourselves
for the sustainable development of our national and
global economies will shape the lives of generations to
come. I would like to say at the outset that Mauritius
welcomes the report of the High-level Panel of Eminent
Persons on the Post-2015 Development Agenda, A New
Global Partnership: Eradicate Poverty and Transform
Economies through Sustainable Development, and in
particular the recommendation that deliberations on a
new development agenda must be guided by the vision
of eradicating extreme poverty for all in the context of
sustainable development. We also welcome the Panel’s
view that one of the transformative shifts for the post-
2015 agenda should be to bring a new sense of global
partnership into national and international politics.

Climate change should be one of the top priorities for
the global agenda. The report of the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change, Climate Change 2013: The
Physical Science Basis, released only yesterday, is
unequivocal. It provides clear scientific confirmation
that we humans are responsible for global warming,
and that it is up to us to take appropriate measures to try
to save our home planet. We cannot and should not any
longer ignore the evidence that we humans are putting
life on Earth in jeopardy.

In our region, we have recently seen an increased
and unprecedented intensity and unpredictability of
weather events. In March, my country experienced
unprecedented flash floods that caused losses of human
life and heavy economic losses. No country is safe from
natural disasters and the damaging effects of climate
change. But for many small island developing States
(SIDS), the foreseeable consequences of climate change
threaten us even more dramatically, in terms of both
human and economic development. For some SIDS,
they pose an existential threat.

We fully support the Secretary-General’s proposal
to convene world leaders to a climate summit in New
York in 2014. We hope that that meeting will provide
an opportunity for world leaders to focus political
attention on climate change and take meaningful action
to mitigate its effects. We must start putting the interests
of our home planet above everything else. The world
needs a global, legally binding agreement on climate
change by 2015. At the Paris meeting of the twenty-
first Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, we should
adopt a treaty that is universal and ambitious and that
concretely addresses the concerns of all, including
those of the most vulnerable States.

The international community should also pay more
attention to disaster risk reduction and adopt a more
concerted and accelerated approach to reaching the
goals set out in the Hyogo Framework for Action 2005-
2015 (see A/CONF.206/6). The time has come to address
disaster risks and climate-change adaptation through
an integrated approach, and to adopt resilience as a
common and shared vision. Mauritius welcomes Japan’s
decision to host the World Conference on Disaster
Reduction in early 2015 to review the implementation
of the Hyogo Framework and chart an ambitious post-
2015 framework for disaster risk reduction.

In that regard, the holding in Samoa next year of
the Third International Conference on Small Island
Developing States could not be more timely. We hope
that the Conference will be a landmark in the history of a
more active and collaborative partnership among SIDS
and between SIDS and the international community.

Furthermore, it could be an opportunity to give new
meaning to the concept of global concerns, issues that
are, or should be, the concern of the global community
at large, and not only of those who are more vulnerable
and more at risk. That would be in line with the spirit
of the global partnership that the High-level Panel has
called for.

The prospects for growth in the global economy
remain uncertain, largely as a result of the multiple
challenges faced by developed countries. In such an
interconnected and interdependent world as ours, no
nation is immune to external shocks. Small developing
countries are very concerned about the slowdown
in global growth, declines in international trade,
decreasing job opportunities and rising inequality.
Small States are particularly susceptible to external
shocks, as they are heavily dependent on foreign
markets for trade, tourism and investments. They are
also concerned about energy and food prices, which are
subject to high volatility.

My Government believes that the post-2015
development agenda should include a road map for an
interconnected world economic system, premised on the
assumption that the global economy could very well be
as weak as its weakest links. Of course, the specificities
of some countries or regions and the pace at which the
transformative shifts are implemented may not always
be appropriate for universal targets. But the conceptual
approach to, and the design of, the post-2015 agenda
should, more than ever before, start with the shared
conviction that economies are interdependent.

Eradicating extreme poverty, empowering more
women, providing wider opportunities to young people
for education and jobs, improving health care and the
management of energy, water and food are all universal
concerns. The conventional divides of the past are
no longer valid. We need a common development
framework but with differentiated milestones and
implementation strategies, given the existing disparities
in the levels of development. Actions taken at the
national level are not sufficient; there should also be
reinforced cooperation and partnerships at the regional
and international levels. It is therefore imperative that
the weaknesses and the inequity of the current global
economic governance should be addressed urgently.

We are at a juncture where we have no option but
to revisit the existing global economic governance
mechanisms. An overhaul of the current economic
governance is clearly long overdue. We must have a more
participatory system of global economic governance,
where developing countries would be more involved
in international economic decision-making and norm-
setting. The voice of all nations, big or small, should be
equally heard and taken into consideration.

Mauritius has, on several occasions, reiterated that
the United Nations Economic and Social Council needs
to play a more prominent role in global economic, social,
and environmental issues. We cannot overstate the
importance of coordination and synergy for avoiding
duplication among parallel United Nations processes
and initiatives so as to ensure optimal benefit for all.

My Government is of the view that all the processes
initiated in the Rio+20 Conference last year, including
those relating to strengthening the Economic and Social
Council, sustainable development goals and sustainable
development financing, should converge towards a
single post-2015 development agenda that should be
adopted during a high-level development summit
in 2015. The post-2015 development agenda should
complete the unfinished business of the Millennium
Development Goals. However, it should also go beyond
them and provide for a systemic change and a new global
economic governance. The guiding principles enshrined
in the Declaration on the Right to Development, adopted
in December 1986 (resolution 41/133), are still relevant
today and should not be overlooked in the formulation
of a post-2015 development agenda.

My country will follow, with particular interest, the
work of the high-level political forum on sustainable
development, especially since it replaces the
Commission on Sustainable Development, which was
the primary intergovernmental forum for monitoring
the implementation of the Barbados Programme of
Action and the Mauritius Strategy for Implementation.

As we set the stage for the post-2015 development
agenda, we must, as global leaders, define a new global
vision for the world’s oceans. The United Nations system
has played a crucial role in formulating, implementing
and enforcing a new international order relating to the
oceans. Indeed, the adoption of the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982 will remain
one of the landmarks of the twentieth century.

The jurisprudence of the International Court of
Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of
the Sea has contributed to the settlement of maritime
disputes and the promotion of international peace,

security and equity in a manner not always witnessed in
other areas of international relations. The establishment
of the International Seabed Authority is another
significant example of what international cooperation
can lead to in other sectors. The International Maritime
Organization and the Intergovernmental Oceanographic
Commission of UNESCO are also making significant
contributions.

I believe that the United Nations must now take the
lead in formulating a global vision for the oceans that
will, in particular, expand the economic space for small
island States while ensuring sustainable use of living
and non-living resources. The health of our economies
will depend on the health of our oceans. Our vision for
the future must also preserve the inherent values of
the ocean space, to which we are looking for economic
expansion.

Mauritius has taken the initiative of launching a
national dialogue on how to promote the ocean economy
as one of the main pillars of development. We urge the
international community to build on what the world has
achieved so far in relation to ocean-related economic
activities and conservation, and we propose for future
generations a fundamental paradigm shift with respect
to economic space. While such a global vision and
strategy will be beneficial to all nations, it will be of
particular interest to small islands. With limited land
areas, the islands can potentially be large ocean States
and thus overcome some of their vulnerabilities as
small island developing States. As the world realizes
the tremendous potential of marine renewable energies,
we will see the oceans from a different perspective.

The United Nations has a key role to play in
promoting the rule of law at both the national and the
international levels. The rule of law at the international
level must be an integral part of the post-2015 agenda.
Open and participatory democracy, accountability and
transparency are not concepts that should be promoted
only at the national level. The United Nations should
lead by example here. We should focus on reforming
our Organization and on making it more responsive to
the needs and aspirations of its constituents.

In that context, we should work together on the
reform of the Security Council and the revitalization
of the General Assembly and on improving the working
methods of our Organization. Mauritius believes that a
comprehensive reform of the Security Council should
include reform in the membership of both the permanent
and non-permanent categories. We reaffirm our
commitment to the African common position enshrined
in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration.
We believe that Africa should not be deprived of its right
to permanent representation in the Council. Likewise,
we believe that Latin America deserves permanent
representation in the Council and that SIDS should also
be entitled to a seat on the Council. Mauritius further
reiterates its support for India’s legitimate aspiration to
a permanent seat in a reformed Security Council.

Mauritius also reiterates its firm conviction that the
rule of law should prevail in the resolution of disputes,
in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
We believe that the international community has an
obligation to ensure that, in line with the principles of
the rule of law, nations should submit their disputes to
conciliation, mediation, adjudication or other peaceful
means, both judicial and non-judicial.

The dismemberment of part of our territory,
the Chagos archipelago, prior to independence, by
the then colonial Power the United Kingdom, was in
clear breach of international law and left the process
of decolonization, not only of Mauritius but of Africa
in general, incomplete. Yet, the United Kingdom has
shown no inclination to engage in any process that would
lead to a settlement of that shameful part of its colonial
past. I am confident that the United Kingdom and the
United States of America want to be on the right side
of history. States that look to the law and to the rules
of the comity of nations for the resolution of disputes
should not be frustrated by the lack of avenues under
international law for the settlement of such disputes.

Tromelin, which is also an integral part of our
territory, is the subject of ongoing discussions with
the French Government, and pending a final resolution
of the issue, Mauritius and France have concluded a
framework agreement on the co-management of the
island and its surrounding maritime areas, without
prejudice to the sovereignty of Mauritius over Tromelin.

In our part of the world, we welcome the rise of a
re-energized Africa. The return to normalcy in Mali
and the recent holding of elections there show the
relevance of international partnerships. The situation
in Madagascar and in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo will, hopefully, be resolved soon through
the support of the international community for the
initiatives of the Southern African Development
Community in that regard.

Earlier this year, Mauritius hosted an African
ministerial conference on regional integration. We are
convinced that African nations will benefit significantly
from a greater focus on regional cooperation, and I am
pleased to note that the solemn declaration adopted on
the fiftieth anniversary of the African Union supports
that view.

The tragic events in Syria over the last two years
are of serious concern to the global community.
There is also concern about attempts to bypass the
Security Council and to initiate action in breach of
the United Nations Charter. Respect for the rule of
law at the international level entails compliance with
internationally agreed norms. Mauritius will support
the decisions taken by the organs of the United Nations
under the Charter.

We welcome the Security Council resolution
that addresses one of the issues in the Syrian crisis.
However, the international community needs to go
further and address the issue of political dialogue,
which will enable the Syrian people to live in peace.

Mauritius also supports a Middle East that is free
of weapons of mass destruction. That means that no
country in the region should hold nuclear or chemical
weapons.

Mauritius is convinced that an essential condition
for peace and prosperity in the Middle East is the
peaceful coexistence of the States of Palestine and
Israel. Mauritius wishes to reiterate its solidarity with
the Palestine National Authority and the Palestinian
people in their rightful aspiration to win full recognition
as a State Member of the United Nations.

Mauritius also supports the peaceful restoration
of democracy in Egypt, which has a key role to play
in promoting stability and security in the region.
But the international community cannot condone the
removal by force from office and the detention of a
democratically elected leader.

(spoke in French)
The general debate of the General Assembly offers
us a unique opportunity to highlight the most urgent
challenges that humankind is currently facing. We
must take advantage of this opportunity to review
recent events and to outline new approaches that will
enable us to respond to these challenges in keeping with
the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. We must address those challenges through a
shared vision of peace, security, interdependence and
respect for fundamental rights and freedoms.

We must remain staunch in protecting the right
to development. We also have the duty to take a
differentiated approach so as to ensure that our
development model is sustainable and allows us to
leave to future generations the values our world holds
dear. Our success will depend on the collective will and
commitment. If we succeed, we will go down in history
as having met today’s challenges and expectations in
terms of the future.

(spoke in English)
To conclude, let me say that we need to act
together, in a spirit of compromise and tolerance. We
should constantly remind ourselves that we are of
one kind, humankind. There are not, and never will
be, ideal solutions that will satisfy all of us. But we,
the leaders of our respective countries, need to look
beyond the horizon and have the moral courage to look
at our common humanity so that we may move forward
towards making our world a better, more prosperous
and safer place for the whole of humankind.