Mr. President, I should like to join my colleagues in saying how very pleased I am that we are meeting this year under your distinguished presidency. Those of us who have worked with you in the European Community know your qualities of wise judgment, combined with great insight and cool decision, and we are very glad that this year those qualities of yours are placed at the disposal of the United Nations. We look to your presidency because we believe it will strengthen the United Nations and we hope your term of office will add distinction to an already distinguished career and will do honor to Luxembourg.
58.	Britain extends a welcome to the newly independent countries of Mozambique, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe and Papua New Guinea, which are this session assuming their places as full and equal Members of our Organization. To them I wish all success.
59.	I should like too to thank our Secretary-General for his valuable and balanced report on the work of the Organization. The burdens on the Secretary- General grow no lighter, and I am glad that at this difficult time we have in that vital position a statesman of such proven diligence and dedication.
60.	There is a certain resolute tenacity with which the major problems cling to the agenda of the General Assembly. They are a reminder of the limitations of the machinery of the United Nations in achieving a peaceful settlement of disputes unless the will is present to come to an agreement.
61.	But the thirtieth year has not been barren: in fact, it has been a better than average year for the negotiators, as opposed to the war makers.
62.	At the seventh special session and elsewhere, the Member nations have firmly committed themselves to try to bring about a world in which men and women will be made more equal through constructive policies of co-operation, rather than hurling threats and counter-threats at each other. The special session was an event of great significance, and I pledge that the United Kingdom will co-operate fully in the tasks ahead. While at this General Assembly we discuss the broad political questions that face us, my country will not forget the need to respond with urgency and a sense of justice to the manifest social and economic inequalities in the world today, despite the burdens that the world economic recession is imposing on the inhabitants of the advanced industrial countries. In return we ask the oil-producing countries not to impose additional burdens on our economies, for what the world needs is a period of prolonged expansion. Despite our hopes, it is not yet certain that the expansion will endure, but it will certainly be set at risk if heavier burdens are thrust on to those more advanced countries which must be the pace setters.
63.	In the weeks and months to come, my Government would like to see progress in the military and political fields of potential conflict.
64.	In the Middle East, for the first time, there is a break in the ice. For the first time, Israel and one of its Arab neighbors have concluded an agreement which was not forced upon them by military constraints. For the first time they have jointly stated that the conflict between them shall not be resolved by force, but by peaceful means. I should like to express my admiration for the courage and statesmanship which President El-Sadat of Egypt and Mr. Rabin of Israel have shown in the negotiations which led up to the agreement. I should also like to congratulate the United States Government, and in particular President Ford and Mr. Kissinger, on their perseverance and their skillful diplomacy. I should like here to express our thankfulness that President Ford was spared yesterday, and to say that our thoughts are with Mrs. Ford, too. The agreement which Egypt and Israel have concluded is not only to their mutual benefit; it benefits the rest of the world as well.
65.	The progress that has been made does not mean that peace is around the corner. It is not. The problems which still remain are much larger than those which have been solved. Chief of these is the problem of the Palestinians, which has not yet been touched. What, then, is the way forward? First, in our view, a complementary step on the Golan Heights must be achieved, and achieved soon, to provide the proof that the latest agreement was not an end in itself but part of a continuous process leading to a comprehensive settlement. The commitment to further negotiations that has been spelled out in this newest agreement must be fulfilled. Syria and the other Arab States need to be convinced of the benefits of peace and that will require a further negotiating round. Following that must come the central problem of the Palestinians and the future of the West Bank, and at this point we shall be attacking the problem of a comprehensive settlement, and for this task a comprehensive forum, such as Geneva provides, would seem to be required. But if all the parties show the same resolution, perseverance and, not least, the flexibility that were shown in the recent negotiations, I am convinced that an ultimate solution could be reached that would ensure security for the State of Israel and justice for the Arab people.
66.	The dilemma which faces the parties in the Middle East is a familiar one. On the one hand, any attempt to reach a full settlement all at once is likely to founder because the gap between the positions of the two sides is too wide to be bridged. On the other hand, any partial resolution of the problems may appear to favour one side at the expense of the other in the stages before a full settlement is reached, and therefore arouses opposition.
67.	The new agreement between Israel and Egypt is important, not only in its practical effects though I would not wish to belittle them as in its example. Israel and Egypt have demonstrated to others that mutually beneficial agreements can be reached in the Middle East without sacrificing the interests of either party.
68.	As this agreement matures it will give the Israelis cause to believe that they can put trust in the word of Egypt; and the Egyptians and after them others  will have cause to believe in the goodwill of Israel. This is the lesson and the real achievement of the recent negotiations. It provides a new foundation on which it should be possible to build, and a demonstration of the value of compromise.
69.	We shall need a combination of methods. Problems on which partial steps can be taken should continue to be handled in that way. But the core of the problem, namely, the settlement of the Palestinian people, may well need a wider negotiation leading to a comprehensive solution. We know that it will be very difficult to achieve a peace which fulfills everyone's needs, but history has proved that peace is indivisible and the world cannot afford to settle for an incomplete solution,
70.	As regards Cyprus, I note with regret that the talks that have been pursued intermittently during the last year between the parties have made very little progress despite the patient efforts of Mr. Wald- heim, to whom we extend our grateful thanks. The British Government adheres to resolution 3212 (XXIX) and affirms that its implementation would assist the process of reaching a settlement. If a solution is to be acceptable to both sides it will require to deal with the settlement of the refugees, the constitutional relationships between the parts of the island, the powers of the central Government, and the nature and physical delimitation of whatever zones are agreed upon.
71.	A solution based on such an agenda is difficult, but not impossible; but it does mean that a declaration of independence by any part of the island is ruled out. Such a declaration would perpetuate the conflict and result in continuing tension that could spread wider than the island itself, Therefore we call upon both sides to resume their discussions and to come forward with positive proposals for a solution.
72.	Despite the lack of progress made so far in these direct talks, we are not convinced that any different forum is likely to be more successful. We wish to see the direct talks renewed, together with the continuing presence of a mediator to assist the parties. But in the end the main responsibility for success will rest with the Turkish and Greek Cypriots themselves.
73.	On Namibia we share with the international community a deep concern that the inhabitants of the Territory as a whole should be given the opportunity to express their views freely on their political and constitutional future. All political groups must be allowed to take part peacefully in the process of self- determination, and above all there must be a real sense of urgency.
74.	As a member of the Security Council, we have joined with France and the United States in making formal demarches to the South African Government.
We observe some signs that the South African Government is taking a new look at its policies towards Namibia, but it is clear that the movement is not taking place quickly enough. We look to South Africa to make clear and positive progress without delay.
75.	For our own part, Britain has contributed to the United Nations Fund for Namibia, to the proposed Institute for Namibia at Lusaka, to a United Nations Children's Fund project for aid to Namibian refugees; and we are one of the largest contributors to the United Nations Educational and Training program for Southern Africa, which includes provision for scholarships for Namibians. We have also provided funds to enable the South West Africa People's Organization to send students to Britain for English-language training, which will enable other forms of educational assistance to be given. In Namibia, as elsewhere in southern Africa, we shall continue in co-operation with other countries to work for self-determination, justice, racial equality, independence and peace.
76.	Turning to Rhodesia, I should like, first, to pay tribute to the efforts which the Presidents of Botswana, the United Republic of Tanzania, Mozambique and Zambia have made during the last year in conjunction with the Prime Minister of South Africa to promote a negotiated settlement in Rhodesia. It is a matter for regret that so much effort has not met with greater success, though some progress has been made and a first meeting between the regime and the African National Congress at Victoria Falls did reach agreement on a number of points.
77.	I see two prerequisites for further progress towards a negotiated solution. First, the Europeans, and particularly Mr. Smith, Prime Minister of Rhodesia, should realize that to rely on disunity among their political opponents as a justification for postponing essential changes is to invite disaster as history has frequently demonstrated. Second, there must be a clear and unified leadership on the African side; and that is something which the Congress itself must achieve.
78.	We believe that agreement on the change to majority rule in Rhodesia is essential if peace is to be maintained in the area. If this is not achieved there will be a long slide into armed struggle and irreparable damage will be done to the country and to its neighbors.
79.	To prevent such a disaster I call upon both sides to resume their discussions, and I urge the four Presidents and also the South African Government not to be discouraged by the difficulties which have arisen. I trust they will resume their efforts. We for our part remain ready to play our full part. Meanwhile, until a just settlement is achieved, the United Nations sanctions must continue to be applied effectively as one of the instruments for maintaining pressure on the illegal regime.
80.	. Now I turn to disarmament. The Secretary- General, in his report, has reminded us of our responsibility for disarmament. Every year the nations pile up more and more arms. Every year the arms bill grows larger. Every year the capacity for destruction more frightening. In some parts of the world such as the Middle East, competition for arms is never ceasing. Hardly any continent is exempt from the pressure. No one who cares for the progress of the human race towards decent standards of living can help but be appalled at the enormous waste of resources on weapons of destruction. A number of countries, some of whom are among the poorest, are now spending as much as 10 per cent of their gross national product for military purposes. What a boost it could give to the world's hopes if all of us could agree to limit to a maximum of even 5 per cent the amount of our gross national product we allocate for defense. This would presuppose that countries would move step by step to such a figure and would need to enter into serious multilateral negotiations with one another for reductions in their military establishments. That is indeed what we are doing in the negotiations that are now beginning on force reductions in Central Europe. If these negotiations could be paralleled in other regions of the world it would be a hopeful beginning.
81.	Probably the greatest potential risk that faces us is the nuclear danger. Of course, we welcome the steps that are being taken to control nuclear arms by the United States and the Soviet Union. We believe there should be no insuperable difficulties in bringing the arrangements made at Vladivostok to a successful conclusion. We look forward to a new strategic arms limitation agreement being signed before the end of this year. But that agreement, although important, does no more than put a brake on the present nuclear arms race. It is necessary to move onwards to an actual reduction in the number of nuclear weapons, and we ask both the United States and the Soviet Union to press to a successful conclusion the next round of talks on this subject that is due to take place in 1977.
82.	The Soviet Government has put forward a proposed draft treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapon tests [A! 10241, annex]. The United Kingdom has consistently supported this goal. We wish the initiative well. However, I cannot fail to point out that it will require the adherence of all the nuclear-weapon States and provision for verification, and that so far it has not been possible to meet these conditions completely.
83.	We should also examine with care the proposal made by the representative of the Soviet Union at the preceding meeting [A/10243, annex] in the document that was circulated among us.
84.	But even before we solve these problems a new danger is coming to view that I now wish to discuss. It arises from the overlap between the desire of certain countries to use nuclear material for civil purposes and the increasing risk that such material may be employed for military purposes. The metals uranium and plutonium are used not solely in nuclear reactors to produce power for civil purposes, for highly enriched uranium and plutonium can also be used to make nuclear weapons. Those who possess a nuclear reactor have already taken the first step to being able to pro-duce a nuclear weapon. If they then move from that to the second step and acquire plants to enrich their uranium and to reprocess the fuels that have already been used in their nuclear reactors, then they will be a long way down the road to producing nuclear weapons. Up to the present, it is the nuclear-weapon States that alone possess such plants, namely, the Soviet Union, the United States, the United Kingdom, France and China. But other countries are now beginning to consider whether they, too, should order reprocessing and enriching plants. If and when they do so, and the plants are in working order, they will be able to produce weapons material at a rate which would enable several thousand nuclear weapons a year to be produced. To give a comparison, the present nuclear programs will accumulate more than 1 million 1 million kilograms of plutonium within the next 10 years; and by contrast, the bomb which fell on Nagasaki and created such havoc and such destruction was the equivalent of no more than about 10 kilograms. A million kilograms within the next 10 years  and 10 kilograms destroyed Nagasaki. The spread of these plants would enable the whole of mankind on this planet to destroy itself. Clearly, the statesmen of the world assembled here have a moral duty to act before it is too late.
85.	The United Nations should concern itself with this problem immediately and add vigor and impetus to the work that is being done in the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA],
86.	I put forward five points for consideration, to try to contain this problem. First, the Members of the United Nations should solemnly affirm that each and all of them will not convert nuclear materials from civil use to military use. Secondly, this solemn declaration should be reinforced by an agreement to accept a common system of international inspection through the IAEA. There should be one set of rules for all countries in the world. Thirdly, all civil nuclear materials and facilities should be brought within the common inspection system. Fourthly, the IAEA should assume responsibility for inspection of enrichment and processing plants, in addition to its present task of safeguarding nuclear reactors. Fifthly, the new set of common rules should be based on monitoring nuclear material and accounting for its use at all stages through the life of the fuel.
87.	Britain intends to make a specific proposal along these lines to the IAEA. In this way we shall follow up the intentions of the recent conference on non- proliferation, although our proposals are not based on that Treaty and have a wider purpose. They are intended to give practical expression to the pledges that have already been made by many Governments that they will not convert nuclear material from civil to military purposes, and I hope that the General Assembly will give support to them.
88.	Thirty years ago at the very first session of the General Assembly in London my great predecessor Ernest Bevin pledged that the British Government would use to the full every instrument created by the United Nations and give it its whole-hearted support. I was present when he made that speech. Looking back, I believe my country, as a permanent member of the Security Council during the whole of that period, has faithfully redeemed the pledge that Ernest Bevin gave. Now, today, I repeat that undertaking at a time when the potential dangers facing the world are at least as great as they were when the United Nations was founded. None of us expects the United Nations miraculously to solve all the world's problems. But patient effort, understanding of each other, a consciousness that we are all citizens of the same world, and that none of us can escape the consequences of each other's actions this, I believe, will enable mankind of all colors and all creeds to do as the founders of the United Nations did, and as our forefathers did, to rise to the challenge of our times.


73.	  Mr. President, we, the small countries, welcome your election to the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, since this not only represents a recognition of your personal qualifications but is also a tribute to the principle of the equal sovereignty of States, which is so important in relations between nations large and small.
74.	We are also pleased to pay a tribute of appreciation to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, for the fruitful work done under his skillful guidance as President of the twenty- ninth session and the seventh special session, which culminated in the historic resolution on development and international economic co-operation [resolution 3362 (S-Vll)].
75.	It is also a sincere pleasure to transmit to the Secretary-General the appreciation and gratitude of our people for his tireless efforts to achieve peace, security and international co-operation in accordance with the principles of the Charter and the best interests of mankind.
76.	We welcome with particular enthusiasm the entry into the Organization of the Republic of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe and the People's Republic of Mozambique, to which will shortly be added Angola, Papua New Guinea and Suriname. These nations, as new Member States, bring to the international community young blood, fresh ideas and a lusty dynamism, to expand the tasks of the United Nations for the benefit of other people who desire freedom and justice in the world.
77.	Because of the spirit of fraternal solidarity of the Governments and peoples of Latin America, the Republic of Panama has been proclaimed as the single candidate of the region for the vacancy to be left in the Security Council at the end of this year by the sister republic of Costa Rica.
78.	This noble gesture of the fraternal Latin American countries is a striking recognition of the contribution made by Panama during the life of this Organization to the maintenance of international peace and security, as well as of its adherence to the principles and purposes of the United Nations, which it proved by the contribution of the contingent of soldiers from the National Guard of Panama which served with distinction in the operations of the United Nations Emergency Force in the Sinai area, in compliance with the mandate established by the Security Council.
79.	But, parallel with this, our selection is not to the principle of equitable geographical distribution alone, but is an expression of the concerted action of the States of the Latin American continent, which look to Panama with affection as the harmonizing center of the efforts of this part of the world to improve the standards of living and well-being of their peoples in a spirit of integration.
80.	Our presence on the Security Council will coincide with two political events of extraordinary importance for the future both of my country and of Latin America. I am referring to the negotiations which have been going on for 11 years between Panama and the United States to arrive at a new treaty which will put an end in every sense to the perpetuity of the concession relating to the Inter-oceanic Canal, and to the Latin American summit meeting to be held in Panama on 22 June 1976 to commemorate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress, which was convened by Simon Bolivar, our Liberator, to establish international mechanisms which would ensure the independence of our countries from any foreign domination.
81.	The significance for our countries of these events may be measured by the statement made in the capital of the isthmus by the President of Venezuela, Mr. Carlos Andres Perez, when he signed the Joint Declaration together with the Heads of Government of Colombia, Costa Rica and Panama, on 24 March 1975. At that time the great Venezuelan statesman, in referring to the call of the Liberator, said:
"Afterward, Simon Bolivar forges ahead, seeing afar, pointing out to all our peoples the only path, that of unity. And today we agree here in Panama that next year all the nations of Latin America will celebrate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress, but celebrate it with an act of total sovereignty."
82.	Besides the mental resonance of the words, we are now making preparations, at the initiative of the Heads of Government I have mentioned, to build a monument in Panama City which, because of its size and symbolism, will bring to the conscience of Latin American generations the grandeur of the thinking of our Liberator and the commitment to transform into reality his concept of unity for the genuine integration of Latin America.
83.	It is with a genuine feeling of honor and pride that I must state that it is no mere chance, but the concatenation of historical events, that resulted, at the ministerial meeting held in Panama from 31 July to 2 August this year with the participation of the 26 Latin American.. States, in a consensus being reached on the establishment of a Latin American Economic System [SELA] and an agreement to convene in Panama City, starting on 15 September, a working group which has already prepared a draft statute to be submitted to the ministerial conference which will meet again in Panama City, starting on 15 October. For my country, as the geographical centre of the continent, which maintains friendly relations with all the nations of the region, it would be a great honor to be the headquarters of an essentially Latin American institution of such hierarchy and importance in the development process of our peoples.
84.	SELA, which is conceived of as a regional instrument for consultation, co-ordination, co-oper-ation and economic development of a permanent character with its own juridical personality, made up of sovereign Latin American States, will have as its fundamental purpose to reconcile the interests of all Latin American countries and to promote the preparation and development of joint programs and projects by setting up multinational companies and by combining the basic interests of the Latin American region with the new international economic order.
85.	The interest evinced by our Government in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is understandable in view of the fact that Panama is essentially a maritime country. The merchant fleet flying the Panamanian flag is one of the largest in the world. Panama's coastline measures almost 2,000 kilometers on the coasts of the central zones of the Atlantic and the Pacific, and its territorial sea, continental shelf and national sea-bed cover a larger area than the parts of the land that have emerged from the sea.
86.	Our main natural resource the geographical position of the isthmus is largely a function of the oceans, considered as highways of transport and trade. But that is not all; another of our vital natural resources, the River Chagres, has been made into a canal so that it flows out into the two oceans, thus traversing the full breadth of the American continent at its narrowest part.
87.	Almost 15,000 ships pass through the 80 kilometers of the Panama Canal every year, that is, a substantial proportion of all the ships which sail the seas. Although it is not a natural strait, but a river valley, we are aware of its role in peaceful exchanges and in the progress of mankind, and we intend, in a desire to allow quick and safe transit for the ships of all the world, to set up a regime of great liberality without any discrimination, while at the same time we would have a regime of permanent neutrality, guaranteed by the international community.
88.	But this open and generous attitude of the Republic of Panama comes up against the anachronistic situation which not only gives the United States the use of the main instrument of exploitation of Panama's geographical position, namely, the Panama Canal, but also prevents Panama from using its principal ports on the Atlantic and on the Pacific.
89.	At the sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Caracas, Panama denounced the continuance of this anomalous situation, which paradoxically transforms a country which its physical geography makes essentially maritime into a State which is in a geographically disadvantageous position.
90.	What is even more serious is that that situation is the result of colonialist practices carried out in the heart of our continent by the Government of the United States.
91.	The colonial situation which the Canal Zone represents and the illegitimate appropriation by the United States of the ports of Boca-Balboa on the Pacific and of Cristobal on the Atlantic were vigorously denounced. This led us to sponsor the draft text on territories under foreign occupation or colonial domination, which received broad support, and which was intended to exclude from the new law of the sea we are drafting any colonial situation which infringes the rights of free peoples and sovereign States, as in the situation which persists in the isthmus of Panama.
92.	We firmly believe that in this respect our attitude is one of the greatest contributions that can be made to the success of the Conference on the law of the sea. The Republic of Panama reiterates its willingness to continue to participate actively in the work of that Conference. To that end, our national Government is carefully studying the informal negotiating texts which were prepared by the chairmen of the three committees at the end of the meetings held at Geneva during the spring of 1975. The delegation of Panama will attend the meetings convened for New York in March 1976 with every readiness to participate in negotiations intended to make of the seas and the law of the sea instruments of peace at the service of all nations.
93.	Panama, as a State desirous of peace and inter-national co-operation, shares the concern of the majority of the peoples of the world in opposing imperialist and colonialist policies. The struggle undertaken by the non-aligned countries to defend their right to political and economic independence has aroused in the peoples of Latin America growing feelings of solidarity and support. That is so because the non-aligned movement is viewed as an international anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist movement, which is also opposed to power politics, policies of hegemony and schemes of domination based on offensive racist discrimination.
94.	Panama, which for seven decades has been struggling against a smoldering colonialist situation which affects its territorial integrity, views the non- aligned movement, directed to the defense of the interests of the peoples of the third world, as the natural mechanism for endorsing with dignity its independent foreign policy in international forums, since this non-aligned movement advocates the appli-cation of United Nations ideals. Therefore the State of Panama has not only adhered to the Lima program for Mutual Assistance and Solidarity,  which is already known to this Assembly, but has become a fully fledged member of the group of non-aligned countries, which also strive for the establishment of a new international economic order which will represent their total and complete emancipation through the recovery of and control oyer their wealth, their natural resources and their means for economic development.
95.	We believe it timely to recall in this respect the consistent position of Panama in favor of landlocked countries or those in geographically disadvantageous situations; and in this context we have very much in mind the noble nation of Bolivia. We therefore reiterate Panama's backing for Bolivia's just aspiration to have direct access to the sea.
96.	For the Republic of Panama, "whose principal natural resource is its geographical position, while the inter-oceanic Canal is the means for exploiting that resource, the pronouncements of this General As-sembly are of the utmost importance in regard to the Declaration and the program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-Vlj and 3202 (S-VI)]\ the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]] the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]\ and, as a corollary, resolution 3362 (S-VII) on development and international economic co-operation adopted at the seventh special session, since the basis for all these pronouncements is the exercise by States of full and permanent sovereignty over their wealth, natural resources and economic activities.
97.	The Security Council, when it met in the city of Panama from 15 to 21 March 1973 to consider those problems of Latin America which might endanger peace and security in the region, considered that the question of the Panama Canal had been a constant source of conflict between my country and the United States.
98.	The overwhelming international support which Panama has received since then is beyond challenge. All the Latin American countries without exception expressed their unanimous solidarity. That is no doubt why in beginning the new dialog it was decided to include on the agenda the question of the Panama Canal, since this is a matter of common interest for all Latin America.
99.	It is understandable that, a few days before the Tlatelolco meeting, in Panama on 7 February 1974, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Panama, Juan Antonio Tack, and the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Henry Kissinger, signed a declaration on a series of fundamental principles which serve and must serve as guidelines for the negotiators in the efforts to arrive at a just and equitable treaty which will do away once and for all with the causes of conflict between the two countries.
100.	This is a formula intended to break the deadlock in the prolonged negotiations, recognizing first the fundamental aspiration of the people of Panama to abrogate the Hay-Bunau Varilla Convention of 19032 and its amendments, thus paving the way for a new agreement which will put an end to the existing colonial situation in the heart of the territory of Panama.
101.	In that declaration it was furthermore agreed, in point 2, that the elimination of the concept of per-petuity should be brought about by stipulating a fixed period of duration for the Canal concession. An end to perpetuity will, in our opinion, mean a beginning of the end of the colonial structure in the so-called Canal Zone.
102.	It is worth while emphasizing that in points 3 and 4 of the Tack-Kissinger declaration it is agreed:
(a)	To reaffirm that the territory in which the Canal is situated is Panamanian territory;
(b)	To recognize the right of the country with territorial sovereignty to exercise full jurisdiction over this territory;
(c)	To end speedily the jurisdiction of the United States over Panamanian territory;
(d)	To return to Panama the Panamanian territory on which the Canal is situated;
(e)	To grant to the United States of America for the duration of the new treaty the right to use the lands, waters and air space necessary for the functioning, maintenance, protection and defense of the Canal and the transit of ships.
103.	In regard to jurisdiction, the Government of Panama trusts that an agreement will be reached with the United States for the abolition of the Canal Zone, so that my country, as a territorial sovereign, can assume full jurisdiction over that part of its territory. For such an agreement to be effective the so-called government of the Canal Zone must cease to function in no more than three years' time. Accordingly, the Governor and administrative machinery which now exist would disappear, as would the United States police, because the Panamanian National Guard would take over their functions. Likewise, foreign courts would be removed and United States laws would no longer be applied, since Panamanian law would prevail, and justice would be administered by Panamanian judges. Panama would also take over public services and be in charge of post offices, which have so far been in foreign hands. On the same criterion, the so-called Panama Canal Company would cease to exist. It was set up by the United States Government, and we shall set up a new organization in accordance with the stipulations of the new treaty.
104.	It is the firm intention of Panama to proceed with the negotiations on the Panama Canal question, but on the understanding that these negotiations must move effectively and in the correct direction, ■ which is the elimination of the anachronistic North American colonial enclave in the heart of the nation of Panama against the will of its people. Our goal is now none other than total and complete decolonization, in harmony with the spirit of our times, singularly expressed in the magna carta on decolonization [resolution 1514 (XV)] and in the Economic and Social Council resolution on the permanent sovereignty of peoples and nations over their natural wealth and resources [resolution 1956 (LIX)].
105.	It is fitting to recall in this respect that in point 5 of the Tack-Kissinger declaration it is recognized that "the geographical position of its territory constitutes the principal resource of the Republic of Panama". Similarly, in point 6, both countries have agreed that "the treaty will also stipulate that the Republic of Panama will assume total responsibility for the operation of the Canal when the treaty comes to an end". In the agreement that exists between the two points I have mentioned the foundations are laid for the effective exercise by Panama of its right to economic self-determination.
106.	These principles contained in the joint Tack- Kissinger declaration clearly establish the formula with which the negotiations must culminate, which is a Panamanian Canal under Panamanian control. This formula would be in accordance with the pronouncement of the Secretary-General before the Security Council on 20 March 1973, when he advocated a solution for the Panama Canal question which, in his opinion:
"... can only be based on the respect for law and the search for justice. A solution will have to take into account basic principles which are enshrined in the Charter, such as the principle of territorial integrity, sovereign equality, the obligation to settle all international disputes by peaceful means and the principle which by now has become an accepted common standard, namely, that any State is entitled to put to full use and for its own account all its natural potentialities."3
107.	In order to put an end to colonialism in our territory, the Panamanian Government has proposed that the new treaty, as regards all its aspects, including defense, should not last longer than the end of the present century, This extremely reasonable position has nevertheless given rise to frequent statements in the United States press that the United States should endeavor to insert in the treaty a clause whereby that country would be responsible for the defense of the Canal for a longer period namely, 50 years and that at the end of that period it would have the right to continue to defend the Canal for an indefinite length of time.
108.	History proves dramatically that the Panamanian people has always opposed any formula which
' might be equivalent to perpetuity and not only the Panamanian people: all the peoples of Latin America, Asia, Africa and the world repudiate this typical formula of rampant colonialism, which mankind believes it has overcome through the declarations of this General Assembly, but which some narrow- minded people without a sense of history try to project into the twenty-first century.
109.	Panama's position has been clearly defined by the Head of Government of Panama, General Omar Torrijos, who, in a recent interview with the Colombian writer Gabriel Garcia Marquez, stated that "in the negotiations Panama seeks an orderly step-by-step process of demilitarization and neutralization of the Canal," in which the Panamanian National Guard will play a growing role while that of the United States army decreases.
110.	In this respect it must not be forgotten that in the Hay-Bunau Varilla Convention Panama and the United States undertook to apply to the Panama Canal the principles of neutralization stipulated in the Constantinople Convention of 1888 Respecting the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime Canal, of which the signatories were England, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Spain, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Turkey and Russia.
111.	A regime of that kind would to some extent accord with the proposal made at the Potsdam Conference in 1945 by the then President of the United States, Harry S Truman, to the effect that, in order to safeguard the future peace and security of the world, international marine waterways should be open to free and unrestricted use by all the nations of the world,
112.	There can be no doubt that, in accordance with international law, the Panama Canal, like the Suez Canal and the Kiel Canal, must be governed by a general body of rules of common application to this type of international waterway but subject to the competence of territorial sovereignty. In other words, the regime applicable to the use of these waterways
must not, according to authoritative opinions, aim to withdraw the Canal from the control of the coastal State but rather to impose upon that State certain obligations intended to facilitate the free passage of merchant ships and warships of all flags, without discrimination, in time of war and in time of peace.
113.	Truman's Potsdam proposal, which was no doubt formulated in response to the Soviet position with regard to the regime of the Turkish straits, paved the way so that, through the agreement of the international community, all international waterways could be used freely for international navigation subject to the jurisdiction, competence and control of the country with the territorial sovereignty, which in the case of the Panama Canal is the State of Panama.
114.	I wish to end on a note of optimism. I am prompted to it by the positive results of the seventh special session, which once again displayed a spirit of concord and co-operation which basically inspires all countries at present regardless of their degree of development, their ideologies or their aspirations.
115. We are pleased to note that we are coming closer to peace because of the initiatives taken by Egypt and Israel in the Middle East, and we express the hope that the territorial integrity of Cyprus will be safeguarded.
116.	With the cessation of the war in Indo-China and the signing of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which opens new prospects for peace in other regions of the earth, it is most encouraging that the General Assembly, in its resolution on development and international economic co-operation, has now decided resolutely to eliminate the injustice and inequality which afflict vast sectors of mankind by means of practical measures to attain the general objective of a new international economic order.
117.	These and other auspicious events, among which I should like to mention the progress made in the decolonization process in Africa, are of utmost relevance to the position achieved by the United Nations after 30 years. In this regard it is fitting to refer to the introduction to the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [AllOOOllAdd.l], a valuable document in which Mr. Waldheim shows how, despite obstacles, our Organization has progressed slowly but surely, without haste but without pause, like the star of which Goethe wrote.
118.	As for my country, I wish to say that Panama offers its firm though modest support for all those efforts without flagging for a second. To Panama it is vital and necessary that this climate of international dialog and concord be maintained, because our cause is intimately linked to international peace and the spirit of solidarity and equality among nations. In this respect I should like to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Panama, our gratitude for the firm support the vast majority of nations and Governments here represented have given to the legitimate aspirations of my country in the vital and decisive question of the Panama Canal. That question is one of the very problems which serve effectively to indicate whether or not it is true that the great Powers have learned the tragic lessons of our times and have in fact decided to walk hand in hand with the small nations and those less favored by history towards the heights of peace and concord which are the ultimate ideal of the United Nations.


The delegation of Uruguay would like at the outset to congratulate Mr. Thorn, the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, on his election as President of the General Assembly. We welcome the choice of a young but at the same time mature statesman of a noble country, with great traditions from the past and a great capacity for action in our time.
66.	We also pay a tribute to Mr. Abdelaziz Boute- flika, the Foreign Minister of Algeria, who presided over the work of the General Assembly during a particularly dynamic year in the life of the Organization.
67.	We welcome the admission of the new Members  the Republic of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe and the People's Republic of Mozambique which thus carries forward our progress towards universality.
68.	May I be permitted, first of all, to make a statement general in nature, one which will be especially appropriate inasmuch as this is the thirtieth anniversary of our Organization. Uruguay comes to this new session of the General Assembly animated by the same spirit by which it was inspired when we signed the Charter in San Francisco.
69.	Today, we share, as we did then, the objectives of the Charter, and we will work tirelessly to attain them in the context of a policy of peace and co-operation with all nations. In accordance with its tradition, Uruguay hopes that international coexistence will be consistently governed by law, and that within that context every people will be able to achieve its own destiny, free from interference by others.
70.	As a symbolic manifestation of respect and fidelity to the objectives that brought our Organization into existence, and as an expression of the permanence and continuity of our foreign policy, my Government has chosen to incorporate into our delegation at this session two distinguished personalities of our country who were among the signatories to that historic document.
71.	I have preferred to depart from the traditional approach of analyzing one by one the principal items of the agenda, and instead will concentrate my attention on the most important concepts and facts of international politics and economics as we in Uruguay see them. I believe that the general debate will thus gain in depth and will shed greater light on the essence of each country's thinking. The Uruguayan delegation wilt set forth, in the appropriate Committees, its specific views on each item. For the moment, I shall state specifically that there is no change in the traditional political line of my country. As always, that line gives expression to a position that is independent and cannot be categorized. It does not act in accordance with the needs of any bloc, but rather from a faithful assessment of the facts in accordance with our own principles.
72.	For this very reason, Uruguay will energetically oppose any attempt to use the machinery and institutions of the United Nations for promoting any propaganda objectives or encouraging any type of ideological domination. Such action is contrary to the spirit and letter of the Charter, and from the political point of view is a source of discredit to this Organization and makes ineffective the impartial performance of the lofty duties with which this Organization is entrusted.
73.	The United Nations was born in order to save the world from a new war, a war like the one that was just coming to its end. That type of war, the weapons that existed at the time, the causes and motives that precipitated that conflict, the ideologies that brought the factions together, the power relations existing among the victors, and the general feelings of all the other nations all these were the realities and the known elements of that time.
74.	In the time that has elapsed since there have been notable and overwhelming changes. Today, the original group of founding Members sees its number tripled. A large and varied assortment of items involving the most complex technical questions and the profoundest aspirations of men all over the world now enriches the agenda of the General Assembly.
75.	Ideological divisions and political and economic power have followed tortuous and often surprising paths.
76.	Conflicts have broken out which at the time could doubtless not have been foreseen, and the course of those conflicts, in general, has been very far from feeling the beneficent effect of the governing machinery provided by the Charter. Even the kind of war which today we may fear or undergo is different.
77.	Perhaps this change, which has been so profound in so short a time, is what distorts our understanding }f the new facts that refuse to fit into the traditional categories.
World war gave way to the cold war, and the rold war, in turn, to coexistence. Each of these periods vas a milestone in the history of this Organization.
79.	In the political field today the most noteworthy fact is detente. My country, of course, fully supports the aim of reducing tensions and warding oft the danger of an atomic disaster. I believe that all nations must unreservedly and unhesitatingly give their support to that aim. We must, however, state that such a policy is limited in scope, confined as it is to relationships among the great Powers. To be sure, it reduces the risk of nuclear war, even the danger of a wide-scale conventional war. But for dozens of small and medium-sized nations that want to live in peace and build their lives for themselves, free of foreign interference, this does not represent a concrete solution.
80.	As a matter of fact, detente does not do away with power politics or the ideological struggle. These today take different forms; the battlefield changes and the weapons employed change; from war declared between nations we have now passed, over and under frontiers, to war that is undeclared and within nations. No longer is it a question of mere propaganda intended for theoretical dispersion; it is a combined action utilizing all media and resources.
81.	Terrorism and subversion are its concrete expression. These obstruct the development process and impair political sovereignty in determining a future in keeping with the values that characterize each society. Closely tied each to the other, so that they are almost one and the same, united in an international activity that recognizes no limits and that day by day reaches into more countries, they still are able to enjoy the open and explicit support of certain countries.
82.	We must bear in mind that these activities do not affect one country or one group of countries alone; they affect even the most highly developed ones, those with the highest social and economic standards. Prosperity and culture do not serve as barriers. It is one and the same destructive design which in each area assumes a different political guise, adapted to local circumstances, but always with the same urge to violence and domination as the concrete expression of power politics.
83.	Its very behaviour represents a return to outmoded forms of coexistence and a sure obstacle to the free development of every community, even though this inhumane and irrational tendency claims at times to have a monopoly of change towards a new society.
84.	We should try to achieve, therefore, a clear awareness of the fact that, despite declarations and agreements, there is a pitiless struggle for power taking place on as many fronts as there are nations, and that the very principles and basic values of civilization are everywhere imperiled.
85.	Without this awareness it will not be possible for us to understand the most frightening political phenomenon in the world today, and even less to face the challenge it represents,
86.	This is not the first time that my country has spoken about such facts, We did so, quite properly, when we ourselves were subjected to a similar type of activity. Perhaps for that reason the international community did not at that time fully understand the magnitude and significance of the danger and tended
to attribute it to local factors, as was claimed in certain distorted and false propaganda. Now that we have succeeded in pushing back the massive attack launched against us, and while we are mounting a permanent guard against any other such attempts, I wish to repeat once more our warning to all countries and to urge the community of nations to act against the unmistakable international wave of terrorists and subversives motivated by clear political aims of domination or, if that is not immediately possible, destruction.
87.	I wish to call attention to these facts, for my country cannot and does not rest content with an international peace that is superficial and limited to the immediate concerns of the great Powers.
88.	Uruguay wishes to see international law respected. Let each country develop from its own strength and in accordance with its own values the response it regards as appropriate to the arduous problems of coexistence. Let no one set himself up as a censor of other people's political, economic and social systems, Let a plurality of political and ideological solutions be respected by all. Let no one infiltrate, subvert or commit aggression against others, or seek to exercise domination over others.
89.	All this is more than a starting-point; it is at the same time an objective of international law. If there is no strict compliance therewith, there will be no peace in the true sense. And the small and medium- sized nations will have to continue to mount a constant guard over their freedom, menaced by a war that cannot be prevented by detente.
90.	When the Charter was signed the dominant economic concern was the devastation wrought by the war and the need to get the economy back on the traditional course. Thirty years later, aware now of the interdependence of all nations, we are trying to meet the needs of developed and developing countries and bring them together in a more balanced and just system. At the same time we are trying in the immediate future to attenuate the effects of the present crisis.
91.	As soon as the first indications of the magnitude of this crisis appeared, by the end of 1973, all major international activities in the economic field assumed a dual purpose: on the one hand, the search for a global organization of the world economy and, on the other, the need to assist those affected by the emergency.
92.	I should like to say very firmly that my country is in strong disagreement with the orientation and results of this general process on both sides of the picture, and we say this in a very forthright and direct manner.
93.	First of all, in general an attitude of confrontation has prevailed. In practical terms, that attitude could not and did not lead to any concrete results.
94.	If we are trying to lay down guidelines for restructuring the international economy, there must be a straightforward, genuine and sincere consensus among all participants, and that can be reached only on the basis of generally acceptable and negotiated formulas.
95.	Building up majority votes in international organizations in favor of specific resolutions is not enough for us, the developing countries, nor can that satisfy our legitimate and vital interests, if it does not lead straightaway to concrete and tangible action.
96.	In today's interdependent world, solutions adopted in isolation or antagonistic solutions are no longer feasible. There can be no response to a given problem unless it comes as a result of co-operation on the part of all.
97.	Secondly, the idea of reform of the whole international economic order, unless it is practical and realistic, will not have any effect on the most urgent problems. At times it may, and indeed does, happen that the proposal that appears the most ambitious and far-reaching will delay steps that are already clearly needed and, by their very nature, indispensable for any future order.
98.	It is clear that with regard to such vital and urgent questions as those of agriculture, food and population, there cannot be complete understanding on all aspects of the world economy. I believe that if we can agree on satisfactory formulations in these essential areas, it will be sure to have a multiplying effect, promoting mutual confidence among nations and opening the way for the integrated solutions we all desire.
99.	My country, therefore, proposes that international efforts be concentrated on those areas, which are recognized by one and all as priority areas, in an attempt to reach solutions and adopt practical measures based on a broad political consensus.
100.	Thirdly, I shall now speak of the inadequacy of the means of action taken in the face of the crisis. In April 1974 I explained in the General Assembly how my country had been adversely affected by increases in the prices of oil and other raw materials, I mentioned then certain encouraging figures concerning the Uruguayan economy towards the end of 1973, and spoke about the favorable outlook at the time; but I also spoke about the negative effect that importing 100 per cent of our fuel at the new prices would undoubtedly have on our economy.
101.	The forecasts made at that time applied not only to my country, but to a broad range of countries that were at one and the same time developing countries and net importers of oil. Unfortunately our predictions have been borne out by the facts. In Latin America in one year the deficit in the balance of payments of oil-importing countries tripled. The deficit then amounted to the value of half of all the exports of those countries.
102.	Another prediction that was proved true concerned the fact that the industrialized nations would be able more rapidly to absorb that deficit, by relying on the diversity of their economies, on their capacity to attract surplus capital, and unfortunately on restrictive measures with regard to imports from the most severely affected countries.
103.	Clearly, this situation has resulted not entirely from any action or failure to take action, but is due to external factors over which Governments and peoples have no control whatever.
104.	It was only natural, then, to assume that the international community would adopt a policy of decisive support for those who were suffering this grave affliction. I must say, however, in all frankness that the activities of the innumerable meetings which have been convened on the subject have not so far produced any effective measures. The amount of special resources devoted by the international community to this end is far from sufficient to meet the needs; the inadequacy of the resources has forced countries to resort to commercial loans, frequently on very difficult terms, in order to offset the debts incurred as a result of higher oil prices; even international loans, such as the oil facilities of the International Monetary Fund, have to be repaid over a fairly short period of time, require the payment of interest and increase the foreign debt, thus limiting the credit margin available for development. All the additional resources have to be devoted exclusively to the maintenance of a normal level of fuel supply and cannot be invested for economic and social development.
105.	To this we should add a very important negative factor. In the Special Program that was adopted by the General Assembly, it was specified that the purpose of emergency assistance was to meet the needs of those countries most affected by the crisis, and a set of criteria was laid down to determine which were those countries [see resolution 3202 (S- VI), sect. A'].
106.	However, in the distribution of assistance, the per capita income alone has been taken as a criterion, and as a result a number of seriously affected countries have been excluded. It is clear that that criterion by no means indicates the degree to which each country has been affected.
107.	In this regard, the Organization of American States last week unanimously recommended that international and regional financing organizations should revise that criterion. According to the present manner of applying the rules, with per capita income as the criterion, in Latin America only two countries could qualify for special assitance. In the circumstances, nations which as a result of the crisis are facing the worst of problems are not receiving the special assistance which was provided precisely to meet the needs of the crisis.
108.	I should therefore like to make clear my country's strong disagreement with application of the criterion. Not only does it not conform to the rules contained in the resolution of the General Assembly; unfortunately by reason of its limited and haphazard character it also has no significant impact on the situation of the poorest countries, which, in the opinion of my country, are not being helped by present resources, For them, massive amounts of resources should be accorded in grant form.
109.	Here I should like to say that the tendency to use emergency assistance for permanent problems conceals the fact that assistance specifically intended for the poorest countries provided by countries with the greatest resources has decreased in absolute value and in real terms. The commitment to contribute 0.7 per cent of the gross national product, in accordance with the goal of the Second United Nations Development Decade, is not being fulfilled. If that contribution were actually made, it would solve the problems not only of the poorest countries, but also of the rest of the developing countries.
110.	The situation is the same, for example, with regard to the replacement of the resources of the International Development Association, which provides loans on favorable terms to countries with the lowest incomes.
111.	The inadequate contributions of the industrialized countries and those countries that have profited by the new oil prices cannot be supplemented by emergency resources that are intended precisely for the countries most adversely affected by the present crisis.
112.	This trend has even deeper implications and goes beyond the question of the distribution of emergency resources. Implicitly, yet with singular force and clarity, it raises the question of whether the development of the poorest countries should be achieved through a reduction of the standard of living of other countries, including not only the industrialized countries but also those developing countries with the most promising economic and social statistics.
113.	To put it another way: should the vital and unchallenged needs of the most backward countries be met by reducing the moderate amount of progress achieved by the less backward? Should not the international community rather promote the progress of those countries whose economies are backward without inhibiting progress in other countries?
114.	Neither on the international nor on the national level does my country accept the class war in either theory or practice. Instead, we believe that it is an imaginative, constructive and concerted effort which will make it possible to maintain and increase progress in the most advanced countries and at the same time promote a more rapid advance on the part of the backward countries.
115.	This opinion is not only the result of our political and ethical convictions; it is also based on our practical experience of present-day economics: in our interdependent world there can be no solutions adopted in isolation. Prosperity, if it is to be lasting, must be widespread.
116.	I should like to bring out another point with which we are not in agreement. The inadequacy of international financial measures is revealed at a time when restrictions are also being imposed by the developed countries, and by EEC in particular, on imports of certain primary commodities which are essential to the economies of the developing countries affected by the crisis. This is true of meat. The Organization of American States at last week's meeting took a stand on that subject, expressing deep concern over the matter and hoping that the restrictions would be lifted.
117.	Thus the situation arises where a group of nations severely affected by the rise in oil prices are at the same time prevented from exporting to their usual customers, the developed countries, those products which are the mainstay of their economies. Furthermore, those same developed countries, by means of a policy of subsidies, are vying with one another in other markets, by reducing their prices and flooding the market.
118.	This complicated set-up has a critical effect in the present circumstances. It is also a grim expression of an underlying problem.
119.	First, the international community has not found the means to ensure the stability of the basic exports of the developing countries. Without the condition of stability it is impossible to save or to accumulate capital to allow investment for the diversification of the economy. Any employment policy is also inhibited thereby.
120.	Secondly, the rules governing the world economy all conspire to force the infant industries of the developing countries to confine themselves exclusively to a policy of efficiency and competitiveness. But no such criteria are applied to the agricultural policies of all developed countries, and as a result there is distortion and waste.
]2h It happens then that in developed areas of the world, industry subsidizes inefficient agricultural production, blocks the access of products produced more economically in other areas, and even competes in third-country markets with the help of subsidies.
122.. Thus a paradox arises: economic rules, instead of being more flexible to help those countries which are most backward, are, in fact, less rigid for the most advanced countries.
123.	We wish to point an accusing finger at this unjust contradiction.
124.	We are all familiar with the harsh laws and practices of international economic life. But faced with such a simultaneous accumulation of negative factors, with no particular attenuating circumstances, one cannot help but wonder what outlook there is for co-operation to foster development.
125.	As I have already stated, there can be no doubt that it is necessary to give top priority to the questions of agriculture, food and population. Together with their tremendous economic significance, they have ■ven greater humanitarian implications.
26. Recently we have heard many pleas for an increase in the production of food as a means of meeting vital and growing human needs.
127.	That brings home one of the most startling facts, which is, without exaggeration, both an indictment of and a challenge to the present international order: namely that there are some peoples which are experiencing serious difficulties in selling the food that they produce and at the same time there are some peoples which go hungry because they cannot afford to buy that food.
128.	Thus it is not production capacity that is lacking in these cases; there is only a lack of international financial machinery to co-ordinate supply and demand; international machinery to bring, for example, proteins produced at the lowest cost in the Southern Hemisphere to the millions of undernourished human beings everywhere,
129.	It is my belief that concentrating our efforts to find a concrete answer to this question will help us to set aside our abstract speeches and our documents, replete with generalities, to get away from the "ins" and "outs" of United Nations procedures and to embark on a practical and eminently humane task.
130.	Many years ago, when Uruguay's commodity trade was flourishing and prosperous and when the outlook was even more promising, my Government proposed the creation of a food bank as a way of simultaneously meeting the financial needs of production and consumption of the countries with the lowest incomes. We acted out of a deeply held sense of solidarity with the poorest peoples and we felt that it was our moral duty to use our food-producing natural resources in the widest possible way and not just to benefit the richest societies.
131.	Today we renew that proposal, which is more urgently needed than ever. It is a material and moral imperative.
132.	At the same time we must express our disappointment over the operational failure of the machinery set up by the World Food Conference which was held last year within the framework of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.
133.	On behalf of my Government, I repeat that we firmly intend to increase our food production in so far as the terms of trade and of financing allow.
134.	During the recent seventh special session of the General Assembly a resolution on development and international economic co-operation [resolution 3362 (S-VIJ)] was adopted.
135.	In spite of our general disagreement with many issues, this is promising. The substance of the discussion was more constructive. Practical ideas were presented by industrialized and developing countries in a search for joint solutions.
136.	We believe that the ideas put forward by the delegation of the United States,-1 for example which met with a favorable response in other countries- represent a very profound approach to many problems which are of interest to the entire world. The document of the Group of 77 is an important statement of the views of the developing countries. A financial security network for Latin America was proposed that, in addition to being a system that would benefit the whole region, might help to raise income levels and improve employment conditions in those countries for which Latin America is an important market,
137.	The final resolution reflects many of the ideas which were contained in the documents I have just mentioned and thus represents a step forward towards a definition of principles. But I very much fear that if its implementation is postponed and if too many subjects are taken up, it will be difficult to put into practice and the solution of urgent problems may be delayed. Moreover, if the present criteria continue to be used with regard to the allocation of assistance  as I mentioned earlier then the international action we are trying to initiate now will have no practical effect in many countries.
138.	Uruguay will support the implementation of the various guidelines set forth at the seventh special session; but we shall pay special attention to case- by-case solutions that concern vital aspects of the present situation.
139.	I should like to refer to a few of the more outstanding issues in an effort to make a contribution to concrete solutions.
140.	My Government believes that a fund to stabilize income from the export earnings of developing countries is of the greatest importance and therefore we give it our fullest support. We should adopt a very careful scientific approach with regard to the manage-ment of the fund so as to prevent the exclusion in practice of certain nations by the establishment of general rules.
141.	My Government also concurs with the belief that trade is the chief means of promoting development. For this reason, we support Brazil's valuable proposal to negotiate a general agreement on trade between the developed and developing countries.
142.	If expansion of trade is to take place then, first, negotiations within the framework of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT] must not be confined just to subjects of major interest to the industrialized countries. They must come up with special rules to govern trade between developed and developing countries, bearing in mind the concept of non-reciprocal treatment stated in the Tokyo Declaration issued by the Ministerial Meeting of the Contracting Parties to GATT held from 12 to 14 September 1973.4
143.	Secondly, we believe that the agricultural policies of the industrialized countries, particularly EEC, and agreements on products which were concluded between those countries should not restrict trade in those products through protectionist policies and should not lead to sharp fluctuations in international prices to the detriment of the developing countries,
144.	Thirdly, non-tariff barriers should be changed in keeping with the technological possibilities of developing countries; and health regulations should not be more restrictive for foreign exporters than for nationals.
145.	Fourthly, exports of manufactured and semi-manufactured goods from the developing countries should enjoy a stable system of access to the markets of the industrialized countries.
146.	Lastly, I would like to mention the fact that my country is ready to enter into agreements on commodities with exporting and importing countries in an attempt to better organize production and trade. These agreements should not be limited to a narrow range of products which are of interest primarily to industrialized consumers. They must cover each and every product which is of substantial interest to one or more producing country.
147.	My Government believes that dialog and the joint working out of solutions are the right course to take.
148.	It is precisely in that context and in that spirit that Uruguay has presented its views in various forums. We have done so firmly and dispassionately, and we have tried to show the realities, as dramatic as they are little known, in certain countries very directly affected by the crisis.
149.	The President of France himself recognized this situation in a recent statement when he said:
"As regards the developing countries which produce few goods, the prices of which have not increased and in certain cases have even decreased, their situation is tragic inasmuch as they must bear
the burden of the increase in the prices of oil, foodstuffs and manufactured goods".
150.	It is obvious that some solutions which are desirable in themselves such as access to capital markets, and increased exports are not feasible in practical terms over the short term.
151.	In order to arrive at appropriate solutions we must approach the present situation on the basis of concrete criteria. In this spirit, I should like to sum up the measures which my Government thinks should be adopted.
152.	The trade rules and policies of the industrialized countries must be revised, including the elimination of protectionist policies, as regards the commodities and manufactured goods of the developing countries. The resources provided by industrialized and oil- producing countries must be increased in order to contribute to funds for assistance to the poorest countries, in particular the International Development Association. Countries whose balance-of- payments positions have been most adversely affected by the prices of oil and other essential imports must be helped, and the criteria used in the distribution of resources must reflect the harm which has been done. A fund must be created as soon as possible to stabilize the export earnings of developing countries, and buffer stocks must be established. Effective machinery must be established to provide incentives to agriculture in the form of a food bank which will ensure economic conditions for the production of agricultural products and access for the most needy, and there must be basic commodity agreements between producers and consumers on each and every product of substantial interest to one or more producers. There must be appropriate institutional reforms within the United Nations system to concentrate and better co-ordinate action on the part of the international community to benefit those countries most adversely affected by the emergency and those most in need of assistance.
153.	Finally, I should like to say, on behalf of my Government, that we wish to put forward a concrete proposal concerning financing for countries at the intermediate level, the developing countries with medium and higher levels of earnings. Many of them are Latin American countries which have been left on the periphery of the most urgent international assistance. A mechanism should be created for them similar to the "third window", which might be called the "fourth window, and which should deal with the tremendous additional needs of those countries by means of a specific financial instrument with relatively higher interest rates.
154.	If any subsidy were necessary it would be limited to reducing the tariff which the administrators of the system, whether the World Bank or regional banks, those who lend the funds on terms compatible with development financing needs, would have to pay.
155.	The United Nations today is at a cross-roads: either we shall be satisfied with a rhetorical and ideological, purely superficial, approach to problems, or we shall penetrate to the substance, the essence of situations in order together to find generally acceptable solutions which reflect a genuine consensus.
156.	The first approach, obviously the simpler one, could lead to ineffectiveness and discredit us in the eyes of world public opinion, which, little by little, would separate the Organization from all relevant issues.
157.	The second course offers more difficulties, but is the only way for the United Nations to play a significant role in the world, enjoy the respect and confidence of all and achieve the objectives and hopes of the founders 30 years ago, of its new Members and of all the peoples of the world.