In speaking at this time of great mourning which has stricken one of the Members of the Organization, namely Egypt, I should like must of all to offer to the Government and people of Egypt the sincere and profound condolences of the Government and the people of Togo. My condolences are addressed likewise to the whole of the bereaved family of the great President Anwar El Sadat, a leading figure in the fight for peace and justice In Egypt, in the Middle Bast, and throughout the world. In his permanent quest for peace, President El Sadat carried out an act of political courage, thereby giving rise to great hope among men of good will. May the work of peace thus started be continued and concluded for the happiness of the worthy people of Egypt-
95.. The modern world in which, we live is one of complementarities No nation can live sufficient unto itself. All the countries of the world must lend a hand and help each other. But that mutual aid results from the freely expressed will of each people to join its efforts with those of the others in order to bring about the necessary means for the solution of major problems that confront the whole of the international community.
96. Indeed, in this last quarter of the twentieth century the world continues to live under the threat of scourges that modern science, in despite of its prestigious progress, has not been able to stop completely. Today hunger, malnutrition. illiteracy and disease still afflict more than half of mankind, while a tiny proportion of the globe's population lives in opulence.
97.	There is the impression that certain nations, placing their bets on their apparent power believe that complementarity means the subjugation of the poorest to the .richest of our planet. Then, in order to intimidate, they have recourse to arrogance and the demonstration of their strength; next, they violate the independence of other States flow the freedoms of the weakest nations, attack peoples an< read upon the Integrity of sovereign countries. Independence and freedom must be the major preoccupation of this last quarter of the twentieth century: independence, so as to guarantee respect for the traditional civilizations of each people, making it possible for it to contribute within the limits of its means to universal civilization; freedom, so that the peoples of the world in mutual respect of their differences might decide, without any constraints, on the forms of association essential to the complementarity of both the material and human resources of the planet, the noble objective being to ensure to each the full enjoyment of the goods produced by the universal toil of all men.
98.	This yearning for independence and freedom is one of the first expressions of human rights, a right of which all peoples are quite appropriately jealous. Thus the ancient traditions of independence and freedom of the peoples of Asia Minor, Including Iraq, have been the admiration of all men, throughout all ideologies and all centuries. Mr. Kittani belongs to those traditions, and his election to preside over the work of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly augurs well. That is why I am pleased to congratulate him, and I am sure that under his presidency our work will be conducted in justice, the guarantee of independence and freedom.
99.	I should also like to thank his predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, and to congratulate him on the masterly way in which he conducted the work of the previous, session.
100.	I should like also to take this opportunity to thank, on behalf of the Government of Tbgo, the Secretary-General of the Organization for the tireless efforts that he has constantly been making in the service of peace and concord throughout the world.
101.	Finally, to guarantee the independence and freedom so dear to us, the United Nations family can grow in strength only by expanding. That is why we hall the admission of Vanuatu as.the one hundred fifty-fifth Member of the United Nations and, on behalf of the Government of Togo, address our hearty congratulations to the leaders of that country and wish them complete success in their task of building their country.
102.	We also congratulate Belize on its admission as the one hundred fifty-sixth Member of the Organization.
103.	This year again, in spite of the hopes born of political changes in a large number of countries by the expression of the will of the peoples concerned, the Independence and freedom of peoples are once again sorely tested. Certain countries, because they are endowed by nature and history with more or less abundant resources, take upon themselves the right to dictate their economic conditions to the whole of mankind and thereby bring
about an Imbalance among nations which is prejudicial to the harmony and stability of the rest of the world. Accordingly, the political and economic independence of certain young States is seriously imperiled as a result of the unilateral decisions taken by certain other States.
1Q4. At its present session the General Assembly must, if the United Nations wishes genuinely to achieve the noble objectives that it has set for itself, deal seriously with those grave infringements on the independence and freedom of peoples and citizens. At the very hour when our work is in progress such violations of independence and freedom are still common currency, whether in respect of international economic relations or the policy of relations among States.
105- In terms of international economic relations, the situation has never been more serious. From year to year the poorest countries continue to become even poorer, and their external debt has attained unbearable proportions, given their low level of development. Indeed, the newly independent countries, in trying to raise the level of living of their peoples, set up schools and educate their citizens, develop public health and provide the communication infrastructures which are essential for every human community of our time, can rely only on their own natural resources. Any assistance from the international community, in one form or another, is in the last analysis always seen in terms of loans against the resources of the country concerned. Those resources are generally made up of raw materials the prices of which vary depending on the whims of the developed countries. Since the oil crisis of 1973, the prices for those raw materials have been constantly falling, while at the same time the prices for manufactured goods purchased from the rich countries have been rising constantly.
106.	The height of irony is that the interest rates on loans granted by industrialized countries for the development projects of developing countries are shamelessly approaching usurious rates. These combined factors the fall in the prices of raw materials, the swift rise in the prices of imported products from developed countries and the exorbitant increases in interest rates by industrialized countries are upsetting the balance of the countries of the third world, sabotaging their stability and, in the last analysis, making peace precarious. As a result, the inequality in international economic relations, established and maintained essentially by the rich countries, is imperiling the already fragile independence of underdeveloped countries and whittling away their freedom of action. Thus, the independence acquired at the cost of great sacrifices is the object of the covetousness of the great Powers.
107.	Freedom, cherished in the rich countries, is denied by those same countries to the poorest on this planet. While the rich countries are establishing within themselves all the conditions for stability and peace in the shadow of which they continue their peaceful development, they provoke because of their rivalries, conflicts in the third world in order to nip in 'lie bud the development efforts of the young nations and to continue to keep them in a state of dependence. Numerous actions of interference and destabilization make it possible for them to get rid of their weapons arsenals, which, if not disposed of, would in the long run become dangerous to themselves.
108.	By supporting apartheid in a covert way, In spite of verbal condemnations, certain great Powers ore helping to deprive the peoples of southern Africa of independence and freedom and are thus perpetuating their subjugation. By condoning through silence South Africa's repeated acts of aggression against Angola, certain great Powers are i giving proof of their intention to call into question the independence of the young States and thus to jeopardize their right to freedom.
109.	In the sphere of international political relations, independence and freedom enjoy no greater guarantees than they do in international economic relations. The international situation at present is less stable than ever, is strained in many parts of the world and is everywhere loaded with conflict. The super-Powers, by competing to divide the world into zones of influence, are like arsonists .who are the first to play the part of firemen as soon as they have finally succeeded in kindling the flames of war and conflict between States. Then they offer to the rest of the world interminable conferences on disarmament together with other idle chatter, while the whole world knows that all that the underdeveloped countries can disT arm themselves of is their poverty.
110.	From whatever angle one approaches international problems, one always and invariably is led, to the same observation: the military arsenal of the rich countries is too important for them not to want to use it to disturb the peace in the world and thereby guarantee the satisfaction of their selfish interests.
111.	Look at what is happening in the Middle East. The Government of Togo has always upheld Israel's right to a homeland. But the Government of my country upholds this same right for others in other words, for the Palestinians, under the leadership of their sole legitimate representative, the PLO. However, for more than 30 years the fires of the Middle East have remained lit. The quantity of . arms stockpiled in the region does not augur well for anything. Most countries of the region, if not all of them, have no arms factories. Their arms always come from the same sources. The most sophisticated weapons go to the first bidder. In the meantime, the rich countries grow richer while the underdeveloped countries each day grow more dependent on the rich, as they are obliged to order new weapons. And at the same time the afflicted Palestinian people remain it) a state of the most cruel displacement
112.	Look at what is happening in southern Africa. The most elementary rights of a whole people are being trampled underfoot, but the most extensive campaigns for human rights led by the majority of the rich countries are not being directed against apartheid. On the contrary, more than extenuating circumstances are found in the case of Pretoria, as a policy of so-called persuasion is advocated to bring about domestic change. If only one millionth of what is taking place in South Africa took place in an underdeveloped country, it would already be the object of a plan carefully orchestrated and implemented to upset the regime in place.
113.	Pretoria attacks Angola, destroys its economy, kills its innocent citizens by the hundreds, and what do you think happened? In a discordant chorus some crocodile tears were shed, but there was also a veto which prevented the proclaiming to the world of the unanimous condemnation of this flagrant violation of the right of the Angolan people to independence, freedom and sovereignty. - All the organizations which normally shout about human rights and amnesty keep' ^ complacent silence.
114.	This is the place to recall that the American people and the African peoples are bound by ties which , have their roots in a centuries-old history. But there arc situations which Africa as a whole does not understand. We dare hope that the present Administration and the great American people will join forces and associate themselves with the inevitable process of the independence of Namibia, as advocated in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). In so doing, the great America of President Reagan would strengthen the friendship between the United States and the whole of Africa, as the United Kingdom succeeded in doing under Margaret Thatcher's party at the time of Zimbabwe's accession to independence.
115.	The underdeveloped countries, which are today euphemistically called the "least-developed countries", are precisely the poorest on earth, the countries whose peace and stability are increasingly threatened. Their independence itself is being put to a severe test. Confronted, by serious attempts at destabilization, they are frequently the object of genuine external acts of aggression designed to accentuate the gravity of the difficulties which they have to face. At the same time, in the rich countries are to be found recruiters of mercenaries who go out and gather hordes of armed, paid killers, sow desolation and deprive the citizens of the fruits of independence and freedom which have been so dearly acquired.
116.	Are we to believe that the good souls who shed tears over human rights are going to condemn the recruitment of mercenaries and then profit by the criminal behavior of these mercenaries by casting anathema on these killers who come from the same society as they themselves come from? Not at all. Arrest mercenaries and their licensed recruiters and try them with all possible guarantees for their defense: you will be submerged with letters, declarations, articles in newspapers and other mendacious propaganda publications of associations for the rights of I don't know what people.
117.	Through violence and crime, certain desperadoes have sought to jeopardize Egypt's independence by the cowardly assassination of Resident Anwar El Sadat, a great African leader of world stature whose constant, struggle .for peace justly earned him the Nobel Peace Prize a year ago, The whole world will remember the exceptional qualities of this great statesman, whose memory we hail and whose brutal death we greatly regret,. ,
118.	The violence institutionalized in a political system and used by some to govern the relations between States represents a great danger for peace. The occupation of Afghanistan and Kampuchea are part of this danger.
119.	In this connection, we wish to recall Togo's constant position. We believe that peoples must have the freedom to express their political choice without any foreign Interference. The occupation of a country by force goes against the Charter of the United Nations. We appeal to all the States seemed to apply without delay the resolutions of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and of the recent International Conference on Kampuchea.
120.	In South Korea the persistence of a situation the precarious nature :of which escapes no one is preventing She independent and peaceful reunification of Korea. And yet all the great nations of the modem world know what the fruits of national unity are, because throughout their history they themselves have had to fight to achieve their own unity.
121.	For Togo, the fait accompli has never created any rights. Interference in the internal affairs of States and the
' military occupation of countries by other countries disturb the peace and endanger the independence and freedom of the countries concerned.
122.	With regard to the majority of the great problems of today, Togo shares the concern of other nations. The independence and freedom which we have wrested at the price of great sacrifices must be given to other peoples which continue to suffer.
123.	As regards South Africa, as was recently stated by the President of the Togolese Republic, General of the Army Gnassingbe Eyadema. Togo cannot accommodate itself to the situation of injustice and oppression which prevails at present in this region, where a regime unworthy of man and of cur time and contrary to all mortality is maintaining itself at a cost of unheard-of violence against people whose only wrong is the color of their skin."
124.	As far as Namibia is concerned, the Founding President of the Rassemblement du peuplc togolaise and Resident of the Togolese Republic expressed Togo's position;  "In the case of Namibia, whose achievement of independence Is inevitable, Ibgo, like the rest of the African countries, wishes this accession to independence to take place in peace, so necessary for all peoples, and with respect for the integrity of its territory."
Aggressive acts will not prevent Namibia's, accession to independence under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole authentic representative.
125.	The eyes of the whole world have turned with hope towards Western Sahara, where the Moroccan authorities have finally aligned themselves with the sacred principle of the self-determination of peoples, without which independence and freedom have no meaning. However, all the parties concerned, including the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, must be associated in all phases of this peace process, so as to guarantee the free expression of the principle of self-determination.
126.	Concerning the problem of Chad, my country's position and the initiatives which it has taken arc well known. Togo has spared no efforts within the QAU and in connection with many missions of conciliation to bring the contending parties to the negotiating table in order to find lasting solutions to the internal conflict imposed on the fraternal people of Chad, which has suffered far too much from a fratricidal war. That war has ruined the economy of the country and, in the last analysis, has profited only imperialism and its weapons dealers.
127.	Regarding Mayotte, Togo once again appeals to the French and Comorian authorities to engage in dialog so that a definitive solution might be found for the reinstatement of the Comorian island of Mayotte as part of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros.
128.	In safeguard independence and freedom, the nations must work together for peace. As- President Eyaddma has quite, appropriately stated:
"The people of Togo ardently wishes peace and progress for itself and for all the nations. That peace must be real and must contribute to the effective emancipation of our different nations. That is why, faced with the disarray in our world which threatens the international equilibrium, Togo has always advocated recourse to fraternal dialog and permanent consultation in "seeking in peace just solutions for the tragic conflicts . shaking our world, which every day result in the loss of human life."
It is in order to avoid such pointless loss of life and to consolidate the independence and freedom of States that nations large and small must join their efforts so that they may complement each other.
129.	In western Africa such efforts have today made it possible to lay the foundation for the Economic Community of Western African States [ECOWAS], That organization is comprised of 16 States that have decided to regroup in order to create a market of nearly 160 million consumers, thereby offering the greatest possible chances of guaranteeing the political- independence and freedom they have attained since the 1960s. As was staled recently by President Eyaddma:
"Thus for the past 15 years the people of Togo, reconciled with itself, has been devoting its energies and - its creativity to its development. It is that regained serenity that today makes it possible for our country to participate actively with 15 other States in the restructuring and definition of the goals of our common enterprise aimed at economic integration, ECOWAS. That Community is progressively developing its action in the interest of its populations, which are thus mobilized around consistent goals and invites to embark unreservedly upon a new life in a spirit of solidarity and progress."
130.	In a world in which selfishness reigns, the independence and freedom of nations cannot be guaranteed unless they understand the urgent need for complementarity and join together to put an end to injustice and to provide the .conditions necessary for peace throughout the world.
131.	Without peace and stability the independence of States is but a vague expression. Without economic independence freedom is an illusion, for, as President Eyaddma has said, "In a world in disarray that is profoundly gripped by doubt, our action must be directed towards settling the essential problems confronting our various societies: famine, disease and ignorance".
132.	That is the mission which the President of the Togolese Republic deeply believes should be undertaken by men of good will if they really wish to defend the independence of nations and to safeguard the freedom of peoples.
133.	It is the sacred mission of the Organization to put into operation every tiling that can peacefully guarantee the independence and freedom of nations. May the General Assembly at its thirty-sixth session establish the.necessary landmarks for this historic struggle.


I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly.This session takes place at an important moment in international affairs. I believe you will ensure that it achieves significant and lasting results. I also join in the tributes to the contribution of the outgoing President, Mr. von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, to the work of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
216.	I should also like to join other speakers in welcoming Vanuatu, a Pacific partner and fellow Commonwealth member, as a Member of this Organization. I had the good fortune to pay a visit to Vila in August, when Vanuatu hosted the South Pacific Forum.
217.	Australia's relationships with its Pacific neighbors continue to expand. So too do our relationships with other neighboring countries in South and South-East Asia. Indeed, Australia is perhaps unique among the developed countries, being in a region otherwise populated by countries in and of the third world which brings me to the main theme of this statement, the NorthSouth dialog.
218.	I am aware, of course, of the vast range of issues before this Assembly, many of which demand our immediate and earnest consideration. In the coming weeks our delegation will be making Australia's attitude on these issues known. However, today I will concentrate on the NorthSouth dialog. We have reached an. important stage in relations between developed and developing countries and we must be prepared to make genuine progress.
219.	Australia would welcome progress. We do not seek change simply for its own sake. Our belief in the need for change stems from our conviction that new attitudes and new arrangements and, above all, a new commitment are needed to tackle the most fundamental problems of the present international economic system. We believe that merely preserving the status quo is not enough and that all nations will gain from a growing and more integrated world economy.
220.	Over the last seven years a number of significant declarations have been made under the auspices of the United Nations. Many of these resolutions are landmarks in the search for a new basis for international cooperation. Unfortunately, we have so far found it very difficult to put the spirit of them into practice. Rhetoric, conflict and division have characterized debate over NorthSouth issues. Nevertheless, there have been some encouraging developments notably the agreement to set up the Common Fund for Commodities and the creation of the International Fund for Agricultural Development. The need to manage the growing interdependence of States demands that we do much more.
221.	If the NorthSouth dialog is managed effectively and in a spirit of cooperation and compromise the international economic system will be able to make necessary and equitable adjustments. We can avoid serious disruptions, which would be damaging for developed and developing countries alike.
222.	To do that we need to understand the consequences of greater interdependence. Recognition of interdependence is essential, not only for prosperity, but also for longterm peace and security. Nations cannot put up the shutters and attempt to live in self-imposed isolation. We must respond not only to the demands of our own national communities but to those of the world as a whole.
223.	In approaching the NorthSouth dialog, we must concentrate on its essential elements. Over time, procedures and agreements will have to be devised which generate benefits for us all, not in equal measure perhaps, and certainly more for the most disadvantaged, but nevertheless benefits for us all.
224.	In Australia's view, genuine progress in North South questions will only be achieved if we acknowledge fully some of the realities of the international economy. We should recognize that the major industrialized countries of the North will be asked to carry the biggest share of the burden. Those economies generate the vast majority of the world's wealth and clearly, any setbacks they suffer will be felt far beyond their own borders. The fact is that the prospects for the peoples of the world's less developed nations hinge largely on the economic fortunes of those motor economies. In looking at how progress can be made in the NorthSouth dialog, we must not lose sight of the stake all nations have in a strong and dynamic international economic system.
225.	Australia's recent economic performance is in contrast to that of most of the other industrialized nations. We have made real progress in fighting some of the most intractable economic problems. I suggest it is worthwhile to examine how we have done it. In mentioning Australia's distinctive economic performance, I am aware that within the market economies different economic strategies will have to be used, as appropriate, to produce the results both North and South are looking for. Over the last decade Australia has used two strategies, with very different results.
226.	We initially looked to government to provide the solution to our economic problems, in the expectation that government could provide a comprehensive shelter from the harsh economic realities of the times. Rapid growth of government spending and relaxation of restraints on the money supply were translated directly into unacceptably high levels of inflation. The damage to employment and investment was immediate and severs.
227.	We subsequently chose the alternative of fighting inflation as a first priority, restricting government spending, cutting back government deficits and making careful use of monetary policy. That strategy has resulted in a significant reduction in inflation and unemployment, higher rates of growth and a greater inflow of the overseas capital so vital to the development of our national resources.
228.	But Australia recognizes that for progress to be made in the NorthSouth dialog industrialized nations must do more than simply use whatever strategies they see fit to put their own houses in order. Those nations, whose participation will be vital to the success of any global round of negotiations, must be persuaded that on balance their domestic and external interests can be pie served and indeed furthered. If we cannot do that we shall find, even though the negotiations may begin, that the process will constantly be placed in jeopardy because the expectations exceed the results that are politically possible or economically feasible. If the process of global negotiations is to be resumed in the most promising context we should all carefully review our demands and expectations, in terms not only of what can be achieved but also of the timescale which might be necessary. We must devise proposals and procedures which will enable all nations and groups to make the maximum contributions within the realistic limits of their politics and capabilities.
229.	In event, Governments alone cannot create the climate of international prosperity which will be necessary if we are to achieve the goals of the NorthSouth dialog. The potential contribution of the private sector must be recognized and it must be given the opportunity to participate. We are sure that the global negotiations process, conducted in a multilateral framework, will be able to provide a role for the private sector. Our approach to global negotiations must embrace all aspects of economic endeavor.
230.	The problems of a difficult world economic situation have not prevented the efforts of member countries to get NorthSouth cooperation moving again. Recent meetings in Caracas, Ottawa, Nairobi, Cancun and Paris have held out some prospect of progress.
231.	In a few days time there will be an opportunity to review the state of NorthSouth relations when the biennial meeting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government takes place in Australia. I am aware that nonCommonwealth Members of the General Assembly may not be fully aware of the role and function of the Commonwealth.
232.	The notion of the Commonwealth as a colonial relic has now been well and truly dispelled. The modem Commonwealth has been responsive to the needs and aspirations of its members. Moreover, it has made several important contributions to the international community, including arrangements for majority rule in Zimbabwe and support for establishment of the Common Bind.
233.	The Commonwealth has some distinct advantages as a forum for the consideration of NorthSouth issues. Over a quarter of the States represented here today are members of the Commonwealth. It includes major industrialized States, newly industrializing States, least developed countries, island developing States and oil-exporting developing States. Its frank and informal way of working has helped build consensus among its members,
234.	The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting will be considering many of the subjects before this Assembly. It will take up the questions of decolonization and racism in Africa, particularly as they relate to Namibia and South Africa; the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea; arms control and disarmament; the Indian Ocean; human rights; and the law of the sea. Nevertheless, a principal focus of the meeting will be the present state of NorthSouth relations. Discussions with participating Heads of Government have indicated that special attention will be given to food and food security, trade and industrialization, international Financial questions and energy.
235.	Commonwealth leaders will have the opportunity to examine those matters at that meeting, which comes shortly before the NorthSouth summit meeting to be held in Mexico in October. They have indicated that they wish to do so, and I am confident that the results of that review will make a positive contribution to the work of nations attending the meeting in Cancun and to the work of this Assembly.

236.	Seven Heads of Government who will be in Melbourne will go to Cancun. My Government hopes they will be able to carry a clear and unequivocal message from the whole membership of the Commonwealth that there should be new progress in NorthSouth relations and that at this session the General Assembly should resume efforts to achieve an effective framework for the global negotiations.
237.	I should now like to make some specific comments on the principal issues on the NorthSouth agenda.
238.	One of the most pressing problems facing the developing countries is food production and food security. Clearly, the only longterm solution lies in the developing countries increasing their own production, through increased investment in agriculture and the adoption of appropriate national food strategies.
239.	There is also a need for international measures which will assist world food security in both the short and long terms. Australia has consistently supported such measures. They include increased food grain aid commitments to meet the World Food Conference target of 10 million tonnes per year and a concerted effort to reach agreement on the replenishment of the International Fund for Agricultural Development. I also believe that a significant contribution could be made to world food security by the negotiation of an international grain agreement, with economic provisions which would safeguard the common interests of both exporting and importing countries while recognizing the special needs of developing countries.
240.	In recognition of the continuing need of developing countries, Australia recently announced a number of initiatives relating to food security. Those include an increase in food aid to over $US 120 million this financial year and the establishment of an Australian center for International Agricultural Research. The principal aim of the center will be to contribute to the solution of agricultural problems in developing countries. A trust fund will be established for the center with an initial commitment of $US 28 million over four years.
241.	The general situation in world trade is particularly difficult. Economic difficulties in the major world economies have gone hand in hand with mounting protectionist pressures. Some form of protection is now applied to almost 30 per cent of world trade.
242.	The developing countries are having an increasing impact on world trade. Their exports continue to increase more rapidly than the world average and they are the fastest growing importers of the products of the major industrialized countries.
243.	Increased opportunities for trade offer the most effective means to bring greater prosperity to the developing countries. However, the prospect of increased protectionism, when coupled with the significant deterioration in the terms of trade of non-oil developing countries as a group, means that the outlook of those countries is increasingly uncertain.
244.	Despite the achievements of the last global round, the multilateral trade negotiations still left the developing countries facing higher levels of protection than the industrialized countries. The position has continued to deteriorate, with the major industrialized countries introducing further protectionist measures. Moreover, the fact that many of these measures are not introduced through the conventional institutional framework means that the developing countries are unable to challenge their introduction or to seek redress where they are treated inequitably.
245.	There is another angle to all this. To the extent that both the North and the South stand to benefit from improved world economic conditions and higher levels of NorthSouth trade, it can be shown that the participants in NorthSouth dialog are not necessarily participants in a "zero-sum game". There does not have to be a winner and a loser. The gains from higher levels of trade are shared by both importer and exporter, by both North and South. That is an aspect which could be given more attention than it has in the past.
246.	There is an urgent need for international bodies to consider ways and means of better accommodating developing countries within the international trading system. Both the global negotiations, when they take place, and the forthcoming GATT meeting of trade ministers should address that issue.
247.	Important contributions can also be made in the field of commodities. Commodity trade is fundamental to the wellbeing of the developing countries and price stabilization alone will not provide the means to greater prosperity. There is only limited scope for the introduction of buffer stock finance schemes and these are not appropriate for all commodities. Other aspects of the UNCTAD Integrated Program for Commodities must be seriously, explored. In that context special attention should be given to the scope for increasing commodity processing within commodity-exporting countries.
248.	We are all aware of the severe problems of higher energy prices for non-oil producing developing countries. Although national Governments themselves must introduce energy policies aimed at encouraging conservation, conversion and development of new resources, the international community again can play an important part.
249.	The United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held in Nairobi, was able to demonstrate that the United Nations could make a positive contribution to the discussion of energy matters. It also highlighted some of the special problems of developing countries, including the supply of the most ancient of energy sources fuel wood. The international community must address these critical problems, while not neglecting the needs of all countries for conventional fuels. Measures to implement the Program of Action adopted by the Conference must now be taken. For its part, Australia has agreed to support financial proposals from that Program.
250.	Australia supports the establishment of the proposed World Bank energy affiliate to develop new sources of oil supply and to promote the use of alternative energy sources. However, greater lending for those purposes should not be delayed until some new body is established. We therefore welcome the recent increase in energy lending by the World Bank.

251.	The debt situation for many countries now imposes a severe burden. High energy costs, inflation, steep in
creases in interest rates and changing exchange rates have all had their impact. Debt management problems appear to be particularly harsh for those developing countries which are at the two extremes: those which are going through a process of dynamic growth face difficulties in financing that growth, while the low-income countries are having difficulty in paying for imports, particularly energy.
252.	Australia welcomes the response so far by IMF to these difficult problems which confront the developing countries. The IMF has shown flexibility in its approach and has made an important contribution to the recycling process. Australia supports soundly based improvements in the Fund which will benefit developing countries. The new enlarged access to the Fund's resources, the establishment of a food facility and an interest subsidy account are innovative and important developments.
253.	There remains a need for the Fund to continue to adapt its activities to changing circumstances. Australia would support increased IMF capacity to assist the financing and adjustment of large financial deficits and in that context welcomes the recently concluded borrowing agreements to assist in ensuring that adequate resources are made available to countries in balance of payments difficulties.
254.	Australia recognizes the importance of industrialization for the developing countries. Industrialization provides the main avenue for achieving rapid economic growth, improved employment opportunities and higher standards of living. Sound, practical economic measures, tailored to the resource endowments and capabilities of each country, are necessary. Recent years have seen progress in those areas, with contributions from UNIDO and the regional commissions and the development banks.
255.	Australia is also concerned with the related problems of protection and structural adjustment. These raise complex issues for all countries and Australia is no exception though on a per capita basis we are already a major importer of manufactured goods from developing countries. The Australian Government has recently commissioned an independent inquiry into our domestic tariff arrangements. The objective of that inquiry, which is to be completed within six months, is to identify possible measures for further general reductions in longterm protection levels.
256.	Official development assistance remains an important instrument for growth. It is particularly effective when provided in support of domestic efforts and policies designed to promote self-reliant development.
257.	Australia has recently increased its aid program substantially to just under three quarters of a billion United States dollars in the current Australian financial year. The increase planned for the present financial year of more than $US 110 million is evidence of our acceptance of official development assistance as a key element in the NorthSouth dialog. It will allow us to undertake various important new practical initiatives in the main areas of NorthSouth discussion, such as food, energy and international finance.
258.	The outcome of the recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries recently held in
Paris is a significant and positive step in relations between developed and developing nations. The action it has proposed will help to ease the problems of the poorer countries. Australia is one of the few donors actually located among developing nations and its aid priorities reflect its regional links and associations in the South Pacific and in north and south Asia. Australia has, however, more than doubled its assistance to the least developed countries over the period 1978 to 1981.
259.	In the coming year we shall be increasing our contributions to UNDP, UNFPA and UNICEF. Similar substantial increases are programmed in our contributions to UNHCR and UNRWA. Australia ranked ninth among the countries to announce contributions at the International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa held earlier this year. Our food aid allocations are increasingly being directed to the famine and emergency situations which have arisen in Africa.
260.	Australia, with other developed countries, supported the principle of economic cooperation among developing countries at the fifth session of UNCTAD in 1979. We welcome the potential identified by the Caracas SouthSouth meeting last May for practical cooperation among developing countries in a wide range of economic areas. We are hopeful that SouthSouth cooperation will develop in a way which is complementary to the achievement of improved relations between North and South.
261.	I wish to refer also to the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which is drafting a legal regime to cover the resources of the oceans. The international community has worked in close cooperation for almost a decade to finalize that new legal regime, which places great emphasis on equity and international resource sharing. It is my Government's sincere hope that next year a convention on the law of the sea, enjoying widespread support, may be opened for signature. I believe that would be a major demonstration of what may be achieved by cooperation between developed and developing countries.
262.	I have today focused attention on Australia's interests in the achievement of progress in the NorthSouth dialog. We must not lose the opportunity we have this year to make a historic contribution to progress in North South questions. Let us hope that the summit meeting of Heads of Government in Cancun and the Commonwealth meeting will be able to provide a new momentum and a new commitment to the progress towards an effective global dialog. Let us also recognize that a global round, to be effective, must allow for the participation of all interested countries. All Member States must be persuaded that their interests will be protected and that they will have the opportunity to contribute in a real way to the process of negotiation. The United Nations must have a major role in the process.
263.	The world community has only one universal body, the United Nations. The Organization has its limitations. It has its shortcomings. But we will have to work within its framework and capitalize on its possibilities if we are to achieve a fundamental and long-lasting reconciliation of the interests of developed and developing countries.


234. Sir, I extend to you my delegation's warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that with your enormous experience and your well-known diplomatic skills, the Assembly will be able to discharge its responsibilities with wisdom and efficiency.
235.	May I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, of the Federal Republic of Germany, for the outstanding leadership he gave the Assembly during both the thirty-fifth session and the eighth emergency special session. We wish him all success and happiness in future endeavors.
236.	I also wish to take this Opportunity to pay tribute to our SecretaryGeneral for his dedication to the service of the United Nations.
237.	It is with much pleasure that my delegation welcomes into our midst Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu as new Members of the United Nations.
238.	Uganda reaffirms its unequivocal commitment to the realization of self-determination and independence for all peoples who are still under colonial domination. In this regard, we welcome the recent step taken by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity towards constructing a framework for a just and peaceful solution to the question of Western Sahara [see AI36I534, annex II, AHG/Res.103 (XVIII)]. We appeal to the parties to the conflict to give full cooperation to the oAU Implementation Committee in order to ensure that the efforts of Africa are rewarded with a genuine and speedy exercise of self-determination by the people of Western Sahara.
239.	One of the most important items on the agenda of the thirty-fifth session was that on the launching of global negotiations on international economic cooperation for development [item 123], an endeavor aimed at correcting the present structural imbalances in the world economy. The international community has placed its hopes in the General Assembly for a positive move towards this objective. It is thus with a sense of frustration and disappointment that we observed the Assembly's failure to launch the global round.
240.	Our frustration is all the more profound because this issue has been under discussion for a very long time. Indeed, the eleventh special session was devoted exclusively to it. Yet to this day no agreement has been reached on the framework and procedures for negotiations.
241.	It is the view of my delegation that discussions on such substantial issues as the reform of the international monetary and financial institutions, transfer of resources, raw materials, commodities and energy are long overdue. We appeal to the Western countries which are still holding out to rethink their positions and join the consensus. It is our strong hope that the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development to be held at Cancun will serve to open new avenues of understanding that will lead
rapidly to the commencement of global negotiations.
242.	Contrary to the impression that is sometimes given, the new international economic order is not simply about some massive transfer of resources from North to South without any benefits accruing to the industrialized countries. Clearly, the countries of the North and the countries of the South have many common interests in the long run, much more perhaps than some countries are now willing to acknowledge. This sense of global interdependence and mutual benefits was well expressed by the Brandt Commission in its report:
"... all nations will benefit from a strengthened global economy, reduced inflation and an improved climate for growth and investment. All nations will benefit from better management of the world's finite resources (and from stabilization of the world's population). All nations industrialized and developing . . . have a clear interest in greater security, and in improved political capability and leadership to manage global problems."10
Thus the restructuring of the world economy serves the longterm interests of both the industrialized and developing nations.
243.	Uganda commends the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris, for recognizing the special mature of problems faced by this group of countries and for unanimously adopting the Substantial New Program of Action.6 It is our hope that there will be a speedy and successful implementation of this Program and that it will not suffer the same fate as the Immediate Program of Action which preceded it.
244.	With regard to official development aid, we appeal to those countries which have not yet attained the target of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to endeavor to do so. We commend those countries that have fulfilled their commitment in this respect.
245.	International measures for assistance are meant to be supportive of, and cannot be substitutes for, efforts by the developing countries themselves. The primary impulse for development, as all our countries recognize, must come from ourselves. In this regard, we can maximize our development through economic cooperation among developing countries. Uganda and its neighbors, for their part, have taken the initiative in strengthening regional cooperation in the area of eastern Africa in all spheres.
246.	The sharp rise in the cost of energy in recent years has underlined the urgent need to expand and diversify our present energy supply and move from the present international economy, which is heavily dependent on hydrocarbons, to one increasingly based on new and renewable sources of energy.

247.	While we welcomed the compromise reached in the Nairobi Program of Action,' we were disappointed at the lack of agreement on specific financial targets and mechanisms for mobilization of funds for the development of now and renewable sources of energy. We hope this Program will receive the necessary international support for mobilization of finance and the transfer of technology to developing countries.
248.	The Government of Uganda attaches great importance to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. We have viewed with great concern the decision taken in March this year by the United States to review the entire draft convention, the text of which is the outcome of 10 years of arduous negotiations and compromises. The present text is by no means satisfactory to my delegation, but we accept it as a reasonable compromise in the circumstances. In this connection, my delegation welcomes the recent decision of the Conference to transform the informal negotiating text into a draft convention. A speedy and successful conclusion of the Conference on the Law of the Sea would be a worthy credit to the efforts of the United Nations and a contribution to bridging the gap between North and South.
249.	Another issue which has widened the gap between North and South is the question of the flow and dissemination of information. Uganda welcomes the International Program for the Development of Communication approved by UNESCO at Belgrade in 1980." For us in the third world, the quest for a new international information order forms an integral part of the overall framework of the new international economic order. The political, economic, social and cultural development of our communities is inevitably hampered by our lack of participation in the field of information dissemination. The near monopoly of mass-media communication sustained by the industrialized countries perpetuates such imbalance in the flow of information as to deny us the opportunity for adequate self-exposition, both internally and internationally.
250.	Our desire to restructure this imbalance should in no way be misconstrued as an attempt to undermine the principle of freedom of the press. On the contrary, our action is prompted by a concern to universalize that freedom.
251.	The year 1981 has witnessed a general deterioration in the international political situation. Events in most regions of the world, particularly in the existing areas of conflict, have dimmed our hopes for greater peace and security. We have this year experienced increased human affliction caused by senseless acts of aggression and continued warfare. We have also experienced heightened tension caused by a deplorable return to the vicious arms race between West and East.
252.	In our own region, Africa, 1981 has turned out to be not only a year of broken promises, but also one of great frustration. We have seen a more emboldened and belligerent South Africa consolidate its oppression in Namibia and in South Africa itself while committing massive aggression against the front-line States.
253.	Last year and at the beginning of this year, we had all hoped that 1981 would be the year for Namibian independence. Instead of progress towards independence, we have experienced a record of setbacks and a painful period of benign neglect. In January, we witnessed the collapse of the pre-implementation meeting held at Geneva. That meeting was supposed to be the last step before the full implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the United Nations plan for Namibia which the Council endorsed by that resolution. But South Africa, with characteristic bad faith, deliberately wrecked the talks.
254.	Consequent upon that failure, a global consensus emerged in favor of the Security Council's applying enforcement measures against South Africa under Chapter VIJ of the Charter in order to compel the racist regime to comply with the United Nations plan. However, this global consensus suffered a rebuff last April when the three Western permanent members of the Security Council vetoed the proposed measures.
255.	Since last January, the Western contact group has been urging us to be patient and to await the results of their various consultations. We were even made to believe that they would have some concrete proposals by the time of the emergency special session. But to this day nothing substantial has emerged.
256.	Instead of movement towards the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), there has been an inordinate preoccupation with strengthening, that resolution and protecting minority rights. My delegation is disturbed that these peripheral concerns should postpone the attainment of freedom for the overwhelming majority of Namibians, who continue to suffer untold indignities under the most vicious machinery of colonial occupation.
257.	There have been some unfortunate attempts to cast the problem of Namibia in the mold of EastWest rivalry and global strategic considerations. We wish to emphasize that the problem of Namibia remains fundamentally a colonial issue. To present the issue otherwise is to justify the illegal colonial occupation and the continued atrocities being committed against the people of Namibia.
258.	We must state clearly here that the five Western States bear collective responsibility for the continued suffering of the people of Namibia. They have a moral and political obligation to compel South Africa to comply with the United Nations plan for Namibia without further delay. In this connection, it must be emphasized that resolution 435 (1978), which is a compromise document produced by the five Western States and accepted by the parties to the conflict, is the only basis for a peaceful settlement in Namibia.
259.	There is an urgent need for immediate action to bring about an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia. The consequences of any further delay are too grave to contemplate. South Africa is already taking full advantage of the increased EastWest tension, as well as the equivocation of the five Western States.
260.	The machinery of oppression in Namibia has become more vicious. The Territory of Namibia is being used as a springboard to launch unceasing acts of aggression against neighboring African States. Only a few weeks ago, the People's Republic of Angola suffered a massive invasion by South Africa. That invasion continues today, with the racist troops occupying a portion of the southern part of Angola. The scale and nature of this latest invasion have marked a new and more ominous stage in the conflict in southern Africa.
261.	It is clear that a major objective of the Pretoria regime is to create a Lebanon situation in southern Africa. In this sinister scheme, South Africa would play the role of Israel; the puppet renegade Jonas Savimbi would play the role of Major Saad Haddad; and the southern part of Angola would become the new south Lebanon. This scheme would provide a free hunting ground for 'the South Africans, a buffer zone from which they could permanently undermine the political and economic stability of Angola. It would also provide a corridor through which the racist forces could attempt to destroy SWAPO militants and Namibian refugees in general.
262.	Will the international community stand idly by while South Africa is creating a Lebanon situation in southern Africa?
263.	Within South Africa itself, the abominable system of apartheid is strengthening its machinery of oppression. The policy of bantustanization is being pursued with increasing ruthlessness. The forcible deportation of blacks from the urban centers to barren and over populated reserves is being carried out with cynical resolve. Several freedom fighters have recently been sentenced to death for acts of resistance against apartheid, and many more are in gaol and detention camps. Clearly, the persecutor is now so terrified of his victim that he wants to silence him for ever.
264.	But this escalation of the machinery of oppression has not silenced the voices of resistance. On the contrary, it has strengthened the resolve of the oppressed. The recent attacks on selected institutional symbols of apartheid are sufficient testimony to the determination of people of South Africa to continue the struggle by all necessary means.
265.	In the landscape of southern Africa, there is no fence on which to sit, and there is no middle ground.for equivocation. The choice in southern Africa is between the forces of oppression and racism and the forces of freedom and dignity. To speak of neutrality is to add a voice in support of the system of apartheid. We commend the front-line States which, against formidable odds, have maintained a steadfast commitment to the cause of justice and freedom in southern Africa. I wish to reaffirm the total solidarity and unflinching support of the Government and people of Uganda for the liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia and for the front-line States.
266.	In considering the increase in world tension, we are struck by the unhappy developments in the Middle East. Just as ideological and military collaboration has strengthened South Africa's hand in Africa, so also has the same collaboration strengthened Israel in its sanguinary arrogance in the Middle East. This has enabled Israel to commit acts of unprovoked armed aggression against Arab countries.
267.	Last June, in an unprecedented incursion, the Israeli air force attacked and destroyed Iraq's nuclear research facility. In July, the Israeli air force carried out intensive bombardments of civilian targets in Beirut, causing massive destruction of lives and property. In all these incidents Israel invoked the doctrine of self-defense, in the absence of any prior provocations or attacks. Uganda strongly condemns these acts of aggression by Israel.
268.	Meanwhile, in the occupied areas of the West Bank, Israel has unleashed a policy of harassment and deportation of political leaders, detention and torture of detainees, indiscriminate destruction of homes, collective punishment and expropriation of Palestinian lands. Uganda has consistently maintained that a durable peace in the Middle East is possible only if certain principles basic to the solution of the problem are recognized.
269.	These principles are: the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people in its homeland without any external interference; the right of the Palestinians to national independence and sovereignty in a State of their own; the right of the displaced and dispossessed Palestinians to return to their homes, coupled with a guarantee of prompt and adequate compensation for those who may choose not to return; the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories; and the restoration of the city of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty and the preservation of its historic and religious character. Since the Palestinian question is at the core of the Middle East problem, it is imperative that any initiative for a solution involve the full participation of the PLQ, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
270.	Whatever imperfections the system of detente contained, it was itself a landmark in the easing of world tension. It focused attention on areas of cooperation, the need to resolve conflicts through negotiations and the need for a reduction in armaments. Above all, it focused on the need to avoid a nuclear holocaust. Today, however, the world is experiencing a fateful relapse from detente into a race between East and West for armed supremacy. This has manifested itself in terms of increased military spending and the development of new weapons, on the one hand, and the replacement of negotiations between the superPowers by verbal rhetoric exchanged through the news media, on the other.
271.	The impact of this development has been an increase in world tension, with the superPowers vying for spheres of influence. This has led to what is now called "the global view of all conflicts". What is not realized by those who take this global view of all conflicts is the fact that the peoples of Africa, Latin America and Asia have their own interests which they seek to protect and consolidate. In this regard, Uganda has followed with concern the recent developments in Central America. In particular, we cannot remain indifferent to the suffering of the people of El Salvador. These people must be allowed freely to determine their own destiny within a democratic political framework.
272.	In a world threatened by the forces of domination and exploitation, those who seek freedom and dignity must stand firmly together. Today, more than ever before, it is imperative that the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America strengthen their solidarity. In that solidarity lies our hope for collective survival, and it is to the cause of that solidarity that the Government and people of Uganda wish to renew their commitment today.


First of all permit me to express to the President, on behalf of the Government of Cape. Verde, our heartfelt congratulations on his election to preside over the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It Is a pleasure for us to see the representative of a country with which Cape Verde has excellent relations of co-operation and friendship assuming "such an Important responsibility. The growing role his country has been playing in the world, as well as within its region, and within the non-aligned movement, confers special importance upon his presidency. His vast experience and recognized talents as a statesman and diplomat make him particularly qualified for the important mission with which he has been entrusted, and we are convinced that under his guidance this session of the General Assembly will accomplish useful work in the furtherance of peace, security and the development of nations.
204.	We wish to express to his predecessor, Mc Rudiger von Wechmar, our appreciation for the manner in which he carried out the difficult task of guiding the proceedings of the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly in the present international political and economic situation.
205.	We should like also to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General for his dedication in the service of the Organization.
206.	It is with great pleasure that we welcome the Republic of Vanuatu as a Member of the United Nations. Our sincere congratulations go also to Belize on the success of the struggle of its people for national independence and on its admission as a fully fledged Member of the Organization.
207.	In order to contribute in a positive way to our collective thinking on the world situation today, we should like once again to point out the importance of the message that so many countries attempted to bring to the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which concluded its work at Paris two weeks ago. Peace and development should be envisaged globally as complementing each other and as inseparable from the vast task that confronts the Organization: to develop friendly relations among nations on the basis of respect and co-operation. We believe that the time has come to face the fact that economic interests have throughout the years been the origin of wars and that what we today call progress and development have flourished on domination and oppression.
208.	The United Nations since its establishment has set forth principles which should serve to guarantee peace. However, these principles have proved ineffective in the face of a system of world relations in which peace rested on the subjection of the vast majority of peoples to a few powerful States. This peace, defined simply as the absence of war between major Powers did not guarantee the exercise of the right of all peoples to freedom, progress and development. This situation caused a proliferation of deadly, though localized, conflicts manifesting the determination of the peoples of what is called the third world to struggle against the established system, to resist exploitation and to determine their own economic, social and political history. In the past 30 years we have witnessed failure In regard to peace and development, while the peoples of the third world had, in order to win their right to development, to fight against a system based on values according to which the wealth of some constituted an obstacle to the solution of the problems of the majority.
209.	Today we see that the persistent efforts of the greater part of the international community have been beneficial, thus improving the credibility of the United Nations. As a result of the right of peoples to choose then-own destiny and the right of all nations to progress and development have become cornerstones of the new international law, in opposition to colonialism, expansionism, the right of the strong and vain efforts to stifle by force of arms or by economic or political pressures the legitimate aspirations of nations. Therefore, there has been a positive evolution whose elements must be preserved and developed.
210.	Universalization of and respect for the validity of these rights, their recognition and their application by all States regardless of their strength, their size or their wealth, will give credibility and political content to the principle of peaceful coexistence, the basis and profound hope of the United Nations, and will permit social progress and the establishment of better living conditions for all peoples.
211.	The Government of Cape Verde, in keeping with that development, has based its foreign policy on defence of the basic principles of non-alignment, in particular self-determination and independence, non-interference and the establishment of a new and more just and equitable International order. Support for national independence struggles, refusal to participate in military blocs and the establishment of relations of friendship and co-operation with States have been the essential pillars of our foreign policy.
212.	We consider that the strengthening of detente and of peaceful coexistence, combined with the global development effort, is a decisive factor for collective world security. We therefore associate ourselves with the struggle waged by the non-aligned countries in this connection, and we believe that the progressive transformation of the principles proclaimed by the United Nations into solidly established political realism should be the responsibility and duty of all States represented here."
213.	None the less we have witnessed with concern the revival of tensions, the renewal of the arms race, the resurgence of policies of confrontation, and the wide-ranging declared support for regimes considered by the international community to be criminal. In Africa this policy has profoundly violated the legitimate aspirations of our peoples, because it has led to overt support for the political positions of the apartheid regime.
214.	In Africa, the complete decolonization of' the continent still remains beyond reach because of the retrogressive forces working together to maintain the. status quo against the tide of history. None the less, here and there encouraging signs have emerged, and there remains a hope that lasting solutions to existing situations may be found. Such solutions must be sought by the international community steadfastly, and with renewed political will, putting an end to delaying tactics and the policy, of force, which are doomed to failure.
215.	The question of Namibia has over the years, but above all since the independence of Zimbabwe, become one of the most important questions at the African as well as the international level. In fact, because of the threats it poses to international peace and security, and because of the fact that in it converge the basic aspirations of peoples that cherish peace, dignity and freedom, the question of Namibia has today become one of the nerve centres of International relations. In this connection, it is regrettable to note that, despite declarations of good intent and the extensive efforts made by the international community to achieve the rapid independence of that "territory, there is still a dangerous marking of time even a regression while the untold suffering of the Namibian people, is senselessly prolonged.
216.	The plan approved by the United Nations is the framework for the historic role of the contact group, which should, particularly after the failure of the Geneva Conference caused by South Africa's intransigence and maneuvers, redouble Us efforts and use every means available to it to induce the racist regime to comply with the demands of the United Nations and, in particular, to enter immediately into serious negotiations with SWAPO. The contact group should take account, In its contacts with South Africa, of the firm position expressed by the African Stales during the Assembly of Heads of Sue and Government of the Organization of African Unity held it Nairobi last June, at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held at New Delhi last February, in favour of the immediate, unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978)..
217.	In this context, and in the face of South Africa's intransigence, measures of material and financial assistance for SWAPO, the sole, legitimate representative of the Namibian people, are needed to help it in its struggle for Namibia's independence. There can be no doubt that the policy followed by South Africa both towards Namibia and the neighbouring countries Is a constant and daily more pronounced danger to international peace and security, and that only firm and concerted action on the part of the entire international community will lead to decisive progress towards a just and lasting solution in southern Africa.
218.	Nor can there be any doubt either that the acts of aggression committed against Angola are a sufficient example of the harmful consequences of that, policy, and that it is Angola's will for Independence, firm anti-colonialist and anti-Imperialist determination and consistent action in support of the struggle for the independence of
, the peoples of southern Africa -a struggle waged in fulfill point of the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations - which has brought down upon Angola the hatred of all those who thought they could perpetuate the shameful exploitation of Africans in that part of our continent.
219.	The recent act of aggression against the People's Republic of Angola is an example of the Pretoria regime's intention hot only to thwart any process for a negotiated settlement leading to the genuine independence of Namibia, but .also to promote the continued destabilization of those African States which oppose its neo-colonialist designs.
220.	The scope of South Africa's act of aggression and of the forces deployed, the magnitude of the destruction, as well as the prolonged occupation of the territory of the People's Republic of Angola, all constitute a source of profound concern because of the manifest intentions of the Pretoria regime to Impose in a sovereign State a puppet organization supported and armed by it, by treating there conditions conducive to its subversive activities in an obvious attempt to undermine the unity of Angola.
221.	Unacceptable in law, this dangerous action by South Africa must be combated most forcefully, as it is not only a negation of the principles that guide the Organization, but it also violates the essential rules governing the community.
222.	The Republic of Cape Verde is pleased at the initiatives already taken by certain countries to help Angola, and wishes to reaffirm here its staunch solidarity with the heroic people of Angola, its Government and the MPLA—the Worker's Party -and solemnly appeals to the international community to come to the aid of the People's Republic of Angola in Its struggle and thus guarantee its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Angolan Government is also entitled to demand compensation for the damages caused by the racist act of aggression. It is inadmissible that an aggressor regime can destroy with impunity the fruits of the labor of the Angolan people and spread death among its children.
223.	We believe, moreover, that the material financial assistance given to the front-line countries by the international community should be increased substantially and supplemented by a firm guarantee of the security of the countries concerned in an unequivocal demonstration of solidarity and as testimony to a clear condemnation of the policy followed by the racist regime in that region.
224.	The question of apartheid is the subject each year of a large number of resolutions of the Organization, but we have seen no substantial change in the nature of the racist regime. However, the many different kinds of struggle that have been developing more and more strongly, day by day, against the racist regime show that the peoples of South'Africa as a whole know where their genuine interests lie and are gradually discovering, the means of making them prevail, under the direction of the national liberation movement.
225.	Moreover; at the international level initiatives have constantly been taken by the majority of members of the international community to increase the isolation of the South African regime. While that regime is the object of unanimous condemnation by the international community because of its reactionary policy of apartheid, and while it intensifies its policy of Intimidation and aggression against States Members of the Organization, it is to us a matter of regret and of deep concern that today South Africa is finding even more allies prepared to help it and to support its initiatives.
226.	The support at present enjoyed by the racist regime encourages its intransigence in the search for a negotiated solution to the question of Namibia and encourages it in its stated intentions of perpetuating apartheid, and deStabilizing the southern part of the , continent.,
227.	It is to be hoped that those who still give different kinds of assistance to South Africa, claiming thus to restore a certain credibility to it on the international scene, will realize the inevitability of the downfall of that regime and will restore links of trust with African States in time and demonstrate their commitment to an Africa freed of racism and of the yoke of colonialism.
228.	The situation with regard to Western Sahara developed considerably during the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Nairobi, with the acceptance by Morocco of a referendum on self-determination, promoting the beginning of a process which the whole of Africa hopes will.be successful, in accordance with the legitimate aspirations of the Sahraoui people, to live freely in their regained homeland.
229.	The meeting last August of the implementation committee entrusted with the organization of the referendum on self-determination in the territory had conclusive results, which are an important step towards the rapid and satisfactory solution of the problem.. To ensure the prompt implementation of those decisions, it would be desirable for Morocco to agree to begin negotiations as soon as possible with the POLISARIO Front* concerning a ceasefire, thus promoting the proper functioning of a complex operation which will require a high sense of responsibility and political will on the part of the two parties to the conflict.
230.	Favorable conditions must be created for true consultations with all those interested- that is, the Sahraoui people- in order to give that people, carrying on the struggle, every opportunity to have their voice heard and freely to. decide their own destiny.
231.	In connection with the Comorian Island of Mayotte, it is pleasing that talks have begun, and are continuing, between the French and Comorian Governments to find a just and lasting solution in accordance with the resolutions on the subject adopted by the United Nations.
232.	In the Middle East, the periodic upheavals, including outbreaks of blind violence* such as the latest events in Lebanon, demonstrate -if need there be for that- the vital necessity for a global solution which will really resolve the prolonged crisis in that legion.
233.	Every year the expansionism and aggressiveness of Israel are vigorously denounced and condemned by the General Assembly. But Israel consolidates its occupation of occupied Arab lands, persists in colonizing them, encourages instability in southern Lebanon and proceeds by its murderous bombings and raids to the slow destruction of that country. More than that, Israel's arrogance led it to bomb the territory of Iraq, destroying the Ibmuz nuclear facility under false pretexts, violating Iraq's sovereignty and raising the state of war to an ever more serious level. We may rightly ask how far Israel can go In building up hatred in all its neighbouring States, in running counter to all the peace initiatives of its own friends and in ruining all the patient efforts of the international community and the United Nations.
234.	Cape Verde remains convinced that a solution to the Middle East problem necessarily involves a definitive solution of the Palestinian problem- that is, the restoration to those heroic people of their legitimate national rights, including the right to create their own national State, under the leadership of their sole representative, the PLO, and the return of all the Arab territories occupied by Israel, including Jerusalem. That is the price of peace, which is the fervent hope and objective of the international community.
235.	The state of war which persists between Iran and Iraq, despite the many attempts at mediation by various organizations and States, in particular the non-aligned movement, is a cause of deep concern to the whole international community.
236.	It is the fervent hope of Cape Verde  those two non-aligned States will be able once again to follow the course of fraternity and co-operation, thus greatly contributing to the re-establishment of detente and stability in that region.
237.	In South-East Asia decisive steps must be taken towards the establishment of a climate in which dialogue can flourish. Political negotiation must in the end triumph over the policy of confrontation. It is the hope of Cape Verde that the various, countries involved will succeed in overcoming opposition and confrontation in favour of understanding and co-operation based on their legitimate interests.
238.	The national liberation struggle waged by the people of East Timor under the leadership of FRETILIN, which some would like to stifle, deserves the full admiration and support of the international community. We are convinced that the faits accomplis that have been imposed as a political method in opposition to the struggle of the national liberation movements are totally in violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations. The General Assembly at this session must, in the name of human rights, and of the right of peoples to self-determination, assume its responsibilities in that situation and
find the proper means to ensure implementation of the relevant resolutions of the Organization.
239.	Many other situations persist where lack of respect for the principles of contemporary International law block' the fulfillment of the aspirations of the people to development and peace. In Cyprus, independence, unity and territorial integrity, as well as the non-aligned status of the country, all continue to be threatened. In Afghanistan, we must once again reaffirm the right of the Afghan people freely to choose the most appropriate means of achieving development, peace and the building up of a prosperous society. In Latin America there still persist situations which are an open challenge to the principles and objectives of the United Nations, through the perpetuation of a policy of interference and intervention in the internal affairs of the States of that region.
240.	Likewise, the persistent efforts of the heroic people of Korea to achieve the peaceful reunification of its country without foreign interference are blocked, by repeated attempts to impose the establishment of two Koreas. We are convinced that the adoption of specific measures, in keeping with the principles and recommendations of the non-aligned movement and the replacement of the armistice agreement by a final peace treaty will bring about for the Korean people the achievement of independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity.
241.	The situation in the Indian Ocean continues to give rise to disquiet on the part of the coastal States because of the constant threat to peace and security it implies. Despite the initiatives of the international community and. In particular, the efforts made by the coastal States to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, the situation has hardly changed since the last session of the General Assembly.
242.	At the beginning of this Third United Nations Development Decade, at a time when firm support has been declared for the establishment of a system of international relations where peace will be based on the ability to satisfy the basic needs of all nations, the renewed impetus of the arms race constitutes a cause for profound concern.
243.	Violence is once again becoming an instrument of international relations. While it is admitted at present that the arms race in all its aspects conflicts with efforts aimed at diminishing international tension in order to establish a viable system of international, peace and security -and peace and security must be founded on the most scrupulous respect for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations- the policy of confrontation is being imposed on the world with all the disasters that follow in its train.
244.	As one of the Sahel countries, and one of the least developed countries. Cape Verde views with concern and profoundly deplores the arms race to destroy mankind, which every year swallows up huge sums of money that could be invested to alleviate the innumerable sufferings of the hundreds of millions of destitute men and women throughout the world.
245.When we see that a single week's military expenditure amounts to the annual sum needed to promote the restoration of the economic situation of the least developed countries, we. must conclude that it is our pressing duty to put an end to the dangerous paradox of the arms.
246.	We are of the view that the international community, during this Second United Nations Disarmament Decade, must ensure the implementation of the Program of Action drawn up at the tenth special session of the Genera] Assembly Resolution S-1012, section 111] and vigorously reject any action that would, distort its objectives and, jeopardize, its outcome.
247.	It is necessary to refer once again to the injustice of the existing international economic system, which mercilessly strikes at the developing countries, blocking their every attempt to escape from the tragic situation in which they find themselves.
248.	Efforts designed to induce the rich countries to participate in the negotiations dealing with the global evaluation of all existing problems, including raw materials, energy and trade, as well as currency problems, finances, and industrial and agricultural development, have come up against the opposition of certain Western countries, Apart from these unfruitful attempts, I must mention the difficulties met with by the developing countries, in the context of the Group of 77, in.discussing international economic problems with their industrialized partners, after the failure of the eleventh special session of the. General Assembly. Suffice it to mention by way of example the impossibility of discussing the item inscribed on the agenda of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly under the heading "Launching of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development".
249.	A global program to achieve international cooperation with the participation of all countries is an urgent need in the present international economic situation. The intransigence shown by some countries participating in the global negotiations that could bring about the establishment of a new international economic order results from an attitude that ignores the fact, although dependent relationships still predominate, that the existing forms of interdependence are based on the political and moral support of two thirds of mankind.
250.	Our situation on the periphery of the International economic system, having been subject to centuries of colonialist and imperialist exploitation, already contains other political elements that would prevent us from passively accepting development models based on assumptions that run counter to our interests and ore alien both to our preferences and to our social and cultural world.
251.	Furthermore, specific measures should be taken re-suiting from political will to achieve the creation of a new system that will enable mankind as a whole equitably to enjoy the accumulated wealth and the scientific and technological progress that exists. Negligence or ignorance of those self-evident aspects may well lead to situations whose consequences cannot be foreseen, first because historical relations among peoples have changed qualitatively as a result of the near-eradication of Colonial relations and, secondly, because the economic situation of underdeveloped countries objectively does not allow them to continue to tolerate the evils stemming from the grave structural problems created by the present system.
252.	The determination of our peoples to Improve their standard of living in terms of health, food, training, education, culture and well-being is more than a just aspiration: it is a primary exigence of contemporary civilization. In denouncing the unjust system that condemns a large part of mankind to subhuman conditions, we do not claim to judge or name the guilty parties. Our primary concern is international peace and the future of mankind. That is why responsibility must be collective and why solutions cannot hinge upon the selfish interests of one country or groups of countries.
253.	On 1 May 1974 the General Assembly, at its sixth special session, concluded that the system of International economic relations is incompatible with the historic changes that have taken place and the objective need for the economic and social development of the peoples. It then proclaimed the need to work together for the establishment of a new international economic order [see resolutions 3201(S-Vi) and 3202(S-Vl)].
254.	What has happened since then? For the developing countries, there has been a further deterioration in the terms of trade, a growing inability to achieve self-sufficiency in food, the obvious impossibility of increasing their participation in world industrial production, growing difficulties in obtaining access to technology and an alarming Increase in their foreign debt. On the side of the industrialized countries, we witness growing intransigence in the defence of the privileges gained through centuries of exploitation and clear opposition to any initiative that might alter the existing structures.
255.	We know that the establishment of a new international economic order requires programmed actions within the developing countries themselves. It is on this basis that, under, the auspices of UNCTAD, the developing countries have worked out the Buenos Aires Plan of Action for Promoting and Implementing "technical Co-operation among Developing Countries' and the Arusha Program for Collective Self-Reliance and Framework for Negotiations' to carry out a thorough examination of their own needs and the resources available for the improvement of their economies through horizontal co-operation. At the regional and sub-regional level, the developing countries have attempted to promote initiatives that would serve as a basis for the establishment of a new kind of cooperation. On the African continent, for example, the Lagos Plan of Action is clear proof that economic and social development problems constitute a constant source of concern for our leaders. However we must continue to face the problem of the lack of progress in the present International economic situation which is hindering any attempts at economic emancipation by the developing countries.
256.	There is, however, a group of countries whose situation deserves special attention; this is the group identified as the "least developed countries", which now numbers -31 countries and a combined population of more than 300 million. The socio-economic facts regarding this group are well known.
257.	At the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held at Paris from 1 to 14 September 1981, Mr. Aristides Pereira, the President of the Republic of Cape Verde, on behalf of the 21 least developed African countries, stated:
"Despite the special nature of the problems facing these countries and the need to find specific solutions, it is none the less evident that the definitive solution of the problems of development of the least developed countries, while depending on national efforts, will have to rest definitively on the dismantlement of all the structures of political and economic domination and on the creation of an international climate of peace, concerted effort and mutual respect, in which the desire to arrive at a comprehensive solution of the international economic crisis and the existing disparities between nations and men must take precedence over all other considerations".
258.	The Conference concluded its work by adopting the Substantial New Program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries, which was subsequently discussed at length in the North-South dialog. We note with satisfaction the political will expressed in this connection by the majority of members of the international community in favor of participating in restructuring and in making viable the economies of the least developed countries. We should have liked the Program to be more specific not only as regards its timetable but also the resources available to it. However, we welcome the objectives put forward. If they were to materialize they would represent an Important step forward in relations between the industrialized countries and the developing countries, end in the final analysis they would contribute to the establishment of a new international economic order.
259.	For some years now the international community has followed with keen attention and expectation the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, The Republic of Cape Verde, as an archipelago State, attaches great importance to that Conference, and it has actively participated in the search for a collective solution for the establishment of a new legal order for the oceans that will make it possible to use them peacefully and to exploit their resources wisely.
260.	We believe that the adoption of a convention on the Law of the Sea is an urgent and imperative need for all nations truly committed to the prevention of conflict and chaos on the seas. We share the legitimate hopes of the overwhelming majority of countries, as stated quite clearly during the second part of the tenth session of the Conference, which took place at Geneva in August 1981, and we believe that the time has come for all States to shoulder their responsibility of completing that precious legal instrument, on which work has been under way uninterruptedly for almost a decade.
261.	We hope that developments In our time will awaken the common sense of all those who believe in a past that is no longer adapted to the present, and we hope that the final session of the Conference, scheduled to take place in New York in April and May 1982 will truly be the last.
262.	The economic situation in Cape Verde is sufficiently well known because of the many reports submitted by various national departments as well as by international agencies. It would be redundant to describe it once again here. However, it is never superfluous to underline the difficulty of the situation which existed in 1975, when we acceded to independence. We inherited a country in the Sahel ravaged by advanced desertification, with agriculture constituting the basis of the economy but paradoxically representing less than 20 per cent of the gross national product, poor in natural resources and without a significant industrial sector or any other sizable productive activity. The economy of Cape Verde was based on trade and services, supplemented by remittances from its emigrants and by the aid given in extremis by the colonial Government. On the other hand, the effort that the people and the Government of Cape Verde have made in all areas under the direction of its vanguard party, the PAICV," for the purpose of consolidating our Independence and assuring the dignity of the people of Cape Verde is internationally recognized. For socio-economic policy, basically designed to improve the well-being of our people, has gradually gained recognition from all those who are concerned about our economic life. That policy, based on austerity and wise management of all national resources, has proved to be a most important instrument in overcoming the most difficult moments of our life as an independent nation and in laying down the foundations for building a viable economy.
263.	We are pleased to express our gratitude at this time to the international community and the United Nations system as a whole for the aid given to our country.
264.	Unfortunately, the continuation of the drought which has caused us to suffer the loss of another agricultural year's harvests has frustrated a great part of our efforts to achieve self-sufficiency in terms of food. We should like to appeal to the international community once again to respond to the needs of our people with the generosity that it has always, shown us in the past.
265.	Despite all kinds of difficulties, we note some positive progress In the solution of the principal, problems affecting our planet.
266.	Relations among peoples, based on a new conception of moral, political and juridical factors, are becoming increasingly adapted to the legitimate aspirations of the peoples for peace, progress and social well-being.
267.	W are convinced that the United Nations, which has made a positive contribution to that evolution, will, with the perseverance and devotion of its Members, show itself increasingly equal to its responsibilities, thus making an important contribution to the defence of peace, security and international development.
268.	 We should like to express the hope that the work of this session will result In innovative and courageous Initiatives so to ensure that the near future may see the expression of a renewed will for peace and agreement capable of bringing calm and detente where there Is now a spirit of confrontation and tension.
269. That is our most ardent hope and, we are sure, the most Cherished objective of the International, community,