On behalf of the
Uganda delegation, I wish to congratulate you,
Mr. President, on your election to preside over the
fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We are
confident that, under your able leadership, we shall
achieve the objectives of our deliberations. Let me also
thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the
excellent leadership he has provided to the United
Nations during a very trying and difficult year.
My country attaches great importance to the
centrality of the United Nations in the maintenance of
international peace and security and in fostering
international development cooperation. In that regard,
Uganda hopes that this session of the General
Assembly will focus on the critical reform of the
United Nations to meet the new challenges to
multilateralism.
Terrorism has reached epic proportions as a threat
to international peace and security. Particularly since
11 September, terrorist organizations have
indiscriminately attacked, killed and maimed thousands
of innocent civilians in Asia, the Middle East, Africa,
Europe and the Americas. In northern Uganda, a
terrorist organization called the Lords Resistance Army
has killed hundreds, displaced thousands and abducted
children into forced recruitment and sale in slavery.
On 19 August, the terrorists chose to strike at the
heart of the United Nations. They attacked the United
Nations offices in Baghdad. That callous attack led to
the death of innocent Iraqis and many members of the
United Nations staff, including the Secretary-General’s
Special Representative, Sergio Vieira de Mello. On
behalf of the Government and people of Uganda, I wish
to express sincere condolences to the Secretary-
General and to the bereaved families. We must
condemn those acts of terrorism in the strongest terms,
and the international community must unite to fight
this scourge. Under no circumstances should
indiscriminate use of violence be justified.
We must acknowledge that the emergence of new
threats such as terrorism and weapons of mass
destruction, combined with genocide and the massive
violation of human rights, poses a clear and present
challenge to the United Nations.
My country, therefore, shares the view of the
Secretary-General that the time has come to examine
the fundamental policy issues and structural
mechanisms that may be needed to deal with these new
challenges. We support his proposal to establish a
group of eminent persons to make recommendations
regarding the necessary reforms of the Security
2

Council and other United Nations institutions and
processes.
On the situation in the Middle East, Uganda
welcomes the Quartet-led road map for a
comprehensive settlement. We support the
establishment of a Palestinian State living side by side
and in peace with Israel, within secure and recognized
borders, in accordance with the relevant Security
Council resolutions.
I now turn to the Great Lakes region of Africa.
We are pleased to note that there have been positive
developments as a result of regional and international
efforts to build peace and stability in the region. In the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Transitional
Government of National Unity has been established in
accordance with the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and
the related Pretoria and Luanda Agreements, as well as
the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.
Uganda remains committed to supporting the
peace process in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, including ending the Lendu-Hema inter-ethnic
conflict in the Ituri Province. Uganda encouraged the
Security Council to establish a robust force of the
United Nations Organization Mission in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), under
Chapter VII, for peacekeeping operations in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the
disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation,
resettlement and reintegration of negative forces.
In that regard, Uganda welcomes Security
Council resolution 1493 (2003). My country provided
Entebbe airbase for logistical support to the European
Union-led stabilization force in Bunia in July, 2003.
We have also concluded an agreement with MONUC to
utilize Entebbe airbase, as well as the Kasese and Arua
Airports, for United Nations operations in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
With regard to the situation in Burundi, the
implementation of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation
Agreement remains on track, under the regional
initiative presided over by President Museveni of
Uganda and facilitated by Deputy President Zuma of
South Africa. The African Union mission in Burundi
has been established. We call upon the international
community, including the Security Council, to provide
the necessary support for the mission.
On the situation in the Sudan, the Government of
Uganda commends the Government of the Sudan and
the Sudan People’s Liberation Army for the historic
agreement on security arrangements, signed in
Naivasha, Kenya, last week. We urge the parties to
expedite the negotiation of the remaining issues so that
a comprehensive agreement can be reached. The
restoration of peace, security and political stability in
the Sudan is not only good for the long-suffering
people of that country, but also for Africa as a whole.
Uganda particularly welcomed the initiative of
the Secretary-General to convene a high-level meeting,
which adopted the Principles on Good-Neighbourly
Relations and Cooperation between the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda
on 25 September. Our countries pledged to refrain from
interfering directly or indirectly in one another’s
internal affairs, including making sure that none of the
neighbouring countries’ territory is used to arm, supply
or host any hostile elements or armed groups against
the other.
These efforts, aimed at the restoration of peace,
security, political stability and good-neighbourliness,
are not only good for the Great Lakes region, but also
for Africa and indeed the entire international
community. Uganda strongly believes that these are
necessary pre-conditions for regional integration and
the promotion of trade and investment to meet the
needs of our people. To that end, Uganda welcomes
and supports the forthcoming United Nations
conference on the Great Lakes region.
Despite many commitments already made at
various international forums, the international
community has yet to demonstrate sufficient political
will to mobilize adequate resources to meet the
Millennium Development Goals and to ensure
equitable sharing of the benefits of globalization for
all. The failure of the World Trade Organization
Ministerial Conference, held at Cancún, vividly
demonstrates this.
Since the Millennium Summit in 2000, important
plans of action, declarations and strategies have been
agreed upon, inter alia, in Brussels, Doha, Monterrey,
Johannesburg and Almaty, for the achievement of
sustainable development and the Millennium
Development Goals. The challenge for the international
community now is to ensure their full and effective
follow-up and implementation. The international
3

community must accord special priority to the
development needs of the landlocked and least
developed countries, in order to facilitate their full
integration into the global system. Although official
development assistance will continue to play an
important role in development, Uganda regards trade as
the single most important external source of
development financing and productivity growth. In this
respect, the Doha Development Agenda should ensure
that the least developed countries not only have access
to markets, but also attain capacity to produce
competitively for those markets. We call upon the
developed countries to show the necessary flexibility,
especially on the question of agricultural subsidies, to
allow for the full and timely completion of the
comprehensive agenda agreed upon at Doha.
The fifty-seventh United Nations General
Assembly endorsed the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development (NEPAD) as a home-grown African
framework for international development cooperation
within the continent. We reiterate the call made last
week from this podium by the current Chairman of the
African Union, President Joachim Chissano of
Mozambique, for strong and effective support for
NEPAD by the international community.
In summary, my country has supported the call
for collective action against terrorism and weapons of
mass destruction. We have noted the positive
developments in the Great Lakes region and expressed
our commitment to building a peaceful and stable
region. We have also underscored the need for urgent
and effective implementation of agreed upon plans of
action to meet the Millennium Development Goals and
to assure practical support for NEPAD. Finally, Uganda
has reaffirmed its full commitment to the purposes and
principles of the United Nations.


I have the honour of
addressing the General Assembly on behalf of His
Excellency Mr. Eduard Kukan, Minister for Foreign
Affairs of the Slovak Republic.
Slovakia as a European Union acceding country
fully endorses the statement made by the Prime
Minister of Italy on behalf of the European Union. The
positions and ideas expressed in Mr. Berlusconi’s
address perfectly reflect the values of the Government
and people of Slovakia. I will therefore concentrate
only on the topics that we consider the most important.
At the outset, I warmly congratulate the President
on his assumption of the presidency and wish him
every success in discharging his important duties. He
can rely on Slovakia’s support and cooperation. Let me
also add the voice of my delegation to those who have
thanked his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, for his
contribution to the work of this body.
Amongst the most challenging issues before us,
the one that has drawn the closest attention of the
world community is the situation in Iraq. We should
join our efforts to help the Iraqi people reconstruct
their country and build a democratic society, which is
the best course of action for stabilizing the situation,
which is still volatile on the ground.
The unprecedented tragedy of the destruction of
the United Nations Baghdad headquarters, which
ripped from our midst many brave United Nations
personnel, including Special Representative Sergio
Vieira de Mello, to whom we again pay our undivided
tribute, has shown us that no target is safe. Uniting to
help Iraq has become a matter of common interest.
Security Council resolution 1483 (2003) laid the
important framework enabling the international
community to contribute to Iraq’s reconstruction. At
the time of its adoption, Slovakia decided to participate
in stabilization operations in Iraq by sending mine-
clearing experts. Although this was only a token
contribution, given our capacity and the number of
Slovak troops already deployed in active peacekeeping
missions around the globe, I believe that it showed our
commitment to creating conditions in which the Iraqi
people can build their own future. As more troops are
needed on the ground, we support the efforts to win
greater participation from willing countries. The
United Nations, with a specific mandate, must play a
greater role in the Iraqi post-war restoration.
Iraq must show that a free and democratic
country is the inevitable replacement for dictatorship.
A democratic and prosperous Iraq is important to peace
and security in the Middle East, which directly affects
the rest of the world.
26

The difficult economic and social situation in
Afghanistan, where people continue to strive to build a
democratic and viable society, still leaves room for a
resurgence of extremists. The international community
cannot move away from Afghanistan. It must stay
committed and continue to provide the necessary
assistance to the Afghan people. I am pleased to
announce that last July the Slovak Parliament decided
to extend the participation of Slovakia in Operation
Enduring Freedom.
Ten years after Israelis and Palestinians
astounded the world by signing the Oslo Accords, the
two sides are again locked in a cycle of violence,
attacks, counter-attacks and revenge. It is unfortunate
that the latest wave of violence has come at a time
when the road map had started to encourage feelings of
hope.
Slovakia is deeply concerned over the
deteriorating situation. Recent tragic and violent events
have caused enormous suffering and resulted in many
innocent victims. In the face of the current situation,
both sides must act responsibly, with the utmost
restraint, and consider carefully the tremendously
negative consequences of a complete breakdown of the
peace process. The only realistic way out of the
impasse is the creation of a viable Palestinian State
existing alongside Israel, with the security and survival
of each guaranteed. Every effort has to be made to keep
the road map on the table, because there is no other
alternative. Both sides must fully and without further
delay implement their obligations in accordance with
the road map. Slovakia reiterates its support for the
road map and sees the role of the Quartet in the peace
process as irreplaceable and essential.
We will not relax our efforts in the fight against
global terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction. Underestimation of this peril could
have a fateful impact on the international community.
The United Nations must continue to play a decisive
role in this fight. The Slovak Republic appreciates and
fully supports the activities of the Counter-Terrorism
Committee. Slovakia, as a party to all 12 global
international conventions against terrorism, has
successfully implemented their provisions into its
legislation.
As a party to various international conventions
and treaties, Slovakia supports joint efforts to adopt
global international legal instruments and standards
concerning the principle of the rule of law. The
ratification process of the United Nations Convention
against Transnational Organized Crime is well under
way in the Slovak Republic and should be completed
by the end of this year.
Over the past decade, we have witnessed
exponential growth in peacekeeping activities in an
increasing number of conflicts throughout the globe.
The recent comprehensive reform has significantly
improved the effectiveness of planning and
management of the ever more complex and challenging
United Nations peacekeeping operations. However, the
most important factor for the success of United Nations
peacekeeping is still the political will of Member
States and their readiness to contribute contingents and
equipment. In order to support and sustain the
increasing number of peacekeeping operations, the
timely payment of financial contributions is necessary.
Slovakia has been among the leading contributors
to United Nations peacekeeping operations since it
became a Member of the United Nations in 1993. Our
peacekeepers are currently serving in six United
Nations missions in Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
Given our clear understanding of the new threats to our
security and a willingness and ability to help tackle
them, our engagement in peace support operations
around the world will expand even more when we join
the European Union and NATO next year. Slovakia’s
active involvement in peacekeeping operations
confirms the fact that the maintenance of international
peace is among the priorities of our foreign policy.
In recent years attacks on humanitarian workers
and on United Nations personnel have increased
alarmingly. We therefore welcome the unanimous
adoption of Security Council resolution 1502 (2003) on
the protection of United Nations personnel, associated
personnel and humanitarian personnel in conflict
zones. It emphasizes the obligation of each Member
State to take every step in its power to protect those
working under the blue flag and to bring to justice
those who attack or harm them. Slovakia has been a
party to the Convention on the Safety of United
Nations and Associated Personnel since 1996, and we
invite those States that have not yet done so to become
parties to this very important international legal
instrument, which provides for the protection of United
Nations and associated personnel.
27

One of the most important steps towards
achieving international justice and putting an end to
impunity for the most serious violations of human
rights, war crimes and genocide was the establishment
of the International Criminal Court. Slovakia, which is
a State party to its Rome Statute, is firmly committed
to ensuring that the Court is an independent, fair and
effective institution. The election of 18 judges and of
the Prosecutor and Deputy Prosecutor was essential for
the successful start of its work. We are convinced that
their expertise and moral integrity will ensure the
highest standards in their performance and will
guarantee fair and impartial justice.
Slovakia views arms control as a pivotal
instrument of security policy. Here I would like to
reiterate our continued support for the further
strengthening of major international disarmament and
non-proliferation instruments such as the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It would
be most appropriate to reinforce this cornerstone of
nuclear non-proliferation by speedily bringing into
force another significant instrument — the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) —
hence my delegation’s repeated call on those that have
not yet done so to sign and ratify the CTBT as soon as
possible.
Slovakia also encourages those countries that
have not signed or ratified the Ottawa Convention to do
so quickly. The terror that landmines cause, despite
their limited military utility, continues to spread, along
with the appalling humanitarian consequences of their
use in actual conflicts.
With its entry into the European Union, Slovakia
is taking on moral responsibility for the poorer
countries of the world. Just as Slovakia received aid in
the past, it is now in duty bound to help reduce social
tensions and poverty in other parts of the world. That is
our contribution to achieving the Millennium
Development Goals. Slovakia is systematically and
consistently preparing its compact and efficient
development agenda. The Slovak Government has
recently adopted a legal framework and strategy for
development assistance. An important step in the
development of official assistance was the approval of
the first annual budget in December 2002.
The current modest level of official development
assistance reflects the potential of our growing
economy, and we are convinced that the effective and
efficient use, and sustained growth, of such official
development assistance will place Slovakia more
firmly within the group of new emerging donors.
We endorse the appeals made for the
strengthening of the role of the United Nations and for
improving the efficiency and working methods of its
major organs. First and foremost, a comprehensive
reform of the Security Council and a revitalization of
the General Assembly is needed.
In the past year, the international community has
had to deal with events whose significance have put to
the test the principles that have governed international
relations since the signing of the United Nations
Charter. Though it is undisputed that the validity of
these principles remains undiminished, we cannot shy
away from seeking answers and solutions to the
fundamental global challenges that we face today,
including extreme poverty, drug smuggling, the spread
of deadly diseases and global climate change. Finding
appropriate solutions to these and other issues requires
multilateral cooperation, with a viable United Nations
at its core. We all wish to see a strong and decisive
United Nations that is capable of effectively
responding to current and future challenges. Slovakia
remains committed to multilateralism and to its
fundamental institutions.


I
would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as
President of the fifty-eighth session of the General
Assembly. I would also like to take this opportunity to
acknowledge the fine work done by your predecessor,
Mr. Jan Kavan.
All of us were shocked by the terrorist attacks on
United Nations headquarters in Baghdad. In last
month’s attack the precious lives of several innocent
United Nations staff members were lost, including that
of Sergio Vieira de Mello, the High Commissioner for
Human Rights. The world must not be intimidated by
terrorism. The role of the United Nations as a guarantor
of collective security is irreplaceable. Global security
is the responsibility of all nations, just as we are all
equally bound by international law.
Nicaragua has come to the General Assembly to
make suggestions with regard to the building of a new
world order and to cooperate actively within the
multilateral system to combat, among other scourges,
terrorism, corruption, drug trafficking, the illegal
trafficking in arms and persons, and transnational
crime, all of which are harmful to strengthening
democracy and the progress of the world.
That is why we have begun a new era in Central
America, in which the region will be more united than
ever before and serve as a model for democratic
security that includes an innovative strategy to
overcome both traditional challenges and modern
threats.
At the meeting of Central American Presidents
that took place in Guatemala on 17 July 2003, I made a
proposal for a programme for arms limitation and
control in Central America to achieve a reasonable
balance of forces and to foster stability, mutual trust
and transparency. The idea behind my Government’s
proposal is to establish the necessary controls to
achieve a reasonable balance in defence forces; to put
in place modern policies for regional defence and
public security while strengthening mechanisms for the
peaceful settlement of disputes. The Central American
Presidents meeting in Belize at the beginning of this
month enthusiastically approved that plan. I am also
pleased to inform the General Assembly that technical
teams have already begun to work to implement the
plan.
In the current situation, the subject of
international trafficking in small arms and light
weapons is equally worthy of our attention. Nicaragua
will soon be the site of a major project to achieve
progress in that area.
Drug trafficking is global threat that constitutes
an assault on democracy and its institutions and
imperils comprehensive human development. Due to
our privileged geographical position, international
organized crime is continuing to attempt to make
inroads into our region in order to make it a gateway
between producers and consumers of illicit substances.
We have cut off its advance in Nicaragua, a country
that enjoys high levels of domestic security. However,
it is essential that we strengthen the cooperation of all
international actors on the basis of shared
responsibility to prevent the expansion of organized
crime and increased drug use.
My country’s commitment to democratic security
is consistent with the struggle for peace and the
establishment of a just international order. A country
that has experienced war, like Nicaragua, is in a better
position to make a more effective contribution to
preventing war than countries that have not. We
Nicaraguans have suffered the horrors and the
aftermath of war. It is for that reason that Nicaragua
has the ability to make a contribution to the
maintenance of international peace and security.
It is also for that reason that I have come to
General Assembly, namely, to convey to the Assembly
the resolute desire and just aspirations of my
Government and people to be elected as a non-
permanent member of the Security Council for the
2006-2007 term. Our candidacy has garnered
increasingly strong support, which we hope to
strengthen decisively in the coming months.
The fight against corruption is an unrelenting
undertaking for my Government. We have achieved
major successes and are proud to know we have set an
example that is already being emulated by some of our
sisterly countries. I wish to express my gratitude for
the support of the international community, which
understood our desire to bring morality to public
administration. Corruption is the cause of many evils,
and it takes a huge toll on the economy, in addition to
undermining public and private institutions.
Nicaragua greatly appreciates efforts to develop a
United Nations convention against corruption. In that
6

regard, we also welcome the progress made during the
sixth round of meetings in Vienna, which will provide
a solid foundation for the establishment of international
legal norms to help combat that scourge, thereby
strengthening political stability in our countries.
However, the fight against corruption in my country
also requires a strengthening of the judicial and
electoral systems.
Resistance to change makes it difficult to make
progress in those areas at the pace and scope required
to meet my country’s needs. I therefore recently
presented to Nicaragua’s political, economic and social
actors my proposal for a national development plan, in
order to obtain the input of all segments of Nicaraguan
society. That plan also specifies the actions to be taken
by every State entity in evaluating and modifying the
plan to achieve the country’s comprehensive
development.
Nicaragua needs foreign assistance. That
assistance should be coordinated in a manner that takes
into account national plans and strategies pertaining to
how assistance is utilized. The quality, effectiveness
and impact of such cooperation should be improved by
employing new ideas that lead to tangible results in the
area of sustainable development. Additional new
resources will also be necessary to fulfil the
Millennium Development Goals.
We appreciate the United Kingdom’s proposal for
an international financing facility as a way to increase
the flow of short-term resources by issuing negotiable
instruments backed by future assistance.
Cooperation in solidarity by the international
community has been particularly meaningful in the
area of mine clearance in my country, where substantial
progress has been made, thanks both to the fine work
of national and international institutions participating
in that humanitarian endeavour and the professionalism
of the our army’s sappers.
Nicaragua is also a thankful country. On several
occasions, we have received significant amounts of
humanitarian assistance from many countries. As a
token of our gratitude, we have made our small, but
full, contribution of humanitarian assistance to
neighbouring countries in need. We are now taking part
in the purely humanitarian mission involving mine
clearance and the provision of medical support for the
civilian population in Iraq.
However, international cooperation alone is not
enough to achieve economic development. We must
promote a more equitable international trade system
through the World Trade Organization. In other words,
what good is cooperation for productive development
when there are tariff and non-tariff restrictions on
trade? We want fair treatment. That is the issue, and we
hope the developed countries will support us in
bringing about a new trade relationship with
developing countries — such as Nicaragua. With fair
treatment and with markets for our products, we will
have a more competitive Central American market and
will attract greater investment in order to generate
more jobs at fair wages, reaping the benefits of the
region’s strategic geographic location.
The Central American integration process has
made much progress and has been one of the pillars of
my foreign policy. We have achieved our most notable
results in economic integration, and we have paved the
way for successful negotiation of free-trade treaties
with other countries and regions, such as the one we
are currently working out with the United States.
Nicaragua will insist on preferential treatment in our
negotiations because our economy is less developed,
very open and highly dependent on trade and external
financing. With greater development and wealth
generation, we will keep our citizens from migrating to
the North or to other countries.
Peace is still only a hope in some regions of the
world. Nicaragua advocates multilateral action to find
peaceful solutions in keeping with international law.
We are concerned at the escalation of the situation in
the Middle East and its consequences, which is why we
believe that the international community must
contribute, through the United Nations, to finding a
just and lasting peace in the region. My Government
supports an immediate resumption of the peace process
begun this year through the peace plan known as the
road map.
We confirm our commitment to strengthening the
universal vocation of the United Nations so that all
peoples of the world, without exception, can be fairly
represented in it. That is why I reaffirm before the
Assembly the importance of considering the desire of a
people with legitimate representation — the Republic
of China — to participate as a full-fledged member of
the United Nations.
7

Nicaragua recognizes its responsibility in the
building of a new international order that is more
humane, more just and more secure. It has been our lot
to live through difficult times since that fateful day of
11 September. Let us be capable of building a different
world, so that future generations will not blame us for a
lack of consensus on humanity’s problems requiring
urgent action. Nicaragua is aware of that responsibility,
and therefore we pledge to work with other Member
States to defend multilateralism and to overcome
current security problems, remaining united in the
spirit of the Charter of the United Nations and in strict
adherence to and respect for international law.
May God bless the Assembly, may God bless the
United Nations, may God bless all peoples of the
world, and may God always bless Nicaragua.


Let
me from the outset congratulate the President of this
fifty-eighth General Assembly on his election. I have
no doubt that his election by the international
community is a recognition of his vast diplomatic skills
and leadership qualities. His election is also
recognition of the coming of age of small island States.
I also wish to thank his predecessor Mr. Jan Kavan for
his stewardship of the work of the fifty-seventh
General Assembly.
16

Please allow me also to pay tribute to the United
Nations Secretary-General Mr. Kofi Annan and his
staff for their dedication and commitment in dealing
with many pressing international issues that confront
us today.
I join others delegations in expressing our
Government’s sincere condolences to the families of
the United Nations staff, including the late Sergio
Vieira de Mello, the former United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights, who lost their lives
in Baghdad on 16 August 2003.
The attacks were barbaric and against the
principles of freedom, democracy and peace as
enshrined in the United Nations Charter. They must be
condemned in the strongest possible terms.
In pursuit of our commitments to combat
international terrorism, I am happy to report that Papua
New Guinea has substantially complied with United
Nations Security Council resolution 1373 (2001).
Our Parliament recently ratified many of the
conventions and protocols to combat global terrorism.
Yesterday, I personally deposited four conventions with
the Office of the United Nations Secretary-General.
Having fulfilled these requirements, Papua New
Guinea is now faced with resource constraints and
other challenges to implementing the treaty
obligations. This situation is further exacerbated by
other threats, such as illicit drug trafficking,
proliferation of small arms and light weapons,
smuggling of humans and money-laundering.
In the Pacific Islands region, we have taken
positive initiatives to collectively deal with these
threats. The Nasonini and Biketawa Declarations
agreed to by the Pacific Islands Forum leaders provide
the framework for cooperation in dealing with these
threats.
In the wider Asia/Pacific Region, the Southwest
Pacific Dialogue has met twice, in addition to the
annual Bali security meetings, to discuss political and
security issues facing the region. The Dialogue partners
include Indonesia, the Philippines, New Zealand,
Australia, Timor-Leste and Papua New Guinea.
Whilst issues of greater political and security
risks are of concern to us, the real threat at this stage is
the proliferation of small arms and light weapons.
Small arms and light weapons have not only
destabilized regions, sparked, fuelled and prolonged
conflicts but also obstructed relief programmes,
undermined peace initiatives, exacerbated human rights
abuses, hampered development and fostered a culture
of violence. There are no international treaties or other
legal instruments for dealing effectively with this
category of weapons.
In this context, Papua New Guinea welcomes the
call for the immediate and full implementation of the
2001 Plan of Action on small arms aimed at curbing
and eradicating the flow of small arms and light
weapons.
Let me place this in the context of the crisis in
our province of Bougainville where the proliferation of
small arms and light weapons contributed to the
prolonging of the conflict in the province.
With regard to progress in Bougainville, we have
completed the second stage of the arms disposal
programme, which has been verified by the United
Nations. The regional Peace Monitoring Group (PMG)
has now been wound down and replaced by the
Bougainville Transition Team (BTT). With the help of
the United Nations the Team will maintain logistical
support for the peace process and assist in other
operational areas.
I would also like to inform this Assembly that the
peace process under the Bougainville Agreement has
reached the crucial third stage under the constitutional
amendments agreed to by the Papua New Guinea
National Parliament. While there are delays, every
necessary step is being taken by all parties concerned
to ensure that the momentum built to date is not being
unduly hampered.
My Government therefore seeks the
understanding of the international community,
especially the members of the Security Council, to help
us fully achieve all tasks agreed to under the
Bougainville Peace Agreement. This will signal a win-
win story for all, the United Nations, our Government
and the people of Bougainville.
I express our Government’s profound
appreciation to the Secretary-General for the invaluable
efforts of the United Nations Political Office in
Bougainville (UNPOB), including those of
Ambassador Noel Sinclair.
I also acknowledge and thank our regional
neighbours — Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, Solomon
17

Islands, Tonga and Vanuatu, for their immense
contribution to the peace process.
With regard to the conflict in the Solomon
Islands, the package of assistance developed and
agreed to by the Pacific Islands foreign ministers and
later adopted at the Pacific Islands Forum leaders
meeting in Auckland, New Zealand, last month has
helped restore peace and normalcy in that country. It
was undertaken at the request of the Government of the
Solomon Islands under the Biketawa Declaration.
The Australian-led operation includes the
deployment of both civilian police and armed
peacekeepers from many of the Pacific island member
States, including my own. The cooperation among
member States underlines the strength of regional
peacekeeping, if done properly.
On the Israeli and Palestinian issue, we were
encouraged by the general positive signs of progress
towards resolving and securing peace based on the
United States-led road map. However, this has
deteriorated in recent weeks. We call upon all parties
involved to exercise maximum restraint and work
towards the peaceful settlement of this crisis.
We are pleased that the Quartet has recently
convened in New York to review the road map. We
look forward to their strong leadership in assisting to
resolve this long outstanding issue. Fighting and
violence will not resolve the conflict. We join the
international community’s call for both the Israeli and
Palestinian leadership to make renewed efforts at the
negotiating table, to cease all hostilities by both sides
and to find a permanent solution to the problem.
Our belief is that diplomacy is the only means by
which States may join as partners and co-operate in
bringing about changes which promote peace,
economic and social progress for all people, both in
principle and, more importantly, in practice.
We believe that this too should apply to the
situation in Iraq. We support the work being done in
the Security Council to adopt a new resolution on a
role of the United Nations that would provide a
framework for the widest possible participation of
United Nations Member States in the reconstruction of
Iraq.
Regarding United Nations reforms, Papua New
Guinea commends the leadership demonstrated by the
Secretary-General in the current work being done to
reform the main organs of the United Nations, the
General Assembly and its subsidiary bodies and the
Security Council.
We support the expansion of the Security Council
in both permanent and non-permanent membership
categories. Reforms should take into account the
interests of both developed and developing countries.
All permanent members in an expanded Council
should have similar rights and privileges. However, the
use of the veto power should be curtailed and applied
only to Chapter VII issues. In doing so, we must move
swiftly to complete the reforms of the United Nations
system — including the Security Council — so we can
restore the capacity of the multilateral system to better
serve us all.
Papua New Guinea fully endorses the recent
Declarations and Plans of Action of the Doha,
Monterrey and Johannesburg Conferences. We are
resolved to meet the challenges of poverty eradication;
hunger; illiteracy; environmental degradation; climate
change; and HIV/AIDS, malaria and other preventable
diseases. We are also committed to addressing issues of
good governance. It is the desire of the Government of
Papua New Guinea to incorporate the Millennium
Development Goals into our national development
priorities. We are in the process of adopting the
medium-term development strategy, which is aimed at
redirecting development to the rural areas where the
majority of our people live. We encourage the
international community — including all stakeholders
in developed and developing countries — to continue
to make resources available to fully implement those
Declarations and Plans of Action.
Like other developing member States of the
Pacific Islands Forum, Papua New Guinea is firmly
committed to the Barbados Programme of Action for
the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States. We fully support its 10-year review
process, which will take place at the international
meeting to be held in Mauritius in August 2004. We
call upon our regional and international development
partners to support the review process, as was the case
with the recent conferences of the least developed and
landlocked developing countries.
The recent breakdown in the World Trade
Organization negotiations in Cancún is of great
concern to us all. However, that should not be a barrier
to further negotiations to arrive at a fair and equitable
18

arrangement that provides for the interests of all
nations.
On a more targeted front, the African, Caribbean
and Pacific (ACP) group of countries — of which
Papua New Guinea is a member — are now negotiating
with the European Union for a possible economic
partnership agreement. It is important that the main
objective be the eradication of poverty, and therefore
that trade preferences enjoyed by ACP countries under
successive Lomé Conventions and under the current
Cotonou Agreements not be eroded.
The small island developing States of the Pacific
region are among the custodians of the largest ocean
space. The Pacific Ocean is rich in natural marine
resources. The recent Pacific Islands Forum Leaders
Meeting in Auckland, New Zealand, again reaffirmed
the Pacific Islands Regional Oceans Policy, which aims
to ensure the future sustainable use of our oceans and
their resources by our island communities, in close
cooperation with our development partners.
The countries of the region, however, have
limited human, financial and technological capacities
to control, manage and secure those resources for the
benefit of our current and future generations. In
protecting our vast marine resources, the Pacific
Islands Forum leaders reiterate their serious concerns
about the shipment of radioactive materials through the
region. They also call upon States engaged in those
activities to accept full responsibility and liability for
compensation for any damage that may result, directly
or indirectly, from the transportation of radioactive
material through the region. The two accidents that
happened in the Atlantic Ocean last year underline the
reality of our concerns.
Papua New Guinea, together with other small
island developing States, continues to express deep
concerns about the adverse impact of climate change,
climate variability and sea-level rise, particularly on
the small, low-lying islands that are already
experiencing extreme hardships. We will continue to
stress the urgent need for developed countries to exert
strong leadership in the reduction of greenhouse gas
emissions.
Papua New Guinea has signed and ratified both
the United Nations Climate Change Convention and the
Kyoto Protocol. The Kyoto Protocol paves the way
forward for developed countries to fulfil their
obligations under the Climate Change Convention. We
believe that the larger developing countries also have
an obligation to take concrete actions in reducing their
gas emissions. We welcome the support of Japan, the
European Community and China for the Kyoto
Protocol. We urge the United States, the Russian
Federation and Australia to join the global efforts
aimed at addressing that issue, including ratification of
the Kyoto Protocol.
Papua New Guinea is also not immune to the
HIV/AIDS pandemic. Tuberculosis and malaria are
again on the rise, so there is an urgent need to find
preventive measures for those diseases. I am, however,
pleased to report that the Papua New Guinea
Parliament this year enacted legislation aimed at
dealing with the scourge by assisting with prevention
and awareness programmes to reduce and limit the
spread of HIV/AIDS, which threatens the lives of our
people, particularly mothers and children. In that
regard, we thank Australia for its substantial assistance.
We also acknowledge continuing support from other
development partners, including the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the Joint United Nations
Programme on HIV/AIDS and the World Health
Organization.
We also support the work of the United Nations
in relation to the protection and advancement of the
rights of women and children. While we have ratified
the appropriate conventions, we realize that we must do
more. We acknowledge the support being provided by
our development partners, including United Nations
agencies such as the United Nations Development
Programme and UNICEF.
Papua New Guinea fully concurs with the calls by
the international community to reform and restructure
the charters and mandates of the two Bretton Woods
institutions. Their lending policies should be made
more lenient and flexible with regard to assisting
developing countries in their developmental efforts.
Among the greatest achievements of the United
Nations is the process of decolonization. But that
process will not be completed — as it must be — until
the remaining 16 Non-Self-Governing Territories have
exercised their inalienable right to self-determination.
The United Nations should continue to monitor
developments in New Caledonia, Tokelau and the other
14 Non-Self-Governing Territories on the United
Nations decolonization list on a case-by-case basis.
Neither size, remoteness nor population density should
19

be allowed to limit the exercise of this inalienable
right. The Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting held
in Auckland last month once again reaffirmed its
support for that principle.
In conclusion, I want to reaffirm Papua New
Guinea’s firm commitment to the timeless principles
enshrined in the United Nations Charter. We also
strongly advocate that it is Papua New Guinea’s
position that diplomacy, through positive dialogue, is
the key to addressing these challenges.
Finally, Papua New Guinea believes that a greater
challenge for all United Nations Member States is to
work together as genuine partners. That will serve as
an effective tool for implementing our collective goal:
to create a better and more secure world, both today
and for future generations.


Mr. President, my Government
and country warmly congratulate you on your
assumption of the Presidency of this fifty-eighth
session of the United Nations General Assembly. In
presiding over the Assembly, Saint Lucia is setting an
historic precedent for small island developing States,
with the able support of its Caribbean Community
(CARICOM) neighbours.
Fiji fully supports your chairmanship. We also
recognize the successful leadership of your
17

predecessor, President Jan Kavan of the Czech
Republic.
I wish to express my Government’s deep
condolences to the family of Mr. Vieira de Mello and
of all the victims of the bombing at the United Nations
in Baghdad last month. This was a brutal crime, which
robbed the world of one of its most accomplished
mediators and peacemakers. We hope that at this
session, we can all come together, united, in our
collective determination to rid the world of terrorism.
I come from a part of the globe that is isolated in
the vast South Pacific. But that remoteness does not
separate us from the international perils of the bomb,
the gun and the hijacker. It does not insulate us against
those bent on causing death and destruction to defend
their interests or advance a cause. The fact is that every
country and region is a potential target.
Members of the Pacific Islands Forum are joined
with the United Nations in the search for a new order
of peace and stability. That might seem an impossible
task set against the tensions, the hatreds, the bloodshed
and violence of the times. But, if we abandon it, we sell
out the principles of the United Nations. We betray our
countries, our peoples and generations to come.
Are we so inadequate and lacking in our
understanding and abilities that we are incapable of
coming up with new solutions to stop the spread of
terror? It is not enough to simply strike out at the
perpetrators. We must spend more effort and resources
finding out what turns people towards violence to
achieve a goal. We must tell ourselves that there is a
different way, that the growing culture of violence and
killing is not destined to be a permanent part of our
world.
The United Nations needs to go to the root causes
of this terrible phenomenon, which casts a very dark
and menacing shadow over the first years of the
twenty-first century. In the Pacific, we are
concentrating on security issues, strengthening law and
order and maintaining stability. A number of initiatives
were taken during the last 12 months when our Prime
Minister served as Forum chair.
Foremost among these initiatives was the ground-
breaking decision to send a peace mission to the
Solomon Islands in response to a plea for assistance
from that country. The Solomon Islands had been
wracked for several years by civil unrest, lawlessness
and ethnic conflict. We in Fiji had a sympathetic
appreciation of the difficulties facing those islands
because of our own crisis in 2000. We were more than
happy, therefore, to contribute to a task force to the
Solomon Islands charged with bringing back order and
re-establishing peace. A contingent of our troops,
combined with others from Australia, Papua New
Guinea, Tonga and New Zealand, is now in the
Solomon Islands working with the people there. We are
encouraged by what our own soldiers and their
comrades have been able to do so far to support a
neighbour in distress. Our task is given extra
significance through the close ties we enjoy with the
Solomon Islands.
The Solomon Islands mission has inevitably
generated some controversy and debate about
Australia’s expanding involvement in our region. But
let the record reflect that we endorse Australia’s
leading role in this intervention on the invitation of the
Solomon Islands Government. One of its notable
aspects is that it is multilateral. It was accomplished
through the Pacific Islands Forum and has the
unanimous support of the members. Beyond this, we
know that the support and encouragement of the
international community and the United Nations
system will remain important, as work to build a
credible law and justice system, an effective
administration and a viable economic base continues.
Recent happenings have brought into question the
value, the relevance and the future of multilateralism.
Our position is that we understood the concerns, which
led the United States to act in the way it did over Iraq.
The date of 11 September 2001 was a shattering ordeal.
It changed history and it changed America.
That said, Fiji declares an unwavering
commitment to the concept of the world community
working together, seeking the common path forward.
We stand by the ideals of a multilateral, cooperative
approach among nations. We welcome the decision by
the United States to now seek United Nations
involvement in Iraq’s reconstruction.
In the Pacific, the Nasonini Declaration on
regional security, adopted last year in Fiji, is a
keystone of joint strategy. It followed the earlier
Honiara Declaration on Law Enforcement Cooperation,
aimed at countering transnational and organized crime.
The Forum countries will give higher priority to
implementing legislative provisions to improve our
18

capacity for dealing with law enforcement and security
challenges. Underpinning this is an Australian
commitment, also approved by the Forum, to spend
approximately $15 million over three years, to
strengthen regional police forces. New Zealand has,
additionally, agreed to put in $2 million. This important
project is to be based in Fiji. A regional academy will
provide training for about 900 police officers annually
from Forum countries.
Fiji has been taking part in United Nations
peacekeeping operations since 1978. This has come at
a price. But, to us, serving world peace with our
soldiers demonstrates that even the smallest States can
play their part in minimizing and preventing conflicts.
Currently, 635 Fiji personnel are on active duty in
United Nations missions, apart from 123 soldiers and
15 police in the Solomon Islands. Our commitment to
United Nations peacekeeping has not changed. It is a
vital part of our foreign policy.
Fiji stresses the importance of strengthening
multilateral treaties and conventions on disarmament
and non-proliferation. Our country is one of those that
want to see an effective global strategy for the control
of small arms and light weapons.
During our Prime Minister’s chairmanship of the
Pacific Islands Forum, there was a deepening of the
South Pacific region’s engagement with development
partners and international organizations. Heads of
Government from member States enhanced their ties
with France and Japan. They met in Tahiti with
President Chirac and discussed many topics of common
concern.
At a summit with Prime Minister Koizumi in
Okinawa, they were able to reach and agreement on the
outcome of the World Summit on Sustainable
Development, the Millennium Development Goals and
our own regional priorities, as a further basis for future
collaboration.
The Pacific Islands Forum now has 12 dialogue
partners, including the United States, Canada, France,
the United Kingdom, the European Union, Japan,
China, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, India and
Taiwan.
China — the emerging giant in world affairs and
trade — has a steadily growing presence in our region.
Its involvement and support for our economic and
social development is welcome. We see definite scope
for trade, investment, cultural and tourism links. China,
many commentators believe, already has the world’s
second largest economy. Its present aid programme is
significant and we expect it to grow substantially as
bilateral relationships grow stronger.
At the same time, we place great value on our
trade and commerce with Taiwan and value its
assistance to our development. We look forward to the
day when China and Taiwan peacefully resolve their
long-standing differences.
We also welcome Japan’s role and presence in the
Pacific Islands region. Japan is an economic
powerhouse and its increased role and contribution in
promoting international security and development
should be recognized by all Member States in allowing
Japan a special place in the United Nations Security
Council.
I am pleased to report that in Fiji and the region,
there is more coordination in the effort to curb
HIV/AIDS, the most terrible disease of our era.
Although we have so far escaped the worst effects of
HIV/AIDS, it is a real danger in the islands.
We expect to make substantial progress in our
fight against this affliction, with support from Japan
and France and an allocation from the Global Fund to
Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. A programme
financed by Australia provides $12.5 million for the
regional campaign. Our Government will also make a
larger HIV/AIDS allocation in next year’s budget.
HIV/AIDS screening was recently at the centre of
discussion in Fiji, when a suggestion was made for
obligatory testing. Such a move was regarded by our
Human Rights Commission as a rights violation. We
must weigh the Commission’s views carefully against
the competing call for radical response to a national
threat.
The Fiji Human Rights Commission is a product
of our Constitution and its comprehensive bill of rights.
The Commission is implementing a public education
campaign to overcome a lack of awareness on rights
issues. It also monitors Government and statutory
authorities so that laws and policies conform to
international human rights principles and the
requirements of the Constitution. These generally
reflect the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
adopted by this Assembly in 1948.
19

As a former colony, Fiji is a late-starter in
promoting human rights and civil liberties. Our
Government’s strategic plan to 2005 expresses very
clearly where we stand. The plan was endorsed by a
national economic summit and by Parliament. Please
allow me to quote briefly from the plan:
“The guarantee of fundamental rights and
freedoms for every citizen of Fiji and their equal
protection under the law ... is an essential part of
our vision for a peaceful Fiji. A feeling of
personal security and of group security comes
about when people have confidence that breaches
of rights and freedoms will be dealt with
impartially and speedily”.
I quote further:
“... Respect for the rights of others is a
critical component of our freedoms guaranteed
under the constitution. It is essential for peaceful
existence in our multi-cultural society”.
I emphasize these points because sometimes there
are attempts to depict Fiji as a land where rights are
habitually abused. Propaganda against our country has
been circulated in some quarters here at the United
Nations.
Much of this stems from opposition to our
affirmative action policies designed to end social and
economic inequalities. These are based on principles
well-established internationally and are provided for in
our Constitution.
It is self-evident that a country cannot grow in
justice, harmony and prosperity when more than half of
its population — in this case the indigenous Fijians —
are largely outside the economy looking in.
All right-thinking people will agree that it is just
and fair that this should be changed. But we constantly
stress that this is not about taking from one group to
give to another. It is about making the economy grow
so that there is enough wealth to be shared equitably
among our population. We want to give the Fijians a
chance to catch up and compete in business and
commerce.
Let it be noted that we have brought in laws to
help the disadvantaged of all communities. This is a
constitutional obligation. No one is being left out. That
is the commitment we have made to our own
population, and we now make to the international
community.
Disparities and inequalities go to the very heart of
the dispute which brought about the collapse of the
Cancún talks. The failure of the talks underscores the
deep differences which separate the poor countries
from the rich in the battle to reform international trade.
We acknowledge the ideal of free trade, but the stark
reality is that there are many dangerous pitfalls for
nations whose economies are weak and vulnerable.
It will be a long time before most developing
States are ready to compete on that so-called level
playing field. To them it is not level at all. Bring the
barriers down completely and the full might of first-
world commercial power will descend. What will that
do to home-grown and emerging industries in poorer
countries?
For the time being, countries like ours need
preferences and special access for our economic
survival. Think of it as a form of affirmative action to
reduce that yawning chasm between the rich North and
the poverty-stricken South. We now need to urgently
consider where the World Trade Organization goes
from here, and what can be done to salvage the
wreckage of Cancún.
About three and-a-half years ago, my country
came very close to anarchy. We had an armed
insurrection, hostage-taking and violence. The
Government of the day was overthrown. It was a time
of extreme crisis for Fiji.
Now, I can stand before this Assembly to tell you
that our nation is being reborn. Order and stability were
restored and the first steps taken on a continuing
journey of reconciliation. We had peaceful, democratic
elections. Our Government is on a mission to build a
Fiji where peace, multi-racial harmony and prosperity
will always reign.
Our economic policy is to create more
employment and wealth through high growth. We have
increased Government investment in infrastructure and
made a concerted and, to this point, successful effort to
attract greater volumes of private capital. Many of the
indicators are positive — apart from those relating to
our sugar industry. This year, we expect to achieve an
overall growth rate of more than five per cent.
This remarkable recovery could not have been
achieved without the encouragement and support of
20

many friends of Fiji in the international community,
and especially here at the United Nations.
I pay tribute to the role of the United Nations
Development Programme, the World Health
Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organization,
the United Nations Population Fund, the United
Nations Children’s Fund, the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and
the International Labour Organization. The ILO is
making a particularly valuable contribution at the
moment with a plan to accelerate job creation.
To conclude, the “special case” of the small
island developing States is calling for a “special
response” of the global community, in further
advancing our sustainable development efforts. The
ten-year comprehensive review of the Barbados
Programme of Action in Mauritius next year will
provide the avenue for our development partners to
make further commitments to our cause. Fiji is urging
the international community to contribute to the
success of this meeting.
Mr. President and fellow delegates, the United
Nations is currently experiencing considerable strain
and division, but it is for all of us to ensure that this
Organization comes through the period of difficulty,
strengthened and regenerated. The world needs the
United Nations and what it stands for.


My delegation celebrates the
wisdom of the United Nations in choosing one of our
distinguished Caribbean statesmen, Mr. Julian Hunte,
to preside over this fifty-eighth session of the General
Assembly. I assure you, Sir, that the energy and
industry that you will bring to our work will produce
very meaningful results in this very important session.
We continue to be fortunate to have the guidance
and strength of our Secretary-General, whose skill and
compassion are especially needed today. His words last
Tuesday echoed strong and true, and we should all take
heed.
And speaking of all, we need to respect the
principle of universality of our Organization. The time
has come to admit Taiwan to membership of the United
Nations. Taiwan has proven itself to be an exemplary
member of the international community with a deep
sense of solidarity with small and poor nations.
Belize’s Prime Minister has said:
“When we turn our attention to the
international stage there is greater cause for
anxiety. Let us ask ourselves: After all the
developments in building the international system
and crystallizing international law from 1945 to
the present, which of the following fundamental
principles are respected in practice or indeed safe
in theory: the peaceful settlement of disputes; the
right to self-determination, sovereignty and
territorial integrity; non-interference in the
internal affairs of States; the right of peoples to
have the social and political system of their
choice; respect for social, economic and political
human rights; not to use force or the threat of
force to settle disputes; respect for the
international rule of law; abiding by the Charter
of the United Nations; and working towards a
world governance based on multilateralism and
the rule of reason, rather than of force?
“Which of those is safe? Indeed, in the
international arena … we do seem to be in free
fall towards barbarism”.
Barbarism may not be new, but there does seem
to be a greater tolerance for it and we do seem to be
22

more powerless to contain it. In a world riddled with
fear and dominated by terrorism, including State
terrorism, we need to concentrate on what needs to be
done to save our humanity.
As we contemplate the international arena, with
multilateralism under threat and the development of
peoples blocked by the practices of the rich and
powerful, we can take comfort in one thing — that,
yes, in the end ideas are more powerful than arms. And
our ideas — we the United Nations of the world — are
clearly and powerfully set out in our Charter. Yes, the
Charter needs reform; we need urgently to democratize
our practice. Small States make up the majority of our
membership and elementary democracy demands that
we have a greater say than our Charter presently allows
us, but the basic principles of the Charter remain valid.
The fundamentals are in place.
Article 1 of the Charter states the fundamental
purpose of the United Nations: To maintain
international peace and security, and to that end to take
effective collective measures for the prevention and
removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression
of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace.
Article 24 of the Charter confers on the Security
Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security. Under Article 42,
should the Security Council consider that measures
short of the use of force would be inadequate or have
proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air,
sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or
restore international peace and security. Such action
must, of course, be agreed collective action, not
unilateral action.
I ask members of the Assembly: Is there any part
of that we do not understand? It seems perfectly simple
and clear to us small States, which depend on the
United Nations Charter and on respect for international
principles and international law for our very existence.
We are confronted with the question: Are we as an
Organization irrelevant? And I say: only if we make
ourselves irrelevant. And we do that only if we are
determined to self-destruct.
We can call here for many lofty objectives, as
contained in our Millennium Development Goals. We
can pronounce on the many injustices facing so many
peoples and countries in the present world
dispensation, but all of that would be futile if our very
United Nations should cease to be effective or become
irrelevant. That is why I have restricted my statement
to one plea to nations large and small, powerful or
weak: Keep the United Nations alive, respect its
Charter, abide by agreed international principles and
international law. That is all we ask, nothing more.
Above all, let us not give up what it has cost us so
much time and effort, so much blood, to bring to a
modest but important stage — our multilateral system.
All civilized nations would surely agree to this
plea rather than plunge the world into barbarism.
Multilateralism or chaos. Long Live the United
Nations!


My delegation associates
itself with the compliments expressed to Mr. Julian
Hunte on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at this session; to his predecessor, Mr. Jan
Kavan of the Czech Republic; and to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan.
As we converge upon this city of New York, we
are once again reminded of the stark reality of the
scourge of terrorism, whose effects have reverberated
across the world. Earlier this month two years ago, in
this very city, humanity suffered the worst threat ever
visited on it by terrorism. We continue to share the
grief of those who will forever miss the love and the
support of their loved ones. We must therefore reaffirm
our resolve to join together in partnership to eliminate
those elements which threaten to destroy humanity and
its way of life.
Our best hope for success is   and should be
our collective strength. We owe it to ourselves and to
future generations of humankind to pool our resources
and strategies to annihilate the scourge of terrorism. In
doing so, we must simultaneously and genuinely
examine and begin to understand what forces and
factors drive an inherently good human being to
commit such desperate actions and drastic acts of
violence, in the process committing them not only
against others, but against himself. Our preventive
measures must address such forces and factors in order
to disarm potential terrorists.
The progress report on the implementation of the
Millennium Development Goals in Lesotho documents
that the single greatest obstacle to the development of
our nation   and indeed to reaching the objectives laid
out in the Goals   is the scourge of HIV/AIDS. In our
part of the world, Southern Africa, Governments are
overwhelmed by high levels of morbidity and
mortality, especially among the working-age group in
all sectors, including health and agriculture. HIV/AIDS
has become the leading cause of the food insecurity
and famine that plague so many of our people today.
We are also frustrated because our efforts to
achieve the Millennium Development Goal of
education for all by 2015 through the introduction of
free primary education is faltering due to the high rate
of absenteeism by both teachers and pupils. Teachers
are sick and dying. Children   especially girls   are
dropping out of school to take care of their sick
relatives. The number of malnourished, traumatized,
orphaned and out-of-school children is increasing at an
alarming rate. We therefore stress the need for urgent
assistance to Lesotho and the southern African region
and increased supplies of the anti-retroviral and other
related HIV and AIDS drugs, in order to curb the
scourge. Lesotho and the region also need financial and
technical resources for training and capacity-building
in HIV and AIDS programme implementation and
management.
Lesotho is concerned that the goal of poverty
eradication, which is the first Millennium Development
Goal and one of the cross-cutting themes of all major
United Nations conferences and summits, could elude
the international community. Indeed, this critical state
of affairs is highlighted in the Economic Report on
Africa, 2003, which indicates that in 2002, of the 53
countries in Africa, only five achieved the 7 per cent
growth rate required to meet the Millennium
Development Goals, while 43 countries registered
growth rates below 7 per cent and five countries
registered negative growth rates.
Against the backdrop of a democratizing
continent   a precondition set for assistance by the
developed North   there is a growing consensus that
the decline in official development assistance and other
financial flows to Africa is increasing the
19

marginalization of the continent in the global economy.
Without new inflows of external resources, the pace of
development in Africa will forever remain elusive. My
delegation therefore wishes to reiterate its appeal to the
developed countries to fulfil the commitments made at
all the major United Nations conferences, as well as at
the Millennium Summit.
Furthermore, we wish to stress the need for a
review of the list of heavily indebted poor countries
and those on the borderline, so that all poor countries
that, like Lesotho, face debt servicing difficulties, can
be considered under the enhanced Heavily Indebted
Poor Countries Debt Initiative. My delegation also
shares the view that debt cancellation for the least
developed countries should be considered as a viable
option so that such countries can inject that money into
their economies.
My delegation reiterates the call for increased
support to the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD). We are aware that Iraq today
dominates the world spotlight, as was confirmed in
recent testimony before the Congress of the United
States of America, which was asked to approve $87
billion for the rehabilitation of that country. In sharp
contrast, an injection of only about $6 billion into
NEPAD would go a long way towards achieving what
is a continentwide agenda.
African leaders need extensive support as they
address, inter alia, the root causes of the agricultural
crises in the continent. For us in Africa, agriculture is
the engine of overall growth, as it is at the very core of
people's livelihoods, especially in the rural areas. It is
linked to issues of food security and affects growth in
other economic sectors.
Lesotho is deeply concerned that armed conflicts
continue to hinder economic growth in Africa and
elsewhere. We have also been shocked by several
reports of an extreme lack of respect for the basic
principles of international humanitarian law on the part
of parties to armed conflict. Equally regrettable are
incidents of egregious violations of the rights of
women and children. We therefore commend the
United Nations for all its efforts aimed at the
elimination of human suffering in armed conflict.
Indeed, the establishment of the International Criminal
Tribunals, the birth of the International Criminal Court
and the setting up of the Special Court for Sierra
Leone, are cause for considerable optimism and prove
beyond any doubt that the world has grown weary of
impunity. It is our fervent hope that Member States will
continue to provide the necessary support and
cooperation to those institutions.
Africa hungers for peace. The continent must
never again have to witness acts of violence and
atrocities such as those that were recently committed in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Liberia. We
hope that the international community will continue to
support all endeavours aimed at attaining lasting peace,
security and stability in those countries.
My delegation is encouraged by the progress to
date to restore law and order in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, including the establishment of
an all-inclusive transitional Government of National
Unity. The international community must intensify its
efforts to assist millions of Congolese people who are
not only displaced but also facing serious food
shortages. My delegation is confident that, with the
necessary support, the Government of National Unity
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo will restore
peace and security in the country and heal the deep
wounds caused by war and ethnic hatred. We are also
gratified that the Security Council has mandated a
special Panel to investigate the plunder of natural
resources in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It
is our hope and wish that those responsible will be
brought to book.
The people of Angola have peace at last, now that
one of Africa's longest-running fratricidal wars has
come to an end. The scars of war in Angola will remain
forever, deeply embedded in the memories of the most
vulnerable of the population   the women and
children of that country, where motherhood was abused
and children were deprived of their childhood.
Reintegration and rehabilitation assistance to Angola,
therefore, should, in the main, target those groups.
The future of Somalia continues to hang in the
balance, despite the efforts by Kenya, the Inter-
Governmental Authority on Development, the African
Union and all other stakeholders to put an end to the
carnage in that country. Somalia has been turned into a
breeding ground for warlords who have no respect for
human life but are greedy for power and money. We
tend to agree with those who argue that the deployment
of an international force would help to facilitate the
disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process.
20

At the end of the day, however, the responsibility for
bringing peace and reconciliation to Somalia lies with
the Somalis themselves.
Although there have been positive indicators in
the search for a peaceful and acceptable solution to the
conflict between Israel and Palestine, we are concerned
that the recent resumption of the cycle of violence will
render the road map for peace futile. The drastic and
repressive measures, the unilateral erection of a wall
dividing the two, the reoccupation of Palestinian towns
and villages, and the targeting of Hamas leaders with
the aim of killing them are all measures which cannot
help the course of peace or ensure that the Palestinian
people enjoy their inalienable rights, including the
right to self-determination in a sovereign and
independent State. In like manner, the continuing
suicide missions by militant groups to kill Israelis
indiscriminately cannot, and must not, be condoned or
justified.
But then two stark realities must be addressed:
first, that the root cause of the problem is the illegal
occupation of Palestinian lands; and secondly, that no
one country can be an honest broker in the Middle
East. History itself positions some countries so much
with one party to the conflict that they cannot   even
with the best of intentions   be non-partisan.
Consequently, my delegation strongly urges the United
Nations to take the initiative and to lead the process,
and thus to lend legitimacy and credibility to the efforts
to find an abiding solution.
The same goes for the people of Western Sahara.
In the civilized world of the twenty-first century, it is
simply untenable that we still have colonizers in some
parts of the world, in disregard of the widely accepted
principles of self-determination and democracy. The
international community must intervene so as to bring
finality to the status of the Saharawi Arab Democratic
Republic. The brotherly people of Sahara have suffered
unduly and long enough.
On a positive note, we welcome the lifting of
sanctions against Libya by the Security Council.
Nevertheless, it is our contention that the lifting of the
sanctions would have been more significant if all the
members of the Security Council had raised their flags
in favour.
By the same token, it is now time to collectively
address all issues relating to the unilateral economic
blockade against Cuba. It is simply untenable for the
United Nations to look on helplessly when a Member
State strangles another Member State of this body,
simply because it holds or practices different economic
philosophies or political viewpoints. Those truths must
be confronted and discussed in honesty and without
malice towards anyone. Otherwise, our credibility and
our raison d''tre are called into question.
In conclusion, I wish to refer to the question of
the reform of the Security Council. It is now a trite fact
that the credibility of the United Nations   including
its adherence to multilateralism   is being openly
questioned. It will take a lot of work to change that
perception on the part of many, especially in the
developing world. The Secretary-General, Mr. Annan,
has on several occasions stressed the need for radical
reform to restore United Nations credibility. We
therefore applaud the statement that he made before
this body yesterday that he intends to establish a high-
level panel of eminent persons to look into the
challenges to peace, security and other global issues. It
is our hope that the recommendations of that panel will
pave the way to a better international order.
It has been almost 10 years since the
establishment of an open-ended working group to study
all questions relating to equitable representation in the
Security Council, including increasing the membership
of the Council. My delegation is of the view that there
is an urgent need to accelerate the pace and to redouble
our efforts to bring this matter to a conclusion. Let us
face it: the very concept and practice of a veto in the
Security Council is simply untenable and is totally at
variance with the democratic principles of our modern
times. For one member with a veto to overrule 14
others is simply undemocratic. It is patently unjust and
contrary to every principle underpinning fair play and
world order. My delegation cannot   in all honesty
and without malice to anyone   understand how and
why leading champions of democracy can cling so
desperately to such an outmoded, primitive and unjust
system. The same sacred convictions, truths and beliefs
that guided and forced our forbears to abolish slavery,
to declare racism and genocide crimes against
humanity and to preach and uphold the equality of all
humans must of necessity guide us in this instance.
Otherwise, history will judge and chastise us
severely   but justifiably   as dishonest. Such is the
naked truth staring us in the face.


I would like
to start by congratulating Mr. Julian Hunte on his
33

election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its fifty-eight session. We wish him great success in the
fulfilment of this difficult and lofty task.
The current session is taking place at one of the
most troubled times in our era. The recent events in the
Gulf region were a severe test of the capacity and
readiness of the United Nations to provide appropriate
responses to the challenges presently faced by the
international community. The impact of these events
somehow diminished the cohesion of our world
Organization and weakened trust among its Members.
There was a failure in the international security system,
which puts us in the position of needing immediately to
make it more effective.
In fact, the present international security system,
created after the last great war — despite having to
date prevented the outbreak of a new world conflict —
has shown signs of an incompatibility in the global
collective security interests of the Members of the
United Nations in relation to the new challenges of this
millennium.
We are in urgent need of an integrated system
capable of dealing effectively with the major threats to
international stability at the outset of this twenty-first
century, specifically terrorism and international
organized crime; weapons of mass destruction; internal
conflicts, which, unfortunately, continue to plague the
African continent in particular; generalized poverty;
and HIV/AIDS.
Terrorism is today the most direct threat to the
security of our countries, as can be seen from the attacks
that in the past two years have killed thousands of
civilians in the United States, Russia, Africa and Asia.
With regard to armed conflicts, the situation
continues to require urgent attention. During the last
decade, approximately one third of African States were
either directly or indirectly affected by internal conflicts,
which resulted in costs as high as $15 billion a year, and
caused hundreds of thousands of deaths, massive
displacements of people, famine and malnutrition, and
the spread of diseases such as HIV/AIDS.
The prevalence of conflicts in Africa is not only
the result of the divisions inherited from the post-
colonial period and the cold war and of ethnic and
religious differences. It is also a consequence of factors
such as the fragility of national institutions, the
marginalization of the African continent from the
world economy, the illegal exploitation of natural
resources and the resulting arms proliferation, and the
weak monitoring of national borders. This situation
must be swiftly reversed, since it can endanger the
future of millions of Africans and increase the risk of
certain areas of the continent’s becoming true
sanctuaries for terrorist organizations.
Improving United Nations political institutions
and security systems constitutes the most effective
method of addressing the threats facing humankind. It
is therefore necessary to establish new mechanisms
outside of the traditional strategic doctrines. The
international legal documents created by the United
Nations, and the current alliances between States, have
proved insufficient to respond adequately and in a
consensual manner to such threats, particularly when they
are posed by entities that are not themselves States.
Because of its universal nature, the United
Nations plays a central role in the management of
current and future challenges. But that is not enough. It
is crucial that that role be performed within a more
democratic and participative framework, particularly
with regard to major decisions on international peace
and security.
Iraq and other parts of the Middle East are the
main hotbeds of tension in the world today, and the
combined efforts of the United Nations are being
focused on that region. The continued loss of life in
Iraq — with most of those killed being innocent
civilians, including United Nations officials, among
them the late Special Representative of the Secretary-
General, Sergio Vieira de Mello — is a reminder of the
need for increased support by the international
community to ensure the security of the Iraqi people,
the building of new institutions and the beginning of
the reconstruction of the country.
The will of the international community, and
certainly that of the Iraqi people, is for Iraq to become,
as soon as possible, a viable, democratic State with
institutions validated by its people, and a country living
in peace with its neighbours.
The achievement of this goal implies the
establishment of a political and institutional framework
in which the United Nations plays an active role,
specifically in the pacification and unification of the
country; in the internal political dialogue; in the
process of national reconciliation; and in the
establishment of new democratic institutions.
34

Angola hopes that the present convergence of
positions among the members of the Security Council
on the role of the United Nations in Iraq will facilitate
an understanding relative to the transitional process in
general and to the transfer of sovereignty to the Iraqi
people.
Angola deplores the loss of civilian life and the
material damage caused by the escalation of the
conflict in the Middle East. The rekindling of violence
between Palestinians and Israelis represents the
greatest danger to the implementation of the road map
for peace, whose ultimate objective is the signing of an
agreement for the creation of an independent, viable
Palestinian State, living side by side and in peace with
Israel and its other neighbours. In our view, that is the
only solution capable of putting a definite end to the
cycle of violence.
The end, last year, of the armed conflict in
Angola, and the success of the peace process, are
among the most extraordinary political achievements
seen in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. With the
attainment of peace in Angola, the Southern African
region became, for the first time in several decades, a
zone free from conflict, and it can now focus its human
and material resources on reconstruction and
development efforts.
Angola today is a country in its post-conflict
stage. It is committed to the tasks of overcoming the
heavy burden of a 40-year conflict, focusing on the
strengthening of its democratic process — which even
during the difficult war period was never abandoned by
the Government — and fully resuming its legitimate
role within the regional and international context.
As a result of the impact of the conflict on the
human, economic, social and financial structures of the
country, and given the inequities inherited from our
colonial past, the current post-conflict stage — which
will lead to the building of a new society in Angola —
is a difficult and painful one, and this has been an
obvious impediment to an immediate response to the
legitimate aspirations of Angolan citizens.
The challenges that confront Angola are enormous
— perhaps immeasurable. The main challenges include
the resettlement of more than 4 million displaced
persons and 450,000 refugees; the social reintegration
of more than 80,000 former military personnel and
their respective families; the resolution of the problem
of absolute poverty, which now afflicts more than half
of the Angolan population; and the reconstruction of
the social and economic infrastructure.
At the same time, in spite of the scarcity of
available resources, we are creating the necessary
conditions to hold elections in the near future. Despite
our numerous problems and challenges, there is hardly
any assistance from the international community for
Angola, as compared with other countries in similar
circumstances, some of which received an immediate
response to their appeals, even though they lacked de
jure institutions. We would like to believe that such
treatment is not the result of any form of discrimination
against our country.
There is no example in modern history of a State,
rich or poor, that, in the aftermath of a devastating and
destructive war such as that which afflicted Angola,
has managed to overcome the burden left by such a war
and rise again without outside assistance. In Angola,
this reconstruction effort has, up to now, been borne
solely by the Angolans themselves, in spite of the
reiterated promises that the only factor that hindered
the supply of aid to our reconstruction was the
pacification of our country.
We hereby renew, therefore, our appeal to the
international community to help Angola in its domestic
reconstruction effort. To this end, my delegation will
submit a draft resolution on international assistance
and the reconstruction and economic development of
Angola, which proposes that an international donor
conference be convened. We are counting on the
support of the Assembly.
Angola also welcomes the progress made in the
area of peace and security in other regions of the
continent, especially the Democratic Republic of
Congo. The role of Angola, as well as that of its
partners, was crucial in preventing a situation of chaos
and disintegration in the territory of that brotherly
country, with which we share a long border, and in
convincing the parties to give up war and choose
instead a negotiated political solution.
The Congolese patriots have shown signs of great
maturity in guaranteeing the success of the peace process
and the transformation of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo into a viable country that does not constitute a
threat to the stability of its border regions.
Angola will continue to be open to strengthening
the traditional relations of friendship and cooperation it
35

has maintained with the authorities of the interim
Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
as well as with future authorities that are legitimately
elected by popular vote.
There is still a stalemate with regard to the
situation in the Western Sahara. Difficulties regarding
the holding of a referendum on the self-determination
of the territory are a hindrance to the search for a
definitive solution to this question. Angola urges the
parties involved to show flexibility and seek a political
solution that enables the people of that territory to
decide freely about their own destiny.
Today, as one part of the world, particularly the
industrialized countries, enjoys considerable wealth, 40
per cent of the 600 million Africans continue to survive
on less than one dollar a day. In fact, Africa continues
to show the lowest social and economic development
indicators, and those levels are becoming even worse, due
to the marginalization of the African countries in the
progress of globalization and within the world economy,
where trade and capital share are only 1 per cent.
Africa is also the continent that benefits the least
in terms of foreign direct investment, receiving only 7
per cent of the investment targeted at the developing
countries. External debt has been a huge obstacle to the
development process because repayment of the debt
service alone has depleted the already-limited national
resources of the African States. Angola supports the
cancellation of the external debt service of the least
developed countries, particularly those in the African
continent.
The macroeconomic measures imposed by the
Bretton Woods institutions within the framework of the
structural adjustment programme have not always been
able to help the African continent overcome its
international economic problems. In many cases, that
has led to controversial results. Based on such results,
experience has shown that, in fact, the financial
institutions very often do not take into account the
idiosyncrasies of each country and frequently put the
Governments in the position of choosing between
meeting the conditions imposed by the financial
institutions or meeting the real needs of their people.
Angola hopes that, with the establishment of the
African Union and the launching of the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development, the tragic
situation in which the African continent finds itself
today can be alleviated by setting priorities and giving
special attention to immediate economic development
issues.