26.	It is my great pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of this session of the General Assembly and to wish you well in the discharge of your onerous responsibilities.
27.	I also extend a special welcome to the newest Member of this Assembly, Solomon Islands, whose application for membership New Zealand was privileged to sponsor. We are neighbours in the South Pacific, members together of the South Pacific Forum and the Commonwealth. In those settings, and now in this one, New Zealand looks forward to a close, warm and co-operative relationship with Solomon Islands.
28.	New States enter upon their nationhood today at a difficult time. As an international community we face enormous political and economic problems. If the measure of a healthy civilization is its ability to govern itself, to match its demands to its resources, to manage its technology and its institutions in a sane and rational way, then we are heading for trouble. The problems we face as a global community, as a group of "united nations", are both menacing and daunting: issues of peace or war in many parts of the world, the crippling and dangerous arms race, the risk of nuclear catastrophe by deliberate decision or mischance, the widespread denial of human rights, food shortages, energy problems, population pressures, dwindling non-renewable resources and a whole range of economic ills, including high rates of inflation, unemployment and protectionism, low levels of investment and unstable commodity markets.
29.	It is not altogether surprising that, confronted with these awesome and intractable problems, some countries, in effect, opt out. Consciously or not, they decide to hold on to what they have, to settle for the protection and enjoyment of whatever resources they possess without too much regard for the effects of that policy on others. If, by way of regional or other association, this self-interest can be reinforced, then the wider grouping is pursued, with great emphasis on the value of regional co-operation. The motive in fact is national self-interest, and the manifestations of such groupings are high walls and barriers of one kind or another to keep the world at bay.
30.	This is not, in New Zealand's view, the way to deal with the great issues of the day. Self-indulgence and self-interest proved fatal to earlier civilizations; they may well, unchecked, be fatal to ours. The international community, of which the United Nations is the symbol, cannot survive let alone prosper if we, the members of it, withdraw into our shells. The agenda of international problems, however frightening, needs to be addressed by all of us squarely and determine and, mindful of course of our responsibility for the security and welfare of our own people but mindful also of the needs of the global community. We need, in short, fewer barriers between us, better machinery for consultation in the economic, social and political spheres, and above all the political will to engage in the sort of co-operation which allows us at least to make a start towards correcting the gross social and economic injustices that now prevail.
31.	This is not simply an economic issue. If we are to move in a discernible way to cure current ills the issues of national security, of international law, of intergovernmental organization—all the major political issues of the day—are of paramount importance. Solutions to those problems will determine the freedom of States to make the appropriate responses in the economic sphere. Nor is it, as I have pointed out, the concern of just a few States; the problem is an immediate one for all of us.
32.	The great Powers, however, have a primary role. Their attitudes to each other condition the environment in which we all live and operate. What the great Powers do, and what they do not do, carry consequences for all of us. We welcome therefore those co-operative arrangements that betoken an effort to contain crises, to co-operate in the avoidance of nuclear war, to reach agreement on arms- control measures, to extend relations over a broad range of social and cultural fronts and to reduce the harshness of the rhetoric between them.
33.	It is not, of course, only up to the great Powers. International relations are both intricate and complex and there are opportunities for constructive contributions from the small and middle-sized Powers as well as from the great.
34.	These opportunities would be immeasurably enhanced if the smaller States learned to work together. In New Zealand's part of the world, the south Pacific, we are making an effort to do so and we are attempting to build up a sense of partnership in the region. I have just come to
New York from a meeting earlier this month of the South Pacific Forum-a regular conference of the Heads of Government of all the independent and self-governing States of the south Pacific. Among the major topics discussed at the Forum was the enactment of legislation creating a 200-mile exclusive economic zone by the countries of the region. This offers to many of these smaller island States an opportunity, for the first time, to capitalize on what is in some cases their only substantial resource. These Pacific island States, together with New Zealand and Australia, have decided to move at once to set up a Forum fisheries agency to advise their Governments, many of whose scientific resources are slender, on the conservation, utilization and management of the living resources, including highly migratory species, of their 200-mile economic zones. At the same time, they are continuing to explore the question of what kind of long-term regional fisheries arrangements will serve the Pacific best.
35.	Another major topic discussed at the Forum was economic development and ways of minimizing the twin evils of protectionism and declining terms of trade. We suffer from these in New Zealand and we understand the difficulties facing developing countries and in particular our south Pacific neighbours, most of whom have an even narrower range of export products and less stable markets than we do. To tackle these problems we have together established an industrial development scheme to provide financial backing and incentives for companies to develop manufacturing industries in the islands. In addition, we are currently reviewing the numerous factors affecting entry of island exports to the New Zealand market. Our bilateral aid programme continues to have its primary focus in the south Pacific and this year 60 per cent of New Zealand's bilateral aid will be directed to the region. In the fields of shipping and civil aviation substantial progress has been made. A regional shipping line started operations in May and the number of direct air services between countries of the region is increasing.
36.	These are practical issues-a serious effort on the part of all the regional States to stimulate new thinking and to create greater opportunities for the development of trade and economic advancement in our part of the world. Their purpose, however, goes beyond mere economic considerations. Solutions are vital if democratic processes and political stability are not to be placed in jeopardy.
37.	In New Zealand's view, the same sort of co-operative effort—and for the same reasons—is needed in the global arena. As I see it, the world's economy today is distinguished by two rather paradoxical characteristics-its interdependence and its diversity. We have to grapple with both. Take interdependence. I do not question the argument for individual countries fostering a degree of economic self- sufficiency. There are certain skills and certain industries which every country needs to have even when the cost of establishing those skills is, by international standards, high. I believe, however, that most countries, including my own, have far snore to gain from participating in the international economy than from standing outside it. Decisions made in the world's major trading nations have a critical effect on the economic well-being and on the development patterns of the more peripheral economies. In the reverse aspect, recent years have shown that the world's major trading
countries also depend, to varying degrees, upon economic events in the less economically powerful countries. Raw material supply is an obvious area. Another is the importance of some developing countries as sources of demand and as areas of investment for the products and capital of the richer nations. There is evidence stretching back over a long period of the economic benefits for richer countries of increasing their imports, particularly of labour-intensive goods, from the newly industrializing countries. For these countries political stability is inseparable from economic stability.
38.	If countries are to produce and export those things which their human and material resources and their historic development priorities suggest as logical and economically efficient, they must do so within an international economic environment that allows scope for their diversity. That means an open international trading system. Protectionism must be resisted, especially in the area of agricultural commodity, trade, where there is a dangerous disposition among the richer developed countries to apply more restrictive policies than in the industrial commodity area. I recognize that the principles of an open multilateral trading system raise difficult domestic political problems, but economic development is about change and innovation and we need to look at today's problems with our eyes very firmly fixed on the longer term. These wider principles are very much at stake in the current series of the GATT negotiations. Only to the extent they are recognized, and acted upon, will the Tokyo round of negotiations be judged successful.
39.	The maintenance of an international trading system is not, by itself, enough. An international economy to which all countries and all people are contributing to the maximum extent possible needs to take account of the diversity of the international economy in another sense too. We need to recognize that there are very different kinds of economies. I do not mean that we should endeavour to come up with a new and sophisticated classification; rather that we should recognize, in the interests of the international economy, as well as in the interests of peace and justice, that some countries will need special assistance on a long-term basis, the world's poorest nations will need special aid and trade measures; so might the land-locked countries and the developing island countries. The aid and trade policies of some. countries, including my own, are already taking account of these special requirements, and the more advanced developing countries are following suit. Technical co-operation among developing countries, a concept which the United .Nations had done much to promote, has in this last month been the subject of a world conference in Buenos Aires.  It is a most welcome development and one which exemplifies the sort of practical co-operation I have been advocating.
40.	This sense of community, of co-operative partnership, of working together to discuss and solve problems, not only must underpin our aid and trade initiatives; it must be demonstrated also in our- treatment of political problems if our systems and institutions are not to become irrelevant.
There are few people in the world who do not wish for peace. There are even fewer who believe that peace can be secured other than through the co-operation and partnership l the people concerned themselves. Enforced solutions rarely endure. The only sure foundation for the peaceful settlement of disputes is the will of the parties involved to work for reconciliation and peaceful co-operation.
41.	This is surely the lesson of what is now happening in the Middle East New Zealand has no special knowledge of the Middle East question nor would we presume to offer an answer to the tangled web of issues at stake. But it does seem to us that certain fundamental principles need to be accepted if the will to reconcile and co-operate, which has been demonstrated in a dramatic way by the leaders of Egypt and Israel over the past year, is to be turned into a fair and lasting peace. Above all, we believe that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) contains the essential elements which should form the basis for a negotiated settlement. But just as our support for Israel's right to exist as a sovereign State within secure and recognized boundaries is fundamental to our approach to the dispute, so we are convinced that the rights of the Palestinians, including the right to self-determination and to establish an independent Palestinian State if they so desire, must be recognized. It is clear that a settlement which meets these -two criteria requires that Israel withdraw from areas occupied in 1967, so as to permit the Palestinians full freedom to exercise their right of self-determination. A Middle East settlement would not only confer inestimable benefits on Israel and its Arab neighbours, but would remove a potential and ever-real danger to world peace. We have therefore been tremendously encouraged by the will for peace and reconciliation displayed at the recent Camp David summit meetings. Early progress in pursuit of the agreements reached at Camp David by the leaders of Egypt and Israel, with the active partnership of the United States, must be our common hope in this Assembly.
42.	It is true also that these lessons of co-operation have still to be learned in southern Africa. The history of relationships between black and white in that continent, between those who exercise power and those who, though in an overwhelming majority, have had no say in their destiny, is one - of so many opportunities lost to work together in harmony and co operation. In Namibia recently, it is true, there has been encouraging progress towards independence as a result of the persistent efforts of the five Western members of the Security Council and the front-line African States. It would be tragic if progress were to be held up now by intransigence on the part of any of those involved. It is New Zealand's hope that free elections will be held at the earliest practicable date and that Namibia will soon be able to take its rightful place as a Member of this Organization. New Zealand is anxious to support this process in practical ways. Most recently my Government has contributed substantially to a Commonwealth fund for the education and training of Namibians who will soon be in a position of responsibility in their own country.
43.	In Rhodesia it is clear from the increasing scale of the armed conflict that the "internal settlement" introduced in March of this year  has failed to produce the cease-fire that
the Salisbury regime predicted. On the contrary, there has been an escalation of violence, with innocent people as the not infrequent victims. These senseless and tragic killings must be stopped. The only way is through the speedy conclusion of a negotiated settlement. The best hope is for all the elements in Rhodesia and the Patriotic Front to come together in an all party conference on the basis of the Anglo-American proposals.  This is a course which we urge as the first step towards a cease-fire, the holding of fair and fair elections, and ultimate independence for Zimbabwe and its people.
44.	Other States, and especially the neighbouring African States, can play a constructive part in creating the climate for a settlement through mediation and diplomatic support. Or they can meddle, as some States far from Africa have chosen to do in various parts of the continent, by encouraging divisions and even by direct intervention. That is a prescription for conflict, not for settlement. We trust that the pattern we have already seen in some African countries will not be repeated elsewhere.
45.	Even after peace is established in other parts of southern Africa, the most difficult problem of all will remain in South Africa itself. It is there that a co-operative effort, even a dialogue, is most desperately needed. The institutionalized racism which is apartheid offers no hope of a peaceful future for South Africa. It must be abandoned. Change must come. There is no other way. A policy of apartheid is not only wrong; it is suicidal. It seeks to impose what cannot be imposed, to deprive people of rights and freedoms that cannot be denied. The delusion of those in power in South Africa that they can succeed in their purpose if they are tough enough and determined enough is a delusion common to Governments which refuse to listen to the voices of those they oppress. Sooner or later those voices make themselves heard and the result is both predictable and destructive. There is still time to avoid that result in South Africa, but not much. New Zealand is and always will be utterly opposed to apartheid. We want to see justice and common sense prevail. This is the oily way to prevent conflict.
46.	Our concern for human rights in southern Africa must not blind us to deprivations that occur elsewhere. New Zealand upholds the principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, proclaimed 30 years ago by this Genera] Assembly—among those rights: freedom of movement, the right to leave one's country and to return, the right to a nationality, the right of freedom of opinion and expression. We are concerned when these rights are denied, wherever that denial takes place, and it is shameful that, 30 years on, there are countries, including some who were founder nations of this Organization, who still deny their millions of citizens these basic human rights. How can the international community ignore that?
47.	In New Zealand this year the Human Rights Commission Act came into force, establishing a national Commission on Human Rights to deal with complaints of racial, religious or sexual discrimination, in conjunction with the
Race Relations Act of 1971. This new legislation codifies that respect for human rights which has had a central place in our traditions. We have regarded the two International Covenants on Human Rights as legal documents of substantial value and importance, and have not wished to ratify them merely on the basis of our general attachment to the principles they enunciate. We have now completed a comprehensive review of our legislation and are satisfied that our laws are in compliance with the requirements of the two International Covenants. I am pleased to announce therefore that New Zealand will ratify the International . Covenant on Political and Civil Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide during this session of the General Assembly.
48.	I want before I close to turn very briefly to two major issues that have preoccupied the international community, and this Assembly in particular, over the past year—the law of the sea and disarmament.
49.	On 1 April of this year New Zealand brought into force its jurisdiction over a 200-mile exclusive economic zone. Some 330 foreign fishing vessels from three countries are now licensed, pursuant to agreements with New Zealand, to catch fish which is surplus to the capacity of the New Zealand fishing industry. The expansion of the New Zealand industry, upon its own initiative and through joint ventures, represents a significant economic opportunity for us.
50.	I want to emphasize therefore the importance for New Zealand, and for very many of the small and middle sized countries in the Pacific and elsewhere, of a speedy and successful conclusion to th3 Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The adoption of a widely acceptable international convention will give us and many other countries a secure and stable basis upon which to plan and develop the utilization of the resources within the 200-mile zone. It is in no one's interests that the oceans should become a battleground for competing claims and the focus of conflicts over the extraction of resources. Both our national interest and a wider interest in the rule of law and a stable regime for the oceans lead my Government to attach great value to the achievement of a wide-ranging treaty along the lines on which the Conference is now working.
51.	In last May and June this Assembly met in its tenth special session in an attempt to stem the arms race and to begin, in a real sense, the process of disarmament. There will be differing views on the success of that session. New Zealand's view is that we have made a small beginning, that the special session has given a modest impetus to the disarmament cause and that the establishment of machinery for discussion and negotiation marks a step forward. We hope that other steps will soon follow, among them the early conclusion of a treaty putting an end to nuclear- weapon testing in all environments. Time is short, but it should still be possible, in New Zealand's view, to present this treaty to this thirty-third regular session of the General Assembly.
52.	My Government sees disarmament as among the most urgent requirements of our time. Progress has been slow.
We must do better, not by calling for far-reaching measures that have no hope of acceptance, but by working for and participating in a realistic short-term programme of action which will result in agreements that are balanced, practicable and verifiable. Between now and the next special session, New Zealand will support each and every measure of disarmament that meets these criteria.
53.	The world is an increasingly complex place. Within our own societies, and in our international life, there are forces at work that are changing our perceptions, altering our values and demolishing our traditions at a bewildering pace. There are many competing interests to be accommodated, conflicting philosophies and approaches to be reconciled. We can accommodate and reconcile them only by being honest, understanding, straightforward and fair with each other-not only with our friends, for that is relatively easy, but more importantly with those with whom we may disagree. If we can work towards this sense of co-operation and partnership as a world community we can, I believe, if not solve all our problems at least reduce them to a manageable dimension. For its part my Government pledges itself to work with others in this spirit and to this end.


1.	Mr. President, before starting to address the Assembly I have the honour and the pleasure to congratulate you most warmly on your unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly during its thirty- third session. Your election is both a recognition of your skill and wide diplomatic experience and a tribute to your country, Colombia, for the constructive role it plays in world affairs.
2.	I also seize this opportunity to pay a tribute to Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the sister nation Yugoslavia, with which my country maintains strong ties, for the skilful and wise manner in which he presided over the thirty-second regular session as well as the ensuing three special sessions.
3.	I also wish to join other delegations in expressing to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, my deep appreciation of his dedicated and unremitting efforts to promote the role of the United Nations and of his firm commitment to the spirit of its Charter.
4. I extend my congratulations, too, to the people and
Government of Solomon Islands on their independence and
I welcome them into the community of nations. Their
independence will, without doubt, add to the triumphs of
the third-world countries and will represent a positive step
in implementing the spirit and letter of the United Nations
Charter.
S. Egypt will spare no effort to give every support and
assistance to the peoples striving to achieve their freedom
and independence, in particular the peoples of Palestine,
Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia.
6. Owing to its strategic position in the region, Egypt is
considered to be one of the most important economic areas
in the world; Egypt has been compelled to shoulder
responsibilities, which it has undertaken with conviction
and sincerity, whether within the Arab, Islamic, African or
non-aligned group. Indeed, Egypt has had to make sacrifices of immense magnitude in discharging those responsibilities. Egypt is motivated by a strict commitment to the principles and philosophy emanating from the conscience and from the deeply rooted values of the Egyptian people, who are a. product of their ancient civilization. But regardless of its sacrifices, both in the past and in the present, Egypt is proud of its role in what has been positively achieved within the third world, and will continue its determined efforts, along with all peace-loving countries, to promote the role of the United Nations.
7.	Egypt's foreign policy stems from the philosophy of the non-aligned movement, a philosophy based on a keenness to abide by the principles of international legitimacy, mutual respect, respect for sovereignty and free will, and openness with all nations. The non-aligned movement is a fundamental and essential element of global stability, and Egypt, as a founding member of the movement, endeavours to restore to it its original perspective. If the movement is to continue to play this role of paramount importance, it must be protected against outside interference.

8.	Egypt, in its persistent quest for the promotion of peace, believes that the international community should develop a new approach in solving political problems. Such an approach should be more courageous and pragmatic as regards confronting difficulties. There must be a determined will to uproot envy, intolerance and hatred, for the sake of establishing a society in which peace would prevail.
9.	In this context, the Egyptian peace initiative constitutes a new approach in international relations. In fact, this initiative aims at breaking the vicious circle which plagues our area and at restoring amity and peace to a region that was the cradle of the three heavenly religions.
10.	The African scene is fraught with developments which provoke our deep concern. Africa, having only recently rid itself of colonialism and foreign domination and having' embarked with all vigour on the arduous task of reconstruction and development, finds itself subjected to malicious foreign conspiracies which aim at diverting it from the attainment of its goals and aspirations.
11.	Egypt most strongly condemns all attempts to transfer big Power conflicts to the African continent. It is precisely these developments that make it all the more pertinent to revive the principle of the non-alignment of Africa. Only when such sinister plots and conspiracies are ended will the African nations be able to pursue their development and attain their lofty goals and aspirations.

12.	The racist regimes in southern Africa persist in their acts of aggression and violation of the human and other legitimate rights of the African people in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa.
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13.	The racist regime of Ian Smith in Rhodesia has recently resorted to a new manoeuvre by announcing an internal settlement;  but this so-called settlement is, in fact, only one more link in the chain of attempts to perpetuate the rule of the racist minority under a new facade. In this connexion, Egypt will continue its unwavering support of the struggle of the people of Zimbabwe and their patriotic forces under the leadership of the Patriotic Front. Egypt also lends its support to the genuine efforts undertaken to achieve a peaceful settlement that would ensure the exercise of their legitimate rights by the people of Zimbabwe.
14.	On the other hand, Salisbury's racist twin in Pretoria continues to practise its policies of apartheid and the ugliest forms of oppression against the people of South Africa. Not surprisingly, it does not confine its practice of abominable policies to the people of South Africa, but arrogantly and unlawfully extends its jurisdiction beyond its territory. It continues its illegal occupation of Namibia in unabashed defiance of the relevant United Nations resolutions.
15.. It should not escape us that it was only when the Government of South Africa realized that the people of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization SWAPO —their sole legitimate representative—were on the verge of realizing their legitimate goals that Pretoria reluctantly accepted the five Western countries' proposals for the independence of Namibia. These proposals received international endorsement, and thereby legitimacy, when they were approved by Security Council resolution 431 (1978) and welcomed by both the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], at its session recently held in Khartoum and by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade.
16.	Yet the ink had hardly dried on that resolution of the Security Council when the Pretoria Government rejected what it had pretended to accept. This leaves no doubt in our mind that that racist regime is simply manoeuvring in order to gain time to proceed with its designs and impose an internal settlement in Namibia by setting up a puppet regime that will ensure South Africa's continued domination over the Territory. It was those manoeuvres that prompted the Security Council to adopt resolution 435(1978), in which it approved the Secretary-General's report  on the role of the United Nations in supervising the processes of election and the transfer of power to the people of Namibia upon the attainment of their total independence.
17.	Neither is it new for the Pretoria Government to ignore the United Nations and its resolutions, nor should we expect the Smith regime in Rhodesia to respond in good faith to the efforts made for the transfer of power to the African majority.
18.	Accordingly, we must stand firm against the defiance of the international community by those racist regimes. We should stand ready to increase their isolation and impose further sanctions against them. This may bring them back to reason, thereby ensuring the realization of the legitimate aspirations of the people of that area.
19.	Another problem looms to the north of the African continent-namely, the problem of Cyprus. That problem, too, calls for a just and speedy solution that will preserve the independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the island. Such a solution should be based on the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions. The concerted efforts of both the Greek and the Turkish communities and all the parties concerned and the resumption of negotiations in good faith are required in order to achieve a lasting and peaceful solution.
20.	The increased instability in the international economic situation and the exacerbation of the problems of development and international economic co-operation are matters" of great concern to my country. The over-all picture of the international economic scene is still gloomy, in spite of some initiatives undertaken in the past few years. Unless effective and substantive measures are taken, the remaining years of the Second United Nations Development Decade will prove to be a wasted opportunity. The debt problem, inflation, the persistent deficit in the balance of payments and mounting protectionism have become salient features of the present international economic picture. This situation has invariably produced negative effects on the development process in the developing countries.
21.	The decisions that this Assembly adopted at its sixth and seventh special sessions [resolutions 3201 fS-VI), 3202 (S-VI), and 3362 (S-VII)J and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] contain the elements of a fair and equitable system in which inequalities will no longer exist. But this in itself requires profound changes in the present economic order. We are convinced that it is necessary to establish a new international economic order that will ensure prosperity and guarantee a better standard of living for everyone.. Injecting minor changes into the present international economic order will not enable us to realize our cherished goals.
22.	In spite of the adherence to the concept of greater interdependence between the developed and the developing countries and the need to promote and to create a general framework to solve the problems that we face, it- is regrettable to note that the results of the efforts undertaken in this direction have been disappointing. Many problems remain unresolved, such as the problems of commodities, external debt, balance-of-payments deficits, transfer of real resources and access to the capital markets and consumer markets of developed countries. Therefore, it has become necessary to concentrate all efforts on creating the appropriate climate in order to achieve more progress on these matters. More political impetus is needed to permit the resumption of the work of the Committee
Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, also known as the Committee of the Whole, with appropriate functions to negotiate and reach agreements.
23.	The establishment of the new international economic order depends to a large extent on the political will of the developed countries. In the meantime, the developing countries bear the main responsibility for the development of their economies. In addition, their genuine freedom, in both the individual and collective sphere, constitutes a fundamental feature of their development. Furthermore, we attach the utmost importance to economic co-operation between developing countries. In this connexion we view with satisfaction the results achieved at the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires. That Conference adds new dimensions to the framework of the new international economic order and to the action programmes adopted by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held in Colombo in 1976  and the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held in Mexico City in 1976. Thus the international community has reached a critical stage, and it has become imperative to seek practical and effective solutions To the economic ills of our world.
24.	I should like to refer to another issue which is of the utmost importance at the present time and has been one of the most crucial issues discussed by the United Nations during the past 20 years: that is, the question of general and complete disarmament-a problem closely linked to the international political, economic and social framework. Egypt has been persistently calling for general and complete disarmament and has worked with the non-aligned group to develop the necessary measures that would achieve our objectives. This is based on our intrinsic belief that any miscalculation by a big Power which possesses weapons of destruction and annihilation could bring our civilization to an end. The continuance of the arms race has drained the economic and human potential of our planet.
25.	We cannot live under the constant threat of nuclear terror, nor can we acquiesce in the circumstances which have led to the stockpiling of nuclear weapons and the increase of military arsenals under the pretext of maintaining international strategic equilibrium.
26.	While we cannot belittle some arrangements that have been pursued on a bilateral bases between the two super-Powers or on a regional level to curtail the arms race, the fact remains that these measures have not contributed effectively to curbing the escalation of the arms race; nor have they provided better safeguards for international peace and security.
27.	We all know that, at the present time, there are numerous difficulties on the road leading to general and complete disarmament. But the fact remains that until we achieve that objective we must intensify our efforts by adopting concrete and balanced measures to end the stockpiling of nuclear weapons, to stop both horizontal and vertical proliferation and to halt the production and

development of these weapons. We believe that the major Powers must assert in their collective efforts to a degree commensurate with, the rate they have played in increasing armaments in the whole world. All this must be done under effective international control.
28.	Egypt still requests the implementation of a mutually acceptable balance of rights and obligations between nuclear and non-nuclear States, for the world cannot accept the limitation of arms in one region or its disarming and the exemption of another. However, disarmament and non- proliferation measures must never impede the exercise of the legitimate right of States to utilize nuclear technology for peaceful purposes under effective international control.
29.	Egypt was one of the first States to call for the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones, in accordance with the provisions of article VII of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]., Egypt has also called for the establishment of zones of peace, taking into consideration the regional circumstances of each zone. The process of the establishment of these zones must be concomitant with the provision by nuclear Powers of guarantees that they will respect the status of such zones and refrain from the introduction of nuclear weapons into them and from the use or threat of the use of nuclear weapons against them. It is still the solemn objective of Egypt to establish a zone free of nuclear weapons in the Middle East. Genuine peace will never prevail in that strategic area unless Israel puts an end to its acquisition of nuclear weapons and until it accedes to the non-proliferation Treaty—g treaty which we have signed
and will immediately ratify if these conditions are met.
30.	I should like now to turn to, an important event that took place during the past 10 months—namely, the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament. It had been the fervent hope of the non- aligned countries that at that session concrete and specific results would be reached in the domain of disarmament so that all human and natural resources could be channelled towards development and the restructuring of the new international economic order.
31.	Although that session produced modest results and the Assembly did not manage to resolve the basic problems involved, particularly those related to nuclear matters, it is our view that it did give impetus to disarmament efforts aimed at achieving tangible and substantial progress in that area. The session also showed the importance of the role which could be played by the United Nations and its main organ, the Security Council, in the field of disarmament, especially in fact any attempt to obstruct the establishment of zones free of nuclear weapons. The special session also paved the way for both France and China to participate in disarmament efforts within the framework of the new negotiating body. It strengthened the link between the United Nations and that negotiating body.
32.	The consolidation of international peace and security can be accomplished only by building international confidence and by establishing principles affirmed by measures binding on all Members. The non-use of force in international relations, the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force—in principles laid down in the provisions
of the United Nations Charter—and the peaceful settlement of disputes on a just basis are all principles complements y and parallel to disarmament efforts.
33.	The United Nations celebrates this year the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I should like to commend the efforts exerted by the United Nations in this field, even though we are all aware of the many difficulties surrounding this sensitive issue. Egypt, for its part, has exerted much effort, at both the national and international level, to ensure and protect the fundamental right of individuals to freedom in all its forms, whether political, economic, social and cultural.
34.	As members are well aware, some people are still deprived of their fundamental and legitimate rights. The anniversary we are celebrating provides a great opportunity for the peoples of Palestine and southern Africa to regain their rights. In this connexion, we consider the role of the United Nations essential and important. The realization of the rights of the peoples of Palestine and southern Africa would be a crowning of the efforts exerted by the United Nations since its establishment in the field of freedom, independence and human rights.
35.	The people of Egypt are profoundly agonized by the .present sufferings of the Lebanese people. Egypt, led by its President, Anwar El-Sadat, was the first to warn against the deterioration of the situation in Lebanon caused by foreign intervention. President El-Sadat has called upon all parties to keep their hands off Lebanon.
36.	President El-Sadat has followed with great interest and concern the recent developments in Lebanon. In outlining Egypt's position on the deplorable events in Lebanon and what should be done to save the situation there before it gets out of hand, the President laid down the following principles. First, Israel should desist forthwith from supporting and strengthening those who are defying the legitimacy of Lebanon and the legitimate Government of President Elias Sarkis. Those violators are represented by the militia forces of Haddad and Camille Chamoun. The Lebanese army should be allowed to extend its control over all Lebanese territory, including the south. Secondly, parallel with the cessation of this Israel support, Syrian forces must be withdrawn in order to create the proper atmosphere for all the parties to the conflict in Lebanon to conduct a dialogue among themselves in peace. Thirdly, the Lebanese leaders, both Moslem and Christian, should join together in a peaceful atmosphere to formulate a charter for the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon to replace the 1943 charter.
37.	Egypt is fully prepared to contribute to any effort to achieve this end. It supports, therefore, the initiative of the President of France, Mr. Giscard d'Estaing, concerning the settlement of the Lebanese crisis. We also call on all parties concerned to respect and abide by Security Council resolution 436 (1978) of 6 October.
38.	For the past three decades our part of the world has been subjected to many wars, which led to much destruction and suffering for its people. This situation impeded our development and endangered international peace and security. The Arab nation, and especially the Palestinian people, have been the victims of those wars, as well as of Israeli occupation.
39.	In fact, the Secretary-General was right when, in his latest report to the General Assembly on the work of the Organization during 1978, he stated:
"The Middle East situation, for a mixture of compelling reasons, vitally affects not only international peace and security, but the interests of the world community as a whole."
The Secretary-General went on to say:
.. we cannot afford to relax for a moment the attempt to find a peaceful way forward. It bears repeating that in the Middle East time is not in favour of peaceful developments." [Ibid.]
40.	There is no doubt that in its concern with the situation in the Middle East the General Assembly is fully aware of the dimensions of this situation and its possible consequences, as well as the obstructionist manoeuvres facing the drive towards peace. Hence, the General Assembly is undoubtedly conscious of its responsibility to express, on behalf of the international community, its categorical rejection of anything that could lead to the perpetuation of the Israeli occupation, to impeding the achievement of a solution or to continued disregard of the purposes and principles of the Charter. It must also be aware of the need to take the necessary initiative, at the appropriate time, if no progress is made towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
41.	The international community is quite familiar with Egypt's policy and objectives, which it has consistently pursued before and since the October war of 1973. This policy affirms Egypt's sincere desire and persistent search for a just peace. This is also confirmed by Egypt's participation in all the efforts geared to this end, in order to spare the area the conflicts and the scourges of war by which it has been afflicted since the people of Palestine were denied their legitimate right to exit. This holds true particularly in this era in which the United Nations Charter constitutes a landmark in the march and progress of mankind. Peace, to be worthy of its name, must be based on justice, and will be devoid of meaning if it is not.
42.	This is a factual description of the situation in the Middle East, and this is the cause of the trouble. It means that if this situation continues it will inevitably lead to an explosion the dimensions of which will far exceed anything that has occurred in the area before. In this eventuality, the entire world will suffer the moral, spiritual and material consequences of such an explosion.
43.	I should like to recall here what President Anwar El-Sadat declared in his address to the Egyptian Parliament on 9 November of last year before his historic initiative:
"Our nation was sincere when it engaged in the glorious battle which took place four years ago. It continues to be sincere in advocating peace and in its desire to establish it throughout the region. Our ultimate objective is to have all peoples of the area living each in its homeland, secure within its boundaries, free from any threat to its sacred places, capable of contributing abundantly to the progress of mankind and mobilizing all its energies to meet the challenge of development and progress."
44.	This concept has served as the basis for Egypt's actions and policy in the past. It is also the source of Egypt's historic initiative undertaken by President El-Sadat on 19 November last when he visited Jerusalem, which was the culmination of many Egyptian initiatives during the previous few years, as witnessed by the international community. Egypt has faced the battle of war and with the same courage it now faces the battle of peace. To any rational observer the battle of peace is much more arduous than the battle of war. It is easy to touch off a war, even though it entails many horrors and sufferings. But to launch a battle for peace, with all the continuous historical responsibility it requires, is much more difficult and calls for the same capability, energy and courage as are needed for a battle of war. In both cases Egypt has proved its faithfulness as well as its willingness to shoulder its responsibility.
45.	Egypt has been working patiently and tirelessly to restore Arab rights and to rid the Arab territories of the Israeli occupation. There is no doubt that the entire world community followed the efforts which resulted in the Camp David documents  and appreciated the positive role played by the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, I should like to emphasize there that these documents are not in themselves the end of the road but only the beginning. They serve as the framework for the just and lasting peace to which we all aspire and towards which we have been working. They constitute, as President El-Sadat has said, a significant step in this direction.
46.	I should like to expound before this Assembly the following points concerning the Camp David documents.
47.	First, ever since the Israeli aggression against the Arab countries in 1967 and the subsequent occupation of the territories of three Arab States, the world community and the United Nations have been consistently calling for the full implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all its parts. They have been affirming the right of the Arab people to use any and all means in the struggle to terminate Israeli occupation of the Arab territories, to restore the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and to establish a just and lasting peace in the area, in conformity with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. Therefore, the first Camp David document, entitled "A Framework for peace in the Middle East", states in its preamble that the agreed basis for a peaceful settlement is United Nations Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all its parts. The crux of that resolution is the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war. The preamble also states that the achievement of peace in the Middle East must be guided by the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and other accepted norms of international law and legitimacy, which constitute the accepted basis for the conduct of relations among ail States. There is no doubt but that such a provision in the document strengthens and corroborates the Arab position. Furthermore, the document refers to Security Council resolution 338 (1973), which has been accepted by all the parties concerned.
48.	Secondly, the international community has on many occasions expressed its grave concern over the stagnation and the perpetuation of the status quo in the Middle East, and has urged greater efforts to create the necessary momentum to overcome the obstacles and difficulties which Israel had attempted to force on the international community. It has also reaffirmed that a just peace in the Middle East can be achieved only on the basis of total Israeli withdrawal and the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
49.	Thirdly, that concept has dictated Egypt's policy, and since 1967 Egypt has been working and struggling by all available means to achieve these goals in order to secure the fulfilment of these two fundamental principles. This policy has been pursued since the adoption of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), through the mission of Mr. Gunnar Jarring, the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, to the four-Power talks in New York, and the many deliberations in various international forums. Then came the October 1973 war, which altered the situation drastically and moved it from the stage of deadlock which had prevailed because of the intransigence of Israel.
50.	Fourthly, Israel tried to contain the results of the October war and to resort to its previous method of procrastination and obstruction. Then came President El-Sadat's peace initiative of November 1977 to reactivate the efforts towards a just and lasting peace in the area.
51.	Fifthly, with that background in mind, I should like to emphasize two basic principles: that the two Camp David documents represent a framework and a basis for the achievement of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East; and that Egypt is seeking, not a separate solution, but a comprehensive settlement which takes into consideration the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and ensures the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, which is an integral part of the West Bank. This fact, which is not open to interpretation, has always constituted Egypt's policy, and it will continue to do so in the future. Egypt's position is that Israel cannot claim sovereignty over the West Bank and Gaza, because sovereignty belongs to the Palestinian people who live in those territories. We recognize that a long way lies ahead before the conclusion of final peace treaties. The success of this process will depend largely on the amount of sincerity shown by the parties in carrying out their obligations.
52.	Sixthly, a close and objective consideration of the Camp David document entitled "A Framework for Peace in the Middle East" clearly shows that: first, it contains the general framework for the implementation of Security Council resolution 242(1967) in all its parts and on all fronts; secondly, it emphasizes respect for and implementation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the general rules of international law and legitimacy; thirdly, the general principle is that a comprehensive settlement requires the participation of all the parties concerned; fourthly, it confirms the principle of mutuality in security arrangements to be agreed upon, and this means that security is not the exclusive privilege of one party only, which could insist on security measures for itself and deny the other party the same right.
53.	Seventhly, the articles concerning the West Bank and Gaza are intended to create a new situation that will lead gradually to the nullification of the Israeli designs and to the achievement of just Arab aspirations to the following: first, the participation of all the parties concerned in the negotiations to resolve the Palestinian problem in all its aspects, and the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, and this has always been a basic requirement for Egypt and the whole international community, which have emphasized that the core of the problem is the Palestinian question; secondly, the ending of the Israeli military occupation through the termination of the military rule in those two areas, and the withdrawal of the Israeli civil administration and Israel military forces, with the stationing of what is left of them in specified security posts; thirdly, the creation of Palestinian institutions consisting of a self-governing authority established through elections and taking the form of an administrative council for the West Bank and Gaza, the formation of local police forces and the participation of the elected Palestinian representatives in the permanent committee of four to negotiate an agreement concerning the final status of the West Bank and Gaza, and providing for the elected representatives of the inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza to participate in the determination of their own future; fourthly, the freezing at the present time of the establishment of settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, the destiny of which will be resolved in the negotiations in which the representatives of the Palestinian people will participate—all Members recognize the importance Egypt attaches to this problem and the initiatives it has undertaken with the support of the Security Council and the General Assembly which considered Israeli settlements illegal and determined that they constitute an obstacle to peace; fifthly, the elimination of the sufferings and oppression of the people in the West Bank and Gaza, inflicted upon them by Israeli occupation and military rule; sixthly, the regulation of the mode of the return of persons displaced from the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, in accordance with Security Council resolution 237 (1967) in this context; and lastly, the conclusion of an agreement concerning the implementation of a just and immediate solution to the problem of the refugees.
54.	Eighthly, the principles and framework for Israeli withdrawal from the Sinai are a confirmation of the principle of withdrawal to international boundaries which could also be applied to the Golan. This reinstates the Arab interpretation of Security Council resolution 242(1967) concerning a complete withdrawal from all the occupied territories and not just from part of them. Also, the implementation of the principle of the removal of Israeli settlements from Sinai could be utilized on the Golan, the West Bank and Gaza.
55.	Ninthly, with regard to Jerusalem, Egypt has reaffirmed its long-standing position which comprises the following points: first, Arab Jerusalem is an integral part of the West Bank, and legal and historical Arab rights in the city must be respected and restored; secondly, Arab Jerusalem should be under Arab sovereignty; thirdly, the Palestinian inhabitants of Arab Jerusalem are entitled to exercise their legitimate national rights, being part of the Palestinian people in the West Bank; fourthly, relevant Security Council resolutions, particularly resolutions 242 (1967) and 267 (1969) must be applied with regard to Jerusalem; fifthly, all the measures taken by Israel to alter the status of the city are null and void and should be rescinded; sixthly, all people must have free access to the city and must enjoy freedom of worship and the right to visit and travel to the Holy Places without distinction or discrimination; seventhly, the Holy Places of each faith may be placed under the administration and control of the representatives of that faith; and eighthly essential functions in the city should not be divided and a joint municipal council composed of an equal number of Arab and Israeli members could supervise the performance of those functions. In that way the city would remain undivided.
56.	Those are the principles which Egypt accepted and by which it will be guided in its efforts. Our adherence to the aims and principles of the Charter and the consensus of the international community regarding the establishment of a just and lasting peace is clear. We consider that what has been achieved is only part of the comprehensive framework for peace.
57.	I am happy to state that the overwhelming support extended to Egypt in its efforts for the establishment of a just and lasting peace, support which has not diminished in recent years, crowns the tireless efforts and sacrifices which Egypt has made in order to restore Arab rights. It is also a manifestation of the belief of theirs in Egypt's responsible role in the world. On behalf of the Egyptian people I should like to express our deepest thanks and gratitude to all those who stood and still stand by Egypt in its endeavours to liberate Arab lands and to establish a just peace in the area. Only a tiny minority does not participate in this overwhelming support. That tiny minority prefers to continue to oppose any peace effort. It is high time to put an end to such manoeuvres and political overbidding. Egypt hopes that all those concerned will study the two documents carefully before passing any judgement on them.
58.	The whole world is witness to our intentions. Our aim is a just peace for the entire Middle East area. We do not aspire to peace at any price; we want to achieve the kind of peace that would restore to the Palestinian people its inalienable rights and to the Arab nation its occupied territories. Any initiative by Egypt is undertaken from a position of strength, not weakness, from a position of courage and not hesitation; it is intended to achieve peace, not to wage war. The road to peace is open and all concerned must contribute with the utmost sincerity to these efforts, otherwise in the area there will be a sliding back to the risks of war and destruction which will endanger international peace and security.
59.	Throughout its history Egypt has consistently shouldered its national responsibilities and has endured much suffering. It stood firm during crises and spared no sacrifice, including that of its dearest possession—its sons- who died as martyrs. Egypt refuses any tutelage from any source. It does not try to tutor anyone and does not accept any lessons from anyone. It will place itself always above slander and petty attacks.
60.	In conclusion I should like to reiterate what I declared last year from this very rostrum, namely, that Egypt has faced four battles of war, so let us devote the fifth battle to the cause of peace.


70.	Mr. President, permit me to join the representatives who have spoken before me in this general debate by offering you the congratulations of the delegation of Israel on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. My delegation is confident that you will guide this session with fairness and wisdom.
71,	It is my pleasure also to congratulate Solomon Islands on its independence and admission to the United Nations.
72	As we reflect upon the work of the United Nations over the past year one undertaking stands out above all others: it is the noble attempt to reach an agreement on disarmament, to divert precious resources to improving the lot of the common man
73	In the Middle East we recently witnessed an unprecedented escalation in the quantity of weapons purchased by the Arab States, amounting to $11 billion in orders since the beginning of 1977. Indeed, over the past five years the arms agreements signed by those States mean that they have outstripped both the countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the countries members of the Warsaw Pact Organization in the ratio of their arms build-up.
74.	Israel is prepared to play its part in the reduction of the arms race and it remains ready to enter into agreements on arms limitation with all States in the Middle East. There is no doubt, however, that the appropriate way to bring about an arms reduction in the Middle East is through peace treaties which would include limitations on armaments within their framework Indeed, the mere transformation from a state of war to one of peace will move the States involved to dedicate their resources to economic development rather than military aims.
75.	Terrorist groups continue to threaten the lives of innocent men, women and children in different parts of the world. Once again it must be emphasized that terrorism could be virtually eliminated if certain countries did not continue to provide arms, training and refuge to its practitioners. Yet we are gratified that States which once stood helplessly by have begun to assert themselves.
Mention should be made, for example, of the Federal Republic of Germany's rescue operation in Mogadishu and of the joint statement on international terrorism of the Heads of State 'or Government at the recent Bonn Economic Summit Conference,6 wherein they recognized the need for immediate action to cease all flights to and from a country which refuses to extradite or prosecute hijackers of aircraft. It is only through such concerted and effective action that the world can be freed from organized terrorism.
76.	In the field of human rights no State should ignore a violation of human rights wherever it may occur in the world.
77.	Israel continues to follow closely the situation of Jews in the Soviet Union. We welcome the recent increase in the number of exit visas issued, although a large number of Jews are still denied the elementary human rights to emigrate. In addition, administrative obstacles and arbitrary restrictions still threaten the social and economic livelihood and personal freedom of Jews seeking to emigrate.
78.	We have been particularly concerned by the harsh prison sentences passed this year on Jews whose only crime is their desire to rejoin their families in Israel-Grigorij Goldstein, Iosif Begun, Ida Nudel, Vladimir Slepak, Simon Shnirman and Anatoly Scharansky. Those sentences caused bitter protest and indignation throughout the world. The Soviet Union should release these and other prisoners of conscience and allow those who want to emigrate to Israel and rejoin their families to do so.
79.	We cannot be silent in the face of the increasing incitement of feeling against and defamation of the State of Israel and the Jewish people, their religion, culture and national movement, manifested day after day in the official Soviet media. Those anti-Semitic attacks, unprecedented in their intensity, may have most dangerous consequences. In this regard it must be noted that the Soviet authorities still do not permit Jews to practise their ancient traditions and culture, and in fact take severe measures against Jews who wish to do so. We appeal Jo the Soviet Union to allow Jewish culture to be expressed freely.
80.	We also deeply regret that the Syrian Government continues to violate the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other relevant international conventions by refusing to permit its Jewish citizens to leave and be reunited with their relatives residing in other lands.
81.	One of the most important trends in world , politics today remains the determined aspiration of the new and under-developed nations to take their place in the international political and economic arena. Being a developing nation itself, Israel strongly identifies with the aspirations of nations in Africa, Asia and Latin America to transform their political independence into a full and equal economic partnership with the older-established nations of the world.
82 To that end the North-South dialogue, with its guidelines on the transfer of resources, marks an important
beginning, and the Government of Israel appreciates the efforts of the United Nations and its agencies in encouraging this process. My Government particularly welcomes the results of the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries in Buenos Aires, where Israel proposed a voluntary agreement for the exchange of technical assistance among developing countries. Israel has been co-operating for more than 30 years with other developing nations in fields such as irrigation techniques, seed production, desalination, solar energy and the agricultural development of arid and semi-arid zones. We view the expansion of such co-operative efforts as vital if the serious food shortages that still exist in so much of the world are to be overcome .
83.	A year ago I addressed this Assembly on the prospects of launching a peace process in the Middle East. Today I have the satisfaction of being able to address the General Assembly on the new and positive developments that have taken place recently.
84.	As all members of the Assembly know, a few weeks ago at Camp David two framework agreements8 were signed by President Anwar El-Sadat of Egypt and Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and witnessed by President Jimmy Carter of the United States of America. Within a very few days from now negotiations will start between Israel and Egypt for the conclusion of a peace treaty between them.
85.	It is my hope that these negotiations will be successful and that before the year is out we shall witness the beginning of a new era in the Middle East. It is our desire that the peace process should eventually embrace the other States that are our neighbours—Jordan, Lebanon and Syria-so that we may achieve a comprehensive settlement in the area.
86.	The gratitude of my country goes out to President Jimmy Carter, whose devoted efforts have made the Camp David developments possible When this achievement ends with an Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty, President Carter's name will be recorded in history as that of a great peacemaker.
87.	I also wish to express my country's deep appreciation to President Anwar El-Sadat of the Arab Republic of Egypt for his wisdom and faith. His visit to Jerusalem in November 1977 turned a new page. He decided to enter into negotiations with Israel, to recognize Israel and to make peace with Israel. This change in policy ushered in a historic change in the relations between Egypt and Israel. The previous policy based on the "three Nos" of Khartoum 19679—no negotiations, no recognition and no peace with Israel—prevented any progress towards a peace settlement.
88.	Now the road to peace lies open. The warm reception accorded to President El-Sadat by the people and Government of Israel constituted an acknowledgement of this change in the Egyptian policy. A new era of peace, for which Israel has been longing since its establishment, has started. Prime Minister Begin's courage and leadership were a decisive factor. Without his readiness and ability to assume responsibility for very painful decisions, the achievements reached at Camp David would not have been conceivable.
89.	Not only since the founding of the State of Israel but since the very beginning of the Zionist movement our dream has always been of a Middle East in which Jew and Arab would live in harmony and co-operation for the mutual advantage of both peoples.
90.	The Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel is a step in this direction. It provides for a withdrawal of Israeli armed forces and civilian population from Sinai; for the establishment of normal relations between the two countries, including diplomatic, economic and cultural relations, and full recognition; the termination of economic boycotts and of barriers to the free movement of goods and people, and mutual protection of citizens by due process of law. It also stipulates that there shall be free passage of Israeli ships through the Gulf of Suez and the Suez Canal, and that the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba are international waterways to be open to all nations for navigation and over flight.
91.	In view of the several wars launched by our neighbours, we are conscious of our security needs. Therefore, in addition to the establishment of normal relations between the two States, there will be security arrangements concerning the limitation of armaments and forces in the different areas on the basis of reciprocity.
92.	Moreover, the framework for the conclusion of a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel also provides for the stationing of United Nations forces at Sham el Sheikh to ensure freedom of passage through the Straits of Tiran. Similarly, there is a provision for their being stationed in northern Sinai, thus creating a "buffer zone" between the forces stationed in El-Arish and those in Gaza. These forces will not be removed unless such removal is approved by the Security Council of the United Nations. It should be noted here that in recent years the United Nations forces in the Middle East have played a constructive role with the framework of the various agreed arrangements in the. region.
93.	It has never been the wish of Israel to exercise control over the lives and activities of the Arab inhabitants of Judaea, Samaria and Gaza.
94.	We want to live as equals with the Arab inhabitants of those areas. We want to live with them, not to replace them; but at the same time we do not regard ourselves as foreigners in those areas. The Israeli settlements in Judaea and Samaria and in the Gaza district are there as of right. It is inconceivable to us that Jews should be prohibited from settling and living in Judaea and Samaria, which are the heart of our homeland.
95.	We maintain our army positions in those areas in order to ensure the security of the population of Israel, the majority of whom live in the Mediterranean coastal area. The Israeli forces are there in order to protect Israel and not in order to interfere in the lives of the Arab inhabitants. Under the agreement for the Framework for Peace in the Middle East, the Israeli military government and its civilian administration will be withdrawn from those areas once a self-governing authority is freely elected by their inhabitants. The Israeli defence forces will be redeployed in those areas and maintained for security purposes. The final status of Judaea, Samaria and Gaza and their relationship with their neighbours will be negotiated during a period of five years following the establishment of the self-governing authority.
96.	One of the subjects that will be discussed between the parties will undoubtedly be the question concerning Jerusalem. For us, the city of Jerusalem is the one and only eternal capital of Israel. We have not, and we shall never have, any other capital city, whether or not others recognize it as such. This eternal city is holy to three religions—Judaism, Christianity and Islam. However, our connexion with it is not just religious, but derives from the totality of Jewish national history. Jerusalem is the heart and soul of the Jewish people. It is now united once again, as it should be, free and open for all to come and go. All religious communities should be in complete control of their own holy places and of their own religious life, and all should enjoy the rights of free worship. The inhabitants of the city should live together in harmony with a representative municipal council supervising all essential functions. We have resolved never again to compromise the unity of Jerusalem, and it is our hope that other peoples will share our position.
97.	It was agreed at Camp David that a peace settlement in the Middle East should be based on resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the United Nations Security Council. Resolution 242(1967) is a carefully worked out set of principles establishing a framework of peace to be negotiated among the contending States. It makes clear mat the final borders must be negotiated bilaterally among the States concerned.
98 Let us hope that all those whose co-operation is essential in obtaining peace in the Middle East will not short-sightedly remain outside the peace process. We have to find agreed and appropriate ways for Jews and Arabs to live together in equality, trust and mutual respect.