I speak from this rostrum as the representative of one of the many small countries which constitute the majority of the membership of this Organization. I speak on behalf of Guyana, whose people jealously guard their independence. The Guyanese people believe in their right to fashion their own society free from outside interference and to order their international conduct in accordance with their own interests. Above all, the Guyanese people recognize that international relations should be based cm the rule of law. That is why Guyana is fully committed to the United Nations system, its imperfections notwithstanding.
One year ago we undertook an intense self-examination during the observance of the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Charter of the United Nations. The outcome of the deliberations then fell short of the expectations of a majority of us. The occasion none the less provided an opportunity for Member States to recommit themselves to fulfilling the purposes and principles of the Charter and to strengthening the capacity of this Organization to be more effective in today's wor Id.
We should examine at this Assembly the extent to which we have been faithful to the re-commitments which those ceremonies stimulated and the objectives which they recalled.
Even as that occasion was being celebrated, the Organization was confronted with a challenge that pertained to its viability and future. I refer to the severe financial crisis which necessitated special consideration by the General Assembly. Its roots are widely recognized and lie essentially in certain attitudes of Member States towards their obligations flowing from the Charter.
Our collective response to that crisis has been a frank examination of the administrative and financial efficiency of the Organization. The Group of High-Level Inter-Governmental Experts has put forward a set of recommendations for administrative and financial reform which merit the most careful study.
Guyana hopes that the decisions on this issue will be fully responsive to the economic and social needs of the developing countries and will preserve the democratic character of decision-making in the Assembly.
But the crisis facing the United Nations goes beyond administrative and financial issues. For the United Nations is, in the words of the Charter, the Organization of the peoples of the world. It represents and embodies their common aspirations no less than their differences; and it is required to function in the context of the constantly growing complexities of international relations.
Differences are inevitable, but they must not be made into impediments. It is therefore only to the extent that our Organization is seen and utilized as a forum for accommodating and harmonizing conflicting viewpoints that its Charter is truly being employed in the service of international understanding and international peace.
Sadly, it has not always been so used in the past. Even now there are veiled attempts to maneuver the Organization into the pursuit of narrow national interests.
In no other area is the need to harmonize differences more urgent and crucial than in that of disarmament, particularly in its nuclear aspect. It is a source of profound concern that on this issue, where the safety of the entire planet is so manifestly at stake, undue pre-eminence is given to ideological considerations, and not enough deference is paid to the heavy responsibilities towards humankind which the awesome nuclear arsenals impose on the nuclear Powers, especially the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. What is worse, screens of one kind or another are erected behind which to pursue the further refinement of nuclear weapons.
Guyana is happy, to note, however, that despite these negative tendencies the goal of nuclear disarmament has not been obscured and that initiatives in respect of its attainment are being proposed and pursued.
In this context Guyana considers the moratorium on nuclear testing declared by the Soviet Union - and subsequently renewed - to be a positive indication of a desire to reduce the threat of nuclear war. Likewise, the successful outcome of the Stockholm Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is a source of some optimism. In addition, Guyana notes with satisfaction that bilateral exchanges between the two super-Powers have intensified during the past year and that negotiations are going on in Geneva.
Member States have made a solemn commitment in our Charter to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors.
Inspired by these considerations and his deep commitment to global peace, the President of the Republic of Guyana, Comrade Hugh Desmond Hoyte, made a plea on behalf of the entire human race when, at the recently concluded Eighth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, he proposed that a message be sent to the leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States. That message urged, among other things:
"That they use their best efforts to reduce the prevailing tension and to promote a climate of confidence in the world ..."
Naturally, therefore, Guyana hopes that the Iceland Summit will be a major point of reference on the road to disarmament and that thereafter the momentum will be maintained in a single-minded manner and lead to substantial achievements.
There is no doubt that our efforts in the field of disarmament have engendered a measure of optimism. The international community must bring the same approach to the creation of an environment which would facilitate solutions to problems in various areas of the world.
The main impediments have been the intrusion of external interests into the search for solutions to some of these problems. This is so whether we refer to the continued division imposed on the Korean people, the dispossession of the Palestinians, the attempt to dismember Lebanon, or the violation of the territorial integrity of Cyprus and the frustration of its unity. Guyana's position on all these issues is well known. We call for an end to outside interference, for the full mobilization of the energies of the international community to assist the affected nations and peoples, and for full support to the Secretary-General in his efforts to bring lasting peace to these troubled areas. The international community also needs to be vigilant against any erosion of the gains achieved by the Secretary-General in his attempt to bring about a negotiated political solution in respect of Afghanistan. Guyana nourishes the hope that those negotiations will soon reach a conclusive stage based on the sovereign interests of the parties directly concerned. Similarly, all efforts should be intensified to bring an end to the unfortunate war between Iraq and Iran.
My own region - Latin America and the Caribbean - has a long-established tradition of opposition to intervention and interference in the internal affairs of States. That does not mean, however, that the region has been free of conflict. Yet, within recent times, there has been a discernible trend in favor of autonomous development and a movement away from confrontation towards co-operation and integration. We see evidence of that development in the Caribbean, where, despite some negative influences stemming from the external environment, innovative steps are being taken to promote and enhance economic and political co-operation.
Throughout the region, States have been demonstrating their determination to advance the integration process through more intense bilateral and subregional arrangements. The Latin American Economic System (LAES) will later this month hold consultations aimed at strengthening the economic and political relations of its member States. Within the Organization of American States (OAS), the principle of universal membership has recorded a notable advance with the recent proposals for the reform of the organizations charter. These tendencies demonstrate a political disposition on the part of Latin America and the Caribbean to work collectively for the solution of their manifold problems and for the protection and promotion of their political and economic interests.
Consistent with this attitude, the Governments and peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean are desirous of negotiated solutions to the political problems of Central America. They have therefore been solidly in support of the Contadora process, which is designed to find a regional solution to a regional problem. Unhappily, appreciation for that approach is not shared by all those who are , recognized as having an interest in the resolution of this crisis.
It is all but universally recognized that a solution to the problems of Central America lies in the espousal of negotiation and dialog and the abandonment of policies of intimidation, coercion and destabilization. The Assembly must give unequivocal support and encouragement to the work of the Contadora States and the Lima Support Group. All States should co-operate actively with the efforts of those countries to ensure the advance of the peace process and should refrain from actions or attitudes that hamper that process.
Guyana supports the Government and people of Nicaragua in their efforts to protect their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and encourages dialog between the parties in El Salvador.
In reviewing these situations of conflict and tension, we note that some give ground for sober encouragement, where will and determination were present, results - however limited - were recorded. In the quest for a world free of apartheid, however, we find some Members of the Organization most equivocal in their support for the radical solutions the situation demands. This attitude is most disturbing, for apartheid is the greatest moral issue ever faced by mankind. It is a situation in which millions of black people are brutalized from birth, corralled in a slave society and wantonly exploited to swell many a coffer.
Let there be no illusion about the dismantling of apartheid. The people of South Africa have long recognized that this is their responsibility to discharge. Nelson Mandela voiced the conviction of his people when he said, more than two decades ago:
"It is first and foremost by our own struggle and sacrifice inside South Africa itself that victory over white domination and apartheid can be won." South Africa is a land ruled by the gun - one in which, as Mandela observed, "all opportunities for peaceful agitation and struggle have been closed." It was so then, two decades ago. It is worse now.
White supremacy in South Africa was created by violence and is maintained by violence. The people of South Africa have no option but to rely increasingly on armed struggle in their efforts to recover their freedom. Increased international pressure on the Pretoria regime will, however, help to reduce the cost of that struggle for the masses in South Africa. The same phenomenon is at work in respect of Namibia. The United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia is being stymied by the obstinacy of the South African racists and the introduction of irrelevant and extraneous matters such as linkage into the freedom process.
Turning to the state of the world economy, there is good reason to be apprehensive. While low interest rates and the decline in inflation are hopeful signs that are still with us, the expectation that they would stimulate the world economy has not been fulfilled. Instead, we continue to be confronted with sluggish growth in world trade and the knowledge that the international economy will advance more slowly than predicted at the start of the year because of the disappointing economic performance of major industrial countries. Thus, the promising levels of economic activity achieved in 1984 have not been maintained, and the anticipated recovery is yet to be realized.
The low contributions of the economies of developing countries to the recovery process derives from a lack of effort on their part but from their incapacity to promote self-sustained growth and development. Little if any regard is paid to that fact, and the prices of primary commodities have been artificially depressed to
such an extent that they are today lower than at any time previously. The story is very much the same where protectionist and other trade-distorting devices have been applied unceasingly against the exports of developing countries.
The loss in income resulting from the inaccessibility of the markets of developed countries to those exports has badly hurt growth and development. The crisis of debt and development is yet another constraining factor. Co-responsibility in the resolution of the debt problem is widely acknowledged, yet the burden of adjustment still rests heavily on the shoulders of the developing countries.
The present economic system, in ignoring the developing countries, inhibits recovery and is a sore reminder of the unequal relations between the North and the South. With the persistence of such deterrents to economic activity and prosperity, the challenge faced in dealing with the world economic situation is of particularly pressing concern. Without positive action, the prospects for all countries - developed and developing - remain uncertain.
We should refocus attention on the policy initiatives required to attain strong and sustained growth and to create balance and equity between North and South. The reversal of the present trend of net transfers from the developing to the developed world and of a decline in financial flows from the developed to the developing countries would make a positive contribution to the realization of those objectives. There are also other goals to be pursued, including stability in exchange rates and a lowering of real interest rates.
Several opportunities could prove advantageous if grasped. The new round of multilateral trade negotiations recently launched in Uruguay gives the North a chance to make good on its promise to liberalize and extend world trade for the benefit of all countries. There is also the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), scheduled to be held next year.
For this to be successful, however, there has to be a manifestation of changed attitudes on the part of the developed countries on such issues as commodity and other related problems, including that which affects the revenue of commodity producers. Similarly, the decision of the Assembly to address the issue of the external debt crisis and development specifically can be a critical step towards finding a comprehensive and lasting solution to that problem.
However, in order to be consistent with the objective of fostering concurrent co-operative action to strengthen the relationship between trade and other economic policies, the developed and developing countries should also consider ways to improve the functioning of the international monetary system.
Meanwhile, the countries of the South are determined to strengthen co-operation among themselves. New initiatives have recently been taken, and there is already evidence of the further development of complementaries between their economies. The Assembly should give greater encouragement to that process.
I wish to welcome a development of a not entirely different kind. That is the intensification of international co-operation to eradicate the scourge of drugs. This acknowledges that the interdependence between producers, traffickers and consumers is so real and complex that only a truly international effort can cope effectively with a problem that has assumed global proportions. Laws exist to deal with this problem, but an increase in their severity would not be a sufficient deterrent and cure, for an assault on drug abuse must embrace economic considerations.
Viewed from a certain perspective, some illegal drugs fall into the category of primary commodities produced by developing countries. Peasant farmers certainly see it in that light and, in a general situation of hopelessly depressed primary commodities, the operations of the market place have so far given a comparative advantage to the cultivation of illegal drugs. The attack on dampening production must therefore be concerted, but it must also involve correlative international arrangements to enable farmers in developing countries to receive fair and equitable returns for their legitimate primary produce, such as sugar. We must create comprehensive disincentives for the production of illegal drugs and increase the incentives for the cultivation of crops which sustain health.
Similarly, at the other end of the spectrum - consumption - there is need for accelerated national action to reduce demand. The greatest irony would be for the producing developing countries to take firm action within their territories to lower and eliminate levels of production, only to witness an increase in the productive capacity of the greater consuming countries. The drug problem, in all its dimensions, requires resolute and determined international co-operation. In this regard, the countries of the Caribbean Community have for some time new recognized the dangers which this plague holds for the fabric of their societies and the need for concerted action among themselves and for further co-operation within the international community.
Guyana therefore heartily endorses the efforts of the United Nations, especially those of the Secretary-General, to combat drug abuse and illegal trafficking. In particular, we call for maximum support for the convening next year of a world conference to deal with all aspects of the drug question.
In spite of the hopes and expectations which the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations encouraged, hostile criticisms of the Organization have persisted. As the Secretary-General observed, with such customary insight, in his annual report.
Persistent, tendentious criticism of the United Nations by relatively small groups has affected confidence in the effectiveness, if not the goals, of the Organization." (A/41/1, p. 17) Those of us who wish to optimize the use of the Organization in favor of peace and development must work resolutely against those critics whose objective is to diminish the influence of the Organization or, worse still, to work for its destruction.
In this regard, among the most forthright defenders and advocates of a strong family of international organizations has been the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Through its relentless insistence on respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, the strengthening of international co-operation on the basis of the sovereign equality of States, an end to relations of domination and exploitation and on the peaceful settlement of disputes, that Movement constitutes a positive factor in international relations. Support for the United Nations and respect for decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council have been a cornerstone of our Movement.
Even more heartening to Guyana than the support of Governments and movements for the United Nations is the expression of confidence in the Organization by ordinary peoples and groups around the world. A recently published survey reached the following interesting conclusions*, first, among those who expressed an opinion, more than 55 per cent in the United Kingdom and the United States, and almost two thirds in France and Germany, said that the United Nations was doing a good job or a very good job. Secondly, 58 per cent of the French, 73 per cent of the Germans, 79 per cent of the British, 86 per cent of the Americans and Japanese clearly said "No" to the provocative question: "Would the world be better off without the united Nations?" Thirdly, women are more favorable to the United Nations than men and, lastly, Americans below the age of 40 appreciate the United Nations more than the older generation.
One of the clear conclusions that emerged is that, among the countries polled, whatever may be the views of their media and their Governments, the majority of their peoples believe in the efficacy of the United Nations. The tasks facing the Organization are not easy, but their fulfillment is compelling, in this respect, we praise the work done by Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. Your own unanimous election, Mr. President, and our knowledge of your wide experience and consummate skills instill us with the confidence that you will be equal to the enormous demands of your office.


 I take great pleasure in extending to Mr. Choudhury the warmest congratulations of the delegation of Trinidad and Tobago on his election as President of this forty-first session of the General Assembly. It is a tribute to his personal experience and diplomatic skill and to the international esteem in which his country is held. This session is called upon to take certain major decisions which will guide our Organization for years to come and we feel assured that his presidency of this Assembly will contribute greatly to the successful conclusion of our deliberations.
My delegation joins other delegations in congratulating Ambassador Jaiae de Pinies, who so ably presided over the last session of the General Assembly and the historic special session on the critical economic situation in Africa.
We also wish to express once more our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his continued devotion to the cause of peace and his untiring efforts in promoting the role and the effectiveness of the United Nations.
Trinidad and Tobago has now entered upon its twenty-fifth year as an independent sovereign State and recently celebrated the tenth anniversary of its status as a republic. It is in this context, as a relatively new State and against the background of recent developments in the conduct of international relations which threaten the sovereignty, security and economic independence of small States, that we address the General Assembly today.Last year, during the cooperation of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, all Member states of the Organization pledged to do their utmost to strengthen our institution. One year later, the Assembly is taking place under the threatening shadow of a financial crisis which is endangering the viability of the United Nations. .This crisis is but one aspect of a much deeper malaise which could ultimately unravel the very fabric of international political and economic relationships and co-operation so painstakingly woven over the past four decades.
Evidence of this malaise is manifested by the increasing efforts to subordinate the sovereignty of the weak to the might of the strong; by the growing trend towards unilateralism with the concomitant undermining of multilateral institutions; by the selective interpretation and application of international law to justify narrow national interests; by the frequent recourse to the threat or use of force in international relations; and by non-respect for the principle of the peaceful resolution of disputes.
Meanwhile, trade is impeded by the creation of protectionist barriers; the international economic system is disrupted by the disregard of the key currency nations for the far-reaching effects of their domestic monetary and financial policies; growth and development are inhibited by the inadequacies of the international financial institutions; and developing countries continue to be overwhelmed by external debt.
It is paradoxical that all this is taking place at a time when the world has become increasingly interdependent as a result of social, economic, political and technological change. Indeed, now, more than ever, we need to strengthen multilateral institutions, the cornerstones of the international system, which were designed to promote international relations based on the principles of sovereignty, equality, economic justice and the rule of international law.
Today, the defiance of the rule of international law, the disregard for resolutions of the United Nations and the imposition of unilateral solutions have only compounded the difficulties of resolving the major issues relating to peace and security in our global society. It is therefore not surprising that so many problems persist and continue to appear on the international agenda, becoming less and less amenable to peaceful solution. Failure to bring these matters to an end must be a source of great concern to all of us in the Organization.
Nowhere is this deplorable state of affairs more evident than in South Africa. The degradation and subjugation imposed on millions of South Africans by the racist Pretoria regime have been repeatedly condemned by the international community and the abhorrent practice of apartheid has been declared a crime against humanity. The increasing bloodshed and violence brought about by the ruthless and repressive measures imposed by the Pretoria regime in an attempt to stifle all internal opposition to apartheid have now resulted in an almost universal sense of outrage.
Peaceful demonstrations, campaigns of civil disobedience and non-violent action by the oppressed majority in South Africa have been met by ever-increasing repression and brutality. All forms of diplomatic approaches have been rebuffed by Pretoria. Yet resolutions of the United Nations continue to be ignored and the will of the international community flouted with impunity.
How many more must die before apartheid is abolished? How many more must die before those countries with the most influence on the Pretoria regime accept that comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions now remain the only effective peaceful means of hastening the demise of apartheid? How many more must die before those States cease to consider as -immoral and utterly repugnant" punitive sanctions in eradicating a system which they publicly acknowledge to be "morally wrong and politically unacceptable"? How many more must die? The gravity of the situation in South Africa brings sharply into focus the issue of Namibia's independence. Here is another glaring example of the lack of political will of Member States to implement the resolutions of the United Nations. The overwhelming majority of the members of the international community is convinced that the regime in South Africa will not negotiate in good faith over the independence of Namibia.
The United Nations, during its early years of existence, moved with alacrity in the face of aggression to establish a presence in troubled regions of the world. Even today, the Organization has peace-keeping forces in various areas, yet we seem unwilling to take the same action in a Territory which is the direct responsibility of the United Nations. What is more, a plan has already been approved by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978) for ensuring the independence of Namibia through the holding of free elections under United Nations supervision and control and including the establishment of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). Instead, what do we find? A puppet regime has been installed by racist South Africa and we, the Members of the Organization, stand by seemingly helpless. This is a blemish on the proud record of the United Nations in the area of decolonization which we must act with dispatch to erase.
In other regions of the world the increasing unwillingness of States to heed the basic tenets of international relations has led to protracted regional conflicts which appear to be more and more intractable. The tragic conflict between Iran and Iraq continues unabated, decimating the fine flower of youth of both nations, ravaging innocent civilian communities and threatening to spill beyond its present confines thus creating a potentially even more explosive situation. Surely, it is time for a peaceful settlement of this conflict. The situation in the Middle East has not improved and continues to take a course which not only heightens tension and increases instability in that area, but also threatens international peace and security. The problem has been further aggravated by the fact that the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) has now become the target of attack. This grave development has incalculable consequences for United Nations peace-keeping efforts. UNIFIL must be allowed to discharge its mandate in southern Lebanon in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions.
With regard to the Palestinian problem, my Government continues to believe that only a negotiated solution which respects the rights of all States in the region to secure boundaries and recognizes the inalienable rights of the Palestinians to a homeland will bring a just and lasting solution to the problems of this region.*
Persistent instability in Central America continues to be a natter of grave concern to the region. We are convinced that increasing armed conflict will only serve to aggravate the situation. We therefore urge that the process of peaceful negotiation and dialog be pursued, and in this regard ray Government continues to give its unswerving support to the Contadora peace process which we see as the most effective instrument for securing enduring peace in the region.
Trinidad and Tobago continues to believe that the basis for a negotiated settlement in Afghanistan and Kampuchea is the withdrawal of all foreign forces from both countries. In this connection, we support the efforts undertaken by the United Nations to contribute to a settlement of the problems affecting these countries. We also endorse the premise that the peaceful resolution of the Korean problem and the relaxation of tension can result only from direct talks between the two parties. Trinidad and Tobago therefore hopes that substantive dialog between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea will soon resume and continue until a solution to the problem is found.
In designating 1986 as "International Year of Peace," with the theme "To Safeguard Peace and the Future of Humanity," the United Nations recognized not only that the attainment of durable peace required the contribution of every State, but also that it was the responsibility of all States to help to safeguard the future of humanity by reducing the threat of nuclear devastation. Hew ever, the two super-Powers have a special responsibility for bringing an end to the senseless arras race and for concluding agreements which will ultimately lead to arms control and nuclear disarmament. My Government expresses the hope that there will soon be substantial improvement in the climate and the spirit of co-operation between the two super-Powers so that progress can be made on these issues. The overriding importance of nuclear disarmament should not divert our attention from the issue of conventional weapons, the proliferation and sophistication of which have resulted in untold destruction and suffering during the course of local and regional conflicts in the developing world. Experience has shown that the accumulation of weapons does not provide the security it purports to attain, but rather escalates tension, promotes distrust and precipitates conflicts. In a world of increasing material needs and finite resources, man's technological advances should be better utilized to promote development and to eliminate hunger, suffering and want. We look forward to the convening of the International Conference on the Relationship Between Disarmament and Development in 1987, which, we hope, will lead to a clear definition of all aspects of this issue and elaborate measures which will promote the welfare of all peoples.
There is a growing awareness of the links between development and peace and security. However, what is needed is the recognition by the developed countries that in an increasingly interdependent world the efforts of all countries will have to be concerted in order to overcome the structural imbalances and inequities of the global economy and that the multilateral institutions have an important role to play in attaining this objective.
The present world economic system, which has historically been structured to meet the requirements of the industrialized nations, continues to operate to the disadvantage of the developing countries. These countries, which are still in the main primary producers, now find themselves faced not only with the unprecedented collapse in the prices of nearly all commodities but also with the economic consequences of the fundamental changes that are taking place in the nature of, and demand for, materials in the industrialized countries. Technological advances are making possible not only new materials in substitution for many of the primary products of developing countries but also new uses for these materials in processes to which the primary products cannot readily be adopted. These new materials are already displacing minerals upon which the economies of some developing countries depend for the means of achieving the much desired improvements in the economic and social condition of their peoples.
The recent dramatic fall in the price of crude oil has had a devastating effect on the economic situation of oil-producing countries everywhere, forcing many of them to make drastic adjustments in their economies in order to cope with their straitened circumstances, Further, although the lower oil prices may have eased the balance-of-payments position of some developing countries, that benefit has been largely offset by a sharp drop in the transfer of financial resources and in the level of concessional assistance.
The developed countries themselves have not escaped the effects of petroleum prices in dramatic decline. Whole regions and cities that at one time prospered, directly or indirectly, through the oil industry, have found themselves faced with serious economic problems. Business enterprises, even banks, have gone bankrupt; unemployment has risen; and governmental and other activities have been adversely affected by declining revenues. It must now, therefore, be generally recognized that a gradual increase in prices to reasonably remunerative levels, not only of oil but also of other primary products, is an essential ingredient in the recovery and stability of the world economy.
Efforts made by developing countries to reduce dependence on income from primary products by diversifying their economies and by developing an industrial base have been frustrated by the increasing tendency of developed countries to restrict access to their markets for a wide range of manufactured and semi-manufactured products. My delegation wishes to stress that access to the markets of the industrialized com tries remains crucial to the development prospects of the developing countries. The recent agreement in Punta del Este to convene a new round of multilateral trade negotiations is therefore most welcome. He hope that this new round will result in the removal of protectionist barriers and restrictions which now bedevil international trade.
The proper functioning of the international trading system is a necessary condition for monetary and financial stability. The distortion of this system has surfaced as currency misalignments, volatile capital movements and a general failure of the regime of floating exchange rates to establish stability.
The key currency countries need to become more aware of their role and, more important, of their responsibility, given the effects of their domestic policies upon the international economic system. For far too long, these countries have adopted policies which have impaired the proper functioning of the international economic system.
There is growing recognition that co-ordination and harmonization of interests are crucial to the long-term coherence, viability and vitality of the international economic system. Last year there were signs of a new commitment to growth-oriented policies, lower interest rates, realignment of currencies and closer co-ordination of national policies. Summitry and declarations of intent, however, are not enough.
Trinidad and Tobago is of the view that the linkage within the international system demands that existing arrangements be improved and new mechanisms devised to mobilize the participation of all States. Such mechanisms should give full recognition and effect to the reality of interdependence. The international financial institutions, particularly the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, must play a more progressive role in the international economic system. Those institutions must be equipped with sufficient financial resources and the requisite flexibility to foster the resumption of growth and investment and the reactivation of the development process. This is even more important at this time when access to concessional assistance and other transfers of financial resources have become increasingly difficult. It is imperative, however, that those institutions, while not abandoning short-term solutions, adopt an approach more responsive to the long-term needs of developing countries.
There is no more striking illustration of the inequities and imbalances of the international economic system than the staggering dimensions of the external debt of the developing countries, which is now in excess of $700 billion. The most important factor influencing the dramatic and inexorable growth in indebtedness has been exorbitant rates of interest unilaterally imposed. Each debtor nation thus finds itself cast in the role of a modern-day Sisyphus, even more overwhelmed today by a debt which it thought it had lessened the day before.
Developing countries, laboring under the harsh measures of internal adjustments necessary to settlement their external debt commitments, now find themselves in the paradoxical position of being net exporters of capital to the developed creditor countries. Should such an anomalous situation be allowed to persist, it will impede growth and development in the developing countries and will result in political and economic instability, the ripple effect of which would be felt across the entire international spectrum.
The adjustment of national economies and the rescheduling of debts, however innovative, will not provide a lasting solution but will only cause the system to muddle from crisis to crisis. That seemed to have been sensed last September at the annual meeting of the World Bank and the Fund at Seoul, when the need for a new and comprehensive approach to the problem of external indebtedness was identified. Trinidad and Tobago will therefore support any effort or initiative to promote a structured intergovernmental dialog which will involve commercial banks and the international financial institutions.
Declining economic activity in developing nations has created a number of serious human problems. In most developing countries the youth constitute the largest percentage of the population. There must be adequate opportunities and options for their creative energies, aspirations and idealism. Depressed economies inhibit opportunities for the young and frustrate their potential. Only a vibrant, expanding world economy and an orderly international political system can contribute to the full realization of the hopes and aspirations of our future generations.
The United Nations has a crucial role to play in the resolution of social, political and economic problems which beset the international community. It is therefore necessary to strengthen its structure and its mechanisms and to review continually the programs and activities of the Organization to ensure that it keeps pace with the demands of a constantly changing global society while retaining its effectiveness. The report of the Group of 18 has raised many fundamental and sensitive issues. In its report, the Group attempts to provide a frank appraisal of the factors that have led our Organization into its present difficulties and to provide a range of far-reaching measures that could undoubtedly enhance its efficiency and integrity.
My delegation will participate fully at the appropriate time in the deliberations on the recommendations made by that Group. However, we wish to sound a note of caution. In seeking the necessary improvements, we must ensure that we do not impair the structure and mechanisms we have nurtured to achieve the goals of the United Nations. That is the spirit in which Trinidad and Tobago will approach the search for greater financial and administrative efficiency. We must emphasize, however, that the decision-making process of the United Nations must not be vested only in those who desire to preserve their political and economic preeminence. It must accord with and give full recognition to the principle of the sovereign equality of all States.
There are difficult times ahead of us. In addressing the question of the responsibility of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security, it has become fashionable to assert that the Organization must be made more effective if its credibility is to be maintained. We must recognize, however, that it is we, the Member States, who constitute the United Nations. The responsibility for the effectiveness of the Organization devolves upon every single one of us. It is in the discharge of that collective responsibility that the strength and effectiveness of our Organization will be enhanced. It is upon a strong and effective United Nations that States, particularly small States, rely as a guarantor and protector of their sovereignty and independence. Member States must therefore comply with the obligations of the Charter, observe scrupulously the fundamental tenets of international relations and respect unreservedly the equality and sovereignty of all Members of our international community. If we do not, the
United Nations system will weaken and collapse, parochial interests based on force will become paramount and anarchy and chaos will be the order of the day.
Last year the special session to commemorate the first 40 years of the Organization provided a welcome opportunity for us to pause in our annual deliberations as an Assembly, to reflect upon our achievements and our failures. It was a salutary pause that should both have refreshed and reinvigorated our Organization, enabling us as it did to draw encouragement and inspiration from the achievers its and to profit from and take to heart the lessons of the failures, in preparation for the greater tasks that still lie ahead of us.
As we move towards the twenty-first century, let us not do so with our minds and eyes focused on the past. Let us, rather, drawing upon the wisdom and experience of the past and ever conscious of the awesome responsibility that history has entrusted to us as Members of this Organization, press forward confidently, but with humility, with our efforts to help shape a better, brighter and safer future for mankind and, in particular, for our youth, to whom we must in due course pass on the torch of the preservation of this planet and of the welfare and progress of its peoples.


Botswana joins the chorus of congratulations that have been extended to Mr. Choudhury, upon his election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. My delegation has no doubt that in him we have an able and experienced helmsman who will steer the deliberations of the session to a fruitful conclusion. In offering his services to our Organization, Bangladesh has demonstrated its unwavering support for the purposes and principles of the United Nations. He is joining the alumni of sons and daughters of third-world countries who have served and continue to serve our Organization with honor and distinction. He will have my delegation's unflinching support in the performance of his onerous task. His predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, also deserves our commendation. His skillful stewardship of the historic celebrations that marked the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations is recalled with enduring admiration and nostalgia.
Our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has continued to serve our Organization with great skill and dedication. How grateful my delegation is to see him looking much recovered from his recent indisposition and back at the helm, we salute him and the international staff that work under him. They have come from all corners of the globe to serve their fellow men, wherever they may be, to the best of their abilities. We recognize their sacrifice; we thank them for their dedication and devotion to their noble calling.
The Secretary-General's report, which my delegation has read with great interest, will, as in the past, enhance and guide our work. With the candor that has become his trademark he has again highlighted a number of issues that need our Organization's urgent attention. At the top of those issues is the financial crisis that threatens to disrupt not only many activities of the Organization but even its very existence. The Secretariat itself has-already embarked upon several steps designed to curb waste and reduce costs as well as improve efficiency and effectiveness. Botswana will go along with any carefully designed corrective measures aimed at the optimum use of resources, whether they be financial, human or otherwise. We hope the work undertaken by the Group of 18 experts will assist our Organization finally to put its house in order.
My delegation would like to appeal to those who have done so not to withhold their contributions at a time when the United Nations needs more, not less, financial resources. The great importance we attach to the survival of the Organization impels us to caution against the erroneous thinking popular in certain quarters that the Organization has too much money to spend or waste, the corollary
to that fallacy being that, if you deny it more money, then the problem will disappear. The fact is that the United Nations needs more money, not less, to finance the many humanitarian projects all of us expect it to carry out.
The rest of our agenda is a full one, loaded as it is with familiar issues solutions to which are crucial to the survival of the world as we know it. I should now like to turn to some of these burning issues.
This past May the General Assembly met in a special session in this Hall to consider the economic crisis facing the African continent. Participation in that session was, in itself, a moving experience for me, for it was the culmination of perhaps the longest sustained international relief effort ever recorded in recent memory, one aimed at saving hundreds of thousands of lives in sub-Saharan Africa caught in a long spell of drought and other natural calamities. The momentous decision to convene the special session taken by the fortieth session of the General Assembly, raised the hopes of the African people. We all hoped that, at long last, the world's conscience was awakening to the noble imperative of helping Africa to help itself. We saw the special session as an opportunity to mobilize additional resources which would enable us to implement the economic priority programs adopted by our Heads of Government at Addis Ababa in July 1985.
In many respects, the special session was a success. The international community was for the first time sensitized to the magnitude and urgency of the problems facing the African continent. African leaders themselves had put on paper their own admissions of past mistakes and failed policies and made firm commitments to the implementation of the African Priority program for Economic Recovery (APPER) , if the world would respond positively to their call for medium- and long-term programs of assistance. My Government wishes to record its gratitude to those nations and organizations that took the opportunity provided by the special session to write off some of the official debts they were owed by a member of African countries and that also announced some new programs of co-operation or a revitalization of those already in existence.
My delegation hopes that those donor nations that did not appear to be enthusiastic about APPER have since had time for serious reflection. We understand some of the misgivings advanced by those nations that did not agree with certain assumptions contained in APPER. Yes, in some respects the economic problems facing African countries are a function of many other deep-seated realities traceable to many sources, some of which are demonstrably exogenous.
Developing countries, including African countries, have repeatedly complained in many forums about the protectionist policies of certain developed countries, the low commodity prices that are paid by developed countries for their products, the high interest rates and the crushing debt-service burdens and low levels of external concessional assistance, which make recovery very difficult and hinder efforts towards development. As a remedy, they have collectively called for the establishment of a new set of relationships which would usher in a new international economic order. If the sorry economic plight which still faces many African countries is to be addressed effectively, urgent action is required now, before it is too late. The momentum gained at the special session must not be allowed to peter out.
Recognizing that no country on its own can tackle the multifaceted problems of development, we in southern Africa created a little more than six years ago, in the spirit of the Lagos Plan of Action, the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC), of which many representatives already know. We wanted to develop our economies collectively and reduce our dependence on external sources generally and South Africa in particular. Within a short time, SADCC, which is composed of the nine independent countries of southern Africa - Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe - has proved to be a serious tool of regional economic development, in spite of South Africa's evil machinations against it.
Within SADCC we have adopted a program of action which gives high priority to the rehabilitation of transport systems. Since economic sanctions against South Africa have become inevitable and the threat of retaliation against us by the apartheid regime more menacing, we appeal to nations in a position to do so to assist us as a matter of urgency to achieve our objective of ensuring that the lifelines of SADCC - the Beira and Maputo corridors and the Tazara and Benguela railways - are rehabilitated and secured for our exports and imports.
In addition, all our sectoral programs in agriculture, food security, energy, commerce and industry and many other areas need to be accelerated. We need additional resources urgently so that we can defend our independence and continue development with the momentum necessary to give our peoples a better life. Those with influence on South Africa must use that influence to dissuade it from destroying SADCC projects and destabilizing our countries.
We are aware that prospects for the world economy are not very bright* According to World Bank projections, growth in the industrialized countries is likely to be around 3 per cent or less this year. That does not augur well for many developing countries whose economies are dependent on the generosity of the developed countries. Nevertheless, we hope that the Governments of developed countries will, in spite of sluggish growth in their own countries, shoulder their full responsibility to the less privileged of the world,
I have spoken at some length on economic issues because they affect millions of lives every day, every hour and every minute across the globe. In a real sense their final solution, or the lack of it, will determine to a large extent whether the next century will usher in prosperity and peace or be another century of conflict and misery. The world cannot afford to be indifferent to the poverty of so many in the midst of so much plenty. Something ought to be done, and done now, to confront and push back the boundaries of man's real enemies: hunger, disease, ignorance and poverty.
There are several other pressing issues on our agenda. The questions of general and complete disarmament, nuclear weapons, decolonization, the intractable Palestinian issue, Afghanistan, Kampuchea, the festering sore that is apartheid. Western Sahara, the war between Iraq and Iran, the large population of refugees in the world, human rights, international terrorism, Korea, drug trafficking, the delayed independence of the international Trust Territory of Namibia: all these are issues that deeply concern us in Botswana. On the question of disarmament and nuclear weapons, I need only say that those that bear the primary responsibility for the continuing arms race must continuously take into account the concerns of the millions of people around the world who are fearful of the prospect of a nuclear holocaust. It is my delegation's fervent hope that the ongoing talks between the super-Powers will ultimately bear fruit. We also call upon those nations that have acquired nuclear technology to stay within the limits of agreed international safeguards and never to use it for the manufacture of more weapons of mass destruction, so that the billions of dollars now wasted on the accumulation of weapons of mass destruction may be well spent on the betterment of the human condition.
At center stage in our deliberations are political problems whose intractability continues to threaten the peace and stability of our world. In my part of the world, the region of southern Africa, the political fuse has been lit, is hissing and could ignite a catastrophic conflagration at any time. The people of South Africa have reached the end of their tether and their endurance of the indignities and humiliations heaped upon them and their ancestors for over three centuries. They have taken to the streets of Soweto, Langa, Crossroads, Alexandra and Durban to demand the restoration of their birthright in their motherland.
Sadly, the South African white minority rulers, the inventors of the evil ideology of apartheid, have chosen not to sit down at the negotiating table with their black compatriots to negotiate a new democratic and non-racial dispensation in South Africa. Instead they have responded in the same old brutal fashion, with mass killings, including the killing of young children, mass arrests of trade union leaders and anti-apartheid activists, endless declarations of states of emergency in African townships, murderous attacks on neighboring countries for crimes they
have not committed, and the spawning of bandit movements to destabilize the front-line States. Thousands have already died at the hands of the regime's security forces in a vain attempt to defy the verdict of history. More are likely to die before South Africa can accept that apartheid is an indefensible and evil system whose eradication is long overdue.
The world has already declared apartheid to be a crime against humanity, yet it has continued to offer the authors of the crime one olive branch after another. One such olive branch was the Commonwealth mission, composed of men and women of international standing and high repute. Their brief was "good will to all and malice to none" in the polyglot environment of South Africa. Many people in the world, including those who had misgivings about the prospects of the mission's success from the beginning, thought that South Africa would see the desperate need for peaceful change and seize the opportunity to show the world that it is capable of redeeming itself. That was not to be. The white minority regime, with incredible malice aforethought, scuttled the mission by attacking three Commonwealth neighbors while the Eminent Persons Group was in South Africa.
At the end of their mission, the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group, in one of the most poignant of the concluding paragraphs of its report, stated:
"Our mandate was to foster a process of negotiation across lines of color, politics and religion, with a view to establishing a non-racial and representative Government. It is our considered view that, despite appearances and statements to the contrary, the South African Government is not yet ready to negotiate such a future, except on its own terms. Those terms, in regard to both objectives and modalities, fall far short of reasonable black expectations and well-accepted democratic norms and
principles. Thus, a mission in which so much of our hopes had been invested ended as though it had never begun, and the death-dance in the blood-soaker streets of black
townships continued unabated.
In desperation over this kind of intransigence, the international community now sees economic sanctions against South Africa as the last peaceful resort to push that country towards the dismantling of apartheid. Botswana cannot itself impose sanctions against South Africa, but will not stand in the way of those that can and decide to do so. Botswana is only too aware of the urgent need to resolve the intractable problem of apartheid. This is necessary if we are to avoid a bloodbath in our region. Those who can, especially the major trading partners of South Africa, but will not impose sanctions against that country must not use us as an excuse for their inaction.
We remain convinced, nevertheless, that it is not too late for the leaders of South Africa, both black and white, to sit down together, in a spirit of reconciliation, at a conference table to negotiate a non-racial, democratic future for South Africa, which must of necessity be preceded by: first, the release of Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners*, secondly, the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC)} thirdly, the lifting of the state of emergency and removal of troops from black townships; and, fourthly, the return of exiles.
Namibia's dream deferred is no nearer realization this year than it was during the past year. South Africa remains defiant in its refusal to accept the resolution adopted by the United Nations calling upon it to co-operate in granting independence to the international Territory. It is determined to give all the appearance and substance of sovereignty to the puppet so-called interim government in Windhoek, and it will not be long before the international community is asked to give recognition and respectability to an internal settlement in Namibia.
ty Government holds firm to the view that United Nations Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the only acceptable basis for Namibia's independence and we reaffirm our total rejection of the linking of Namibia's independence to the resolution of irrelevant issues. Linkage of Namibia's independence to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola is tantamount to holding hostage the destiny of the Namibian people to the solution of an issue irrelevant to it. The people of Namibia have inalienable rights that must be respected by those who govern them against their will. We therefore call for the implementation of .Security Council resolution 435 (1978) without delay.
The people of Western Sahara have still not yet been allowed to exercise their right to self-determination, in spite of several promises by those who claim ownership of their territory. We call upon all the parties involved to find a formula which would allow the Sahraoui people the opportunity to exercise their right to self-determination. To that end we hope that advantage will be taken of the Secretary-General's continued good offices.
In the Middle East peace is still as elusive as ever. The Palestinians are still entrapped in refugee camps, in an interminable and painful diaspora, waiting impatiently for the enjoyment of their right to self-determination in a country of their own. Israel is still in occupation of Arab lands and most of the Arab nations in turn still refuse to recognize the State of Israel and come to grips with the permanence of its existence in the Middle East. My Government's position on this vexing issue remains: an independent State for the Palestinian people*, withdrawal by Israel from Arab territories acquired by force; and recognition by the Arab nations of the State of Israel and its right to exist within secure and internationally recognized borders. Those are the requirements that must be fulfilled if a solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict is to be realized and lasting peace is to take root in the Middle East.
In the Latin American region, we are increasingly fearful of the implications and possible consequences of the endless destabilization of Nicaragua by externally supported and financed dissident movements, popularly known as contras. We in Botswana do not see how the destabilization of Nicaragua or any other country in
Central America where turmoil has become endemic can be in the interest of those in this region who, curiously enough, seem to see a great deal of virtue in the murderous activities of the bandit contra revolutionaries. How can the security of one country, however powerful, be enhanced by the desperate insecurity of its neighbors?
The Contadora process deserves our support, because it is a process dedicated to the search for peace. It should not be sabotaged.
The question of the Falklands (Malvinas) remains unresolved because the parties to the dispute over the sovereignty of the islands are still talking to each other across a chasm of mutual suspicion and bitterness, instead of talking with each other across a negotiating table. We urge the two sides to put history behind them and get down to the urgent task of ensuring that another bloody confrontation in the South Atlantic can be avoided in favor of a peaceful settlement of the dispute.
This body has on several occasions in the past called upon nations that have foreign troops in Afghanistan and Kampuchea to withdraw them at the earliest opportunity. It is regrettable that those calls have gone unheeded. My Government joins those who insist that Afghanistan and Kampichea must be left alone to mind their own business without foreign interference. Consequently, we reiterate our call for the withdrawal of foreign troops from those two countries.
The war between Iran and Iraq has been going on for six years no*. The destruction that it has wreaked on lives and properties on both sides is incalculable, unconscionable and scandalous. Surely this is a war that the two sides could do without-, its termination is far too long overdue.
The people of the Korean peninsula need not belong to two Koreas at this time. Botswana supports the peaceful reunification of the two parts, to be
achieved through a direct and fraternal dialog between them., without any interference from outside. In spite of the difficulties that we understand have resulted in the suspension of contacts between the two sides, it is our cherished hope that everything will be done to get back to the path of dialog.
Refugees have become one of the most pressing problems of our age. Africa is one of the greatest concentration areas of those unfortunate people. Much as my country is grateful for the assistance that the international community has been giving and continues to give for the upkeep of refugees, we believe none the less that the ultimate cure lies in tackling the root cause of this scourge. Governments ought to adopt a more tolerant attitude towards those of their citizens who nay not agree with their policies on ideological, religious or other grounds. We are fully aware of the complex make-up of certain societies, but we are convinced that Governments themselves could do a great deal to curb this growing scourge if they respected their citizens' right to differ, treated their human rights with caring circumspection and tolerance, and adhered to the relevant United Nations conventions.
Another serious menace in the world today is terrorism - terrorism, naked, brutal and evil. We condemn unreservedly and find inexcusable the terrorism of the indiscriminate killing, maiming or hostage-taking of innocent civilians by individuals or groups aimed at forcing Governments, organizations or individuals to acquiesce in their diabolic extortions by which they relegate human life to the worth of a mere tradable commodity.
What is even more condemnable and utterly deplorable is the terrorism in which some States are engaged for reasons which are as indefensible and contemptible as those which are often advanced by hijackers and kidnappers. States which spawn terrorist bandits and unleash them on their neighbors or distant foes, or directly engage in terrorist activities against their neighbors are as terroristic as the bandits they spawn. They are guilty of State terrorism. The international community must take a resolute stand against such terrorism.
A similar menace in the world is that of drug trafficking. If it is not checked now it will destroy our civilization, because it corrupts the morality of those who engage in it. The victims are mostly the youth whose mental and physical growth it ravages, and without healthy minds and bodies what kind of future can we contemplate in the hands of a hallucinated generation. My delegation is pleased that many Governments are now taking concerted action to fight this menace at the source. We must intensify our efforts to meet the drug-pushers head on. Peace and security are precious concomitants of human existence. They do not fall like manna from heaven; they are dynamic conditions that depend on conscious and tireless efforts to bring them about and ensure their permanence. The world has had to fight two tragic wars because of the folly of certain nations. At the end of the last war the United Nations was created in the hope of avoiding another war. But we often wonder if we have really learned a lessen from the tragedy of the Second World War.
In its 40 years of existence the United Nations has had a good number of critics, but it also has its ardent supporters. It has had glaring shortcomings in a number of areas, but there is no denying that it is still the arbiter of peace. It is still our only hope for the future. Let us not repeat the follies of the past. Let us work tirelessly to preserve the United Nations.


I extend to you. Sir, my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. We would also like to thank the outgoing President for his contribution in presiding over the previous session.
I address the Assembly today in the name of the Sudanese people, who suffered years of misery and hardship under the rule of a tyrant who imposed an oppressive internal policy and adopted a subservient foreign policy thus making the Sudan a source of sadness and gloom. Freedom of expression in the Sudan became taboo, freedom was non-existent and the individual citizen was under a state of siege, threatened with detention, murder and limb amputation all in the name of religion. This was a distortion of a religion which uniquely sets adequate means for preventing crime before punishment and considers social factors as a cause for leniency and mitigation. It is a religion with an all-embracing outlook that grants rights first and punishes transgressions second. Under that despotic regime, the Sudan continued to be a source of tragic news, due partly to acts of man and partly to natural disasters such as drought, desertification and famine.
Today, I bring to this Assembly and to the international community good news from the Sudan. The drought is now over and the country is able once again to feed its people from its own resources. In the sphere of human endeavor, our people have, for the second time in one generation, risen to topple the tyranny of the despot in a popular movement of containment in which the people is uprising was complemented by the armed forces. This helped bring down tyranny without loss of life or property. A transitional civilian and military regime then came into power and ruled for one year on the basis of a national entente. At the end of that year there were free general elections throughout 90 per cent o£ the country. The absent vote of that 10 per cent was due to security reasons. A Government was returned with the support of 80 per cent of the members of the Constitutional Assembly and 90 per cent of the voters. It is a Government which draws support from the grassroots of the populace.
The newly born democracy in the Sudan guarantees fundamental rights and freedoms, upholds the independence of the Judiciary, the rule of law and the freedom of religion. It has gone farther than the safeguarding of political rights and the freedom of expression and has striven to achieve ethnic and regional balance in the exercise of power, as well as regional economic balance, so that political democracy may go hand in hand with economic and social democracy.
This new Sudan is aware of the fact that it does not exist in a vacuum. It is cognizant of its deep Islamic, Arab and African roots and its awareness of these facets of this adherence reconciles their demands with an openness to the experiences of humanity and its intellectual, political, social, economic and technological achievements. Sudan, having completed the setting up of political institutions which will reflect its new orientation, has now launched a comprehensive national economic plan for the achievement of development with equitable social objectives. This new plan will put an end to the economic dependence to which my country fell victim, so that our economy may stand on our own indigenous capabilities. Our development plan will be an exercise in human engineering, aimed at saving the country from the accumulated shortcomings of the past years and ensuring a better more equitable life for our people.
This commitment to democracy makes it imperative to resort to peaceful means in solving problems, avoid military adventurism and take up arms only in self-defense.
Only dictatorships resort to military adventurism, as a means of diverting the attention of the people from their misery and seeking false glory. The democracies of free peoples are accountable for their actions and can propagate their ideals only through dialog and persuasion. The Sudan's experience has taught us that dictatorial regimes are a psychological burden that weighs heavily on their peoples since they impose deceitful and oppressive policies. They are also a political burden that entails degradation and oppression, an economic burden because they squander resources through ill-conceived expenditure, and a military burden because they lead to internal confrontation and external adventures. The Sudanese experience has also taught us that a political system based on freedom of choice and committed to the objectives of social balance and justice is indeed the most appropriate choice, the choice most in keeping with human dignity and the surest way to stability and the attainment of peace, both internally and externally.
The new, promising Sudanese system, which has put an end to the flow of gloomy news and opened a new chapter of aspirations and hope, has galvanized the Sudanese people and given people everywhere cause for optimism,, There are, none the less, hurdles in its path, and attempts are made to drag it back to a state of chaos and despotism. I shall highlight four of those hurdle" because of their importance and because the international community has a crucial role to play in their removal.
The first problem is desertification. Many human factors have contributed to the encroachment of the desert on my country. Ill-conceived agricultural and pastoral policies, deforestation, lack of adequate fire control in the rural areas, and failure in the area of the protection of the environment and vegetation. Conceptual and administrative shortcomings have combined with these natural
national, regional and continental factors and caused desert encroachment of about 10 kilometers a year. In the Sudan, we give high priority to this problem and shall first undertake to increase the awareness of the people in this regard and put into effect sound and comprehensive plans to combat desertification and preserve our natural resources, which belong to both present and future generations.
An integrated national, regional and international effort must be made to study the causes of desertification, plan its containment and provide the technical, financial and administrative means to combat it. In this regard, we commend the contribution of the United Nations and request that it be intensified and given the special priority it deserves so that man may not lose irreplaceable resources.
Secondly, with regard to the refugee problem, Sudan has offered and continues to offer hospitality to the refugees who flee across its eastern, western and southern borders. Their numbers have increased enormously and now make up more than 10 per cent of Sudan's population. Such huge numbers put heavy burdens on Sudan's shoulders, some visible and quantifiable, others invisible and unidentifiable.
Sudan is committed to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of its neighbors and would like to see the refugees return voluntarily to their home countries. To that end, Sudan will spare no effort to find ways and means of bringing about the national reconciliation which would ensure their voluntary repatriation. Pending the achievement of that objective, it is essential to control the presence of refugees in Sudan in such a way as to ensure their living conditions and security and provide them with the necessary educational and health facilities, while avoiding an adverse impact on the life and security of the Sudanese people. Planning requirements cannot be net and the financial, technical and administrative resources necessary for the achievement of those objectives cannot be provided from Sudan's resources alone. The international, community must join in, and any failure to do so will certainly obstruct the Sudanese endeavor.
Our country has been visited by a United Nations inter-agency Mission representing many disciplines. The Mission has submitted a report the general thrust of which we support and welcome. We call for the intensification of efforts in the light of the contents of that report with a view to resolving the problems of refugees in the Sudan and supporting the Sudanese economy by eliminating the adverse effects of the presence of refugees, we appeal to the international community to make available the human and material resources necessary for the achievement of that objective. The third problem is that of external debt. That debt was incurred by an unconstitutional, illegitimate regime and now amounts to more than double our gross national product. The cost of its servicing is far greater than the total of our export earnings. In such a situation, is it reasonable to call upon Sudan to repay the loans that have matured when it has just emerged from a situation in which both morals and production were sabotaged in such a way that Sudan, a country that once enjoyed relative prosperity, was brought into disrepute and mendicancy?
The first step that we shall take is to review the figures of that external debt so as to distinguish between what is legitimate and what is not returned loans will have to be dealt with, but not on the customary commercial basis. Our repayments will have to be within the limits imposed by the need to give priority to the livelihood of the Sudanese people and to provide a reasonable level of services for them and the level of development that the country requires. Those are priorities that no sane person can ask us to ignore. In the light of those priorities we shall allocate a certain percentage of our export earnings to meet part of our revised external debts.
While we declare this commitment, we shall continue to appeal to the rich creditor countries to take account of the circumstances that led to the accumulation of debts, especially in Sudan, which lost much of its human and material resources during 16 years of havoc and repression. While it nay be our legal duty to remain committed to repayment of our debts, can it be a duty from the point of view of justice? We shall continue to appeal to continue to the rich countries to follow the example of Canada and Italy, which have taken decisions to alleviate the debt burden by freezing the debts or canceling them altogether. Having said that, we must hasten to add that such measures will prove futile unless they are accompanied by economic and political reforms through which the gains accruing from such measures of alleviation are invested in development, in order to ensure a better life for the deprived classes.
The fourth problem is that of the rebellion in some parts of southern Sudan. First, objective, internal factors have caused tension between the north and the south of the country, the most important being religious and ethnic differences and differences in the levels of economic and social progress.
Secondly, those objective factors have been complicated by age-old historic and other factors created by colonial rule, when it followed its so-called policy on the south, between 1918 and 1948. That policy re-molded old conflicts into new
Thirdly, since Sudan's independence Sudanese society, especially in the north, has witnessed an Arab national renaissance movement and an Islamic awakening. Coring that period some sectors of the population in the south have developed an increasing consciousness of their African and Christian identities and a greater feeling of being deprived of participation in public life and of having a lower economic standard of life. The juxtaposition of those factors has led to political and cultural currents in the north and the south flowing in opposite directions.
Fourthly, under one-man rule there was implementation of the decisions of the All Sudanese Parties Congress, resulting in the signing of the 1972 agreement, which achieved the necessary reconciliation and provided room to embrace the characteristics of the south. But, surprisingly, that authoritarian regime reversed its stance and imposed on the south policies that broke the agreement; even worse, it shattered those respected and protected characteristics when it introduced what it called Islamic laws. In essence, that was nothing more than a wicked attempt to consolidate its one-man rule and intimidate all its opponents -Muslims, Christians and others - in the name of Islam. Those policies were opposed by many in the south, who regarded them as a flagrant example of the Government's reneging on the peace agreement and of religious intolerance and oppression. Fifthly, as being fully aware of the magnitude of the problem, the present political leadership in the Sudan has called for the convening of a national constitutional conference to examine those and other problems in the country as a whole so as to arrive, through dialog, at an agreement to lay just and acceptable foundations for dealing with the following problems: first, the problem of religion and politics, which has to be solved in a way that will satisfy the aspirations of Muslims, Christians and the followers of other creeds within a modern democratic political and constitutional system-, secondly, the problem of national identity and cultural and ethnic diversity, which must be solved in a way that will define the various identities and their means of coexistence-, thirdly, the question of equitable participation in public and political life, which must be dealt with in such a way as to ensure respect by the majority of regional and ethnic rights in an equitable partnership*, fourthly, the question of economic development and the commitment to an equitable distribution of wealth and public services and development opportunities.
These four points throw light on the objective and internal causes of the problem of the south. It is obvious that they are to be found on the same scale in other countries; they are not unique to the Sudan. Although Sudan-is among those countries confronted with problems caused by a backward structure of national unity and the trauma of modernization together with the complexities of the increasing consciousness of origins and roots, it stands out as a country that is able to diagnose and recognize its own problems and has the determination to resolve them peacefully through political dialog.
The movement engaged in the present insurrection, which is causing destruction in some parts of the South and which endangers the lives of some of its civilian inhabitants, is quite aware of the peaceful and conciliatory policies of the Government, it has openly made this awareness known in a public statement on 14 August 1986. In spite of all this, however, the insurrection movement has opted for the rejection of the Government's stance and chose to escalate its terrorist activities against civilians, the aged, women and children. The most heinous of those terrorist acts was the downing of a civilian aircraft and the killing of all of its 60 passengers.
The terrorist nature of this movement no longer needs proof. Its deeds and declarations speak for themselves. What really needs proof is the movement's inability to make independent decisions and its subservience to the hegemony of a foreign country which uses it for its own interests.
Through our own contacts and discussions, it has become clear to us that it is feasible to reach an agreement with the insurrection movement but only if orders to the contrary are not dictated to it by the foreign circles that want to use it to block the reconstruction of our country. Those foreign circles fully dominate the decisions of this insurrection movement, which calls itself the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, by harbouring it in their territory, facilitating its recruitment activities, supplying it with arms, providing it with training, a radio station for broadcasting its propaganda and beaming military orders to its forces and also providing it with food, supplies, logistical support and transport facilities.
In its internal dimensions and root causes, the conflict can be addressed by the Sudanese parties in a way that would have required or necessitated no debate or involvement on the part of the United Nations. However, the insurrection movement has gone beyond its Sudanese dimension and has become a terrorist instrument of foreign aggression. It is in this context that it is now necessary for the United Nations to be made aware of the objective realities of the situation, realities which we have already placed before the Organization of African Unity.
The new democratic Sudan which draws inspiration from its past and looks hopefully towards its future is moving towards national reconstruction internally and just peace externally. It is determined to overcome all obstacles. The international community is called upon to play its role in creating a favorable international environment based on co-operation and non-aggression.
The international community is preoccupied with many issues but here I should like to draw attention to five important questions.
The first concerns the United Nations itself. The United Nations is the only world forum where Member States can exchange views and experiences and peacefully resolve conflicts on the basis of equality. Together with its specialized agencies, it has played a considerable role in the maintenance of peace and the promotion of international economic and technical oo-operation.
The United Nations membership has grown steadily over the past 40 years. Its bodies and committees have indeed multiplied. This expansion has had a negative impact on the effective utilization of its resources and its ability to co-ordinate its numerous and sometimes overlapping activities. It has become necessary now to study the administrative and financial shortcomings of the Organization with a view to drawing up a comprehensive plan to improve its administrative and financial performance along the lines of the recommendations of the Group of Intergovernmental Experts.
In the light of the experience of four decades, the Charter of the United Nations should be revised to incorporate new provisions, such as economic rights, protection of the environment and outer space, and particularly to enhance the effectiveness of the means of maintaining peace and security. In this context, we believe that permanent membership of the Security Council should be expanded to give a seat to every recognized regional group and that the General Assembly should be empowered to override, by a certain majority, a veto in the Security Council, in order to ensure that no one permanent member nay be able to paralyse the international will as expressed by a large majority of Member States.
Going beyond criticism of the functioning of the United Nations to questioning its value is an unfortunate trend that represents an attitude of despair and offers oblivion as an alternative to imperfection. The proper attitude now is to recognize the imperfections of the Organization, remove their root causes and make the United Nations what we all wish it to be, now and in the future.
The second question is that of the arms race. It has become part of human nature to be armed and militarily ready, as a reflection and a result of social and other forms of competition. However, this has now reached a point where not only are human and other resources wasted, and the environment polluted, but humanity itself is threatened with extinction. Halting the conventional and nuclear-arms race, through bilateral or multilateral negotiations, is therefore of vital importance so that we may release the necessary resources for global prosperity, protect the environment and, above all, avoid a nuclear holocaust.
It is the duty of all mankind to reach an agreement to protect outer space from the arms race, limit and eliminate arsenals of destructive weapons and ban the development and stockpiling of chemical and biological weapons. The greatest threat to humanity today is the development of highly destructive nuclear weapons, the existence of large stockpiles of such weapons, sufficient to destroy the whole world many times over, and the computerization of control over the complex weapons systems. Everyone, no matter how reckless, knows that there would be no victor in a nuclear war. Modern nuclear capability is like a boomerang; one cannot hit a target without hitting oneself. Pear alone ensures that no conscious decision to start a nuclear war will be taken, but what of a computer error? A nuclear war triggered by computer error is a possibility and a threat that should be seriously contemplated. It is a moral responsibility of the international community in general and the members of the "nuclear club" in particular to give earnest consideration to such dangers and ways and means of defusing them. It is in this context that we welcome the forthcoming Soviet-American summit and hope that the two super-Powers will spare no effort to make it a success, in the light of the great expectations of the peoples of the whole world.
The third question concerns the international economic order. Response to the challenge of overcoming underdevelopment and achieving development is a major responsibility of the developing countries and their peoples and Governments. Determination, mobilization, serious planning and effective management are necessary to achieve that goal. However, as long as imbalance and inequity of the the international economic, financial and trading systems continue, the international climate will remain unfavorable and impede the achievement of development and social justice. Several proposals and recommendations from various sources - notably the Brandt Commission - have emphasized the positive role that the developed countries can play in creating a favorable international economic climate. Action on those proposals is urgently needed.
Long and useful deliberations have taken place in the United Nations, in particular during the special session on the critical economic situation in Africa. Many African countries are becoming increasingly dependent on external financing. Developed Western countries are busy preaching to and lecturing Africans, while developed Eastern countries are busy criticizing Western policies and positions. Those attitudes are neither healthy nor helpful to Africa. African countries should shoulder their national responsibilities and mobilize the national energies and capabilities. The international community should respond by creating the necessary international economic and financial climate, which should be characterized by a rational distribution of global resources and the much-needed reform of the economic, financial and trading systems. That requires a degree of political will in developed countries to strive to promote on a global scale the kind of prosperity and social peace that they have achieved.
I shall now refer to five hotbeds of tension that constitute a major challenge for the international community and call for serious, intensified international action to resolve them and thus defuse the threat they pose to peace and security.
The first is Africa's hotbed - South Africa and Namibia. The very existence of the system of apartheid in South Africa is an affront to humanity. It is absolutely necessary that the international community adopt a firm and unambiguous stand against that abhorrent regime through the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions until it is brought down or made to agree to set up a just democratic system based on majority rule. We welcome, in this context, the action by some Western Governments and parliaments, most recently the United States Congress. We hope that those first steps will be followed by others and consolidated to ensure the effectiveness of sanctions against the racist Pretoria regime in South Africa.
The continued illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist South African regime, in violation of the relevant United Nations resolutions, constitutes one of the principal sources of changes to international peace and security in Africa. That, too, requires firm international action to isolate the racist regime and force it to withdraw unconditionally from Namibia and thus enable the Namibian people to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence.
The second hotbed is the Arab's major cause - the question of Palestine. Just as the intransigent and aggressive policies of racist South Africa constitute a threat to world peace, so the usurpation by Israel of the rights of the Palestinians and its occupation of neighboring Arab lands since 1976 constitute a similar threat to world peace. A just and lasting peace can be achieved only through full recognition of the rights of the Palestinians to self-determination, to return to their homeland and to create their independent State on their national soil of Palestine. It is evident that the best forum for the search for a just peace would be provided by the convening of an international conference under United Nations auspices, with the participation of all the parties concerned, especially the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
The next burning issue is the primary Asian problem, namely, that of Afghanistan. We look forward to an independent Afghanistan, free from any foreign presence. In that connection we welcome the partial withdrawal of Soviet troops, which we hope is a first phase to be followed by others. We also welcome the Afghan-Pakistan negotiations and hope that they will be widened to include all the Afghan parties so that a comprehensive peaceful solution may be achieved. We also commend the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General and call upon him to play a role in realizing that objective.
The fourth hotbed of tension is in Central America. The solution to that problem lies in the strong tide of democracy that has arisen in the region. We hope that that tendency will be consolidated and that it will be accompanied by the cessation of foreign intervention and interference, so that the countries of the region may enjoy democracy and national independence.
The next world problem is also a problem for the Islamic world in particular, namely, the Gulf war. No one can dispute the fact that the Gulf war has resulted in huge losses of life and property; nor can there be any disagreement that the war will not resolve the long-standing, historical differences between the warring parties. It must be stopped, and all problems, inherited and new, must be resolved through peaceful negotiations.
It is legitimate to ask how that war can be stopped. If the answer to that question is not to lead to a dead end, the ending of the war must be based on a clear desire on both sides to stop it and on agreement on how best to do so. Various parties, such as the Muslim ulema and Islamic popular movements, must play a part in putting an end to the war. The United Nations, too, has a role to play, in investigating the underlying causes of the dispute and the events that led to
its outbreak and in assessing the resultant losses and determining the reparations that can pave the way to peaceful consideration of the issues involved.
While calling upon the Muslin ulema and Islamic popular movements to contribute to creating a climate of opinion on ways to put an end to the war, we also call upon the United Nations to renew and continue its endeavors to bring the war, which has resulted in such enormous losses, to a just and definitive end. The achievement of a just and decisive conclusion to the war has become both an Islamic and a humanitarian duty.
The United Nations is called upon to contain all these hotbeds of tension, the existence of which constitutes a major challenge to the international community and at the same time presents the Organization with an opportunity to prove its worth and its relevance to the well-being of mankind and its aspirations to a better future.
The new Sudan, together with all other well-intentioned members of the international community, stands ready to play its part in enhancing the mission of the United Nations and improving its performance, in order to make it a true guardian and impregnable bastion of peace and international co-operation, the prerequisites for survival on this planet, which the revolution in communication and technology has turned into a village with a common destiny.
The PRESIDENT: On behalf of the General Assembly, I thank the Prime Minister and Minister of defense of the Republic of the Sudan for the important statement he has just made.