My delegation extends hearty congratulations to you. Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. Your assumption of this high office evinces Saudi Arabia's new and more prominent role in international affairs. Antigua and Barbuda applauds you and I assure you of the firm support of my delegation.
He also wish to confer our sincerest commendations on your predecessor. Foreign Minister Guido de Marco of Malta. His skills as a reformer and as a diplomat were made evident throughout the proceedings of the forty-fifth session and his outstanding leadership considerably enhanced the functioning of the machinery of the United Nations. Malta and Saudi Arabia must be congratulated on the outstanding role each has played at the commencement of a decade of great change.
Ten years ago my island country submitted to the Security Council an application for admission to membership in the United Nations. That event marked the end of 350 years of colonial history and the beginning of my people's complete responsibility for their own affairs. After one decade of independence my country is pleased to report that, despite current financial difficulties, it has experienced 10 consecutive years of uninterrupted economic growth, that our gross domestic product has more than doubled since 1981, that personal incomes have shown a corresponding increase, that my country's population growth has been limited to less than 1 per cent per annum, that our infant mortality rate has been significantly reduced, and

that we have remained peaceful and fairly prosperous. These results were forecast by my Prima Minister, the Bight Honourable Vera Cornwall Bird, who at the dawn of independence promised results in exchange for hard work and discipline.
As Antigua and Barbuda celebrates 10 prosperous years of independence and 10 years of United Nations membership, it pleases my delegation to welcome two more island States to membership in this body. The Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia, as new Members of the United Nations, are assured of the unfailing support of Antigua and Barbuda.
All States, whether large or small, powerful or powerless, need the United Nations. But for small States membership in this Organisation is rooted in the need to ensure universal compliance with international law. The safeguarding of the sovereignty of small States can best be assured through an unfailing commitment by all States, especially the large and powerful, to abide always by the rule of law.
Iraq's attempted annexation of its small neighbour Kuwait can be deemed this decade's most flagrant example of total disregard for international law. However, the willingness of the United National Security Council to authorize the use of a coalition force to restore Kuwait's sovereignty is a shining example of the triumph of international cooperation. The United States and the other coalition partners are to be highly commended for their willingness to commit manpower and resources to so noble a cause. Small nations must, however, find an alternate means of deterring aggressors, knowing that large and powerful States may not always be willing to come to the collective defence of economically insignificant, non-oil producing countries.

But the Iraq-Kuwait crisis nevertheless provided clear evidence that the decades-old rivalry between the world's super-Powers has receded and that the cold war has ended. Further, the crisis in the Gulf also suggested that small States would not be afforded any greater opportunity to help shape world events, except as victims.
Recent changes in Eastern Europe may, however, have altered that old order of exclusion. The three small Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are held in high esteem for having reasserted their sovereignty without simultaneously receiving a pledge of countervailing super-Power support.

In fact, many small countries applauded as the courageous citizens of these three small republics, dwelling in the shadow of a giant, challenged another, much mightier than they and prevailed. The President of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is duly praised for correcting SO years of injustice which fostering peace. Antigua and Barbuda extends hearty congratulations and a warm welcome to Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania as new members of this family o sovereign and equal, independent nation-States.
Yet we caution our new Members to bear in mind that ours is a world in which small States are frequently marginalized and therefore wield little influence. Our 10 years of membership in the Organization confirms that the General Assembly remains the principal forum from which small voices can be heard and measured influence exercised; it is the foremost platform for practicing and promoting multilateralism. Antigua and Barbuda will continue to advocate the multilateral approach to problem-solving, convinced that it is the best mechanism for promoting international cooperation and the peaceful coexistence of sovereign States.
In our view, the multilateral approach contributed to the planting of democracy in Haiti, and it is this approach that will help uproot the brutal dictatorship that has seized power there. Antigua and Barbuda condemns unreservedly last Monday's military assault on the budding democratic process in Haiti, We urge the international community to continue to give to Haiti's people the support they require for restoring constitutional government. The multilateral approach will surely succeed in removing the usurpers from their perch and reinstating President Aristide to his legitimate office-

We are also convinced that, it is the continued reliance upon the multilateral approach that has contributed overwhelmingly to the death throes of apartheid in racist South Africa. Apartheid will be dismantled, because the world's nations have decided that such a practice is an evil too pernicious to exist, and until each time as the last vestige of apartheid disappears South Africa cannot expect to be included in this family of nations. Antigua and Barbuda continues to press for the use of sanctions as a means of propelling progress in ending apartheid. A fully democratic South Africa, where each adult has one equal vote, is the sure test of apartheid's demise.
Our unrelenting efforts to help end apartheid form part of Antigua and Barbuda's sacred commitment to the promotion of human rights. Each year, my delegation also brings to this community's attention the violation of the human rights of the world's indigenous peoples. It is our considered view that the powerless peoples who inhabit the world's shrinking forests and the Earth's remotest corners need United Nations protection if they are not to be brutally exterminated. Land-grabbers, gold-miners, ranchers, logging companies, criminals and countless others have invaded their ancestral homelands, causing death, disease, degradation and massive disruption of traditional life - in short, genocide, misery and violation is the lot of the world's indigenous peoples.
The islands of our Caribbean were once the home of several peoples that were virtually eliminated by war and slavery beginning in 1492. If the history of my region is any guide, then we fear the worst for the world's

indigenous peoples. With Increased United Nations protection, however, that brutal history need not be repeated.
The equally brutal assault on the Earth's environment, unleashed by humanity since the start of the industrial revolution, cannot continue. The fragile ecological balance that has slowly evolved on our planet during its 3,500-million-year existence now shows extreme signs of wear. That humanity cannot march along on its present course for another 100 years is most evident. Ozone-layer depletion, global warming, sea-level rise, frequent and violent hurricanes, creeping deserts and calamitous climate change threaten mankind's very existence. But the most immediate threats are to low-lying island countries like my own and others in the Caribbean and the Pacific. Ours are the front-line countries that would suffer the severest consequences of even a mild climate change. Island-States like my own, which have inflicted no harm on the environment, now stand in real danger of being submerged in a swollen ocean.
Unless the world's developed nations radically alter their production methods and their consumer lifestyles, there will be no third and fourth generations upon whom sins can be visited. And united the world's developing nations can acquire and introduce sustainable development technologies, their ever-poorer, ever-expanding human populations will become the hapless victims of environmental disasters too catastrophic to contemplate.
Island-States of the world, aware of the unique environmental dangers that face island populations, have united under his common banner here at the United Nations. The Alliance of Small Island States - AoSIS), proposed by Trinidad and Tobago And ably chaired by Vanuatu, has worked diligently to

articulate a common position during the negotiations that will culminate in the convention on climate change. Antigua and Barbuda, as an equal partner in AOSIS, intends to live up to its responsibility in forging this convention. Our delegation will play an ever fuller role in preparation for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil in June 1992. We hall Brazil for its leadership role in that regard, conscious of the need to address simultaneously the twin issues of environment and development.
Though the world's eyes are focused on Brazil, Antigua and Barbuda would like to draw some attention to Antarctica. That frozen and unspoiled continent must not become the possession of large States alone; it is our considered view that Antarctica should be brought under the umbrella of control of the United Nations. Antarctica is too important a barometer of the Earth's environmental health, too significant a source of food for all the oceans' fish, too fragile an ecological system to allow it to be raped in the hope of successful exploitation. Industrial activity on Antarctica would tilt further the carbon dioxide imbalance in the atmosphere, drill larger holes in the Earth's protective ozone layer and precipitate global warming and the rise in sea level.
My Government is heartened to learn that the 24 voting members of the 30-year-old Antarctic Treaty have signed an agreement which prohibits mining and oil exploration on Antarctica for 50 years. It is agreed that, at the end of this period, the ban could be lifted if two-thirds of the present members of the Treaty concur. My delegation is of the firm view that this agreement successfully curbs this generation's cupidity, which would otherwise imperil severely the good health of every succeeding generation. Antarctica's virginal tundras, unpopulated and undisturbed, ought not ever be violated.
But on the Earth's populated continents, a hand of reversal, laden with resources, is needed to save our planet from ecological disaster. My country thus welcomes the heightened awareness displayed by several multilateral funding agencies. In particular, we applaud the World Bank and the United Nations Environment Programme for their establishment of the Global Environmental Facility. Although $250 million will not be nearly sufficient to undo much of the damage inflicted on the environment, the creation of that fund is an admirable start. Further, we wish to urge the establishment of the Global Environment Technology Centre which is intended to oversee the transfer of sound technologies to all developing countries. If we are to hand over our Earth to the next generation with afflictions as few as our forebears handed to us, then the development process must take into account the harm to the environment which technology will inflict.
The underdevelopment of Africa is of special concern to my delegation. In 1957, when Kwame Nkrumah brought independence to Ghana, the people of Antigua and Barbuda were duly inspired. He regarded Africa's freedom as a necessary precursor to our own. Equally, we knew that Africa's development

would herald our own. Since the early years of its independence, however, Africa's commodity earnings have declined considerably; terms of trade have worsened; conspiracies hatched in diverse other places undermined and terminated legitimate African leadership; civil strife fuelled by cold war concerns compromised stability; and. In some places, even the natural elements. Including drought and disease, have seemingly conspired to decimate youthful populations. My delegation is of the firm view that resource flows into Africa must be greatly increased and that the United Nations system must be prepared to play a more significant role in Africa's rejuvenation.
Island-developing countries like my own will also look increasingly to the United Nations system for support. The United Nations Development Programme will be expected to increase its funding of projects. The Department of Technical Cooperation for Development will, also be called upon to assume a greater role by expanding the technical expertise which it now provides. Enlarging the functions of these United Nations agencies will require larger contributions from developed countries. Freedom is not free and its promotion requires material gains if it is not to wither away. Here, leadership must take the lead.
We applaud the leadership in Angola for its magnanimous overtures to its once committed foes, and we urge the parties in Madagascar to continue to seek a peaceful solution to their crisis. My Government also eagerly awaits the results of the United Nations-supervised referendum on Western Sahara, and we urge respect for the results. Our hearts are with the Saharan people in this, its moment of truth.
Turning to Asia, we congratulate the two Koreas for the bold step which each has taken in assuming United Nations membership. Antigua and Barbuda
welcomes the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea to membership in this family of nations. He share the aspirations of the Korean people for a peaceful unification of their divided homeland. Our countrymen share their view that peace is indivisible and, thus, we sincerely hope that the unstable state of armistice which prevails on the peninsula will be replaced by a lasting peace soon.
My country is particularly heartened by the recent decisions of the warring factions in Cambodia to reduce their respective military forces by 70 per cent and to place the remainder under the direct supervision of the United Nations. He urge all the parties to strive to overcome their disagreement on holding free elections so as to ensure acceptance of the framework agreement established by the Security Council. Antigua and Barbuda commends the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his sustained efforts aimed at promoting dialogue among the combatants in Afghanistan. He believe this process will lead to a lasting peace. There now appears to be some movement on the question of Cyprus, and we urge inclusion of all the parties in the healing process. Likewise, the Middle East conflict appears to have reached a bend. He remain fixed in our view that an international peace conference should be convened. The interests of all concerned are best served through dialogue and negotiation in an atmosphere dedicated to peaceful resolution. The right of the Palestinians to a homeland of their own must become a reality and Israel must be allowed to exist within secure and accepted borders.
He rejoice with the people of Lebanon as its civil war appears to be coming to an end. May that very beautiful country once again retake its place as the region's crossroads of many cultures. The fratricidal war which rages

In Yugoslavia la regrettable, and we encourage the European Communities to continue to seek a solution thereto. Their success will set an example for other regional groups. If the European Communities fail to settle this dispute, then to their own detriment they will have missed their first rendezvous with history.
I should like briefly to focus on my own region. He have condemned continuously the unjust economic systems which have caused civil wars to erupt in Central America. Until far reaching economic reforms are instituted. Central America will continue to experience civil strife. Nevertheless, we encourage the parties in El Salvador to enter into negotiations so that peace may reign soon. In that regard, we congratulate the Governments of Guatemala and Belize for seeking an end to their border dispute and for establishing diplomatic relations on a friendly and permanent basis. President Serrano of Guatemala must be congratulated for displaying courage and foresight in a decade ripe for change.
As the final decade of the twentieth century unfolds, it is evident that the order which has governed international political and economic affairs over the preceding four decades is no more. Our world is no longer divided into two camps headed by super-Powers armed with competing ideologies. No longer can small or poor nations dart conveniently from one camp to the other in the hope of realizing special economic benefits. The ideological battle is over and so too is the material gain which would accrue to the membership in either c amp.

No one can tell with certainty what the emerging order holds in store. Hill we inherit a world dominated by a single Power? Or will we inherit a multi polar world with many Powers vying for hearts and minds? Or will we here succeed in fashioning a world where shape and form are given to major events by this our parliament of parliaments? Whatever the new order, my countrymen are acutely aware that ideology and imported economic theory do not guarantee development. 0ur experience teaches that it is the intelligent investment of capital - imported or domestic - and the application of human resources, driven by common-sense values and buttressed by institutions which promote freedom, that work together to assure development.
Our 10 years of independence have been largely successful because Antigua and Barbuda has had access to capital, and our people have demonstrated an extraordinary dynamism and faith. Within the past two years, however, the sources of capital have begun to shrink. An economic recession in our major capital market has made it increasingly difficult to obtain new investments there from. Official development assistance has simultaneously slowed to a trickle, and our largest foreign-exchange earner was this year battered by a war and a resulting fear of terrorism. Circumstances beyond the control of our policymakers thus threaten to undo 10 successful years of hard work.
In 1981, however, when our island country set off into the uncharted sea of independence, our Prime Minister, Vera C. Bird, forecast many storms. We see our current difficulties and our yet-to-be-achieved development goals as a challenge to be overcome by self help and with the assistance of the international community. Antigua and Barbuda gives this community the assurance that 10 years hence in the year 2001 when we report on our

20-year performance, this storm will have passed, this recession will be history, but the institutions, the courage, the faith and the wisdom that have defined the Antigua and Barbuda personality will have prevailed.


Mr. President, allow me to begin by warmly congratulating you on your election to preside over this forty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your elevation to this high office is a demonstration of the confidence which this body has in you as its President. I look forward to working closely with you during your term in office and to a rewarding United Nations General Assembly session under your esteemed leadership. I should also like to express our admiration for the distinguished service rendered by your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta.
It is a privilege and honour to stand before this Assembly and address the nations of the world. My message, which has been the consistent theme of past speeches delivered by leaders of the Solomon Islands privileged to speak from this famous rostrum, has been one advocating peace in the world because Solomon Islands believes that this is what the United Nations stands for: "peace in the world, and good will among men". Peace is the source of bountiful goodness from which will come true prosperity and balanced development in the world.
Peace and freedom for that matter cannot be found in statistics or mathematical equations, nor is it a matter for scientific investigation. It is rather a matter of attitude and belief - a behaviour pattern governed by the mind and from the mind. President Gorbachev of the Soviet Union links world peace and reforms in his own country. The 1990 Nobel Peace Prize winner claims that
"if perestroika fails, the prospect of entering a new peaceful period in
history will vanish, at least for the foreseeable future".
Solomon Islands joins other nations in congratulating President Gorbachev end the people of the Soviet Union on their bravery and courage despite confusion and the threat of disintegration brought about by the coup attempt last August. Solomon Islands views with interest and concern the wave of changes that are taking place in Eastern Europe. It welcomes the move towards democratisation that is taking place in the Soviet Union to allow the Baltic Republics to decide their own destinies. It is our hope that, with the process of democratisation already spearheaded by the Soviet Union, the industrialized countries of the West will work together to bring about similar changes in Eastern Europe and other nations of the globe that have aspired to similar reforms.

Small countries such as Solomon Islands which aspires to better the living environment of its people in the context of international development would therefore ask for understanding and assistance to help us live and develop the way we ourselves want to live and develop and not as others would want us to live.
This is of course quite contrary to certain current beliefs and practices in a number of Pacific Islands today. We, the people of the Pacific, would strive to live harmoniously together and not to see the people in some of our islands struggling to live the way others expect us to live. The freedom to live and govern ourselves is the greatest aspiration of our people. What we in small countries ask for is the right to believe in ourselves; the right to make up our own minds; and the right to practise what we believe. These surely are our sovereign rights. We are in the United Nations because we believe in peaceful coexistence and we pledge to play our part in whatever small way we can to assist in the realization of true peace and harmony in the wor1d.
Sometimes It appears that selfishness has overruled godliness and I feel it behoves small countries like Solomon Islands to point that out to the world. I believe it is the duty and function of small countries to do this as bigger nations at times seem to get blinded and tangled up in problems of their own design and making.
We have recently seen in the Gulf war the most swiftly executed military victory, on this scale, in history. The United Nations played an important role in that victory and continues today to play a leading peace-keeping role in the aftermath of that war.

May I humbly suggest, however, that this world will not see the last of military warfare and confrontation of this nature as long as wealthy countries continue to manufacture and sell weapons of destruction around the globe, proliferating what the Prime Minister of Norway in her speech to this Assembly two weeks ago called on "arms culture" in the world.
Within some false notion of greatness and economic well-being, some countries continue to manufacture and sell destructive weapons harmful to mankind. By doing this they are in fact abusing their God-given talents in searching for destructive weapons rather than for peaceful ends, yet they pride themselves in the achievement of these destructive powers at the price of human life.
Ironically they justify this abuse of human talent and knowledge as being necessary for man's survival. Some would indeed argue that it is necessary for the protection of freedom that democratic nations should at least keep abreast of the developments in the manufacture of effective deadly weapons so as to be in a state of vigilant preparedness.
Personally, I would rather stand by the Word of the Lord and say: "they that take the sword shall perish with the sword". (The Holy Bible, Matthew 26:52)
So he who believes in nuclear bombs and nuclear weapons will be destroyed by them.
The end of the cold war between the super-Powers should in itself be a timely reminder and a clear message to the rest of the world about the fallacy of relying on the power of atomic bombs and nuclear weapons as instruments of peace.
The recent successful efforts by the United States and the Soviet Union towards disarmament and weapons reduction are praiseworthy. Mr. Bush deserves the highest commendation of this world body for his leadership in the bold steps he unilaterally took recently in cutting down United States nuclear arsenals of destruction, as does the refreshing and encouraging positive response from Mr. Gorbachev and the Soviet Union during the last few days. The world greeted such good news as bringing fresh hopes of peace, only to be stunned at the knowledge of the apparent ability of certain countries to enrich the uranium supply for the manufacture of nuclear bombs, and to cast doubts once more on the future of the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the possibility of halting the spread of atomic weapons in the world.
Be that as it may, Solomon Islands would still say that all nations should by now have signed the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. If France and China can now commit themselves to becoming parties to the Treaty, why not the rest of us for the sake of world peace?
In the field of environment and environmental control, which has emerged in the past few years as a subject of special interest capturing world-wide attention at this time (albeit perhaps a little too late in some parts of the world), developing countries are taking stock of the damage done to their natural habitat in the Indiscriminate exploitation of their land and sea resources by unscrupulous foreign business interests seeking quick fortunes in logging, mining and fishing ventures.
In the South Pacific, our seas have been plundered unmercifully with huge purse-seines and ugly drift-nets that scoop up every living sea - and sometimes land - creature in their paths, discarding in their wake tangled masses of net-meshing, which have become known as "walls of death", trapping all fish and mammal species to death. Our hills and valleys have become denuded of forest trees and foliage, with no attempt by the "exploiters" in most cases at re-forestation in the aftermath to replenish nature's handiwork.
In many instances, we who live in the developing countries are blamed for the destruction of our environment and have been harassed about the need not to pollute our seas and air, when it is well known that it is the industrialised countries that are mainly responsible for the destruction of the environment.
In a "business-as-usual world" - a concept harboured and jealously protected by one or two of the most industrialized nations for political and economic reasons - global warming and greenhouse gas emissions of carbon dioxide and other gases into the atmosphere continue at rates unprecedented in human history. And, alas, it is now well established in scientific research circles that it is we, the inhabitants of the island countries of the Pacific, Caribbean and Indian Oceans and our children of the future, who live four feet above the sea-water level, who will first disappear from the face of the Earth in the event of sea-level rise in four or five generations hence.
The trend shows that man is no longer part of nature, in which he could feel and live harmoniously in a natural environment with the flowers, birds and animals. The anarchist tendency in man has risen above his natural self so that he forgets who he really is, destroying his environment and eventually himself. The burning oilfields of Kuwait continue to tell us this tale, spewing black smoke and poisonous gases into the atmosphere for years to come.
The island countries of the Pacific, in particular, are looking forward to a successful outcome of the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil in June 1992, and hope: (a) that the proposed Agenda 21. a wide-ranging instrument containing objectives, activities and measures of implementation for specific action proposals, will be agreed upon by all Member States, and will serve as a binding agenda, reflecting a political commitment of all Member States to achieve sustainable development, both nationally and internationally; (b) that all Member States agree to the proposed Earth/Rio Charter, which should declare the general principles by which governments and peoples should conduct themselves in relation to each other and to the environment and ensure our common future in both environmental and developmental terms; (c) that an effective framework Convention on Climate Change will be achieved, containing appropriate commitments and addressing all sources of the problem, including sea-level rise and greenhouse gases; and (d) that there will be agreement on the principles for the management, conservation and sustainable development of all types of forests, leading also to another related framework convention.
In this regard, the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) at the United Nations has already been playing an active role and has made notable inputs in the negotiations during the First and Second International Negotiating Committee meetings, held, respectively, in Washington, D.C. in February 1991 and in Geneva in June 1991, and again in Nairobi during the third meeting that ended last week. Future sessions will be held in Geneva and possibly in New York at later dates. At the same time, small island States have actively participated in the previous sessions of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development and will continue to do so at its fourth and final Preparatory Committee meeting next March and at the Rio Earth Summit in June 1992.
With such a background scenario of the world we live in, one wonders about the meaning of a "new world order" as advanced by our world leaders and as coined by the President of the United States of America. Mr. Bush gave assurance in this Assembly two weeks ago that his vision of the new order does not include the notion of pax americana. However, as a small country, Solomon Islands is still concerned.
Does it mean a shift of allegiances and control among the bigger Powers of the Earth in a rezoning of our world into new regional spheres of influence, or is it to be a vision of cooperation and common world endeavours, in which all countries, big and small, contribute to peaceful coexistence and harmonious living?
Is it a new order in which the more powerful nations strengthen their stranglehold over others less fortunate so as to dictate and rule through dominance of the latest technologies in military power maintained in strategic areas around the world, where it would be relatively easy for them to jeopardize other initiatives from within that could bring about alternative peaceful lifestyles?
The worst scenario would be a new world order in which military priorities rule over world spending of billions of dollars, while millions of people starve and die from want of food, better housing and living conditions. It is very sad to see human beings in our streets being degraded to homelessness, not necessarily - as it is often said - because of some brain injury or sickness; not even because of drugs, since drugs art in many cases the result, not the cause, of the problem. Homelessness is caused by wrong economic orientation and planning, not necessarily social disorder, and certainly not because of a lack of human intelligence.
What will the new world order mean in terms of trade development and economic prosperity in a world climate of today, in which the United States of America sees a free trade zone for the Americas to include Canada, Mexico and eventually countries of South America, while Europe - now to Include the new nations of the Eastern bloc - talks of a consolidation of the European Community into one mould, exercising new freedoms of movement and monetary arrangements hitherto unknown?
What will happen in Asia, with its teeming millions of people, and what role will the adjacent island country of Japan play as the most powerful and economically successful nation in the world today?
And where and how will the small island countries of the Pacific region manage in a world in which the bigger countries appear to be creating exclusive economic and possibly military defensive zones for themselves?
Indeed, this very concern touches fundamentally the issue of the protection and security of the world's small States. The United Nations Charter contains many articles which, if effectively implemented, would provide certain reassurances in the safeguarding and security of small States, especially the small Island developing countries of the Pacific, Caribbean and Indian oceans.
In particular. Members of the United Nations should facilitate the implementation of Chapter VII - Articles 39 to 51 - of the Charter, designed specifically to deal with the existence of any threat to peace, breach of peace or act of aggression under the mandate of the Security Council. The Secretary-General should play a more active role in the spirit of Article 99, so that in cases of low-level security threats, for example, he could positively respond to requests from small States, feeling themselves to be under some threat from other States, by immediately sending missions or alternatively officials of the United Nations Secretariat to assess the situations in those countries. Such action would indeed give the United Nations a peace-making as well as a peace-keeping role.
At a workshop on the protection and security of small States, sponsored by the Commonwealth Secretariat and held in the Maldives from 5 to 6 May 1991, it was recommended that serious consideration be given to the establishment of either a permanent or an ad hoc United Nations force that could be activated under Chapter VII of the Charter for international security needs. It was also suggested at the meeting that a United Nations force of a rapid-response nature, under the direct control of the Secretary-General, be established to meet, on request, the security needs of small States. The activation of such a force could be at the initiative of the Secretary-General in consultation with the Security Council.
President Bush proposed at last year's General Assembly that the United Nations strengthen its ability to respond positively to requests from Member countries by providing electoral assistance, which up to now has been done on an ad hoc basis, as in the cases of Nicaragua and Haiti. Solomon Islands strongly supports the United States President's proposal and at the same time would ask that similar consideration and commitment be given by the United Nations to the protection and security of small States in line with what I have just outlined.
After all, it is likely that more countries would be seeking assistance for protection and security than would need electoral assistance. Furthermore, since last year's resolution 45/150 was adopted by the General Assembly, it would be quite in order this year to formulate a resolution to accommodate such sentiments as I have outlined on the issue of the protection and security of small States. Solomon Islands is determined to work with the Republic of Maldives in formulating such a resolution, which we believe will have universal acceptance in this world body. It is most encouraging to read the Secretary-General's report, which recognized the intrinsic characteristics of these small States needing special measures for attention and support and which pointed out that the international community has a vested interest in safeguarding their interests. Small States certainly have a limited capacity to provide for their own security. Such a resolution would be complementary to the resolution suggested by Japan on the establishment of a United Nations reporting system to enhance the transparency of international dealings in arms-transfers and world-wide security issues.
Finally, in the South Pacific region, life remains ostensibly the same when seen from afar - comparatively simple, peaceful and calm. Yet perhaps this is why we should be more concerned, because it could mean we are going backwards rather than forwards, since nothing can remain static In this world. The twenty-second South Pacific Forum Communiqué issued after the Pohnpei meeting in the Federated States of Micronesia held on 29 to 30 July 1991, reiterated the main concerns of the region to bet economic development and trade prospects; environment with special emphasis on sea-level rise; security as it would affect the whole region; decolonization; and the region's approach to global issues. I have to a certain extent already elaborated on aspects of these same issues earlier in my statement.
Our people continue, for example, to be concerned greatly over the practice of driftnet fishing and dismayed by the French bomb tests in our waters. These grievances are as great today as they were yesterday and in yesteryears. He are therefore heartened to learn of attempts in the United States Congress - both in the Senate and the House of Representatives - to legally outlaw driftnettinq, which has become regarded as the scourge of our seas in the Pacific.
He are happy that, in our part of the world, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea were recommended for membership by the Security Council in its resolution 702 (1991) and consequently admitted by this Assembly in the early part of this session as full Members of the United Nations. Solomon Islands is confident that this world body will in the near future see a reunification of these two nations as one democratically governed nation, since they are in fact one people.
Solomon Islands also welcomes the admission of the Baltic Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to membership of the United Nations. We look forward to working closely with the new States as they take their rightful places amongst all nations represented here.
We are delighted at the same time to welcome the admission of our neighbouring Pacific Island countries of the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands as full Members of the United Nations. It strengthens our faith in the United Nations as being truly concerned with the wishes of people in the world who genuinely desire independence and the opportunity to govern themselves. Solomon Islands looks forward to working closely with our brothers and sisters of these two young nations both here at the United Nations and in our region home in the Pacific.
On the other hand, we continue to be greatly disappointed with France for its nuclear-testing programme in the Pacific. We therefore once again call on France to put an end to this programme. Moreover the recent "knighting" of the Rainbow Warrior Mafart, while at the same time appearing to be saluting his award with another bomb blast at Mururoa Atoll, is a crowning act of selfish defiance and belittling by France of the South Pacific nations' concern for their environment and legitimate rights of livelihood.
Mrs. Margaret Thatcher, former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, in answer to a question from the audience while delivering a lecture at the Economic Club of New York held at the Empire State Building on 19 June of this year, said: "the French have protective tendencies". Our experience of the French colonial attitude in the South Pacific as demonstrated in New Caledonia has taught us people of the region that this is very true, and we regret very much that, as history reveals, all the good and admirable French flavour and lifestyle are likely in the end to he lost in our region because of this attitude, as has happened elsewhere in other parts of the world.
On the question of independence for New Caledonia, Solomon Islands was proud to be a member of the Ministerial Mission mandated by the South Pacific Forum to visit the Territory. We are grateful for the cooperation received from the French Government and the interested groups within the Territory during the Mission's deliberations.
The report of that Ministerial Mission, which I hope will be distributed to this body soon, highlights positive steps taken by France in implementation of the Matignon Accord, in particular its cooperation with all sectors of the population to promote equitable socio-political and economic development in the Territory. Solomon Islands sees these measures as a move in the right direction and encourages France to continue discussion with all the parties involved in New Caledonia in preparation for an act of self-determination consistent with the United Nations principles and practices, in which nil options, including independence, would be open, and which would safeguard the rights of the indigenous Kanak and other New Caledonians. Solomon Islands would like to see greater interaction between Hew Caledonia and the independent countries of the South Pacific. It supports the call by the South Pacific Forum for increasing contacts and for participation by New Caledonia and other French Pacific Territories in the Forum-initiated advisory committees, meetings, seminars and workshops.
The Solomon Islands Government welcomes the positive developments within South Africa. We look forward to the time when the phenomenon of apartheid will truly be extinct and a united, non-racial South Africa will be accepted into this community of nations. However, while we commend President De Klerk for the steps he has taken to dismantle apartheid, black South Africans continue to be deprived of their rights, their freedom and their lives. My Government reiterates its full support for the maintenance of comprehensive sanctions against South Africa until there is clear evidence of profound and irreversible change in South Africa.
Solomon Islands welcomes the new developments in the attempts to achieve a comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodian problem. He urge all parties concerned to cooperate in reaching as quickly as possible a resolution of that conflict.
As the term of office of the Secretary-General will soon come to an end, I should like to pay a tribute on behalf of the Government and people of Solomon Islands to this eminent person. Mr. Perez de Cuellar's long association with this Organization in various capacities is well known, and his leadership in his present capacity has been outstanding and deserves the highest praise of the Assembly. Mr. Perez de Cuellar came as the Secretary-General at a time when the challenges facing the United Nations were immense. The accomplishments during his term in office. Including the adoption of a plan for the termination of the Iran-Iraq war, the conclusion of the Geneva Agreements, the withdrawal of Soviet Union forces from Afghanistan, and the bringing of independence to Namibia, demonstrate Mr. Peres de Cuellar's outstanding diplomatic skills and able leadership. He will be leaving behind a world body more optimistic about its role and more hopeful for world pence. May I wish him great successes in the future.
I should like to conclude by emphasizing that all Member countries here at the United Nations, big or small, are admitted as equal partners in an endeavour to preserve and protect all that is good for our people of the world - as our Charter reminds us: "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war .. . and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person" - and the right of freedom for all mankind. The United Nations of the 1990s has shown its coming of age in fulfilling certain obligations of the Charter, as with the recent developments in the Middle East crisis. Member countries appear to have regained their sense of balance in favour of shared interest in promoting the well-being of the peoples of the world. Adversaries of the recent past have found the humility and strength to put aside their differences in favour of acting and speaking together for the general good of mankind.
Today the spirit, of glasnost and transparency has opened the door for optimism about the future of mankind. I pray that this world body does not miss this opportunity to build a world community which will be the pride of nations and our children of the future.


Mr. President, I would like to congratulate you warmly on your election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your election is clear recognition of the importance of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in the world of today in general and in its own region in particular. I am confident that your many years of experience at the United Nations will prove invaluable in guiding this most important session to its fruitful conclusion. I also wish to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, for the skilful manner in which he steered the work of the forty-fifth session.
I would further like to welcome to our ranks the seven new Member States. We look forward to closely cooperating with them for the furtherance of our common objectives. Not since 1960, when the Republic of Cyprus was among 16 new Members, has the United Nations admitted so many Members at one session.
During the last 12 months, the vast changes set in motion on the international political scene have continued at a pace which defies imagination. The forces of democracy are marching forward, brushing aside those who wish to cling to the past. This process has freed the international community from the handcuffs of the former East-West divide and created a new spirit of international solidarity and cooperation.
This spirit of cooperation successfully passed its first major test posed by the aggression of Iraq against Kuwait. The human suffering and destruction caused by the occupation of Kuwait and the ensuing Gulf war proved to us all that even more important than addressing aggression is the need to create a system of making such acts of aggression impossible and of helping to reverse similar situations that still persist. Conflict prevention and conflict resolution have always been and continue to be major objectives of the United Nations. In this respect, I would like to emphasize the historic significance of the Charter of Paris and the role that the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe can play in the future in safeguarding peace and respect for human rights in Europe.
We all know that a just world is one in which international law is respected and applied. Therefore, we all have an obligation to apply the rule of law and the appropriate process of peaceful settlement of disputes, including recourse to the International Court of Justice, and to refrain from imposing the will of the stronger.
We are witnessing daily scenes of suffering, loss of innocent life and blatant violations of human rights in the name of asserting misguided nationalist aspirations. If this process is left unchecked, we run the danger of seeing the mosaic o£ existing international order being shattered into a multitude of micro-entities. It is an illusion to believe that the creation of entities with an exclusive ethnic, religious or tribal character is the way to a world of happiness and prosperity. On the contrary, human experience has shown that greater progress has been recorded by those multi-ethnic and multi-confessional societies in which all groups were enjoying equal opportunities in a democratic environment.
The international community must not hesitate in sending out a resounding message to those tempted to exploit or exacerbate ethnic grievances as a means to power. Differences must be settled by peaceful means and we must never forget that it is through democracy and strict respect for the human rights of all individuals, irrespective of their ethnic identity, that we can redress the grievances of the past and build a new free world society.
However, if extreme nationalism is not to be condoned, the exploitation of ethnic and religious differences in order to promote one country's own strategic or other interests against a smaller one is unforgivable and should be condemned. Yet in Cyprus, for 17 years now we have continued to suffer the results of the invasion by Turkish forces, which continue to occupy nearly 37 per cent of our territory, thus dividing our country in two and creating the present status quo. The facts are that 200,000 people - equivalent to a third of the population - were uprooted from their ancestral homes and properties; 1,619 missing persons are still unaccounted for. Around 70,000 illegal Turkish settlers, brought over to the occupied area to alter the demographic character of the Island, by the shear magnitude of their number threaten the very existence of the Turkish Cypriot community these are the realities of the Cyprus problem, and this is why the status quo has been and continuous to be condemned by the whole world as unacceptable.
This is also why the United Nations and the Secretary-General have been labouring hard in order to promote a solution. At no time during the last three years was the world community as hopeful that a solution of the Cyprus problem was close at hand as it was this summer. The Cyprus problem was promoted from the back burner to the forefront of global affairs. I would like on this occasion to express my thanks and appreciation to all the world leaders who have taken a personal interest, and in particular to President George Bush for his determination to act as a catalyst and contribute to the efforts of the Secretary-General,
Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar. His determination in this regard, as well as that of many other leaders, was reiterated from this very rostrum at this session.
It was on 2 August this year, on the anniversary of the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq, that President Bush, after consulting the Secretary-General, President Ozal and Prime Minister Mitsotakis, announced the holding of an international meeting on Cyprus by the end of September. There were two provisos in President Bush's announcement: that the meeting would take place only after adequate progress was registered, and that the Secretary-General, in consultation with the Security Council, would determine the composition of the meeting. He assured the Secretary-General of our determination to abide by the process agreed upon and in earnest pursued our cooperation with him and his Representatives. The Secretary-General's representatives visited Ankara twice. They brought ideas and views from Ankara which we started to discuss. It soon transpired, however, that the Turkish Cypriot leadership was raising augmented preconditions for the continuation of the process. All the members of this Assembly will recall that a high-level meeting held under the mandate of the Secretary-General in February and March 1990 collapsed when the Turkish Cypriot side set forth unacceptable preconditions claiming a separatist right to self-determination, which were completely rejected by the Secretary-General in his report and the subsequent Security Council resolution 649 (1990). This time they added a new dimension to their untenable positions by claiming sovereignty, in complete contravention of all relevant Security Council resolutions and particularly resolutions 541 (1983), 550 (1984) and 649 (1990).
Almost in parallel, the Turkish Prime Minister publicly reneged on all the commitments of his Government to the United Nations and others concerning elements for progress towards a solution of the Cyprus problem, at the same time announcing that the September date for an international meeting was no longer feasible - not surprising in the circumstances.
In a vain attempt to justify their behaviour, they supplied the media with a barrage of suggestions for contacts and high-level meetings. Let me tell the Assembly that for years the Turkish military authorities have been forbidding Turkish Cypriots to have any contact with their Greek Cypriot compatriots. Dozens of groups comprising doctors, teachers, trade unionists, youth groups and politicians are the victims of a heartless application of separatism. Even sick persons are often prohibited from visiting a hospital to obtain special treatment. Let me also explain that whenever the international community points an accusing finger at the leadership of the Turkish side for non-compliance with the agreed process, they attempt to get out of their commitments by making alternative proposals on procedure, ignoring the fact that the first rule of negotiations is to stick to agreements.
All these years we have spared no efforts in the guest for a solution and have shown the maximum degree of cooperation with the Secretary-General and his representatives. We are motivated in our efforts by the belief that solution of the Cyprus problem will benefit not only the Greek and Turkish Cypriots alike but also Turkey and Greece and, in addition, promote security in the Mediterranean and Europe. What is even more important is that a solution will demonstrate that differences can be bridged and trust can be repaired. We are steadfast in our objective of promoting a solution which will allow the two communities to live and work together in peace and security in a united federal Cyprus, where economic prosperity will be shared by all and human rights and fundamental freedoms ill be universally applied.
Unfortunately, the anticipation of a change in the Turkish attitude and policies, which the international community was led to believe was at hand turned out to be a mirage. In all its positions, the Turkish side unyieldingly insists on the maintenance and legitimization of the status quo. One cannot but feel that the guiding principle of Turkish policy remains that the military power shall impose its will. It is the continuous presence of Turkish troops that perpetuates the Cyprus problem. At a time in history when the world has demanded and secured the withdrawal of foreign troops from all countries, it is an anachronism for the Turkish forces to remain and continue the forcible division of the island.
Are we frustrated by the lack of progress? Yes, we are. Will we give up? No, certainly not. We are in duty bound to the people of Cyprus, to the people of our region and to the people of the world to continue to strive for a just and viable solution which brings peace, security and a better life to all Cypriots throughout the island. To this we remain committed and we shall not be derailed from our ultimate goal.
The anachronism of the continued division of Cyprus is highlighted even more when contrasted with the reunification of Europe and the substantial progress made towards finding solutions to the problems in Cambodia, Afghanistan, Western Sahara and El Salvador,
The Republic of Cyprus welcomes the recent developments in South Africa as definite steps in the right direction but maintains its belief that only when South Africa is fully transformed into a non-racial, democratic and unified country, where basic human rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all, can South Africa truly enjoy peace.
We are also encouraged by the fact that in the Middle East there have been positive developments in a number of areas. Substantial progress has been made towards the convening of an international peace conference, which will, it is hoped, pave the way for the people of Palestine end Israel to enjoy peace and security. We are further encouraged by the ending of civil strife and the dismantling of barricades in Lebanon, as well as the anticipated end of the tragedy of the remaining hostages. I am certain that members here all share with me the feelings of appreciation to the Secretary-General for his efforts in this direction.
Whatever progress we have made on the road to democracy and the consolidation of world peace will not be built on sound foundations unless we come to grips with the disastrous repercussions of the growing gap between North and South.
Figures may not mean much, but I should like to point out that behind the statistics showing that 77 per cent of the population of this planet accounts for only 15 per cent of its income in hidden the continuing tragedy and suffering of more than one billion human beings living in abject poverty and destitution. In recent years we have all talked at length about the debt crisis. However, the debt problem not only persists but is becoming far worse. What counts even more than the fact that the total debt is in excess of $1.2 trillion is that during the last three years the net transfer of resources from developing countries to developed countries accounted for nearly $200 billion. I do not know who is helping whom! Equally catastrophic, in its effects, is the wall of protectionism that is erected. For agricultural and textile products alone, this costs the developing countries approximately $150 billion annually and further reduces their share of the world market, which has declined by about one fifth in recent years.
Three years ago, from this very rostrum, I suggested that we could address the problem of development only by diverting funds from military expenditure. At that time this may have sounded like a Utopian's dream. Today we all know that military expenditure, both in the developed world and in the developing world, can be dramatically reduced. Let us now translate what was then a dream into reality.
Whatever sums of money we may spend on development, however, will bring no results unless we make sure that the products that we help the third-world countries to produce are allowed to reach consumers in the developed world. We know that free trade is the precondition for a healthy world economy, but the sad reality is that the Uruguay Round has still to be completed - with a delay of more than a year - and in the last few years, whilst the poor
countries have been opening up their markets, the rich countries have been erecting store and more barriers.
Environmental destruction is the other major danger that humanity is threatened with. Ironically, this is a result of both uncontrolled development in the industrialised world and inadequate development in the developing world. Available data leave us no room for complacency, as the deteriorating situation must be arrested and reversed immediately. The environment is the common heritage of mankind, transcending national boundaries. Its global nature requires global solutions. The Conference on the Environment and Development planned for 1992 is particularly important as it is expected to identify and develop global strategies to safeguard the future of our planet. To achieve this, however, we need not only resolutions but also large sums of money, which can be secured only through the establishment of an environment fund.
The United Nations today enjoys a position of prominence in world affairs - no longer impeded by the East-West divid. order to fulfil its role and meet the many challenges we are facing, the United Nations must not only have the support of all Member States - such support is indispensable - but also restructure and revitalize its organization. We are heartened to note that in the area of peace-keeping we have seen the United Nations become actively involved in previously uncharted areas. The Republic of Cyprus knows better than most the invaluable services that the United Nations peace-keeping missions offer, and I wish to take this opportunity to express again our thanks and appreciation to the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) and to all involved with its mission.
Over the last decade the United Nations has been fortunate to have as its Secretary-General Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar. Throughout his tenure the United Nations has been steered by an experienced and seasoned diplomat, whose dedication in advancing the purposes and principles of the United Nations is recognised by all. We congratulate him and wish him every success in the future. Cyprus has first-hand experience, over many years, of the skills and devotion that characterise the Secretary-General, and I wish to take this opportunity to reiterate our unflinching support for his efforts to find a solution for the Cyprus problem.
Our generation is witnessing an unprecedented acceleration of history, which affects all the fields of human experience. The end of the cold war has freed the world from the narrow confines of Power-bloc considerations. Yet permanent peace is not fully in our grasp. An international community working within a metamorphosed United Nations can combat the ills and inequalities of our society. The United Nations, however, can be only as effective as the input that it receives from each and every one of us.
Let us, then, show, here at this General Assembly, that the remnants of the past order of inequality and strife have been buried. In its place, permanent peace, security and development for all must be the guiding force of our future actions. We ourselves are the jury, and our verdict will determine whether we shall be freed to a better future or condemned to a more dismal past.


It is a pleasure for me to speak for the first time from the rostrum of the United Nations as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Government of National Union and Transition, which arose out of the Sovereign National Conference. I thus bear an historic responsibility to inform the international community of the conclusions of this great gathering of the vital forces of our nation.
I should like first to say how pleased I am personally, and on behalf of my delegation, to convey to Mr. Shihabi of Saudi Arabia our warm congratulations on his outstanding election to the presidency of the General Assembly of the United Nations at its forty-sixth session. By bestowing on him unanimously the weighty mission of guiding its work, the General Assembly wished to pay a tribute to his country, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with which the Republic of the Congo, my country, maintains friendly relations. His election is also proof of the recognition by the Assembly of his outstanding qualities as a statesman and diplomat whose talent and experience provoke the admiration of all and augur well for the outcome of our work.
To his predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Malta, we should like to express our thanks and gratitude for the wisdom, competence and effectiveness with which he presided over the meetings of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. The Congo, which was part of the General Committee of the General Assembly at that time, was able from that privileged position to appreciate his remarkably fresh approach to the activities of the Organisation, particularly with regard to its laborious reform process.
To the Secretary-General Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, I should like to reiterate our constant support and encouragement for his tireless efforts for peace. He welcome his dynamic work at the head of the Organisation, which today has seen restored its prestige, validity and credibility, which lie at the basis of great works.
With the admission of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Baltic Republics of Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia to membership of our Organization, the role of the United Nations in international affairs has been further strengthened. We welcome with joy and pride this event which is a new and striking illustration of the irreversible march of the United Nations towards its goal of universality.
The work of the forty-sixth session is taking place at a further decisive turning-point for the Organization. There is no more eloquent argument in this respect than the successful mobilization over the past few years of collective action for the settlement of certain disputes which have long been deadlocked and which have been placed before the United Nations. This refurbished image is the result of the disappearance of cold-war antagonisms and the bipolarisation of international relations - a bipolarisation which had immobilised the United Nations for four decades.
The adoption of a settlement plan for the Iran-Iraq conflict and, among other successes, the settlement of the complex question of Namibia and the simultaneous withdrawal of foreign troops from Namibia and Angola, have made it possible for the United Nations to be considered as an actor worthy of confidence on the international scene.
There is general agreement that progress has also been made as regards the situations in Afghanistan, Cambodia, El Salvador and Western Sahara. The functioning and ability of the Organisation, moreover, have been crucial in the process that put an end to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. However, we could not fail to note that the outbreak of hostilities in the Gulf showed that the Security Council authorized coercive action, not as provided for in Article 42 and succeeding Articles of Chapter VII of the Charter, but on the basis of an international coalition.
The fact remains that, with the involvement of the five permanent members of the Security Council, the United Nations determined a favourable outcome of this war. The central role it was destined to play by the founding fathers regarding international peace and security has thus been brought to the forefront. The world, already more than a year into the last decade of the twentieth century, is caught up in a turmoil of spectacular upheavals unforeseen by mankind, despite its fertile imagination.
The international community lived through 50 years of certainty, when order reigned in Eastern Europe, but six years of perestroika have upset the balance. This happened first in the Soviet Union, where many citizens gradually shed their fear and rediscovered the courage to discuss and criticise, and also to display renewed nationalist outbursts or to have dreams of identifying their peoples with Western development models.
This new Soviet revolution spread to Eastern Europe, awakening the profound and legitimate aspirations to freedom of many peoples long bundled up together under the Communist regime. Democracy and human rights have been progressively affirmed wherever authoritarianism, dictatorship, a one-party political system and arbitrariness once stifled fundamental freedoms.
Members will not be surprised to hear me state a bold opinion about the democratic wind that is blowing through Africa and in particular the Republic of the Congo. It is true that some of the changes that have occurred, which have established dialogue and democratic debate in many African States, remain dependent on international pressures and the major international financial institutions, both as investors and bilateral partners. However, we should not underestimate internal factors and conditions.
International opinion is aware of the special mechanism in Africa of the national conference, which has made it possible to implement, with variations for each country and each people, the general outline of the democratic process flourishing elsewhere. My country, the Republic of the Congo, is part of the great movement that is today sweeping Africa, Asia and Central America; it held its own sovereign National Conference, a fraternal forum, lasting 105 days, attended by 1,200 representatives of all the nation's driving forces and people of good will. The Conference was held in Brazzaville from 25 February to 10 June this year, in the presence of foreign observers.
There was a democratic debate, with contributions by political parties born of political liberalisation, professional associations, organisations of young people and women, scientific societies, religious groups, former Heads of State and other national notables - in brief, the vital forces of the Congolese nation, moved by their common destiny, in a national upsurge. That debate was complete and decisive, but typical of the African type of debate, which combines the virtue of dialogue with the wisdom of compromise.
Having taken stock in all areas, the National Conference, in full sovereignty, concluded that administration by the one-party political system had failed, and it adopted a fundamental law which constitutes a provisional Constitution for the Republic for a transitional period of 12 months.
The fundamental law provides for a tripartite division of constitutional powers, in the Congolese style of coexistence. The President of the Republic, who represents the nation, is the Head of State. But his powers have been reduced. In particular, the President of the Republic exercises the diplomatic competences of the State.
The Prime Minister, Head of Government, is elected by the National Conference. This is a first in our political history. His position is also strengthened by devolution to him of the important functions of Head of the Armed Forces.
With regard to legislative aspects, a Higher Council of the Republic has been set up, with power to follow up the decisions of the National Conference. The Higher Council of the Republic can overturn the Government by passing a motion of censure. The powers of the judiciary, independent of the executive and the legislature, rests with the Supreme Court and other national courts, under the control of the High Council of the Judiciary. It should also be noted that we have established a High Court of Justice, which will pass judgement if any crimes and offences are committed by members of the Higher Council of the Republic and members of the transitional Government. The President of the Republic can be brought before that body if accused of high treason.
The National Conference also produced a number of national charters of rights; it adopted a charter of rights and freedoms guaranteeing each citizen the right to material well-being and offering a legal framework for this moral and spiritual development.
Moreover, we had the foresight to include in the fundamental law a provision concerning civil disobedience in the event of any individual or group of individuals seizing power by force. The latest political developments in the Soviet Union and Haiti confirm that we were right to look ahead in that way. He also agreed on a charter of national unity. That was the first step we had to take. The most difficult phase, that of implementing those rights, has only just begun.
The range of significant measures taken by the sovereign National Conference includes a timetable for elections, which will begin in November this year with the holding of a constitutional referendum and end with presidential elections next June, the proposed end of the transitional period. Local and parliamentary elections are scheduled for January to March next year. Implementing this timetable will lay the foundations for democratic life in the Congo.
I must again draw the Assembly's attention to two types of measures taken by my country's National Conference, which some observers emphasised was the longest exercise of its kind in Africa.
First, we are preserving the symbols of the Republic. The Conference re-adopted the first symbols used at the time of the Congo's proclamation of independence in Brazzaville in I960. That makes it possible for us to revive the dream of building a fraternal Congolese nation, united in working for economic and social progress. Thus the People's Republic of the Congo, my country, has again become the Republic of the Congo.
The national emblem is the rectangular tricolour flag - green, yellow and red. The national anthem is "La Congolaise", and the Republic's motto has again become "Unity, work, progress".
National independence, peace, friendship and good-neighbourliness, as well as respect for the principles of non-alignment, remain the foundations of the foreign policy of the Republic of the Congo. We base ourselves on these principles in order to establish links of cooperation with all the nations of the world that love peace and are working in harmony with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
Those principles guide the humanitarian action of the Republic of the Congo, a land of peace and hospitality, which, despite its economic and financial difficulties, has done everything possible, in cooperation with other countries, to facilitate the repatriation to their countries of origin of many foreign nationals following recent events in our subregion.
The success of that operation was made possible by the climate of peace that reigns in my country and the political maturity of our people who, following the sovereign National Conference understand, thanks to the process of democratisation under way, the need for peoples that love democracy and freedom to support each other. I should like to take this opportunity to appeal to the international community to give its support to the young democracies of Africa - for man cannot live by democracy alone; he must also have bread, clothing and housing. While it is certainly true that to have bread one must first have freedom, democracy is not the end of the process of social and economic development. This is one of the most urgent problems of international cooperation. While it is indisputable that democracy is a point of departure and a sine qua non for development, it cannot take root and flourish in an environment of mass poverty where persistent economic degradation and social decay suggest to some that the African continent is doomed to a certain destiny.
The economic and financial crisis that my country is going through was at the centre of the concerns of the national sovereign Conference. Consideration of the economic agenda led to the conclusion, inter alia, that over the last few years there has been a marked deterioration in the budgetary situation, exacerbated by the debt-servicing burden, which has become unbearable. This is the heritage bequeathed to us by one-party management - an economy bled dry. Thus it has been decided to assign to the transition Government the task of drawing up and implementing  programme of stabilization and economic recovery, within which an improvement in public finance and a restructuring of the economy and of the banking system are priority objectives.
The implementation of the reforms that have been advocated, whose social cost can already be measured, calls for commitment on our part, and their application calls for perseverance. However, in an international economic environment tilting towards depression, and, above all, without external support, particularly the support of the international community, our efforts alone cannot bear the fruits that we hope for. It should be stressed that the political liberalization that is under way in my country quite naturally calls for the adoption of a similar policy of economic liberalization. The Government of Transition and National Unity of the Congo intends to revive private initiative through incentive Measures, such as the adoption of a new code of investment to promote the development of the private sector at the national and international levels, as well as foreign investment. Indeed, we have chosen liberalisation and privatisation as elements in the process of re-launching our economy - notably through private investment, to the advantage of small and medium-sized industries, agriculture, trade and crafts.
Concern in Africa is merely a reflection of the economic and social crisis affecting all developing countries. The scope of indebtedness, which has become stifling, continues to hamper all efforts at economic recovery, and these are further inhibited by net negative financial flows. So far as the African countries are concerned, the holding of an international conference on African external debt deserves greater interest on the part of the international community. Moreover, my country is very concerned about the persistence of the combined effects of the deterioration in terms of trade and the constant fall in export earnings caused by unprecedented fluctuations in the prices of commodities on which the African economies in particular depend. This is why we are placing all our hopes in a rapid and favourable outcome to the negotiations of the Uruguay Round with a view to achieving an open, multinational trade system that is more just and more equitable.
From the viewpoint of interdependence, I am convinced that we should envisage a solution to this crisis, which is raging in most of the developing countries. The General Assembly's Declaration on International Economic Cooperation - in particular on the recovery of growth and development in developing countries, together with the International Development Strategy -
offers, in this respect, an ideal framework for cooperation. Moreover, South-South cooperation - an indispensable complement - should decisively direct developing countries towards collective autonomy aimed at reducing the marginalization of their economies, which is perpetuated by an unfair world economic order. The establishment of an African common market meets this concern and is also a necessity, for it is certain that the coming decades will mark a new era of cooperation based on relations between the great subregional economic groups.
The position that the question of the environment now occupies on the international agenda is an expression of the international community's growing awareness of the risks resulting from degradation of our natural surroundings. Today there is agreement that the depletion of the ozone layer, global warming and climate changes are disasters. Likewise, deforestation, the erosion of arable land, pollution of water and of the atmosphere and impoverishment of flora and fauna are helping to disrupt the balance of ecosystems. In this respect, management of the environment remains a priority question demanding that States act and cooperate closely. Our economic policies must ensure long-term management of the resources of our planet and safeguard the interests of present and future generations.
Placing great hopes in strengthened multilateral action, and taking into account the interdependence between environment and development and the integration of ecological considerations into national economic programmes and policies, the Congo has provided itself with an additional law on the environment - Ho. 03/91 of 23 April 1991 - which proposes that the requirements for development and for the protection of the environment be reconciled. It envisages the establishment of a fund for the protection and preservation of fauna and flora and of marine and river resources against installations that are dangerous and constitute a health hazard, and for management and development of urbanism.
We hope that the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, which is to take place in Brazil in June 1992, will be a major event and will make the future of mankind more secure. He hope that the outcome will be favourable and that the Conference will make it possible for us to establish real development contracts - and not simply through assistance - between North and South, so that the ecological balance of the planet may be preserved.
My country is pleased at the positive political changes in South Africa, where the legal foundations of apartheid have finally been abolished. The repeal of these legal pillars of apartheid, together with the other measures that have followed, seems, finally, to have involved this country in an irreversible process. However, it would be premature to ease international pressure so long as no real qualitative change has been secured and so long as a non-racial, united and democratic society has not been established.
As for the Middle East, my country is convinced that the situation in this sensitive region of the world requires a comprehensive settlement. Thus we attach particular importance to the inclusion of the Palestinians in any process aimed at establishing a lasting peace between Israelis and Arabs. That is why my country supports the idea - initiated by the United States Government - of a conference on peace in the Middle East. We invite the international community to work along these lines in order that a definitive settlement of this question may be achieved.
As regards arms control and disarmament, the Congo welcomed with profound satisfaction the progress made with the signing, in November last year, of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe and the signing, in July this year, of the Soviet-American agreement on the reduction, by 30 per cent, of strategic arsenals. We hope that this tangible progress will be substantially expanded, with a view to Maintaining and strengthening global agreements relating to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, missiles and other armaments.
We should like to express our pleasure at the measures in this context announced recently by the President of the United States. These measures have met with a favourable response throughout the world, particularly among the great nuclear Powers, and thus the trend towards halting the arms race - a symbol of the cold war - has been strengthened. We feel that the time has come to use the peace dividends for development. However, we must see to it that the progress that has been achieved does not promote the expansion of trade in other kinds of weapons, which create misfortune for countries in the third world.
The United Nations is now confirmed as the universal instrument of peace and International cooperation. Me assess that universal dimension not only in terms of the increased number of Member States but also in terms of the vitality and effectiveness with which it defends the values, principles and purposes it is universally recognised as holding. But the Organisation must adapt to the rapid changes that are transforming the world so as to meet the challenges of the final decade of the twentieth century as we turn to those of the next millennium.
The restored climate of peace and dialogue undoubtedly inspires hope about the future of international relations. Let us hope that this new era, devoted to world peace, will first and foremost engender conditions favouring sound, fraternal international cooperation based on mutual assistance and solidarity.