Mr. President, I should like first of all to express my satisfaction at your election to the presidency of this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. At the same time, I should like to affirm, through you, my friendship and respect for the Federal Republic of Germany and for the noble, striving German people. Despite the fact that their histories have been different, our peoples have been able to understand one another and maintain the bridges between them in the vital knowledge that friendship and comprehension are the necessary concomitants of peace and freedom.
104.	I should like to convey to our Secretary General my thanks for his dedication and skill in carrying out his important and delicate tasks, guided as he always is by what will best serve the Organization and enhance understanding among nations.
105.	I am pleased to welcome the representatives of Zimbabwe, whose people recently achieved their independence, which Spain defended unreservedly and constantly. Zimbabwe's presence as an independent and sovereign State in the United Nations is an example of how pending problems of decolonization can be resolved: with an up-to-date understanding of history, with decisiveness and without premature slackening in the negotiations.
106.	Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, a country whose deepest roots unite it with the great family of Ibero-American peoples, is the most recent Member of the United Nations, and I welcome it to this Assembly and transmit to its Government and people Spain's wish to strengthen the relations of friendship and cooperation between our countries.
107.	It is clear that we are going through a time of profound crisis. The "Development Decades"—now several in number—the successive "International Strategies" adopted thus far in that connection, the "Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States" and the special sessions of the General Assembly have not been able to balance an economic order which is in increasing disequilibrium. World tensions and confrontation between opposing global strategies have multiplied the points of conflict. The technological revolution runs the risk of creating disturbing burdens, ignoring, in its inexorable advance, the very preservation of the ecosystem. Never in recent years have we found ourselves in such serious situations in all areas. It is clear that we must correct our bearings. We must change the codes of international conduct, balance dissuasion with detente, foster effective arms control, seek a real renewal of structures and achieve new frontiers in the protection of human rights.
108.	The magnitude of the disorder, however, must not paralyse us or cause a petrified pessimism. Indolence and insensibility, according to a Spanish classic, can never be regarded as political subtlety, but rather as "detestable negligence" to which must be opposed, in the words of that classic, the intention to "remedy injustices". At this time the only sensible course is that of international solidarity, which would mobilize endeavours and adjust corrective mechanisms.
109.	Spain, which because of its geography, its history and its culture belongs to the Western world, maintains close solidarity with the West in defence of the values and principles held by some nations, which consider freedom, justice and a democratic, pluralistic form of Government to be the very foundation of their coexistence—a foundation which has recently been recovered in our country.
110.	It is up to Spain and only Spain, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and its own constitutional rules, to decide on the future course of that solidarity. Among other things it will also include the search for detente, which we regard as essential to overcome the present difficulties in international relations. In this connexion the second review session of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, whose preparations have just begun at Madrid, offers an opportunity that cannot be overlooked to create conditions making it possible to re-establish confidence and make progress towards dialogue, cooperation and better understanding between East and West.
111.	We are establishing a policy of cooperation with Europe and of participation in its institutions because we believe in the values, the democratic political systems and the historical role of Europe, of which we have always been and continue to be irrevocably a part. No one claims that our particular historical traits have set us apart from the great European current. On the contrary, as a liberal historian said: "Our history is not 'uncommon' or 'particular'; the historical tragedies of Spain are an integral part of the historical tragedy of Europe". Hence we are ready to make an enthusiastic effort in the collective task of building the unity of Europe through full partnership in the Communities.
112.	As has recently been said in Luxembourg by His Majesty King Juan Carlos I:
"A new impetus must be given to the Communities in order to broaden their geographical area, enriching them with some of the most fruitful and original contributions of European culture and making possible the building of a stronger and more balanced Europe, which would be in a position to make an effective contribution to the well-being of all its peoples, the consolidation of all its democratic systems and the cause of peace."
113.	Finally, looking to the future we have to meet the political challenge of broadening the Communities. Only thus can Europe's ideals prevail against selfish interests.
114.	This European and Western aspect of our foreign policy is enriched by and finds its full expression in our relations with the peoples of Ibero-America, to which so many deep links unite us. It is precisely in the dialogue between Europe and Ibero-America that Spain can carry out an important task: that of contributing to make Europe more and more responsive to Ibero-America as it is. Its problems, its concerns, its expectations.
115.	We are witnessing a process of the affirmation and awakening of the Ibero-American world whose voice, above tension and undeniable divisions, is being heard with growing authority and firmness in international bodies, and which is aware of its increasingly relevant role in the events of our time. And that is not only because of its strategically important geographical location and demographic potential, its abundance of raw materials and energy resources. Above all, Ibero-America finds its strength and its future development in the enormous vitality of its peoples and the strength of their cultural values, which we share as our own.
116.	Spain, a full member of ECLA and taking an active part in the work of the Andean Group,  in which it has observer status, is in full solidarity with the currents of integration that are gaining strength in Ibero-America. All rhetoric apart, my country is seeking in this connexion the development of specific kinds of cooperation so as to serve the interests of our peoples.
117.	It is from that position of solidarity, to which I have referred, that we must with an open mind tackle the problems affecting peace and security, by renewing political approaches and restoring negotiating machinery capable of facilitating the solution of conflicts for which, as with regard to the problem of the Middle East and the many tensions affecting the Mediterranean, satisfactory solutions are far from having been conceived or worked out.
118.	The Middle East, the tense and vital nerve centre of ever impending catastrophe, is the inevitable and natural concern of a country such as Spain, which is so closely linked to the Arab peoples and situated at the westernmost point of the Mediterranean.
119.	The continuing policy of illegal settlements, the adoption of the "Basic Law" on Jerusalem, the repetition of acts of aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon and other events increasing tension in that area give rise to concern and require that the vicious circle of lack of understanding and intolerance be broken, if we wish to avoid new confrontations of unforeseeable consequences. The time for action has come.
120.	The Spanish Government considers it necessary for a further attempt to be made to open the door to a solution. Spain will spare no effort to that end.
121.	The ultimate goal we must espouse can be none other than peace in the region. It must be a just peace; a comprehensive peace taking account of the interests of all concerned and bringing a definitive solution of the historical tragedy of the Palestinian people by recognizing and implementing its national legitimate rights, including the right to a homeland: not an imposed peace, which would simply be war postponed; finally, a peace without winners or losers, making cooperation between Israel and its Arab neighbours possible, since their peaceful coexistence is the key to development in an area that has traditionally been the prey of foreign appetites and the play of foreign interests.
122.	To attain that peace, the Spanish Government believes that it is necessary to arrive at a new political formula whose centrepiece must be mutual recognition by Israel and the PLO, as the parties directly concerned in the conflict, and the need for both to give up their extremist goals and agree to negotiate. One cannot try to wipe Israel and its people from the map of the Middle East, for no one can deny them the right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; but there can be no basis for including within those boundaries the annexed Arab territories occupied by force in 1967. Neither can the Palestinian people be disregarded or left out of any negotiation on the substance of the conflict. One cannot deny a people its rights, leaving it no course other than despair, because that path will only lead to violence and chaos, for which we would all be responsible and whose victims we would all become, if we did not break the impasse of the conflict. Neither the United Nations nor the great Powers can substitute rhetoric for action and, at the same time, live with conscience undisturbed.
123.	Beyond that area, Spain wishes to increase cooperation with the other countries of Asia and to make clear, in speaking of this vast geographical region that it is concerned at the serious situation in the heart of that continent. Indeed, the situation in Afghanistan is a source of deep preoccupation for the Spanish Government because the fundamental rights of that Islamic and nonaligned country have been seriously violated. It has been said many times from this rostrum that detente is global and indivisible and, hence, I believe it necessary once again to recall our unequivocal position on this matter.
124.	Just as detente is indivisible, so respect for the basic rules of international law is the minimum prerequisite of any peace strategy. Hence, in mentioning this area, it also appears necessary to recall the attitude of the Spanish Government with regard to the taking of hostages in general and in embassies in particular, specifically in Iran.
125.	Detente and the basic principles of international law are also being trampled underfoot in the present situation in Kampuchea.
126.	Spain cannot view with indifference the fact that the Mediterranean, which has traditionally been a vehicle of culture and prosperity and the cradle of civilizations, has today become a centre of rivalry and the scene of conflict and tension threatening the security and affecting the well-being of its coastal States.
127.	In this regard we view with hope the discreet and constant efforts of the Secretary General to have the inter communal talks resumed in Cyprus. We hope that through those talks, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, a negotiated solution can be achieved ensuring the territorial integrity and political independence of Cyprus and the peaceful coexistence of its two communities.
128.	But throughout the Mediterranean area there is still a long way to go, not only to deepen and broaden cooperation among the coastal States but also to give a new dimension to our approach to the problem of security which, as stated in the Helsinki Final Act, is closely linked to the security of Europe.
129.	Cooperation, concerted action for development and security are the ingredients of a global framework, which we have to put together and implement.
130.	The repetition of stereotypes, like that of aphorisms, simply increases incredulity. But it is a verifiable and visible fact that Spain is the European country closest to the African continent. Spain's foreign policy will give greater emphasis to this fact and place it in a proper perspective.
131.	Spain's interest in Africa is nothing new. The line of Afro-Mediterranean countries to which we have always been linked by close neighbourhood and common history makes this clear. To strengthen Spanish cooperation with Africa south of the Sahara is one objective of my country's present foreign policy. We have to find new formulas for such cooperation and give special attention to those States where our industry, technology and trade can best link up with the aims of those countries, with scrupulous respect for their sovereignty and their own identity. The most important symbol of that interest is to be found in recent visits by Their Majesties, the King and Queen of Spain, to several friendly African countries south of the Sahara.
132.	In the history of Spain there is one particular African country in which our language has put down roots and grown. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea is an African nation which speaks Spanish. Thus it is not strange that our collaboration is a close one and that, after the years of turbulence—today forgotten—our reconciliation has been rapid and intense. Spain will continue to help the people and Government of Equatorial Guinea as it has been doing—as long as the people and Government of that nation so desire. On the other hand, I must place special emphasis on the fact that the Spanish Government will maintain this cordial relationship without interfering in any way and with the strictest respect for the independence and sovereignty of that country.
133.	Spain also follows with interest and concern existing tensions in southern Africa. The continued occupation by South Africa of the Territory of Namibia, contrary to the resolutions of the United Nations, is a persistent element of conflict in the entire region. We consider that that illegal occupation must be brought to an end as quickly as possible, and therefore we have supported the most recent resolutions reaffirming the right of the Namibian people to self-determination, freedom and independence, and the territorial integrity of a united Namibia. We are also concerned at the continuance of the policy of apartheid and territorial segregation by South Africa, which gravely affects the human rights situation and is a challenge to the international community.
134.	The Spanish Government is also following closely the development of the situation in the Maghreb, with whose peoples Europe is closely linked because of geographical proximity and strong historical, cultural and human ties. We wish to maintain and develop those close relationships of friendship with all the Maghreb peoples, based on principles of balance, cooperation and good neighbourliness, and we continue to be ready to collaborate actively and disinterestedly in any endeavours to secure detente and peace in the region.
135.	The Spanish Government wants to see an end to violence and suffering in the Western Sahara and hopes that that problem will find a just solution based on respect for the principles and resolutions of this Organization and of the
136.	This is, and will continue to be, our position on a dispute in which Spain ceased to be a party when it irrevocably and definitively terminated its responsibilities as administering Power of the Territory of Western Sahara. Indeed, on 26 February 1976 Spain terminated its presence in the Territory and the administrative role that it had carried out there. The Spanish Government at that time communicated this fact officially to this Organization, and has made it clear ever since to all the parties. Spain seeks no advantage for itself or for anyone; it seeks peace, stability and harmonization of the legitimate interests involved. Neither appeals nor pressure, whatever form the latter may take, will divert us from our unswerving, consistent line. We are sure that this is the only way in which Spain can help in achieving peace: by absolute impartiality in dealing with the parties to the conflict and resolute adherence to our principles. I have mentioned pressure, and I cannot but protest most energetically at the violence which is being directed against innocent citizens of my country who, contrary to international law and with utter contempt for human rights, are being used as hostages.
137.	When the Charter of the United Nations was signed at San Francisco 35 years ago, no provision was made for the prompt liquidation of colonial empires. On the contrary, machinery for international trusteeship was established through the trusteeship administration system provided for in the Charter, bearing in mind that there were still territories which were not independent. But new nations developed, going beyond the political and legal system which, after the adoption of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV)—the twentieth anniversary of which we shall celebrate this year—had become completely invalidated. The result has been the gigantic work of decolonization, which is one of the most notable achievements of the United Nations. But that work is not yet completed, because there are still colonial situations, such as that of Gibraltar.
138.	The British and Spanish Governments made a preliminary step towards a settlement of that dispute when they adopted at Lisbon, last April, a joint declaration in which both parties undertook, in a spirit of friendship and in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, to begin negotiations to solve the problem of Gibraltar.
139.	This will not be an easy task. What is important is the convergence of the political will to embark upon a course which has only one goal: the settlement of the dispute, so that Gibraltar, once again part of the Spanish fatherland, will never again be an obstacle between Spain and the United Kingdom.
140.	The balance of terror is a negative concept which destroys real peace and coexistence among peoples and which has not been able to achieve the absence of war. Therefore, disarmament is still for us an unalterable objective. We must check the race to stockpile and develop nuclear weapons, which consumes incalculable skills and resources and injects suspicion and mistrust into the relations between the great Powers.
141.	My country also considers it necessary to limit conventional weapons to the levels necessary for the preservation of a country's security and to that end we have made constructive proposals for the regulation of the fraudulent traffic in conventional weapons.
142.	A few days ago there ended the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the new International Development Strategy and to global negotiations. Thus it would be premature to make any evaluation of the results achieved. None the less, we should like to state our satisfaction at the consensus attained on the far-reaching subject of the new International Development Strategy, although we deeply regret that it was not possible to take account of the concerns of the industrialized developing countries which import energy, among which Spain figures.
143.	As to the balance of what was achieved in the preparations for the global negotiations of 1981, I cannot but express our disappointment. When the Group of 77 put forward its proposal on global negotiations, Spain was the first Western country favourably to welcome that initiative, as it publicly proclaimed in this hall, reaffirming the traditional position of our country in favour of a North South dialogue, which would be institutionalized and ongoing, and the agenda for which would include the crucial subject of energy. However, despite the long and intense efforts made, we were unable to reach unanimous agreement on the way in which the negotiations would be conducted; nor did we deal with the way in which the agenda would be drawn up.
144.	There was not the political will to break the vicious circle of rhetoric and demagoguery and to implement an effective plan which would make it possible to carry through the necessary changes in international economic and financial structures and make it possible to establish a new, more just and humane order which would ensure greater and more balanced economic and social development for all peoples. In a word, what was lacking was true solidarity in the planning and winning of the war against disease, ignorance and poverty.
145.	The Spanish Government believes that the final basis of true peace can be found only in respect for and protection of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual. We have legal instruments which define those rights on the world and regional levels. But we need effective machinery for safeguard and protection because totalitarian regimes continue to exist, and new ones arise, under which men are persecuted or discriminated against because of their race, ideas or beliefs and because human rights include not only civil and political rights but also, as a harmonious and inseparable whole, economic, social and cultural rights.
146.	This Organization must bring to bear its ideas and initiatives so that those rights can be guaranteed and effectively protected.
147.	In the social field, one of the constant concerns of the Spanish Government continues to be the protection of the human rights of migrant workers and their families. We view with interest the work which the General Assembly is to undertake this year in drafting a convention on the effective protection of those rights.
148.	With regard to progressively better training of women and their necessary legal equality with men, the Spanish Government took an active part in the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace, held at Copenhagen from 14 to 30 July this year, in the course of which we signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.
149.	All of us in this Organization must pursue in solidarity energetic action in the struggle against terrorism, which has declared an implacable war against freedom, democracy, the servants of law and order, and innocent, weak and defenceless people. No one can support terrorism. No one can support it because terrorism constitutes the ultimate form of totalitarian barbarity, which must be eradicated by us.
150.	The rights of others are inseparable from our own rights. Terrorism therefore affects everyone because it attacks our own human status. Only with that understanding can we join hands in solidarity to do battle against terrorism and win.
151.	Epilogues are often favoured occasions for platitudes, but I shall confine myself to reaffirming the confidence of Spain in the capacity of the United Nations to mobilize and unite and in its lofty potential for encouraging and alerting mankind. The United Nations carries out a function which is fundamental to survival. Spain intends to strengthen the Organization as far as it is able to do so, and to be attentive to its call.
152.	This Organization came into being so that peoples of succeeding generations might be saved from war, domination, injustice and oppression. That calls for true solidarity, wisdom in action and tenacity in endeavour. It requires that we give up, in the words of one of the great contemporary Spanish poets, "that second innocence which leads to not believing in anything".
153.	It is not opportunism on my part if today I mark the commitment of the renewed Spanish democracy—evoking the memory of one of its oldest inspirations, the knight of La Mancha—to righting wrongs; or, in the language of our times and our circumstances, to lending a hand in reducing intolerance, lessening tragedy, alleviating catastrophe and supporting the aspirations embodied in the Charter of the United Nations.


Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that I voice my sincere congratulations, on behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco, for the excellent choice which has been made by the international community, represented by this Assembly, in electing you President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your election to that high office is a confirmation of your outstanding merits, your skill and the eminent qualities which we recognize you to possess. At the same time it is a deserved tribute to your country, which is making a valuable contribution to the consolidation of peace in Europe and to the easing of tension throughout the world. The delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco, which has the closest friendly relations with the Federal Republic of Germany, would like to assure you of its full co-operation in order to facilitate your task and to ensure the complete success of the present session.
75.	The admission of new Member States to the United Nations is likely to complete and consolidate its universality. Morocco is very pleased to welcome the delegations of
Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and would like to assure them of its complete co-operation. We are particularly happy for the people of Zimbabwe, which has been waging a lengthy struggle to regain its freedom and its dignity and whose delegation has now taken its rightful seat among us. That people has now assumed responsibility for its own destiny after having taken a decisive step on the road leading to the complete and final emancipation of the entire African continent.
76.	While celebrating this important victory of Africa, we consider the event an additional reason to redouble our efforts in our action and in our commitment to the other peoples of southern Africa which are still struggling for their emancipation and their freedom.
77.	I should also like to congratulate the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for all he has done and is continuing to do to implement the purposes and principles of the Charter.
78.	In the early years of the last decade, the beginnings of international detente raised immense hope that dialogue would prevail over confrontation, and that compromise would take the place of conflict. Unfortunately, today that hope is fading and the world is actually faced with an international situation which hardly gives rise to optimism because the factors which make for tension and instability are multiplying in several areas of the world. Latent conflicts run the risk of escaping the control in which we imagine them to be held, of spilling over their geographical boundaries and of leading to generalized confrontations.
79.	The chronic tension, threat of war and deadly confrontations in the Horn of Africa are a striking example of that. Equally, the present dispute between Iraq and Iran, which was provoked by a clear violation of the historical rights of Iraq, is another bloody manifestation of those deplorable tendencies, the consequences of which could be catastrophic for international peace if the parties to the dispute do not positively and swiftly enough respond to the appeal for a cease-fire made by the Security Council and the Islamic Conference.
80.	The hegemonistic tendencies, on the political level and in the economic field, the tenacious desire of some to impose their own ideology, the struggle to gain influence and benefit, the ever-growing gap between increased prosperity and overwhelming poverty, the chronic under-development of most of mankind, the heavy burden of debt which affects the emerging countries and the unbridled arms race are also factors which give rise to fear of cataclysms the consequences of which for the stability of the world are easy to imagine. It is therefore essential for us to increase our vigilance so as to avert the dangers looming in the decade of the 1980s, which has just begun, lest they degenerate into destructive conflicts.
81.	A number of nerve centres in Asia and elsewhere are still flash-points of tension. There can be no doubt that the Middle East remains our greatest concern because it represents one of the most serious potential threats to peace and international security. The international community concluded that the Palestinian problem was undoubtedly at the core of the Middle East tragedy and that any solution of that conflict must necessarily entail the complete restoration of the inalienable rights of the fighting Palestinian people.
82.	It is heartening to see the broad degree of international support and the ever-growing sympathy which is accorded to the Palestinian cause as well as the striking success which the Palestinian people has achieved under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], The overwhelming majority of States in our community recognize the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and also that people's absolute right to self- determination and to the establishment of its own sovereign State in its territory. I should also like to recall that the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly on the question of Palestine adopted this summer by an overwhelming majority an important resolution, which reaffirmed the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, free from any foreign interference, and confirmed its right to establish a sovereign State on its national territory.
83.	However, we note with deep concern that the fighting people of Palestine continues to be the victim of the blind stubbornness of the racist Zionist entity and that it is threatened daily with genocide and large-scale massacres. In the meantime, we have witnessed, without any effective reaction, the Judaization of the Palestinian Arab lands, the distortion of their religious and historical characteristics, the methodical modification of the original population, all in flagrant violation of numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly and in complete disregard of world opinion in a desperate attempt to destroy Palestinian identity.
84.	The Israeli Knesset recently adopted a fundamental law designed to turn the Holy City of Jerusalem into the "unified and perpetual capital of Israel". That decision is another challenge by Israel to the numerous resolutions which have condemned Zionist attempts to Judaize the Holy City and demonstrates, if indeed that is necessary, Israel's total rejection of any just and equitable solution to the Palestinian problem. It should also be recalled that this attitude is in blatant contradiction of Security Council resolution 478 (1980), which determined that all legislative and administrative measures and actions which purported to alter the character and status of Al Quds were null and void and must be rescinded forthwith.
85.	In this connection we should like to express our deep appreciation to those States which have decided to transfer their embassies from Jerusalem pursuant to the resolution of the Security Council and in response to the appeal of the Islamic Conference, namely, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, the Netherlands, Panama, Uruguay and Venezuela.
86.	The Islamic world quite properly considers that the Israeli steps to integrate Jerusalem are a definite provocation and a challenge to the hundreds of millions of Moslems and Christians. In order to meet this challenge, His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco convened the Al Quds Committee in an emergency session at Casablanca under his presidency, during which the Islamic Conference reaffirmed its commitment to counteract Israeli actions and to work for the liberation of Jerusalem. The Conference considered this pledge as an Islamic and humanitarian duty incumbent upon all Moslem countries and all countries which love peace and justice and support the struggle of the Palestinian people for the restoration of its rights to self-determination, to return to its land and to establish its own State on that land.
87.	My country also had the honour to host last month the special Conference of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Islamic countries who adopted a number of resolutions whereby the participating countries committed themselves to liberating the Holy City and mobilizing their full potential to combat the Israeli decision to annex Jerusalem.
88.	The Kingdom of Morocco, whose sovereign is President of the Al Quds Committee, considers the question of Palestine and of the Holy City of Jerusalem as its own and has reaffirmed its total commitment to support the struggle of the Palestinian people until it achieves self-determination and independence and establishes its own sovereign State in its own territory.
89.	We therefore ask the General Assembly to take all necessary steps to put an end to the repeated acts of Israeli aggression and to demand the implementation of the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter against Israel, which continues to occupy the Arab and Palestinian lands and to defy United Nations resolutions and all the decisions of the international community.
90.	Morocco is following with extreme alarm the continued acts of aggression by Israel in the southern part of Lebanon and resolutely condemns the criminal raids carried out against Lebanese towns and villages. It strongly reaffirms its complete solidarity with the fraternal people of Lebanon and its full support for the Lebanese Government in the efforts to defend its independence and protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
91.	The people of Afghanistan, which for centuries has been paying a very high price to safeguard its independence, is day by day sacrificing the best of its sons to preserve its freedom, its sovereignty and its faith. By an overwhelming majority and in this very hall, the international community has expressed disapproval of the new situation which has arisen in Afghanistan and declared its firm will to put an end to it and reject the status quo.
92.	My country, which is linked by ancient ties of friendship to the Soviet Union and still wishes to develop those relations,' can only reaffirm its solidarity with the Moslem people of Afghanistan and will continue, within the framework of the Islamic Conference, to seek a satisfactory solution to this unhappy problem, in accordance with the resolution adopted at the Eleventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Islamabad from 17 to 22 May 1980. It is also the duty of our Organization to support the Afghan people and their inalienable right freely to determine their own way of life. Morocco, which is the repository of an important part of the Islamic heritage and a defender of its eternal ideals and principles, assures the Moslem people of Afghanistan of its complete solidarity with them.
93.	Another Asian people, that of Democratic Kampuchea, is today being subjected to a policy of wholesale Vietnamization and is enduring physical and moral agony under the law of a Government imposed from outside. International solidarity is being mobilized, despite the obstacles, to save the people of Kampuchea from famine, epidemics, insecurity and disorder and every effort must be made to support the right of that people to peace, dignity and freedom of choice.
94.	The Powers which, a quarter of a century ago, began a thorough reconsideration of their behaviour in Africa on the basis of a more tolerant ethical system and a more comprehending awareness of the aspirations of the peoples, must understand the desire of the African continent today to resist the violent infiltration of ideologies which are alien to it, attempts to cause destabilization, introduce hegemonism and shamefully exploit its wealth and the economic dependence which maintains the existence of many areas of unjustifiable under-development.
95.	At a time when we are welcoming the advent of the Republic of Zimbabwe, we cannot forget that the Namibian people is still waging a heroic struggle in order to hasten the process of decolonization started by the United Nations, which has been frustrated so many times by the South African racists. The tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, as well as the United Nations proposals made last June, have been met by intolerable delaying tactics on the part of the authorities in Pretoria, who reject with disdain the numerous resolutions adopted almost unanimously by our Organization.
96.	May I say here that the Kingdom of Morocco hails the struggle of the heroic people of Namibia and supports its fight for unrestricted independence and absolute territorial integrity.
97.	Now that tolerance has become more and more widespread in the behaviour of nations and at a time when the world is becoming aware of the need to respect human rights in all forms, South Africa and its racist regime continue to practise the odious policy of apartheid against the people of South Africa who are constantly subjected to acts of mass repression. Those who directly or indirectly lend their support and co-operation to South Africa impair the force of the numerous resolutions of the United Nations and become the de facto accomplices of the South African racists who preach the doctrine of apartheid and racial discrimination.
98.	There is an evil which affects a number of regions of the world and which is for Africa a particularly disquieting tragedy, and that is the problem of refugees, who now number in the millions. It can escape no one that this tragedy has a very deleterious effect on the African countries whose economies are already in a precarious state, and thus adds to the present problems. From Sudan to Somalia, from Cameroon to Zambia, millions of human beings are in a state of total deprivation and are anxiously and impatiently awaiting a gesture of international solidarity, which has not as yet been forthcoming. The action which has been undertaken by the High Commissioner for Refugees is extremely beneficial and welcome, but it is far from having obtained all the funds and assistance that is needed, despite the impulse to international solidarity that it has succeeded in arousing.
99.	North-west Africa is also unfortunately subjected to tension that has been artificially created and deliberately maintained by forces from abroad. What we now call "the problem of Western Sahara" is really only a reflection in the region's politics of a methodical hegemonism that aims to take over the economy and the ideology by unscrupulous force, all disguised as the defence of principles which certain countries proclaim with highly suspicious enthusiasm. Last year, I denounced  the manoeuvres of the enemies of Morocco's sacred cause of national unity, who tend to create belief in the existence of an entity for which a specific identity has been devised and the existence of a so-called "Sahraoui State", for which titles of legality are being sought, against every rule of law and common sense. I recalled also how Morocco had suffered from the most pernicious form of colonialism, which, by alienating its independence, has been particularly prejudicial to its territorial integrity since it involved the organization of five separate zones of foreign occupation and a sixth area under international jurisdiction.
100.	Despite the fact that the colonial occupation of Morocco lasted almost 50 years, our territory was not invaded in a single operation. The invasion was gradual and stretched over a long period of time, proceeding by stages in which the territory was reduced province by province. For that reason, the independence of Morocco was also won piecemeal, while the national struggle was being carried out.
101.	The central part of Morocco, which was a French protectorate, became independent on 2 March 1956. The northern part, which was a Spanish protectorate, was reintegrated into the motherland on 7 April of the same year. The international zone of Tangier was recovered in the autumn of 1956. The northern part of the so-called Western Sahara was returned to Morocco in 1958 under the name of Tarfaya. The Ifni enclave was detached in turn from the so- called Spanish Sahara and returned to Morocco in 1969, in accordance with the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations which asked Spain to negotiate with my country on the problems involved in decolonizing that territory and the then so-called Spanish Sahara. Finally, the territory of the so-called Western Sahara was restored to Morocco in 1975, and this was noted by the United Nations in General Assembly resolution 3458 B (XXX) of 10 December 1975.
102.	Morocco's struggle for the restoration of its territorial integrity lasted many years; it covered the whole colonial occupation period and continued after the independence of the northern and central areas. The national independence movement began its fight in all the provinces of Morocco, from the north to the south of the territory.
103.	When in 1956 colonialism was forced to make major concessions by abandoning regions where it could no longer withstand the national movement, it attempted, by the ploy of giving them different kinds of status, to perpetuate its domination over fringe areas, whose economic potential was foreseeable but as yet unexploited. However, both in the liberated areas and in those areas that remained under Spanish and colonial domination, the national movement called the tune and, where necessary, organized the struggle for total liberation and national reunification.
104.	Thus, at that some time, in the spring of 1956, the Congress of the Western Saharan peoples, held at Oum Chgag in the region of El Ayoun, adopted a still famous manifesto by which all the tribes in the region swore to the late King Mohammed V complete faith in and loyalty to the Alaouite throne and the Moroccan nation, of which they are an integral part. The delegation that represented the peoples of that region visited Rabat and was received by the sovereign, King Mohammed V, who welcomed them during an official ceremony in the course of which he committed himself to ensuring their protection and their reintegration into the mother country.
105.	The Spanish colonial Power was particularly hesitant in permitting Morocco to recover its rights and so a Moroccan liberation army was formed in that region and successfully undertook direct action in order to recover our national territory. The decisive battle of Dcheira in the region of El Ayoun in 1975 sounded the death knell for foreign military presence in Moroccan Western Sahara by routing the occupying forces. That was when the famous Ecouvillon operation was mounted, in which the Spanish forces of the region and the French forces that came from Algeria and western Africa had to combine their efforts for many weeks in order to overcome the resistance of the liberation army at a time when it had already virtually liberated the major part of the territory.
106.	At the same time and later as well, an independent Morocco used every means available to it in order to make its voice heard and to recover its rights. Thus, without ever getting out of touch with the Spanish Government with regard to this point, Morocco was the first and the only country to introduce in the United Nations the question of "Ifni and the Spanish Sahara". Thus, for many years, Morocco was the prime mover in all action aimed at the final decolonization of its Sahara.
107.	Within the Territory, the National Movement was organized around various fronts and parties whose actions converged to the same end. Besides the liberation army, we had the Front de l'Unite, the Front pour la liberation du Sahara marocain, the Mouvement revolutionnaire des hommes bleus, the Front pour la liberation et l'unite, and the Parti de l'Union Nationale Sahraouie. Most of these movements have since 1966 reaffirmed, in the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly, their commitment to Morocco and explained the meaning of the struggle they were waging.
108.	After the reincorporation of the Saharan provinces into the motherland, democratic life resumed in these provinces, as in the case of the other Moroccan provinces, and the populations were consulted four times, at the local and national level, on the basis of universal suffrage. There were the communal, provincial and professional elections in 1976, legislative elections in 1977 to appoint seven deputies to the national House to represent the Saharan provinces, a national referendum on 23 May 1980 for an initial amendment to the Constitution and, finally, a referendum on 30 May 1980 for a second amendment to the Constitution.
109.	Thus, more than 95 per cent of the population of the Saharan provinces is actively involved in all aspects of the life of the nation, is going about its business peacefully and regards the question of its liberation and reincorporation into the mother country as a matter which has been settled once and for all.
110.	In view of the fact that the territory is freely open to observation from outside, this situation gives the lie to the wrongful and tendentious claims whereby our adversaries have tried to mislead world public opinion.
111.	The latest population census carried out in 1973 by Spain, which was at that time the administering Power, was performed in conditions of technical precision that no one can call into question. It establishes, in a document which has been registered with the United Nations, that the total population of the territory at that time was slightly in excess of 73,000 inhabitants.
112.	The simple fact that approximately 68,000 inhabitants have at present been recorded in the towns and villages of Moroccan Sahara shows just how unworthy of credit are the false claims—emanating from Algiers—regarding representation of the populations of the Sahara.
113.	Morocco would like solemnly to recall that the decolonization of its Saharan provinces was carried out in conditions which met all legal and diplomatic standards and that its complete achievement of territorial integrity in accordance with international rules is an irreversible and definite fact.
114.	Africa, which realized the dangers for the entire continent involved in the persistence of this artificial problem, at the time of the seventeenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Freetown from 1 to 4 July 1980, instructed the "Committee of Wise Men"—or Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government on Western Sahara—to carry out a mission of reconciliation among the parties to the conflict. Despite the reservations which were made by my country in connection with certain members of the Committee whose impartiality was by no means certain, Morocco took part in the Freetown meeting to demonstrate its desire for peace and its willingness to co-operate in an African context in order to restore to the area an atmosphere of harmony and good neighbourliness.
115.	Furthermore, the presence at Freetown and the presentations before the "Committee of Wise Men" of the OAU of 10 organizations representing movements of resistance to Spanish colonialism and political entities from the Saharan provinces militating in favour of a return to the mother country, provided irrefutable proof that the peoples of the Sahraoui region had once and for all chosen to remain Moroccan. Those organizations also provided sincere testimony which definitely impressed the "Committee of Wise Men", who had before them all the necessary direct evidence which enabled them to get a better understanding and a fairer picture of the problem.
116.	Despite the fact that our cause was just and our desire for peace unshakable, our national territory has been subjected to constant aggression from abroad which we are meeting with vigour and determination, as our duty dictates and in accordance with our right to self-defence.
117.	Throughout its history the people of Morocco has always fought successfully, when it was necessary to preserve its faith, its national unity or its territorial integrity. Nevertheless Morocco, which has constantly cherished and sought peace has always invited its opponents to seek ways and means of restoring peace, stability and traditional good- neighbourly relations.
118.	During the seventeenth ordinary session of the Assembly of the OAU at Freetown, the heads of African States decided to consider the problem of the prevailing tension in north-west Africa from a new angle, by placing it in its true context, that of a dispute between African States. Thus, they opted for a peaceful approach in accordance with the spirit of fraternity and solidarity advocated by the charter of the OAU. In paragraph 2 of the decision adopted by the Assembly at Freetown, the "Committee of Wise Men" is clearly requested, under its new mandate, "to continue its work with a view to reconciling the parties to the conflict and seeking a peaceful and lasting solution thereto".
119.	Thus, the Conference decided to cease enclosing the members of the "Committee of Wise Men" or the parties involved in the strait jacket of references and narrow principles which up to now have only succeeded in paralysing the attempts at achieving peace. Throughout the world voices are being raised, calling for concrete measures to strengthen international security and to advocate the peaceful settlement of disputes between States.
120.	We hope for the emergence of real international detente, and we deplore the fact that the problem of disarmament, which is intimately linked with international security and the survival of mankind, remains in a state of deadlock and that the encouraging results of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament have produced no positive effects on the unbridled ar e. The great Powers, which hold considerable stockpiles of nuclear weapons and which devote no less considerable financial resources to perfecting them and to making them more sophisticated, should not remain deaf to the appeals of mankind, which is so distressed by the threat represented by these stockpiles of weapons.
121.	I should like to take this opportunity to express my strong disapproval of the biased campaign launched against certain developing countries, Iraq among others, which are trying to develop programmes for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The developing countries in general are perfectly entitled to acquire nuclear technology, and to use it for peaceful purposes; they are also entitled to improve their knowledge and experience in this area.
122.	Morocco noted with profound concern the failure of the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons recently held at Geneva as well as the lack of a consensus on the strengthening of the Treaty. This failure has further increased our anxiety about the fact that no progress has been made towards nuclear disarmament, which is the first step in general and complete disarmament. Morocco, which is working actively for disarmament at both the world and regional levels, will combine its efforts with those of all peaceful forces with the object of concluding international conventions prohibiting all weapons of mass destruction.
123.	In the quest for detente and collective security, the non-aligned movement, which was able to resist the pressure exerted on it during the most crucial years of the cold war, can play a very important part if it remains faithful to the principles which have been the mainstay of its strength and is able to keep clear of blocs, to avoid allegiances, and to oppose the movement being monopolized by a minority of States wishing to take advantage of it. For its part, Morocco will spare no effort to restore to non-alignment its purity, its strength and its influence.
124.	In a few weeks the second review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will convene at Madrid. Morocco wishes member States all success in their efforts effectively to ensure security for their continent and to organize fruitful and sincere co-operation among themselves. But we cannot reasonably conceive of the consolidation of peace and security in Europe as long as the Mediterranean basin is beset by conflicts. This is why Morocco is greatly interested in being invited to this Conference to express its views on co-operation with Europe and its concern about the indivisible security of the whole of the region.
125.	Because of its geographical position in the Mediterranean basin, the Kingdom of Morocco has special responsibilities with regard to the historic role of the Strait of Gibraltar. For that reason my country has, since the dawn of history, been a dynamic bulwark in the interplay of civilizations between Africa and Europe, which has made it possible for it to fill a decisive role in the links established between the Islamic and Christian civilizations. It is also for that reason that Morocco is determined to continue to shoulder its responsibilities in drawing the two continents closer together and in bringing about understanding among the communities of the entire region. This determination can be seen today in what my country is doing to establish a permanent link between the two shores of the Strait of Gibraltar, a link on which preliminary technical studies are under way with a view to its taking effect shortly. This gigantic project shows our faith in the establishment and consolidation of ties of peace, mutually beneficial development and fruitful co-operation among the peoples of the Mediterranean Sea, and particularly at the Arab-African- European level, for the benefit of all the peoples of the region.
126.	The world economic situation has reached a level of deterioration whose consequences will spare neither developed nor developing countries. International economic leaders and institutions are studying with profound concern the upheavals of recent years. The developing countries are viewing with trepidation a number of phenomena which, born of ossified and ill-adapted structures, are beyond their control. The now chronic crises of indebtedness and unemployment, and the social upheavals and political unease which follow them, accentuate the vulnerability of the economy of the third world, are likely to mortgage its development, and also nullify the rare signs of progress achieved despite unforeseen circumstances.
127.	The international economic conferences which have met in recent years have revealed the need to reorder the world economy by reducing the gaps between the poor and the wealthy and by eliminating economic injustices and inequities. This was the objective of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the Third General Conference of UNIDO. The third world took part in these various meetings in the hope of finding a working platform acceptable to all. But, here again, there was a lack of political will among the other participants who, concerned only with perpetuating their primacy, were reticent on the subject of the establishment of the new international economic order.
128.	Now that we are on the threshold of the Third United Nations Development Decade, analyses and studies of the second strategy show that we fell far short of its goals. Moreover, the situation has grown increasingly worse for the developing countries, which feel more severely the effects of the international economic crisis: inflation, increased commodity and equipment prices, worsening of their balance of payments, and so forth.
129.	Therefore, co-operation has become imperative for all, co-operation in a spirit of equity towards the developing countries which are entitled to demand measures which will make it possible for them to increase their share in world industrial production, the reform of the international monetary system, the setting up of foreign financial support for their development programmes, relief of their external debt, the adoption of new measures which will enable them to process their own raw materials, the abolition of the protectionist policies pursued by the developed countries and technology transfer adapted to the needs of developing countries and within their financial means.
130.	Even more recently, the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to development, unfortunately ended its work in partial failure. The third world, which was entitled to expect a comforting degree of compromise, once again noted the hesitation expressed— hesitation all the more intolerable because it comes from what is called the "solidarity of the wealthy". Nevertheless, Morocco attaches great importance to having the thirty- fifth session continue the work that was started at the last special session and would like to appeal to all Member States to reach general agreement on the development strategy, in order that preparations can be made for joint action which will eventually be crowned with success.
131.	Africa, which became acutely aware of the importance of this question during the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held in the capital of Nigeria on 28 and 29 April 1980, will make its own contribution and welcomes the fact that the Plan of Action drawn up at Lagos is taken into account in the text of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, which will come into effect in January 1981. We hope also that in the course of this session the Assembly will be able to remove the final obstacles which still face us in the North- South dialogue, so that no later than next year global negotiations may be undertaken.
132.	The Kingdom of Morocco is very satisfied with the results of the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which this year gave us greater hope and, indeed, opened new prospects for success next year. Nevertheless, in the final stage of this arduous negotiating process, it is important that we consolidate what has already been achieved by making necessary improvements which, by taking account of the fundamental national interests of States and by effectively contributing to a more equitable distribution of world resources, will ensure that the future universal convention on the law of the sea will win the largest possible degree of adherence as quickly as possible. It is also important that, until all the institutions of the international sea-bed regime are set up, States should display wisdom and restraint and abide by the terms of the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, which solemnly declares the international area of the sea-bed and ocean floor to be the common heritage of mankind.
133.	To ensure international security, to work towards peace, to promote economic development, to help colonial peoples to become free: these are all lofty objectives to which the United Nations has been devoting itself faithfully and with perseverance. That lofty enterprise will be stopped if the international community does not devote itself with renewed vigour to promoting civil, political, economic, social and cultural human rights and if it does not ensure the strict implementation of the respective covenants.
134.	We are living in a world which essentially needs confidence and security and which wishes to spare mankind from the evils of war and total destruction. Our world is crying out for economic self-sufficiency, but also for respect of human dignity.
135.	Morocco is determined for its part to persevere in its efforts to create a social and political atmosphere, both internationally and regionally, propitious to the establishment of relations of constructive co-operation, which it hopes will represent a co-mingling of the genius of all peoples who are carried by the same impetus for construction and development, away from rancour and conflict.
136.	We remain convinced in Morocco that respect by all for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the strengthening of the Organization itself, so that it can become the ideal forum for fruitful dialogue among Member States, will help us in our common progress towards achieving the ideals to which mankind aspires.


Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. It is a recognition of your extraordinary diplomatic skills, but, more important, your election is a tribute to your country and to its contribution to international cooperation and understanding.
52.	On behalf of the United States delegation to this Assembly, I come here today to express anew the United States commitment to the United Nations. I come also to express our hopes for its future at a moment when the world is deeply troubled by tension and uncertainty. Peace is threatened by smouldering regional conflicts and by assaults of the strong upon the weak. Nations large and small are buffeted by steeply rising oil prices and serious economic strains. Within many countries poverty and oppression form an explosive combination.
53.	A few weeks ago I spoke to this Assembly about the international economy.  I stressed the obligation of nations to cooperate in facing world economic problems: payments imbalances, energy inflation, slowed growth in many developing countries, the spectres of environmental decay and even famine.
54.	Our inability to reach a consensus on procedures for global negotiations is a pause in the process, not a failure in our objectives. I do not mean to say that the differences that have kept us from finding a formula for global negotiations can be glossed over. They are real. They are substantive. But we are prepared to use the span of this General Assembly to continue discussions that can lead to procedures, to an agenda and to a negotiating structure that will foster broad agreement among all the nations here represented.
55.	Today I want to look beyond economic problems to the one condition that is a prerequisite for all material progress: peace. If we truly care about building a world in which peace and justice prevail, the world's nations, and this Organization, cannot ignore certain political and legal obligations also—obligations every bit as compelling as the economic obligations I spoke of earlier.
56.	These responsibilities are not new. They are proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations. But dangerous new circumstances require that we stress them anew, lest we betray the very purpose the United Nations is designed to serve.
57.	Our first obligation is to refrain from aggression and to deal with it vigorously. Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations provides for "the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace". Article 2 prohibits "the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State".
58.	Accordingly, the United Nations must confront the continuing assault upon Afghanistan. I raise this issue not to set off a rhetorical exchange, not in the interest of polemics, but in the interest of peace.
59.	Today, more than 1 million refugees attest to the human toll of the violence in Afghanistan. And more is at stake than the independence of one country. If this assault continues, the independence and integrity of every small defenceless nation will be called into question.
60.	Last January, at an emergency special session, this Assembly condemned by a large majority the assault upon Afghanistan. We strongly believe that at the thirty-fifth session also the General Assembly must work under the Charter to reinforce the principles of the United Nations. We must work for a total withdrawal of Soviet troops and a political settlement. We must support the principles of non-intervention, self-determination and non-alignment for Afghanistan.
61.	In Kampuchea as well, armed aggression continues. We welcome reports of some progress made under th4 leadership of the United Nations Secretary General and international organizations in relieving the conditions of deprivation and disease so prevalent a year ago. The threat of renewed starvation requires significant further contribution from the international community.
62.	Despite some improvement in Kampuchea's desperate human situation, no progress whatsoever has been made towards securing the withdrawal of occupying Vietnamese forces and the restoration of self-determination to the Kampuchea people, as called for in last year's resolution on Kampuchea, sponsored by the nonaligned nations. We strongly support the basis for a settlement, including the concept of an international conference, contained in that resolution, which was passed by a large majority.
63.	Above all, let us keep in mind two basic purposes for which this body exists: to oppose armed aggression and to assuage its consequences. No achievement could be more important to the future influence and effectiveness of the United Nations. No failure could be more damaging than a failure to deal firmly with these issues.
64.	Our second obligation, proclaimed by our Charter, is to settle international disputes by peaceful means. Achieving this goal remains urgently important in two key regions: the Middle East and southern Africa.
65.	In the Middle East, the United States is committed to a comprehensive peace—an enduring peace based on the principles of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). We are determined to pursue to a successful conclusion the peace process begun at Camp David two years ago this month.  Already that process has achieved something once thought impossible: peace between Egypt and Israel. Now the negotiations are focused upon, a second goal: taking a significant first step towards resolving the Palestinian problem. The current autonomy talks have as their goal arriving at interim arrangements to establish full autonomy for the people of the West Bank and Gaza. After that, the process will proceed to negotiations which will determine the final status of those areas.
66.	As we seek to resolve this conflict, we are committed to finding a solution to the Palestinian problem in all its aspects and, at the same time, to permanent security for the State of Israel. We have no illusions about the difficulties of this quest. We are dealing with a conflict of long duration and intense feelings. There can be no short cuts.
67.	So today I call on all members of this Assembly to lend their support to these negotiations. Camp David has proved so far, and remains for the future, the most hopeful and productive avenue to peace in the Middle East. There is no alternative to negotiations except further conflict. Let us remember that differences are rivers to be crossed, not reasons to turn back.
68.	That persistence can bear fruit—that negotiations can yield peace—has been reaffirmed in recent months in southern Africa. Through arduous negotiations, the new nation of Zimbabwe has been born in peace. Today we have reason to celebrate not only this accomplishment, but also the way in which nations worked together to achieve it. And for the future, the Zimbabwe settlement offers hope—and a model—for peaceful settlements in southern Africa and elsewhere.
69.	The United States will continue its strong efforts to advance the United Nations plan for Namibia. There are no major substantive issues left to be resolved. I am convinced that the United Nations plan would be implemented fairly. All that remains is for South Africa to act in its own interest, in the interest of peace in the region, and in the interest of the Namibian people: to accept implementation of the United Nations settlement. If that does not happen soon, this chance for peace could be lost, and we would face a bitter future of protracted conflict and tragic human suffering.
70.	The settlement in Zimbabwe can also provide a precedent for peaceful change in South Africa. We will continue to urge the Government of South Africa to abandon the repugnant policy of apartheid. We consider it urgent that talks among representative leaders begin on the issue of peaceful, orderly change in South Africa—while there is still time.
71.	We must continue our search for peace and restoration of respect for international law in other parts of the world as well. In Lebanon, in Cyprus and elsewhere, we will lend our full support to the peace making and peacekeeping efforts of the United Nations.
72.	And although the holding of American hostages in Iran is not an item on the agenda of this Assembly, it remains a matter of extreme urgency that this tragic impasse be resolved—resolved in a way that strengthens peace and restores respect for international law. The continuing situation in Iran contributes to uncertainty about security and stability in Southwest Asia. The security of Iran itself and the stability of the area depend on a united, strong and independent Iran living at peace with its neighbours.
73.	With the end of the former regime and the death of the late Shah, a chapter in Iran's history has closed. As a new chapter opens, we emphasize that we recognize the reality of the Iranian revolution, and we respect the right of the Iranian people to choose their own form of government without intervention of any kind. With the emergence of a new constitution and governmental structure and the gradual consolidation of authority, the Islamic Republic of Iran can assume its obligations and independent role in this community of nations.
74.	An indispensable step will be the safe return to their families of the American hostages in Iran. Throughout the 324 days of their captivity, the Member States and institutions of the United Nations have expressed their concern for the hostages in numberless ways and channels. With their safe release, repeatedly called for by the Security Council and the International Court of Justice, Iran could end its isolation from those nations that live in accordance with international law, and sanctions would be terminated.
75.	Today I urge the nation of Iran, its Parliament, and its people also, to consider the human face of the hostage problem. These innocent people and their families have experienced acute suffering. I ask this community of nations to join us in urging that their ordeal be brought to a safe, honourable and prompt end. We also know that in Iran, as in the United States, there are deep feelings as a result of grievances and suffering perceived in the past. We are prepared to do our part in resolving fairly the issues between us. The Iranian Parliament has announced that it will name a commission to deal with the hostage question. We hope that this positive step will bring the Government of Iran closer to a decision on release of the hostages.
76.	The United States shares many common values with the people of Iran. When the safe return of all the hostages to their families is assured, we are prepared to deal on a basis of mutual respect and equality with all the outstanding issues and misunderstandings between Iran and the United States and to reach understandings on the principles which will govern our relationship.
77.	As we look to the future, 1 urge the United Nations, as soon as possible, to take firm and effective measures to counter the global menace of attacks upon diplomats and others. The danger it poses to civilized international life is growing; no institution of peace can afford to ignore it. For our part, the United States seeks peace with all nations. Whether it be with Iran or with the Soviet Union, we are eager to reduce tensions and to restore productive relations as soon as their actions allow.
78.	In all cases our policies will reflect our commitment to non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations. As the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, has affirmed, we shall not interfere in Poland's affairs and we expect that others will also respect the right of the Polish nation to resolve its own problems in its own way.
79.	Another obligation of nations is the control and limitation of arms. A period of heightened tension in the world makes this obligation more difficult to fulfil, but also more urgently important.
80.	For that reason, let me underscore anew today the commitment of my Government to arms control, to practical measures that contribute to world peace and enhance international stability. President Carter voiced this basic commitment when lie was sworn in as President in January 1977. It remains equally valid today.
81.	Let me give several concrete illustrations of that commitment. Some of the arms control efforts I shall mention involve active participation by the United Nations; others involve negotiations outside the United Nations framework. But all are of intense concern to the international community, for an unrestrained arms race would darken the horizon for all humanity.
82.	First, it is President Carter's intention to move forward as speedily as possible towards ratification of the SALT II Treaty.  Accordingly, the President intends to consult with the leadership of the United States Senate soon after the election with a view to resuming the ratification process as soon as is feasible. We consider it of cardinal importance to ratify SALT II and to move forward with the SALT process. The Soviet Union, however, must recognize that for many Americans recent Soviet actions have called into question the Soviet Union's commitment to international peace and cooperation. Accordingly, we call upon the Soviet Union to act in ways that will enhance, not damage, the prospects for SALT II and for other arms control efforts.
83.	Secondly, we are committed to the pursuit of meaningful and equal limitations on theatre nuclear forces in the framework of the SALT III negotiations. We are ready to begin talks with the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union this week to discuss this subject and to seek agreement on the arrangements for beginning these talks promptly.
84.	Thirdly, we are committed to seeking an effective and verifiable comprehensive test ban treaty. Substantial progress has been made towards this goal and we are determined to continue pursuing these efforts vigorously.
85.	Fourthly, the United States is committed m the Vienna talks to achieving mutual and balanced force reductions and limitations to diminish the risks inherent in the massive presence of military forces in central Europe.
86.	Fifthly, we are prepared to develop further the security aspects of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. If the international situation permits and if there is balanced progress in all areas, including the human rights area, at the second review session of the Conference, to be held at Madrid in November, we are prepared to consider a post Madrid European conference of the signatory States to the Final Act of the Conference on developing militarily significant confidence-building measures.
87.	Sixthly, we support the effort of the newly expanded Committee on Disarmament to develop the provisions of an international convention on radiological weapons We also support its work towards a comprehensive ban on chemical weapons and we continue to pursue our bilateral negotiations with the Soviet Union on an effective prohibition against chemical weapons.
88.	Finally, the further spread of nuclear weapons would constitute a serious threat to international peace and security. We firmly support efforts, therefore, to reduce the risk of nuclear proliferation. The Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is a cornerstone of those efforts; we strongly urge non-parties to embrace the Treaty, for it enhances the security of all nations, nuclear weapon and nonnuclear weapon States alike. At the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons there was unanimous agreement on the fundamental soundness of the Treaty and the desirability of universal adherence to it. For those nonnuclear weapon States that have not joined the Treaty, we attach particular importance to the goal of achieving comprehensive, full scope international safeguards coverage. We believe that acceptance of such coverage should become a condition of new nuclear supply commitments to such States. We shall continue to work for a world in which all nations can share in the peaceful use of nuclear energy without the danger of spreading nuclear weapons.
89.	Before I leave this subject, let me emphasize our deep concern over another arms control matter. If arms control is to be successful, agreements must be fully honoured. Questions such as those raised by persistent reports that chemical weapons have been used in Afghanistan, Laos and Kampuchea cannot be ignored by the international community. To do so would undermine both arms control and international law. The United States, therefore, welcomes the emphasis placed by the Committee on Disarmament at its most recent session on the need for international efforts to determine the facts behind those reports. We believe that an impartial investigation into those reports could most appropriately be launched under the auspices of the United Nations.
90.	Important as they are, the obligations I have mentioned by no means exhaust the responsibilities which rest upon us as nations, and as a community of nations, if we are to secure peace. By peace, I do not mean the fragile, artificial stability that comes with repression of a people by its Government; I mean the true stability of societies that are at peace with themselves because the rights of their citizens are protected and nurtured.
91.	So let me close by underscoring another obligation of nations: our obligation to uphold human rights and to concern ourselves compassionately with fundamental human needs.
92.	In the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the community of nations has nobly defined the concepts of human rights and human dignity, just as in the Charter of the United Nations we have outlined the precepts of peaceful cooperation.
93.	The failure of nations to live up to those human rights obligations is a continuing tragedy, made painfully manifest in the waves of refugees now sweeping across the world.
94.	Those suffering people present a dramatic challenge to the international community represented by This Assembly. Over the past five years the United States has welcomed more than 600,000 refugees—from Africa, from Asia, from Europe, from the Middle Last and from the western hemisphere. In the past five months alone we have received more than 120,000 people driven from Cuba to our shores—an influx which has presented extraordinary challenges to our resources.
95.	In recognition of the human need implicit in this worldwide wave of refugees, President Carter has made known the intention of the United States to accept an additional 217,000 refugees over the next year.
96.	Our country, of course, is only one of the many which have welcomed and helped refugees. More than 1 million Afghan refugees have fled to Pakistan; 400,000 Indo Chinese are in Thailand. More than 3 million are homeless in sub-Saharan Africa. Clearly this is a global problem; it requires a global response.
97.	The refugee resettlement efforts agreed upon at Geneva last year [see A/35/12, para. 6] demand our energy and our generosity. We must strengthen the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
98.	The humanitarian programmes of the United Nations and of the other agencies require a renewed commitment from all of us to their support and to their strengthening. But ultimately this human tragedy can be dealt with only by removing its root causes: by overcoming poverty, by ending the abuse of human rights within nations and by establishing peace among nations so that no person need be forced to flee from home and country.
99.	This is why my nation supports the growth of democracy and personal freedom in the Americas, in Africa and in every region of the world. Achieving these ultimate purposes remains a supreme challenge for the United Nations. Making progress towards them must be the work of this thirty fifth session of the General Assembly.
100. Let us not ignore the facts. Ours is a moment of worldwide economic difficulty and a time of tension between great Powers. At such moments, peaceful cooperation becomes even more difficult than usual. At such moments, our obligations as members of this Assembly of nations take on new importance. At such times, when a cloud of troubling events darkens our aspirations to ultimate peace, we can light our path by adhering faithfully to our Charter, to the international law that binds us, to the standards of international conduct that protect us.
101.	Let us hope that the light we generate by doing so will dispel the clouds of tension and discord that darken the world today.
102.	The United States will do its part. We will live up to our obligations to oppose aggression, to build peace, to limit arms, to support human rights and to foster economic justice, for us and for other nations, these endeavours can immeasurably improve life on earth and build the just and lasting peace for which all our peoples yearn.


It gives me great pleasure at the outset to extend to Mr. von Wechmar, on behalf of the State of Qatar and on my own behalf, our warmest congratulations on his election as President of the thirty-fifth session. His ability and long experience in the work of the United Nations, as well as the high regard his country enjoys in the international arena, give us hope and, indeed, confidence that he will guide the work of this session with the wisdom and effectiveness demanded by the complex political and economic problems facing the United Nations at this significant juncture in its history.
133.	I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a special tribute to his predecessor, the President of the thirty-fourth session, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim. He earned the admiration of all for the keen wisdom and outstanding skill with which he conducted the deliberations of the thirty- fourth session as well as of the three special sessions held this year. The characteristically competent way in which he performed his arduous duties must be a source of pride not only to his friendly country and the rising African continent, but to us all.
134.	I take this opportunity to reaffirm our confidence in and appreciation of the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the great unceasing efforts, wisdom and broad knowledge he places at the service of peace and the just causes of peoples in dealing with the complex issues confronting our contemporary world.
135.	I also seize this occasion to convey the greetings of the Government and people of Qatar to the Government and people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission to the international family. We wish that country all progress and prosperity.
136.	At the outset of this session's deliberations, it behoves us to review quickly what this international Organization has achieved, in order to realize, as an international community, where we have succeeded and where we have failed in dealing with the international problems that have confronted us. It is necessary to take stock of our successes and our failures in order to set ourselves on the right path and to discern the course that will lead to a better future.
137.	It is a significant source of rejoicing and optimism that at this session it has been possible for the first time to remove from the agenda the item on Southern Rhodesia which had been discussed by the General Assembly for several years. Therefore, we are overjoyed to see among us now the delegation of independent Zimbabwe. Its independence is the culmination of the heroic struggle waged by its valiant people. The United Nations also can congratulate itself on this triumph. Zimbabwe's independence was a goal that the United Nations sought and played a role in achieving. This momentous historical event has, per se, other significant dimensions, for it has rekindled the hope of the oppressed peoples still striving for emancipation and independence. This event has given a new momentum to the march of peoples in quest of their right to freedom and independence.
138.	While making this review, we cannot fail to note the outstanding achievements of the United Nations in the area of decolonization and the attainment of independence for peoples and in the other various economic, social and humanitarian activities of the United Nations.
139.	It is most pertinent to stress the role the United Nations plays—with limited success, sometimes—in containing and restraining regional conflicts and avoiding their turning into catastrophic world confrontations in an era dominated by the balance of nuclear terror. We must also express our gratification and optimism at the concrete progress achieved this year at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, in particular since this progress was achieved after long years of hard work during which the Conference was sometimes the target of expressions of disappointment and criticism, and even bitter ridicule.
140.	We would have preferred to confine this statement to achievements and gains. However, unfortunately, when we view reality we realize that the achievements are fewer and less significant than the setbacks. We even find that some contemporary world issues, far from being solved, have deteriorated and become much more complex.
141.	The first and foremost task ^rusted by the Charter to the United Nations was the abolishment of a solid system for international peace and security. Today the world still lacks such a system. There arc numerous political and economic issues that still constitute threats to international peace and security. Some of them are potentially replete with the danger of horrible catastrophes that may engulf the whole globe.
142.	The Government of the State of Qatar, as it follows the development of bloody hostilities between the two Islamic neighbours, Iraq and Iran, with profound concern and sorrow, hopes that wisdom will soon prevail. The voice of reason always prompts brothers to settle their disputes peacefully to avert bloodshed and to spare potential that should be used to consolidate the struggle of our Islamic nation in the face of aggression by the common enemy against our rights as Arabs and against our Islamic sanctities, so that we may prevent this conflict from being used as a pretext for foreign interventions. We should all work to prevent that. Therefore, we hope that the Government of Iran will follow the example of the Government of Iraq in responding to the efforts exerted by the Islamic Conference and the United Nations to secure a cease-fire as a preliminary step towards eliminating the reasons for dispute between those two Islamic countries in a peaceful way for their own good as well as for the good of the region, and even of the world as a whole.
143.	The serious situation in the Middle East is the primary question, which, if it persists, may seriously endanger the entire world. The whole international community is called upon to exert serious genuine efforts to solve the Middle East crisis. A prerequisite for this solution is a proper viewing of the nature of this question. Ever since Arab Palestine was subjected to the Zionist invasion, the Arab Palestinian people has suffered the most hideous oppression, displacement, persecution and deprivation of political rights, not to speak of the most fundamental human rights. Yet, this valiant people rejected the conspiracy aimed at effacing and eliminating it. With unfailing patience and steadfastness, it has striven to preserve its identity, in the first place, and to attain its right to self- determination and independence in its own homeland, in the second place.
144.	The aggressor has had recourse to all kinds of terrorist, brutal means to pursue its racist designs. It has displaced more Palestinians and used military force and terrorism to dominate the rest of the Palestinian homeland, and even other Arab lands neighbouring Palestine. It has colonized those territories and pursued an expansionist policy at the expense of the indigenous inhabitants of the region, in contravention of all international norms and agreements. The villainous attack that is being conducted today by the Zionist authorities inside and outside Palestine is proof of the terrorist, racist nature that has characterized Zionism since its inception.
145.	Needless to say, the Zionist colonial authorities are engaged in a race against time to accelerate the implementation of their expansionist policy in the occupied territory, their expansionist racist designs having already been revealed to the whole world. The entire world is aware today of the extremist terrorist groups that engage, with the consent and encouragement of the Israeli authorities, in activities aimed at the perpetuation of an irrevocable fait accompli. This policy of fait accompli involves grave dangers, the ominous nature of which must be understood by the international community. The continuous Zionist aggression against Lebanese territory constitutes a flagrant violation of the Charter. The State of Qatar calls on the Security Council to take appropriate measures to end these acts of aggression and to preserve Lebanon's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
146.	The whole world has realized that the Palestinian question is the core of the Middle East conflict. Peace cannot be maintained in that sensitive area of the world without a just solution to that question, a solution based on the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, independence and sovereignty, under the leadership of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
147.	The Secretary-General has declared in his report to this session on the work of the Organization that "the Middle East situation continues to dominate the affairs of the international community and remains central to the political and economic stability of the world". He has underlined the principles on which a solution should be based—principles which are embodied in the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly, especially resolution 3236 (XXIX).
148.	The main obstacle standing in the way of a solution to the Middle East crisis arises from Israel's indifference to General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. This intransigent Israeli position remains the major source of danger threatening the region. Moreover, it is a continuous threat to the very being of the United Nations itself. The Secretary-General has referred clearly to this aspect in his report, declaring:
"It is rightly a matter of general concern that the decisions of the Security Council and the resolutions of the General Assembly often go unheeded, so that problems which should have been brought under control persist, proliferate and pose continual threats to international peace. This failure also has a debilitating effect on the United Nations itself."
149.	More than one Zionist leader has stated that United Nations resolutions are not worth the paper they are written on. Practical experience has shown that Israel and South Africa disregard this Organization and its resolutions.
Israel's annexation of Jerusalem as its eternal capital, after having incorporated vast areas of the occupied West Bank in it, is flagrant defiance of the feelings of 700 million Moslems in the world, apart from being a villainous transgression against the rights of the Palestinian people, as well as the entire Arab nation. Furthermore, Zionist practices in the Holy City constitute a criminal transgression against the historical and cultural values inherent in the Holy City of Jerusalem, which are cherished both by the Islamic world and by the world as a whole. The State of Qatar affirms its insistence on adherence to the resolutions adopted by the ministerial meetings of the Organization of the Islamic Conference concerning Jerusalem at Islamabad, Amman and Fez.
150.	We wish to thank the States that have implemented Security Council resolution 476 (1980) concerning Jerusalem by moving their embassies from occupied Jerusalem. At the same time, we call on the Security Council to take more stringent measures under the Charter if Israel persists in its intransigence and its refusal to abide by the resolutions on the Holy City.
151.	The situation in Afghanistan represents another hotbed of tension that threatens international peace and security. Foreign troops are still entrenched on Afghan territory; the people of Afghanistan are still suffering foreign occupation. The relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Islamic Conference held at Islamabad have not yet been implemented. I wish to reaffirm here the position of the Government of Qatar concerning this question—a position which we stated in the General Assembly and at the Islamic Conference. We also wish to declare our adherence to the position of the Standing Committee of the Islamic Conference on Afghanistan that any political solution to the question of Afghanistan should be based on the aspirations of the Afghan people and on respect for its national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, under a leadership accepted by the Afghan people that pledges to pursue a policy of non-alignment and friendship with its neighbours.
152.	The people of South Africa are still subjected to a policy of racial discrimination and apartheid which embodies violation of human rights and dignity. Instead of consenting to the call of the international community to abandon this criminal policy, the apartheid regime has perpetrated new crimes this year, thus demonstrating its tenacious clinging to that internationally rejected system. In view of this, we call on the United Nations and the international community to take all adequate measures to eliminate racial discrimination and apartheid.
153.	We greet the people of Namibia and all the struggling peoples of southern Africa. We share their confidence that the victorious outcome of their just battle is imminent. We believe that Namibia's independence is but an historical inevitability. Any attempt to delay it will only lead to more bloodshed. Similarly, regardless of all delaying tactics and manoeuvres on the part of the racist regime in Africa, the march of history in that continent will not be stopped.
154.	Despite the painstaking and serious efforts that have been made by the United Nations for general and complete disarmament, the most significant result of which was the disarmament strategy adopted at the tenth special session of the General Assembly, the world is still witnessing a feverish escalation of the arms race. The continuation of this trend increases the menace of a dreadful world nuclear disaster, and continually depletes the world's economic resources. While millions of human beings suffer from fatal famine, available statistics indicate that the world will spend nearly $500 billion this year on armaments.
155.	The Government of Qatar joins the Governments of other States in calling for the channelling to economic development of the resources spent on the arms race. It appeals in particular to the two super-Powers to limit their huge military expenditures and report once more to negotiations to reach an agreement on arms limitation and subsequently halt and reverse the arms race.
156.	This session bears the burden not only of the international problems handed down from previous regular sessions, but of new additional responsibilities left over by the eleventh special session, on international economic cooperation. The failure of that session to reach agreement concerning global negotiations is due to the fact that some developed industrial countries regard the establishment of the New International Economic Order as a process in which what one party gains, the other loses.
157.	 The deterioration of the economic situation in the third world countries is illustrated by the aggravation of balance-of-payments deficits, economic inflation, rises in prices of processed goods, transnational corporations' control of raw materials produced by developing countries, the widening gap between rich and poor, and the failure of developed countries to pursue an effective energy conservation policy and to find suitable alternatives so that mankind may be able to make use of oil—it being the cheapest fuel available so far—for the longest time possible. This deteriorating condition continues to threaten international peace and security. It is imperative that the international community, represented by this forum, address this problem with determination and genuine co-operation.
158.	In conclusion, it should be stressed that this session's success or failure will be an important juncture in the history of the United Nations and in its role in solving international problems. Its success or failure will add new dimensions to the future of international relations. Genuine co-operation and the determination to succeed will surely lead to a fruitful outcome of this session, which assumes greater significance for all peoples as a result of the increasing instability that has afflicted the world.