I should like, Sir, to
congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency
of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. This
session might well prove to be epoch-making in that
this body will be called upon to consider and to make
far-reaching decisions on what ought to be done to
revitalize our Organization and to better align it to fit
todayís imperatives for global security, peace and
development. I have no doubt that you will live up to
our expectations and that, given your wisdom and vast
experience, you will guide our deliberations to a
successful outcome. You may rest assured, Mr. President,
that you will receive my delegationís fullest cooperation.
I would also like to take this opportunity to pay
tribute to your predecessor, the very energetic and
dynamic outgoing President, Mr. Julian E. Hunte, who
conducted the business of the fifty-eighth session with
gusto, dedication and courage, and who helped us to
address some difficult issues. My delegation wishes
him all the very best in his future endeavours.
To our Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, I
express my deep appreciation for yet another year of
dedicated service to the Organization ó indeed, to
humanity at large. Some of the problems that were laid
before him were not easy to resolve but, as expected,
resolved they were. I hope that his efforts to ensure the
triumph of multilateralism, the resolution of disputes
and the pursuit of meaningful cooperation among
nations will be further bolstered during the session that
is just beginning.
I stand here representing the young people of the
world. My statement is very long, and is divided into
two parts: one part will be circulated to
representatives; I will read out the other part.
World leaders have stood at this rostrum on many
occasions, addressing the world. We made pledges to
the children of the world during the twenty-seventh
special session ó the childrenís summit ó in 2002.
During that special session, we pledged to create a
better world and an environment conducive to the
wellbeing of the children of the world. We have also
come up with objectives for global development so as
to make the world a better place for humanity by 2015.
So far, there is no indication that those objectives will
be achieved in the next 2,000 years.
What are the problems? Since the childrenís
summit took place, we have seen the condition of the
worldís children become more and more desperate.
Children are being butchered throughout the world.
Childrenís rights are being violated. Children are being
sold into slavery, and they are being terrorized by
adults ó we, who are supposed to take care of them.
We have seen the economies of small States
collapse as a result of rising oil prices. I come from a
volatile part of the world, but I do not represent only
Africa; I represent the young people of the world, whose
future is very bleak if the status quo is not addressed.
What are the problems of humanity today? They
are man-made problems, and, because they are man-
made, we will be able to resolve them. The solution to
those problems lies with us, human beings ó
irrespective of race, colour, creed or religion.
The problem of development can best be
summarized thus: as long as there is violence and as long
as there is no peace or global security, we, the poorer
parts of humanity, will always become poorer and poorer,
while the richer nations will become richer and richer.
5

There cannot be any development without peace
and stability. There cannot be peace or stability without
democracy, justice and equality. The main problem of
humanity today ó which is creating all our other
problems - is a result of four human tendencies:
greed, double standards, intolerance and hypocrisy.
None of us here can look into the faces of our
children and assure them of a bright future or of their
safety. Because of greed, human life has been reduced
to naught. People want to become rich at the expense
of human life. Greed can come in many forms. The
insatiable appetite for world domination and
intolerance - those are things that face humanity today.
Our problem is not a confrontation between Islam
and other religions. The problem of terrorism is a
human characteristic. No good Muslim would ever
commit a terrorist act. But, because the world has
become so bad, lawlessness is rampant, and those who
want to take out their frustrations on other human
beings can do so in the name of Islam or any other
religion.
I have listened to my colleagues who have spoken
here. But, as long as certain issues are not addressed,
there will be no peace, and the war against terror will
become an elusive fight that we will always lose.
Some of us believe that, because we disapproved
of the war in Iraq in the beginning, it is not our
business to help solve it now. But let me assure the
Assembly that the war in Iraq has more far-reaching
consequences for humanity ó and particularly for the
children whom we pledged to support at the World
Summit for Children - than for anything else. We
have seen our economies collapse because of high oil
prices that rise higher every day. It is our collective
responsibility to put an end to the war in Iraq. We have
seen the rise of global terrorism; the world is a more
dangerous place today than during the cold war. The
war in Iraq ó regardless of whether or not we
supported it ó is a human tragedy, and it is not in our
interests, as the human race, to let that war continue
because we disapprove of what has happened. Two
wrongs cannot make a right. Even if we believe that
the war was wrong, it is the responsibility of the entire
human race to help put an end to the suffering of the
Iraqi people. We have seen children being butchered in
Beslan, Russia; we have seen Palestinian and Israeli
children being butchered. The problem is not a
religious problem but a political one, because we, the
leaders of the world, want to teach others a lesson by
making them suffer. That is a human tragedy.
We cannot be diplomats here if we want to solve
the worldís problems. It is amazing that, when certain
actions that are described as terrorist acts are carried
out by other parties, they are described as retaliation
for something. An unlawful act that destroys human
life is a terrorist act, regardless of its objective or the
rationale behind it.
If poverty is not addressed, there will be
desperation and hunger. And, if human beings are
desperate, they can resort to actions that are horrific to
the rest of us. We have seen that some parts of the
world are very rich and that other parts - including
Africa, where I come from - are becoming poorer and
poorer. If the world's wealth is not distributed equally,
there will be imbalances and inequities, and there will
be people who are desperate. If people are desperate,
they will do anything to survive.
However, that does not mean that one can justify
violence. I do not justify violence in any form, because
I believe that peace and stability would augur well for
our children. The fight against terror is global. Let us
be mindful of the consequences of allowing terror to be
seen as a legitimate act.
We have seen double standards being applied
when resolutions are adopted for the good of humanity
by the international community ó which is represented
here ó and, in some cases, are enforced to the letter,
whereas a few States are above international law and
United Nations resolutions.
That brings me to the issue of nuclear weapons.
As a human being and as a peacemaker, I believe that,
following the end of the cold war, no nation should
have been able to justify the possession of nuclear
weapons, much less become a new nuclear Power. If
powerful nations continue to keep their nuclear
weapons - and there are many double standards in the
way we deal with one another ó that will only become
an enticement for others to opt for nuclear weapons
because they think such weapons will serve as an
insurance policy against attacks.
I know that, during the 1980s, there was a
campaign to promote nuclear disarmament. Today, in
the new millennium, that campaign should be
strengthened through a United Nations resolution
making it illegal for anyone to possess nuclear
6

weapons. We have seen conflicts simmering that will
have drastic consequences for humanity - conflicts
aimed at preventing certain States from acquiring
nuclear weapons. Now that the Soviet empire no longer
exists, all nuclear weapons - whether they are
possessed by the Gambia or by any other country -
should be eliminated. Just imagine one bomb killing
millions of people. And here we stand, telling everyone
that the world will be a better place for mankind. I believe
in the peaceful resolution of all conflicts. Indeed, as far
as I know, there is no licensing authority for the
possession of nuclear weapons; therefore, no one can
decide who should and who should not have them.
We should take a bold step to ensure that no one
has nuclear weapons. In this forum, on behalf of the
worldís children, I appeal to those who aspire to
possess nuclear weapons that that is the wrong path to
take. Peace and stability cannot be ensured through the
possession of nuclear weapons. The strength of a
nation is not based on its firepower or its nuclear
arsenal, but is determined by its ability to make the
world a better place for humanity, including its own
citizens. Nuclear weapons are not a solution.


First of all, Sir, let me
add my voice to the congratulations on your election to
the high office of President of the General Assembly at
its fifty-ninth session and express confidence that,
under your leadership, it will be successful and fruitful.
I would like to begin by supporting the statement
of Secretary-General Kofi Annan concerning the
crucial importance of fostering the rule of law, both at
home and in the framework of international relations,
29

for the solution of the topical issues of the modern
world.
Today, the whole system of international relations
is under vicious attack. We are witnessing the growing
reach and brutality of international terrorism and
organized crime, the alarming degradation of our
environment and the spread of poverty, misery and
disease.
Every year, we keep repeating that the challenges
and threats to humanity have become global and that
the international community should make joint efforts
to address these challenges effectively and with
determination. But, with our words still resonating in
the air, these problems continue to place a heavy
burden on human beings.
For years, the international community has been
ignoring the most burning problems of social and
economic development and has failed to address
poverty, misery, illiteracy and various forms of
discrimination. As a result, we are faced with an
unprecedented threat of international terrorism, which
undermines the pillars of the world economy and
security. Nevertheless, we have not yet done anything
meaningful to get a detailed analysis of the ideology
behind international terrorism, its institutional base and
its sources of financing. In other words, the central
nature of international terrorism remains terra
incognita for all of us; we are familiar only with its
ugly manifestations.
Recent alarming developments in the world,
especially the massacre in Beslan, have again
highlighted the urgent need to reform the United
Nations. We cannot meet new challenges and address
today’s acute problems if we continue to rely on old
approaches. The central issue of international security
is turning the United Nations into an effective tool
designed to strengthen regional and global security
systems, the regime of non-proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction and management of globalization
processes.
As a matter of principle, we consider it important
to ensure balance in the functioning of the General
Assembly, the Security Council and the Economic and
Social Council, as envisioned in the Charter of this
Organization. We insist on the need to strengthen the
role of the General Assembly in the settlement of the
most important issues facing humanity today. In our
view, the international community’s efforts to combat
terrorism and to settle armed conflicts can be more
effective only on the basis of such an approach.
Kazakhstan has supported the Secretary-
General’s decision to establish a high-level panel on
United Nations reform. We believe that this panel, with
its broad mandate and wide-ranging powers, should
arrive at an acceptable solution to this present crucial
issue. Kazakhstan holds the view that, in its current
form, the Security Council no longer reflects the
realities of our world. I share the opinion of the Prime
Minister of Japan, Mr. Junichiro Koizumi, that the
“enemy State” clauses in the United Nations Charter
are obsolete. The Security Council should be
revitalized by the addition of new permanent and non-
permanent members. Asia, Africa and Latin America
should have a wider representation in the Security
Council and should be directly involved in the search
for solutions to the important problems facing the
international community.
Kazakhstan calls for the establishment of a
council of regional organizations under the auspices of
the United Nations Secretary-General. Close attention
should be paid to the proposal to establish an economic
and social security council. We believe that these
proposals reflect the need to strengthen global
multilateral cooperation.
Our country continues to believe that the United
Nations is the only genuinely universal international
organization responsible for the issues of war and
peace, acting as a guarantor of international law.
It is encouraging that the reform of the United
Nations Security Council Counter-Terrorism
Committee is gaining momentum. With the current
escalation of international terrorism, the role of this
Committee should become more important; otherwise,
global counter-terrorism efforts to address new
challenges and threats will not be so effective, and this
runs counter to the wishes of the peoples of the world.
Mr. Belkhadem (Algeria),Vice-President, took the
Chair.
Our country supports the United Nations
peacekeeping effort and the continued strengthening of
its capacity in this area. With escalating humanitarian
crises and armed conflicts, as effectively demonstrated
by the developments in Darfur, the United Nations
should pay special attention to the possibility of
broader participation by authoritative regional and
30

subregional organizations in peacekeeping operations,
which would allow a more effective and timely
response to emerging threats.
Yet, one key issue is the prevention of conflicts
and crises. For this reason, Kazakhstan is a firm
supporter of preventive diplomacy and continues to
believe that the establishment of a Central Asian
preventive diplomacy centre is a timely initiative.
In our view, there is an urgent need to coordinate
the efforts of the entire international community in the
area of disarmament and arms control. We call for an
early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty and urge the Governments of those
States that have not yet ratified this instrument to
display political will and genuine commitment to
nuclear disarmament.
As one of the few States that have voluntarily
given up their nuclear weapons, Kazakhstan is
concerned by the current status of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty. This important treaty has been
seriously eroded because of destructive actions on the
part of a number of known States. We should recognize
that the non-proliferation regime faces a formidable
threat, and there is a real possibility of an uncontrolled
spread of weapons of mass destruction and, most
important, of terrorists getting hold of them. In view of
this, we consider the establishment of a nuclear-
weapon-free zone in Central Asia to be a very
important and timely proposal.
We believe that the negotiation process within the
Conference on Disarmament in Geneva should be
reactivated. In our view, the potential of this important
forum is far from being tapped to its full extent.
The Government of Kazakhstan attaches great
importance to the consistent implementation of the
Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and
Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light
Weapons, as discussed at a regional conference in
Almaty in March of 2004.
For us, it is very important that the Iraqi issue is
again in the political realm of the United Nations.
Emphasizing the need to ensure the independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq, Kazakhstan
welcomes the transfer of authority and responsibility
for the administration of the country to the Interim
Government of Iraq and calls on the Iraqi people to
come together in the name of national unity and
conciliation.
The participation of a unit of the armed forces of
Kazakhstan in the multinational force in Iraq is a
demonstration of our country’s commitment to the
implementation of its obligations towards the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Continued instability in the Middle East is a
matter of grave concern to Kazakhstan. From our point
of view, the resumption and advancement of the peace
process, on all tracks, and the implementation by all
parties to the conflict in the Middle East of their
commitments, as reflected in the road map and relevant
Security Council resolutions, should remain the main
goal of all those concerned.
Kazakhstan supports the efforts of the current
Government in Afghanistan to consolidate peace and
security in the country and address social, economic
and humanitarian issues. We expect that the
international community, starting with all the
developed countries, will live up to their commitments
with regard to the rehabilitation of Afghanistan. As for
our country, we are ready to contribute to the process,
within our means.
We believe that the well-being of the Central
Asian region is largely dependent on the normalization
of the situation in Afghanistan. We have every reason
to be concerned by such problems as the increasing
spread of drugs, illegal migration and surging religious
extremism. Together with poverty, ecological
degradation and the lack of water resources, these
phenomena provide a breeding ground for international
terrorism, which is gaining force in our region.
In view of that, Kazakhstan supports the activities
of the United Nations Office on Drug and Crime in
Central Asia, particularly the adoption of a regional
plan of action to control the illicit spread of drugs in
the States neighbouring Afghanistan and the
establishment of a security belt around that country.
We believe that the deployment in Afghanistan —
under the auspices of NATO — of the International
Security Assistance Force is an important factor in the
restoration of peace and security in the country.
Kazakhstan’s initiative regarding the Conference
on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in
Asia (CICA) — already a fact of international life — is
an effective tool designed to strengthen confidence and
31

security in Asia. The first CICA summit, held in June
of 2002, became a milestone in that process and paved
the way for practical efforts to institutionalize the
Conference.
The draft catalogue of confidence-building
measures and the draft rules of procedure have already
been agreed and are expected to be adopted at a
ministerial meeting of the CICA countries, scheduled
to be held in October 2004 in Almaty. The adoption of
the catalogue will create a unique document
encompassing a range of measures in the military,
political, economic, cultural and environmental areas
designed to strengthen security and confidence in Asia.
As a newly independent State, Kazakhstan wants
to contribute to global harmony and stability. The fact
that our multi-ethnic State enjoys a large degree of
inter-confessional and inter-ethnic accord says a lot;
first of all, it is a confirmation that Kazakhstan has
become an integral part of the civilized community. We
categorically reject the concept of the clash of
civilizations and consider it to be counterproductive
and harmful, because it serves as a justification for
international conflicts and the barbaric actions of
international terrorists.
Kazakhstan firmly believes that dialogue and
harmony among civilizations are not only possible but
also necessary. For that reason, our head of State
initiated a congress of world religions, held in Astana
in September of 2003. The success of that forum has
strengthened our conviction that it is absolutely
essential to establish a dialogue and ensure peaceful
coexistence between religions and civilizations, in the
interests of peace and global security.
Kazakhstan reaffirms its strong commitment to
integration and multilateral cooperation at the regional
level. This approach, which promotes the sustainable
social and economic development of Kazakhstan, is
fully within our long-term interests. Such institutions
as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the
Eurasian Economic Community, the Organization of
Central Asian Cooperation and the Economic
Cooperation Organization play an ever-increasing role
in the efforts to strengthen security, develop economic
cooperation and create conditions for the prosperity of
our large region.
We have great expectations regarding integration
within the framework of the single economic space
made up of the territories of Belarus, Kazakhstan,
Russia and Ukraine. Our country also supports the
strengthening of the capacity of the Commonwealth of
Independent States (CIS) as a major and influential
international organization. Recently, President
Nursultan Nazarbaev has made concrete proposals
concerning the reform of the Commonwealth.
Kazakhstan reaffirms its commitment to the
implementation of its obligations towards the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
and hopes that the upcoming ministerial meeting in
Sofia will develop new approaches to the reform of
that organization in order to adapt it to new challenges
emerging from our region. We also commend the
results of the cooperation with NATO within the
framework of its Partnership for Peace programme and
consider the possibility of increasing the level of our
cooperation with that alliance.
Kazakhstan continues to pay priority attention to
the development of its cooperation with Russia, the
United States, China, the countries of Central Asia, the
European Union and the Asian and Islamic countries.
We are now in a position to claim considerable
progress in that area, which has allowed us to create
favourable external conditions for liberal reforms in
the country. Having been given the status of a market
economy and enjoying a high rating in the financial
community, Kazakhstan has been recognized by the
international community as a leader among the post-
Soviet States in practically all economic indicators,
including direct foreign investments.
We welcome the start of a direct dialogue
between the Central Asian States and Japan and
consider that form of cooperation to be very
meaningful and promising. We also attach great
importance to the partnership between our region and
the United States in order to create a zone of free trade.
The Almaty Programme of Action, adopted by
the International Ministerial Conference of Landlocked
and Transit Developing Countries and Donor Countries
and International Financial and Development
Institutions on Transit Transport Cooperation, held in
August of 2003 in my country, has provided to the
landlocked Central Asian States an important tool for
the solution of their trade and transit problems. We
hope that the needs of inland States will be duly taken
into account in trade negotiations in order to provide
appropriate privileges and preferences to that group of
countries.
32

It is a well-established fact that the transportation
policies of many countries, including Kazakhstan, are
closely linked to the delivery of hydrocarbons to world
markets. As a country with the potential to become a
major world exporter of oil and gas, Kazakhstan
attaches great importance to the determination of the
legal status of the Caspian Sea and to the signing of a
convention on that issue. An agreement by the littoral
States on the use of the Caspian Sea exclusively for
peaceful purposes has become an important
accomplishment in the negotiation process. Kazakhstan
holds the view that it is necessary to continue intensive
efforts in a five-party format, gradually overcoming
existing differences in the search for solutions that
would agree with the fundamental principles of
international law and promote the final determination
of the legal status of the Caspian Sea.
Kazakhstan is gravely concerned by the fate of
another sea — the Aral Sea. The continued degradation
of the environment of the region seriously affects the
health and livelihood of the population. The situation
in the Aral Sea region has acquired global dimensions;
the salt from its seabed has long been present in the air
in Europe and Asia, and even over the North Pole. Yet
the international community, unfortunately, is not fully
aware of the grave ramifications of this environmental
disaster. Technical assistance and financial aid to the
population of that long-suffering region have been
sporadic. We believe that a special General Assembly
resolution on the Aral Sea has long been overdue.
We also urge the international community to
reactivate fruitful cooperation in the solution of social
and economic problems facing the population around
the former Semipalatinsk nuclear testing ground. The
people of the region were the unwitting victims of
some 500 nuclear-weapons tests conducted in the heat
of the global arms race. We are grateful to the
Governments of Japan, the United States and other
donor States for the due attention being paid by them
to this screaming problem, yet we believe that, in this
particular case, multilateral cooperation would have
been more effective. The framework for such
cooperation is already in place in the form of a relevant
General Assembly resolution, whose potential has not
been used to the full.
In conclusion, I would like to emphasize that
Kazakhstan will continue to exert every effort to
strengthen global and regional stability, fight terrorism
and meet other challenges that we face today.


I have the greatest honour to
speak on behalf of the people of Tuvalu, who wish me
first of all to convey their warmest greetings to this
session of the General Assembly. We also extend our
sincere congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your
election and assure you of our full cooperation.
18

We congratulate the outgoing President, Mr.
Julian Hunte of Saint Lucia, for his excellent
leadership. Coming from a small island developing State
ourselves, we are proud of the many achievements so
ably accomplished under his presidency.
We would also like to extend our warmest
gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
and his staff for their dedication to the work of the
United Nations. The United Nations, through the
Secretary-General’s High Representative, participated
in the Pacific Island Forum Leaders meeting, held in
Samoa last month, at which a new strategy for regional
cooperation in the Pacific, the Pacific Plan, was
considered.
That is highly commendable. Like all Forum
members, Tuvalu looks forward to United Nations
solidarity and support, bilaterally and through the
Pacific Island Forum and other Pacific regional
organizations, in order to realize that Pacific initiative.
Tuvalu is privileged and proud to be in this most
indispensable body, the United Nations. Our presence
here demonstrates our belief in the noble principles and
goals of the United Nations. At the same time,
however, we are constantly reminded of our
responsibilities to all Tuvaluans, who every day worry
about their future economic, cultural, environmental
and long-term security and survival on our small,
isolated and extremely vulnerable islands.
Tuvuluans wonder if the pride of being in the
United Nations is commensurate with the many aspired
needs of our people. Is there any real value of being at
the United Nations to the villagers and local
communities, who can barely overcome the limitations
posed by the lack of opportunities, marginalization,
isolation, economic exclusion and their extreme
vulnerability?
It is our strong belief that to maintain its
legitimacy and relevance to all, the United Nations
needs to reassess its role and functions in order to
better reflect the reality of today’s world, in line with
its principle of sovereign, equitable participation and
representation. We therefore support ongoing reforms
in the work of the United Nations. In particular, we
support the increase in the number of both permanent
and non-permanent seats in the Security Council.
Expansion, in our view, should be considered on the
basis of responsible contribution to international
development and peace, and in this vein we would
support the allocation of a permanent seat to Japan. We
also believe more equitable representation of the
developing countries in the non-permanent seats of the
Council is vital and long overdue.
Security challenges continue to create worldwide
havoc, fear and uncertainty. Terrorist acts, including
the unfortunate seizure of a school in Russia, have
proven the continued existence of forces bent on
undermining the United Nations founding goals of
freedom, peace and security. They have also
underscored the urgency with which we, the United
Nations, must collectively combat these forces.
Tuvalu is fully committed to joining the fight
against international terrorism as required by Security
Council resolutions. But we would need to seek the
assistance of the United Nations and the international
community to help us fulfil those requirements,
particularly the reporting requirements of those
resolutions and of the international anti-terrorism
conventions.
Tuvalu recognizes the seriousness of the
HIV/AIDS epidemic in relation to the social and
economic development and security of Tuvalu and
other Pacific island countries. Given our exposure and
the level of mobility of our communities, particularly
our seafarers who serve on merchant ships worldwide,
there is an urgent need for assistance from the
international community, such as that provided under
the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and
Malaria, in order to combat the threats of the epidemic.
As is widely acknowledged, a serious challenge
to Tuvalu and to all small island developing States is our
unique vulnerability to external forces. That vulnerability
arises not from our own actions but simply from our
being islands with small economies, our isolation, our
fragmentation and the fragility of our natural
environments. These factors taken together translate into
significant constraints on development and a severe lack
of capacity to cope with the many changes taking place
in the world, especially through globalization.
Yet for us in small island developing States,
although we witness daily the forces of trade,
communications and travel creating a single global
community, the problems associated with poverty, lack
of opportunity, marginalization and environmental
decline continue to plague our efforts. There is a
genuine need for the United Nations and the
international community to better recognize the special
19

and unique circumstances of small island developing
States and their aspirations to participate more
equitably in a globalized world.
Sustainable development, particularly for the
most disadvantaged and vulnerable developing States,
is most crucial. In June, Tuvalu undertook a
comprehensive review of its development priorities and
adopted a national sustainable development strategy
that we call “The Tuvalu Vision 2015”, premised on
international development agendas, including the
review of the Barbados Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States, and aimed at building Tuvalu’s resilience in
coping with the challenges it faces.
The promotion of good governance, democratic
principles and respect for the rule of law is strongly
recognized as fundamental to the successful
implementation of that strategy. We acknowledge with
greatest appreciation the generous support of the
Governments of Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, the
United Kingdom, Italy and the Republic of China on
Taiwan, the United Nations Department of Economic
and Social Affairs and the Asian Development Bank in
that exercise. We look forward to partnering with them,
and with others in the international community, in the
realization of that strategy.
As a poorly resourced small island developing
State and a least developed country as well, even our best
efforts to escape the cycle of poverty and marginalization
are doomed to failure without the meaningful support of
the international community, civil society and the
private sector. The Millennium Declaration, the
Monterrey Consensus and the Johannesburg Plan of
Implementation have all provided clear road maps for
partnerships towards sustainable development. The
signposts offered under these road maps will remain
mere rhetoric unless they translate into real
developments, responsive to the unique needs of small
island developing States such as Tuvalu.
It is for these reasons that full and effective
implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action
for the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States is ever so crucial. Tuvalu is very
encouraged by the progress so far achieved in the
review of the Programme.
However, success in the further implementation
of the Barbados Programme of Action will depend
entirely on a better appreciation of the unique situation
of small island developing States such as Tuvalu, easier
access to and the provision of adequate financial and
technical resources, development aid and the
dissemination of appropriate technology, particularly
for new and renewable energy and capacity-building.
In terms of natural resources, Tuvalu is truly a
small island country in a big ocean. The Pacific Ocean
surrounding our islands provides the vital source of our
livelihoods and our economic and social development.
Increasingly, however, we are concerned with the real
threats of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing
and of ocean pollution from waste, particularly from the
trans-shipment of highly radioactive and toxic materials
through our region. We seek the understanding of the
international community to help us save our oceans and
support fully the Pacific Islands Regional Ocean Policy
adopted by our Government leaders in 2002.
The overall decline in overseas development
assistance in real terms is cause for serious concern.
The failure of developed countries to fulfil the United
Nations minimum target of providing 0.7 per cent of
their gross national product in overseas development
assistance to small island developing States translates into
lower economic growth as well as a further widening
development gap for small island developing States
such as Tuvalu. This needs to be addressed urgently.
An important source of financial flows to
developing countries, particularly to small island
developing States such as Tuvalu, is migrant workers’
remittances from developed countries. Indeed,
remittances from our overseas workers, and
particularly Tuvaluan seafarers serving abroad, provide
a substantial source of income, which is so vital for
social and economic development in Tuvalu. Tuvalu
fully supports giving urgent international attention to
the issue of migrant workers’ rights, including the
maintenance of international standards specifying
minimum requirements for certificates of competency
and provisions for the safety and security of migrant
workers, in order to ensure the continuation of this
vital source of capital for SIDS.
The international meeting in Mauritius in January
must result in a stronger commitment from the
international community and in pragmatic and doable
actions on the ground in all small island developing
States.
An issue of continuing concern to Tuvalu is the
question of the representation of the Republic of China
20

on Taiwan in the United Nations. Regrettably, this
Organization cannot be said to be universal without the
rightful representation of the 23 million people of the
Republic of China on Taiwan. Tuvalu feels that the
active and responsible participation of the Republic of
China on Taiwan in world affairs — especially in trade,
commerce and international development — without
representation in the United Nations is unjust and
morally wrong and needs to be corrected.
We in Tuvalu, a mere three meters above sea
level, live in constant fear of the adverse impact of
climate change and the rising sea level. Our livelihoods
and sources of food security are already badly affected.
With increased ground water salinity, land erosion and
coral bleaching, we experience total anxiety. The threat
is real and serious and is like a slow and insidious form
of terrorism against Tuvalu.
Tuvalu, therefore, accords significant importance
to the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol, as they
provide the most appropriate global framework to
reducing greenhouse gas emissions. We congratulate
the Framework Convention secretariat as the
Convention marks its tenth anniversary this year.
However, we are deeply concerned by the failure and
the lack of leadership on the part of industrialized
countries in the implementation of commitments and in
the ratification and enforcing of the Kyoto Protocol.
We in small island developing States recognize
that all nations must take steps to mitigate greenhouse
gas emissions at some stage. However, Tuvalu believes
that the Kyoto Protocol must be the first step in this
direction for now and for setting the way forward in
the future. The Protocol as such must enter into force
without delay. However, the industrialized countries
must act first as it is their legacy of emissions that is
creating the problems of today. Actions must also
include assisting small island developing States in their
adaptation to the adverse effects of climate change,
particularly in terms of urgently providing adequate
financial and technical resources in line with the
responsibilities and obligations under the Framework
Convention.
As we mark the tenth anniversary of the
Framework Convention, and as we begin to explore
future actions against climate change and sea-level
rise, we appeal for more attention from the United
Nations, whose raison d’être is to ensure world peace
and security, and for stronger leadership by the
international community against this global threat.
In conclusion, we want to say that efforts aimed
at the sustainable development of small island States
like Tuvalu will have no meaning unless the issue of
climate change and sea level is addressed decisively
and with urgency. Tuvalu’s interest in enforcing Kyoto
is not self-serving. The more serious consequences of
not acting now, as we are already witnessing the world
over, will be felt everywhere.
It is our hope that, out of this common house of
our United Nations family, there will emerge better
understanding and goodwill for the long-lasting
security and survival of Tuvalu, of SIDS and of the
whole world.
God bless the United Nations.


In today's globalized world, security and prosperity are
inseparable. There can be no lasting peace in any part
of the world when millions of people suffer every day
from deprivation, poverty, armed conflicts and
terrorism. There is no human dignity when even the
most basic human rights of millions of people are
violated every day. There is no equality as long as
there is discrimination because of gender, race or
beliefs. There is no fairness when international and
domestic rules favour the rich and powerful and
oppress the poor and weak.
We, the family of nations, cannot remain on the
sidelines. We need multilateral tools to meet the
challenges of a globalized world. We must develop and
enhance our multilateral institutions. This applies
especially to the United Nations, whose position in
promoting peace and development is unique.
Member States have given the Security Council
the primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security. The members of the
Security Council ó and especially its permanent
members ó must display a common will and
compromise on narrowly defined national interests.
The other nations must then show support for the
Security Councilís position and its decisions.
Before the war in Iraq, however, the international
community failed. Conflicting national interests
prevailed over common will. There was not enough
commitment to act within the boundaries of Security
Council resolutions. Some nations resorted to the use
of force, which was not in accordance with
international law.
But now we must turn our eyes and energies to
the future. We need to restore security and stability in
Iraq so that the building of democracy and prosperity
can begin in earnest. Finland is participating in the
training of Iraqi police forces and we have decided to
contribute Ä1 million for security for staff members of
the United Nations system working in Iraq.
There is no sustainable alternative to
multilateralism. The international community must
recognize its collective responsibility. We must be able
to intervene and prevent situations in which human
rights are seriously violated.
We cannot afford to let the Darfur situation get
out of hand. The United Nations and the international
community must be able to act in time, effectively and
as long as needed. I thank the Secretary-General for his
promise of action today.
Globalization could and should be a force for a
brighter future for all people. However, globalization
as we experience it today falls far short of this promise
and is ethically and politically unsustainable. To
implement the Millennium Declaration, we need to
make globalization more fair and attentive to peopleís
needs and aspirations. This requires more coherence,
closer and better international cooperation and stronger
democratic States that work for fairness at home and
abroad.
We must act without delay in order to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals. We have agreed on
additional resources, we have agreed on local
ownership and we have agreed on good governance.
Let us deliver on these promises. The poor of the world
cannot wait. We must make the 0.7 per cent target on
development assistance a reality. We need to give
open-minded consideration to new and innovative
4

proposals for additional development funding,
including international taxation.
One concrete indication of the desire to
implement the Millennium Declaration is the World
Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization.
The Commission has drafted numerous
recommendations which the United Nations system
should study before the review of the Millennium
Declaration next autumn. Tanzania and Finland will
present an initiative for this session of the General
Assembly to deal with the Commissionís
recommendations in the United Nations.
The United Nations has a key role today and
tomorrow in promoting peace, security, economic
prosperity, social welfare, human rights and the rule of
law. Finland gives full support to the broad reform of
the United Nations that is now underway. The time is
ripe for a reform of the Security Council and the
expansion of its membership so that it better
corresponds to todayís world. We also need to vitalize
the General Assembly and give the Economic and
Social Council the role envisaged in the United
Nations Charter.
I hope that when we meet here at United Nations
Headquarters a year from now, we can proudly note
that we have taken concrete steps towards a better
world. This is a responsibility that all of us share and I
know it requires a lot of work from all of us, but, dear
colleagues, let us do it.


I
am pleased to express to you, Sir, and to your friendly
country, Gabon, our sincere congratulations on your
election as President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-ninth session. We are confident that you will lead
the work of this session in a highly capable and
efficient manner. I should also like to express our
appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte,
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saint Lucia, who, as
President of the last session of the Assembly, managed
its affairs with wisdom and skill.
On this occasion, I should like to convey the deep
appreciation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to
His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan for his sustained,
diligent and commendable efforts to maintain
international peace and security and to revitalize the
role of the United Nations and enhance its functions,
capacities, credibility and effectiveness. In that regard,
the speech given by the Secretary-General last week is
notable and praiseworthy, as it provided a blueprint and
guidelines for enhancing the resiliency of the
international order. It is crucial when tackling global
issues to bridge the gaps in the international order so
that measures are not applied selectively or arbitrarily.
The accelerating global changes and the grave
challenges facing the international community today
necessitate more than ever a scrutiny of the working
methods of the United Nations, as well as the
structures and functions of its organs, in order to
enhance its ability to prevent and resolve conflicts and
to maintain international peace and security.
In that respect, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
supports the call for reform of the Security Council, in
particular, an increase in its membership in order to
improve geographical representation, a greater
transparency in its work, a halt to the application of
double standards and the adoption of measures that
will enhance the credibility of the Council’s work and
guarantee respect for, and compliance with, its
resolutions.
Among the important reforms needed in our
Organization is restriction of the veto power.
Permanent members of the Security Council should not
be allowed to invoke their right of veto in cases where
proposed resolutions and procedures are adopted to
implement previously agreed resolutions.
It is also imperative to establish an optimal
balance between the General Assembly and the
Security Council, to enhance the role of the Economic
and Social Council and to establish closer coordination
18

among the various United Nations funds, programmes
and activities.
We reaffirm our commitment to the United
Nations and the multilateral international order. Today,
more than ever, the international community is in dire
need of a unified and mutually supportive stance in
order to achieve just solutions to the current problems
we all face. It is through respect for the shared values,
traditions and principles that are deeply rooted in the
conscience of all mankind that we can promote
constructive cooperation and the achievement of
security, peace, stability and prosperity for all nations.
Humanity has been afflicted by the growing
danger of terrorism. It is a phenomenon that does not
differentiate between societies. Increasingly, terrorist
groups have been crossing borders and expanding their
networks into different regions, nations and continents.
Today, it is therefore critical that we exert every effort
possible to increase international cooperation to
combat terrorism and confront those who instigate and
finance it.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia rejects terrorism in
all its forms and manifestations and is cooperating with
the international community to eliminate that global
evil. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has affirmed its full
support for the Security Council resolutions relating to
terrorism. In that regard, Saudi Arabia has taken the
necessary steps to close any loopholes in its domestic
regulations on charitable fund-raising activities that
might allow such funds to be used for illicit purposes.
We have established a public commission tasked with
supervising and organizing the activities of all
charitable and relief organizations with a view to
streamlining their operations and preventing those with
bad intentions and evil objectives from using their
humanitarian funds for illegal purposes.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was among the
first signatories of the Arab Convention on the
Suppression of Terrorism and other similar agreements
emanating from the Organization of the Islamic
Conference and the Arab Gulf Cooperation Council. In
addition, it has acceded to nine other international anti-
terrorism conventions and agreements. In that regard,
the Government of Saudi Arabia has recently taken a
series of measures that are indicative of its seriousness
and determination to fight terrorism. Its strategy of
preventive action to forestall criminal acts has already
been successful in the fight against this deadly scourge
and has earned the praise and admiration of the
international community and international
organizations.
It is important to remember that crimes
committed by a handful of criminals and misguided
felons cannot justify incriminating a whole society or
an entire culture. Terrorism can strike any city and
target any interests, regardless of the nationality,
religion or ethnic origin of the victims. Terrorism is a
global phenomenon that calls for joint action and
cooperation by all countries and requires the close
collaboration of concerned international organizations
to effectively find the means to confront it and
eliminate it.
It is on the basis of the foregoing that I am
pleased to announce before this gathering that the
Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has
decided to host an international conference to combat
terrorism, to be held in Riyadh from 5 to 8 February
2005. Its purpose is to exchange information and
experience in the field of combating terrorism and to
see how we can cooperate with other countries in the
fight against that universal threat. We also intend to use
this excellent opportunity to learn about scientific and
practical techniques relevant not only to combating
terrorism, but also to the prevention of money-
laundering, drug trafficking and arms smuggling. The
conference will also provide a good forum in which to
study the culture and psychology of terrorists and the
structure of terrorist organizations.
Official invitations to the anti-terrorism
conference have already been extended to concerned
international organizations as well as to countries that
have suffered or are suffering from terrorism. The
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia welcomes the participation
of all those invited and hopes that the outcome and
final recommendations of the conference will
constitute an important addition and a great support to
international efforts to eradicate terrorism and address
the root causes of that dangerous phenomenon.
The setback in the peace process and the
mounting wave of violence and extremism in our
region are largely attributable to the Israeli
Government’s pursuit of policies that are totally
incompatible with the fundamental principles of the
peace process, notably the principle of land for peace.
Israel’s actions are in contravention of Security Council
resolutions — in particular, resolutions 242 (1967) and
19

338 (1973) — and the road map. They are incompatible
with the United States Administration’s vision of two
States — an Israeli State and an independent
Palestinian State — living side by side.
The Arab peace initiative continues to stand as a
credible basis for the security and stability of all the
peoples of the region because it ensures a lasting, just
and comprehensive solution to the Arab-Israeli
conflict. It is therefore incumbent upon all of us to
exert our utmost efforts to put the peace process back
on track. It is particularly important to push the peace
process forward after it has stalled and after the
humanitarian plight of the Palestinian people — which
should be a goad to the conscience of the international
community — has been met with indifference.
Furthermore, peace cannot be achieved by
unilateral Israeli measures that create new realities on
the ground and that are designed to prejudice the final
outcome of any political negotiations on the delicate
issue of a final settlement. The Palestinian question
cannot be solved, nor can the Arab-Israeli conflict be
ended, through the use of excessive force — aerial
bombardment, guided missiles, assassination of
Palestinian activists, destruction of infrastructure,
usurpation of property, violation of rights and the
imposition of collective punishment. Peace will be
achieved and security will prevail only when United
Nations resolutions are implemented, the provisions of
international law are respected and applied and the
principles of justice and equality are observed.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia condemns the
continuous escalation against the Palestinian people
and the Israeli Government’s insistence on establishing
and expanding its settlements. We also condemn the
continued construction of the separation wall that has
annexed extensive Palestinian lands in unprecedented
defiance of the advisory opinion of the International
Court of Justice, which acknowledged the illegality of
the wall and ordered Israel to dismantle it, as well as
the General Assembly resolution that followed that
opinion, effectively demonstrating the consensus of the
international community on the issue.
However, if Israel is serious about withdrawing
from Gaza and about dismantling its settlements there,
we stress that such an action should proceed in
coordination with the Palestinian Authority, in
conformity with the requirements of the road map and
under the supervision of the Quartet. The proposed
withdrawal should come about as a first step towards a
complete and full withdrawal from all the Palestinian
lands, including Al-Quds.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is closely
monitoring efforts to eliminate all forms of weapons of
mass destruction from the Middle East and to keep it
free from all such lethal weapons. In that respect, we
call upon the international community to adopt an
even-handed approach, refrain from applying double
standards, assume its legal and moral responsibilities
and urge the Israeli Government to refrain from the
development of its nuclear programmes, as well as
subject its nuclear installations to the inspection and
safeguards regime of the International Atomic Energy
Agency.
We are profoundly distressed and gravely
concerned at the deteriorating security situation in
some parts of Iraq, where tragic incidents, heinous acts
of violence, and the horrific kidnapping of innocent
people seem to be daily occurrences. Faced with this
appalling reality, we can only urge the Iraqi people and
all Iraqi factions to mend fences and work hand in
hand to support the efforts of their transitional
Government to establish the security, safety and well-
being of their country; preserve its national unity and
independence and ensure the restoration of Iraq’s
effective and positive role in the international arena.
We also call upon the United Nations to play a greater
role in assisting the Iraqi Government to meet the
requirements of the ongoing political process,
including by conducting general elections, which we
hope will lead to a permanent legitimate Government,
and proceeding with reconstruction efforts.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has presented
some ideas regarding the deployment of Islamic troops
in Iraq. With the consent of the Iraqi Government and
under United Nations supervision, we would like such
troops not to supplement, but to replace, the
multilateral forces. Those ideas, however, have not
materialized, although their basic premise deserves
consideration and follow-up.
With respect to developments in the brotherly
country of the Sudan, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is
profoundly moved by the humanitarian tragedy in
Darfur and supports the efforts of the Government of
the Sudan to restore stability in that region. We support
the Sudan’s cooperation with relief and humanitarian
organizations and others in addressing the
20

humanitarian situation resulting from the crisis. We
hope that the efforts of the Government of the Sudan
and those of the African Union will be given sufficient
time to restore security to the region and to ensure the
well-being of its people.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has initiated an
ongoing airlift operation, using Saudi cargo planes, to
provide direct humanitarian assistance to the Darfur
region. This assistance includes medical and food
supplies, tents and power generators. Moreover, there
are Saudi relief teams in the region who have
established clinics and hospitals inside camps and
equipped them with doctors, medicine, medical
supplies and tests. In addition, wells have been dug to
provide the camps with drinking water, and electricity
is being supplied.
Human development and economic prosperity are
major keys to achieving a better future for developing
countries. To reach that objective, developed and
developing nations can work together to achieve great
success. My country has contributed to this process by
adopting and implementing numerous development
projects and by extending generous assistance to
developing and least developed countries through
national, regional and international agencies, in order
to help them in overcoming the problems of poverty
and underdevelopment.
We appreciate the concern expressed by the
Group of Eight at their summit in Sea Island, Georgia,
in the United States, regarding the future of the Middle
East and their desire to help the countries of the region
develop and make progress. However, we believe that
political and economic reforms should not be imposed
or dictated from outside; rather, international assistance
in this area should serve as a catalyst to help these
nations initiate their own reforms. Outside interference
on the question of reform can only result in disrupting
and stalling processes that are already under way.
For reforms to be effective and lasting, they
should reflect the actual needs of the societies
concerned and should conform with a given State’s
stage of development. Of course, there is much that the
advanced countries can do to help in this process,
especially in the areas of investment, trade
liberalization, international economic cooperation and
the opening of their markets. We believe that removing
protective measures, such as trade barriers and tariffs,
and eliminating preferential treatment that hinders the
ability of developing countries to enter the markets of
developed countries can go far in achieving desired
development goals. There is, moreover, a need to make
the necessary effort to help those countries to
overcome their problems and their chronic political
conflicts.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, based on its
position of responsibility and its effective role in the
international oil market, has consistently sought to
meet its obligations to maintain stable oil markets and
ensure continuing world economic growth. To that end,
it has increased its production capacity to ensure
sufficient supply and to control unnatural oil price
surges.
In this regard, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia took
the initiative of establishing the International Energy
Forum and hosting its general secretariat in Riyadh.
The Forum has become a platform for discussing ways
and means of cooperation and dialogue between
consumer and producer countries, whether within or
outside the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC). Those countries should seek to
intensify their cooperation in order to ensure stable
markets for the strategic commodity of petroleum, and
to guarantee the continued growth of the global
economy.
In view of the tragic security events on the
international scene, the world needs, more than ever,
concerted international efforts to increase dialogue and
raise the level of understanding, mutual contact and
familiarity among nations and cultures. The world
needs to embark on a serious effort to propagate a
culture of peace, in order to achieve for our fellow
human beings the dignity and prosperity they deserve.
We need to do more to put an end to the wave of
violence and work for the achievement of justice and
the termination of racial discrimination.
God Almighty said in the Holy Qur’an: “O
mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male
and a female, And made you into Nations and tribes,
that ye may know each other. Verily the most honoured
of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the most
righteous of you.”


Through the founding
of the United Nations almost 60 years ago, humankind
raised its mutual cooperation to an entirely new level.
31

Prior to that, humankind painfully came to realize,
through a catastrophe of unimaginable dimensions, the
inseparable link between its fate and the urgent need
for international cooperation.
Today the fate of humankind is even more
crucially linked than ever before. The boundaries
between the problems of “others” and “our” problems
are being increasingly erased. This applies to a wide
range of areas: from security and social welfare to the
economy and the environment. For this reason, world
problems demand solidarity and the additional
commitment of the international community to help
those in need and to ensure that everyone will share in
the fruits of technological progress. In this spirit,
Slovenia supports the report of the World Commission
on the Social Dimension of Globalization and its
emphasis on the urgent need to ensure the conditions
for a just and fair globalization.
The Millennium Goals represent a major
commitment to resolving problems of the modern
world. But the developmental goals for bridging the
gap between rich and poor are not being realized to a
satisfactory extent. Existing international mechanisms
and institutions are not ensuring that the trends of
increasing global imbalance can be turned around for
the better. We need change that will break through the
inertia of established systems of operation. And for this
we need new approaches: introducing innovative
sources of financing world development can be one
such approach. It is time for us to realize the urgent
need for change in world relations, and to summon the
necessary will to put these changes into effect and
thereby raise international cooperation to a new level.
The past year was again marked by international
terrorism, which claimed countless innocent lives. We
witnessed with pain the tragedies in Beslan, Moscow,
Madrid, Istanbul, Riyadh, Haifa and elsewhere.
International terrorism is erasing the boundary between
peace and war. The common fight against international
terrorism and its origins must remain one of the
priority tasks of individual Members and of the entire
United Nations. This also applies to preventing the
spread of weapons of mass destruction. The unanimous
Security Council resolution is a welcome step towards
effective cooperation in this area.
When we combat the universal evil of terrorism,
we should not do this at the expense of the existing
legal standards of human rights and international
humanitarian law. Any lowering of these standards will
be repaid to us in a reduction of the legitimacy of
international action — and consequently in a creation
of fertile ground for further attacks on human security.
We should also draw attention to the
responsibility of countries, in accordance with the
principles of good governance, to ensure for their
citizens the necessary conditions for a secure and
decent life.
In that context, we must express our concern at
the humanitarian situation in Darfur, and we welcome
the efforts of the United Nations and the international
community to seek a way out of the crisis.
The increasingly direct contacts among cultures
and civilizations bring new challenges and new
opportunities. Let us exploit them for mutual
enrichment and the formulation of a common
consciousness of humankind. We will be able to do that
only with the presumption of radical equality and the
tolerant acceptance of plurality in human values. The
boundaries of the plurality of those values are
delineated by fundamental human rights and freedoms.
The United Nations plays a central part in asserting
them internationally.
Slovenia welcomes the start of work by the new
High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour,
and assures her of our full willingness to cooperate. At
the same time, we express our continued support of the
International Criminal Court, which represents an
important instrument for the exercise of the rule of law
and human rights.
Only a multilateral response to modern
challenges can be effective. Of all existing
organizations, the United Nations is without doubt the
most important and most appropriate for seeking such
responses. However, it is in need of institutional
reform, so that its structure — the structure of 60 years
ago — can now better reflect the realities of today’s
world. Solutions to the burning issues facing
humankind must be sought within the United Nations
system, otherwise solutions will be imposed outside it.
Frequently, that will undoubtedly be to the detriment of
human development.
Slovenia supports the efforts to revitalize the
General Assembly and acknowledges the achievements
of Julian Hunte, President of the General Assembly at
its fifty-eighth session, in that area. We eagerly await
32

the report of the High-Level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change at the end of the year, and we
express our willingness to cooperate fully. We hope
that, on the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations,
we will see such changes, which will ensure for this
global Organization a central place and the greatest
possible effectiveness in performing its mission.
Increasingly, threats to international peace and
security are taking on new forms, which for a long time
now have not been limited to the danger of aggression
by one country against another. They cover a whole
range of internal tensions and conflicts within
countries, on the one hand, and transboundary threats
such as international terrorism, environmental
pollution and the asymmetrical effects of globalization,
on the other. In modern threats to international peace
and security, States are not the only players. For that
reason alone, States cannot on their own provide a
satisfactory response to them.
Intergovernmental cooperation needs to be
supplemented through the inclusion of various non-
governmental organizations and global civil society.
I would like also to highlight the responsibility
and potential of transnational corporations to
contribute to protecting the environment and to
eliminating the tensions caused by global competitive
models. Non-governmental organizations can
contribute to solutions through innovative approaches
and by going beyond the limitations of established
bureaucratic frameworks. They can help to create a
critical mass of awareness regarding the urgent need
for change and the elimination of global imbalances.
By incorporating the contribution of various segments
of global society into the work of the United Nations,
we will make it more sensitive to the actual problems
of people in various parts of the world.
In that context, we welcome the report of the
Panel of Eminent Persons on United Nations-Civil
Society Relations, since it sets out a range of useful
proposals regarding the contribution of non-
governmental actors.
The complexity of modern threats to world peace
and security also require a strengthening of the
cooperation between various regional organizations
and the United Nations. In this respect, we welcome
the open debate in the Security Council on this subject.
Such cooperation is especially welcome in cases where
regional intervention can be more rapid and effective
in conflict prevention and in post-conflict peace-
building.
Next year Slovenia will assume the presidency of
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe, and in that capacity as well we will strive for a
further intensification of the good cooperation between
the two organizations.
In that spirit, the European Union is assuming
increasing responsibility for stabilization and progress
in the countries of south-eastern Europe. In the past
year we have witnessed major progress on the part of
the countries in the region. However, in some areas we
also saw a resurgence of the dangers created by still-
unresolved inter-ethnic issues and a lack of socio-
economic prospects.
The goal of attaining democratic standards,
including in the areas of human rights and the
protection of minorities, must remain at the centre of
our efforts. At the same time, however, we have to note
that certain unresolved status questions hamper the
political and economic consolidation of the region. We
will thus have to devote greater attention to resolving
those questions.
Globalization is erasing geographical boundaries
and reducing the physical distances between people. At
the same time, however, it is increasing the differences
between rich and poor — between those who are
sharing in the positive effects of globalization and
those who are being pushed even further to the
margins. Frequently we forget that not even those who
derive the greatest benefit from globalization can
protect themselves from its negative effects. Not even
the richest and most technically advanced of us can
isolate ourselves from international terrorism or from
the effects of climate change and extreme poverty.
For that reason, our common commitment and
responsibility must be to ensure that all people benefit
from the positive effects of globalization, and that,
through our joint efforts, we ensure the protection of
the environment. We can achieve this only through the
broadest possible partnership and solidarity. There are
more than enough signals that it is now high time for
coordinated international action.


Allow me to express my
sincere thanks to the President of the General
Assembly at its previous session, Julian Hunte, whose
able and skilful leadership we enjoyed during the past
session. I also wish the President at the fifty-ninth
session, Jean Ping, a year of highly constructive and
successful work.
It is our common duty to make this fifty-ninth
session a success and a fitting preparation for the
sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations and the first
high-level review of the implementation of the
Millennium Declaration, to be held next year. I believe
these two occasions will offer an excellent framework
for a serious review of how the changing global
situation can be met by a renewed United Nations.
The risks and challenges of the new millennium
affect us all and can be tackled only by common
efforts. Threats such as terrorism recognize no borders,
no differentiation by race, religion, or ethnicity. The
horror, devastation and fear that terrorism brings are
31

the same whether in Casablanca, Madrid, New York,
Jerusalem or Beslan. Terrorism cannot be justified.
And there can be no excuses and no leniency in
confronting it. The fight against terrorism must remain
one of the priority tasks of individual Member States
and of the United Nations.
Even as we speak, humanitarian crises, poverty,
famine and disease continue to plague large parts of the
world. Across the globe, almost a billion people
survive on less than a dollar a day. In sub-Saharan
Africa alone, around 300 million people live in abject
poverty.
In Iraq, the hope for universal and free elections
is marred by almost daily explosions, and security
remains too precarious for the United Nations to
resume its pivotal role. The Middle East conflict
continues taking its desperate death toll. And the word
genocide is once again on our lips owing to the Darfur
crisis in Sudan.
Therefore, we need to go the extra mile, to make
extra efforts to empower the United Nations to deal
successfully with these and other threats and
challenges, because the United Nations, despite all the
criticism, remains the only Organization capable of
embodying the principles of a truly global and
effective multilateralism. The United Nations can offer
the global reach and legitimacy necessary to enable the
international community to act.
As the nature of threats before us is changing and
new responses are needed, it is high time to agree on
future policies and principles. Today we need to build a
shared understanding of the nature of modern threats to
international peace and security. Much depends on the
ability of the United Nations — that is, on us — to
reach a new consensus on collective security. Our
strength lies in our resolve to deal collectively with
major challenges to peace, security and sustainable
development.
Today, more than ever before, the United Nations
has to play the leading role in building societies that
follow the path of good governance, respect human
rights and the rule of law. We must be able to intervene
and to prevent situations of massive human rights
violations.
We must also be firm in our struggle against all
attempts to encroach upon human dignity, against all
forms and manifestations of intolerance, anti-Semitism,
racism or Islamophobia. The international community
is vulnerable to the dangers posed by the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction, international
organized crime, environmental degradation and the
spread of highly dangerous diseases, such as
HIV/AIDS. Our common efforts against these and
other threats must be universal, consistent, systematic
and unwavering.
No less universal and consistent must be our
efforts to reduce poverty and hunger, to diminish
disparities between and within nations, to improve
living conditions for women and children and to offer a
hope of a dignified life to ever-larger segments of the
world’s population, as pledged in the Millennium
Declaration.
We need to press ahead with the implementation
of the Millennium Development Goals. We need to
reinforce our political will to make our global
partnership more effective, by fully honouring the
commitments undertaken by the Monterrey Consensus.
Without peace there is no development. Without
development there is no peace. This recognized linkage
of security and development should be better reflected
in our global agenda. Only by confronting these issues
in a coherent and coordinated manner shall we be able
to build our common future.
Lithuania is ready to contribute bilaterally and
multilaterally to the implementation of the Millennium
Goals, and by sharing our experience of a national
reform process. Our membership in the enlarged
European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance
enables us to play a more active role by embracing the
principles of development policy and by adopting the
role of a donor.
Next year we will discuss how to find consensus
on the institutional and political framework for the
United Nations to operate in the future. Lithuania fully
embraces the need for reform of the United Nations for
the sake of enhancing its effectiveness and
inclusiveness. We hope that the outcome of the
deliberations of the High-Level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change will be able to contribute
significantly to giving a renewed impetus to the reform
of the United Nations. If so, the next test will be to find
broad agreement on changes and follow their
implementation.
32

I hope, too, that next year will be crucial in
moving ahead with the long-debated reform of the
Security Council. The issue is not whether the Security
Council should be enlarged. It is how to make it
effective and representative. Therefore, Lithuania fully
embraces the idea of ensuring broader representation
and responsibility for the Security Council.
In addition, the Economic and Social Council
must be renewed and strengthened. By dedicating
ourselves to Economic and Social Council reform we
have a real chance to make it an effective tool in the
hands of active and responsible United Nations
members.
It is my hope and wish that by the end of this
session we shall arrive at marking the sixtieth
anniversary of the United Nations with the conviction
and satisfaction that we have done everything in our
power to build a better Organization, one capable of
responding to both old and new, hard and soft, threats
and challenges in an effective and comprehensive way.
Fully aware that the United Nations was created
to serve humankind, let us embrace this challenge. Let
us bring to fruition the promise that the United Nations
is capable of fulfilling the hopes and aspirations of the
peoples for whom it was created.


Allow me to join previous speakers in congratulating
you on your election to the presidency of the fifty-
ninth session of the General Assembly.
The world of the twenty-first century faces a
paradox. It is unified globally in the areas of
production, such as trade, finance and in the digital
revolution of information and communication
technology - yet it is divided by the increase in
conflicts, civil strife and transnational terrorism, as
well as cultural and ethnic violence. The world is
unified by universal values, such as democracy, human
rights and respect for freedom of expression and the
environment - yet it is divided when democracy
clashes with social demands for more jobs and less
hunger.
Those contradictory trends of globalization and
fragmentation jeopardize governance not only at the
international level, but also within nations. Conflicts
sharpen; many poor States are rocked by domestic and
external violence; terrorist organizations and traffickers
in drugs, weapons and persons are emerging and
amassing devastating global power.
Since the end of the cold war, more than 30 civil
conflicts have caused approximately 5 million deaths
and created almost 17 million refugees. In 2004, the
United Nations has been administering 15
peacekeeping operations and 15 special political
missions. That means that 16 per cent of Member
States are affected by issues undermining peace and
international security.
In a context in which no single Power can assure
global governance, in a world where fragmentation
abets nuclear threats, both nations and peoples demand
urgent decisions ó decisions ensuring global
governance based on international law, increased
respect for the United Nations, within a renewed and
strengthened multilateralism, and the reinforcement of
the values of peace and international justice.
In the global era, the world requires broad
consensus. Peru considers that the best solution is to be
found through both change and continuity. We must
stabilize the world political situation and generate an
international alliance for development and social
justice. We call for continuity in order to attain the
goals of the United Nations. We call for peace,
security, juridical equality of States, the non-use of
force, the prohibition of aggression, the international
rule of law governing relations among States,
international cooperation, economic and social
development and respect for human rights ó all of
which are more necessary and have more validity today
than ever before.
We also propose a change of tools, mechanisms
and measures. The reform of the Security Council must
be tackled realistically, bearing in mind its role as a
mechanism for collective security for the international
community as a whole. The people want a Security
Council with guarantees of legitimate and effective
decisions.
5

Peru is a country whose diplomatic tradition,
since the nineteenth century, has supported
multilateralism as the best means for international
decisions, particularly to promote peace and
development. Peru participates in United Nations
peacekeeping operations. My country is contributing
military troops in Cyprus, on the border between
Ethiopia and Eritrea and in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, and we are participating in Liberia and in
CÙte díIvoire. Recently, my Government decided to
send a fully equipped company to help achieve
stability, security and the reinstitutionalization of
democracy in the Republic of Haiti.
As a result of our long-standing participation in
maintaining peace and security and in promoting
development, Peru has announced its candidacy for a
non-permanent seat on the Security Council during the
period 2006-2007. We are grateful for the considerable
support that we have received and for the favourable
consideration given to our candidacy.
Today, 2.8 billion people live on $2 per day; 1.3
billion people subsist on $1 per day. Moreover, in the
1990s, social inequality became more pronounced
throughout the world. According to the Worldwatch
Institute, that increase in inequality affected not only
personal incomes, but also access to water, food and
energy ó public goods essential for civilized life and
socio-political stability. Today, the decrease in personal
incomes and the increase in inequality are colliding
like tectonic plates, producing tremors of social
disintegration and international conflict.
Therefore, we in the international community
must understand that the peace, security and stability
of the world system are not related solely to political,
military or strategic aspects. Peace and security have
social and economic components. Poverty and
exclusion militate against peace, security and
democracy. Social exclusion produces violence,
instability and national and international fragmentation
and renders democracy fragile. We cannot overcome
that situation if we do not cause globalization to have a
human face and to become a positive force that
provides tangible benefits to all nations and all human
beings.
The rule of law and the international legal order
must guarantee access to justice and respect for human
rights. The rule of law must prevent impunity. At the
same time, democratic societies must make
transparency and the fight against corruption true
policies of the State.
Peru, before the process of recovering its
democracy, was captive to corruption, systematic
human rights violations and the subjugation of justice
to political power. The corrupt and authoritarian
Government hijacked democracy, tortured
systematically and made corruption a tool of political
power. Today, the free consciences of Peru demand that
those responsible be brought to justice. Therefore, I
appeal to the Government of Japan to contribute to
access to justice by authorizing the extradition of
former President Alberto Fujimori for the crimes
against humanity with which Peruvian justice has
charged him, including his alleged responsibility for
acts of torture, forced disappearances, summary
executions and acts of corruption. Democratic Peru
guarantees a fair trial and due process under the rule of
law. I make this appeal in the conviction that the rule
of law and the international legal order must guarantee
access to justice. To deny such access is tantamount to
enshrining impunity, and I am sure that the
international order is not prepared to consider itself an
accomplice to such impunity. We hope that that will
not happen.


Let me begin by
congratulating you, Mr. Ping, on your election as
President of the General Assembly during its fifty-
ninth session. We are confident that you will conduct
the proceedings of this session with great competence.
I would like to pay tribute to your predecessor,
Mr. Julian Robert Hunte, who so ably presided over the
fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
I would like to express at this time my deep
appreciation for the efforts of the Secretary-General to
harmonize international relations and ensure respect
for the principles of the Charter and international law,
with a view to strengthening international peace and
security. His statement before this Assembly marks a
26

landmark in the quest for the rule of law and respect
for the role of the United Nations in international
conflicts.
In my statement, I will focus on the turbulent
situation in the Middle East and, more specifically, on
the core of the conflict in the Middle East. The
situation in the region of Western Asia — or the
Middle East — is in turmoil. The occupation of Iraq
was founded on false pretexts, further damaging the
already grave situation resulting from Israel’s policies
and practices in occupied Palestinian and other Arab
territories. A total absence of law and order is now the
general pattern of life in occupied Iraq. This continued
occupation is wreaking havoc on the economic and
social aspects of life there. We urge the competent
institutions, namely the United Nations General
Assembly and the Security Council, to take the
necessary and appropriate measures to ensure Iraq’s
independence and sovereignty as soon as possible.
Israel is the only nuclear Power in the Middle
East. It has approximately the fourth most powerful
army in the world and is a sophisticated arms
developer and dealer with no ethical or moral
constraints and no concern for human rights. The
Israeli Government can therefore do anything it
wishes, and it acts like a high-tech military expert and
rogue State. It has become tremendously useful for the
United States, since it has strategically placed itself in
the centre of the global arms industry. Counting on the
support of the United States, Israel breaks moral and
international laws with impunity.
The daily assaults on peaceful Palestinian towns
and villages — the demolition of homes and houses,
the bulldozing and uprooting of age-old fruit-bearing
olive and citrus trees, the targeted killings and
assassinations, the closures, the imposition of a state of
siege and curfews and the use of excessively
disproportionate firepower, which has resulted, so far,
in more than 3,200 deaths and thousands of injuries —
are common knowledge. We completely reject the
allegation by Israel that this is carried out in self-
defence. The Palestinians under occupation, with their
meagre means of combat, are the party exercising the
right to self-defence. Almost 8,000 Palestinians are
being held without trial under merciless conditions,
and when they protested against those conditions, an
Israeli minister boasted, and I quote, “let them go on a
hunger strike until they die”.
In addition to all the other methods Israel uses to
obstruct peace, it holds our democratically elected
President, Yasser Arafat, in confinement and has
announced that they can find no partner with whom to
negotiate peace. With whom are the negotiations for
settlement and peace to be negotiated, if not with the
democratically elected President? Israel, and others of
the same mind, must wish to see a continuation of the
status quo or to deal with an imposed — and not
democratically elected — group or person.
The performance-based road map was
unanimously backed by Security Council resolution
1515 (2003). We have accepted the road map since, in
our opinion, it augured well. The road map envisaged a
two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
and stated that the solution of the conflict
“will only be achieved through an end to violence
and terrorism, when the Palestinian people have a
leadership acting decisively against terror and
willing and able to build a practising democracy
based on tolerance and liberty, and through
Israel’s readiness to do what is necessary for a
democratic Palestinian state to be established”.
The Palestinians, through their representative, the
Palestine Liberation Organization, embraced the road
map and believes it offers another opportunity to end
the conflict. We hope that the Quartet will seriously
assume the noble task of implementing the objectives
of the road map.
Acts of State terrorism were Israel’s response to
the performance-based road map. To be more specific,
a 2,000-pound bomb was dropped after the Palestinians
scrupulously observed an unofficial ceasefire. Israel
still adheres to the 14 reservations it had regarding the
road map. The nebulous ideas and intentions revealed
in the exchange of letters between President Bush and
Prime Minister Sharon on the matter of the
commitment to the road map are far from encouraging
and keep the road map and Security Council resolution
1515 (2003) in limbo if not completely neglecting and
rejecting them.
In his letter of assurance dated 14 April 2004 to
Prime Minister Sharon, President Bush reiterates that
“the United States supports the establishment of a
Palestinian state that is viable, contiguous,
sovereign, and independent, so that the
Palestinian people can build their own future in
27

accordance with … the path set forth in the
roadmap”.
However, when President Bush addresses the
reality on the ground, he assures Israel that “it is
unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status
negotiations will be a full and complete return to the
armistice lines of 1949”.
He admits that as part of a final peace settlement,
Israel must have secure and recognized borders, which
should emerge from negotiations between the parties in
accordance with United Nations Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). However,
Mr. Bush and Mr. Sharon do not topographically
identify the secure and recognized borders of Israel.
In the aforementioned letter of assurance,
President Bush stresses that the United States is
strongly committed to Israel’s security and well-being
as a Jewish State. He does not concern himself with the
security of the so-called provisional State of Palestine.
He seems to be oblivious to the fact that 20 per cent of
the citizens of Israel are non-Jewish and that Israel has
not as yet defined who is a Jew. This concept will
inevitably lead to the creation of a racist society within
the Israeli political entity.
To ensure the success of the road map and the
achievement of its goal — a final and comprehensive
settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by 2005 —
the plan also requires that Israel “freezes all settlement
activity” and “withdraws from Palestinian areas
occupied from 28 September 2000”.
Commenting on the meeting between
President Bush and Prime Minister Sharon,
Javier Solana, European Union High Representative for
the Common Foreign and Security Policy, stated on
15 April 2004:
“The EU remains firmly committed to a
negotiated settlement resulting in two viable,
sovereign and independent States … as the only
way to achieve a permanent peace and an end to
the occupation that began in 1967, in the
framework of a comprehensive peace in the
Middle East.
“EU heads of State or Government recently
indicated that they would not recognize any
change to the pre-1967 borders other than those
arrived at by agreement between the parties. A
permanent settlement must also include an
agreed, just, fair and realistic solution to the
refugee issue”.
In order further to deviate from the direct route to
the targeted destination, Sharon declared that he was
absolutely determined to carry out disengagement in
Gaza despite the political problems within his own
party, the Likud. Indeed, the party believes that
disengagement conflicts with the Zionist aim of the
creeping annexation of Palestinian territory. Sharon’s
plan creates a situation in which Israel will have to
leave the settlements but will still control everything
that enters and exits Gaza. It will tightly seal off Gaza
and block the only outlet that allows Palestinians in
Gaza to cross into and from neighbouring Egypt.
All of this is a source of concern for the
international community, as reflected in the number of
meetings held by the General Assembly. Israel did not
heed the request by the Assembly in resolution
ES-10/14, which, by necessity, called for an advisory
opinion by the International Court of Justice on the
following question:
“What are the legal consequences arising
from the construction of the wall being built by
Israel, the occupying Power, in the occupied
Palestinian territory, including in and around East
Jerusalem, as described in the report of the
Secretary-General, considering the rules and
principles of international law, including the
Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, and relevant
Security Council and General Assembly
resolutions?”
The General Assembly, by an overwhelming
majority of 150 votes, acknowledged the Court’s
advisory opinion of 9 July 2004. The representatives of
the Governments of the United States of America and
of Israel were among the six countries that voted
against.
I wish to avail myself of this opportunity to
express our great appreciation for the learned opinion
of the judges. I wish to quote from the opinion, as it is
of direct relevance to the General Assembly:
“All States are under an obligation not to
recognize the illegal situation resulting from the
construction of the wall and not to render aid or
assistance in maintaining the situation created by
such construction;
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“… The United Nations, and especially the
General Assembly and the Security Council,
should consider what further action is required to
bring to an end the illegal situation resulting from
the construction of the wall and the associated
regime, taking due account of the present
advisory opinion.”
In order to restore faith and confidence in the
effectiveness of the United Nations and its Charter, I
would appeal that the opinion of the Court be heeded
and that action-oriented resolutions, including concrete
mechanisms for implementation, be adopted and
carried out.
The Palestinian people and leadership have
demonstrated goodwill and accepted in good faith the
provisions of the road map and other proposals leading
to the termination of the Israeli occupation of our
Palestinian territory, so that we in the Middle East can
all live in peace and security and stability. What is
needed is for the other party, Israel, to commit itself to
respond, in word and in deed.