It is with great pleasure. Sit, that I extend to you my warmest congratulations on your election to the high office of the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. The confidence shown in you by this body is a tribute by the international community to you personally, as well as to your country, with which Cyprus maintains close and friendly relations. I have no doubt that, with your experience and skill, you will guide the deliberations of this session to a successful conclusion.
I also wish to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Choudhury, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, on the impeccable manner in which he discharged his difficult task as President of the forty-first session, honouring both his country and the Asian region in general. We also express our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts on behalf of the United Nations.
The opening of this year's session coincided with a historic development. The conclusion of the agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union for the elimination of medium- and short-range missiles is of paramount importance not only as far as relations between the two super-Powers are concerned but also for humanity as a whole.
This development has naturally given rise to well-founded optimism regarding the future of mankind. One can of course validly argue that the danger of a nuclear catastrophe has not yet been completely and definitely eliminated. Yet, the recent agreement in Washington is a specific and substantive step in that direction. It also provides concrete evidence of the political will of the United States and the Soviet Union to world together, despite the great difficulties that still exist owing to the divergence of their views on many issues, foe the purpose of gradually reducing and finally eliminating the very real clanger that is facing humanity's very existence and survival, especially since the beginning of the nuclear arms race.
We hope and trust that the agreement concluded in principle in Washington will soon be finalized, signed and implemented and that it will be followed by other agreements in the field of nuclear disarmament. We do not underestimate the difficulties with regard to some specific aspects of nuclear disarmament, but we strongly believe that certain additional steps could easily be taken that would on the one hand strengthen mutual confidence, which is still greatly needed, and on the other enhance the process towards the goal of complete nuclear disarmament. While efforts to tackle the more difficult aspects must continue in a sustained manner, steps such as the complete banning of nuclear tests and the effective tackling of the issue of chemical weapons should be taken without further delay.
Continued progress in the field of nuclear disarmament, extremely important in itself, will also enable the two super-Powers steadily to improve their relations and will facilitate the promotion of close co-operation between them in dealing with other problems, whether global or regional, the solution of which must be sought with urgency and determination. It is indeed hoped and expected that, parallel to the dialogue for nuclear disarmament and disarmament in general, concerted efforts will be made by the two super-Powers to address as a matter of urgency the other problems as well. We do not suggest that the two super-Powers have the right to apply to these problems solutions of their own choice/ but we are realistic enough to acknowledge the fact that they are in a position to influence developments and contribute decisively to the solution of these problems. The common denominator cannot of course be other than the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations.
In other words, we believe that the United Nations can become effective only if the permanent members of the Security Council, and particularly the two super-Powers, decide to make it effective through joint action. The obvious answer to the question how this can be achieved is through agreement by the super-Powers and all the other members, particularly the other permanent members, of the Security Council to stand firmly by the Council's decisions and act together resolutely for their strict implementation in all cases, without distinction, irrespective of whom those decisions affect, thus abandoning the tendency to adopt double standards, as has so far been the case. This is the only possible way to make the Security Council effective, and it is the only possible way to solve most of the problems that still confront the world.
Year after year in this forum we all speak of the imperative necessity to turn the United Nations into an effective instrument for peace and security in the world, as envisaged by its founding Members and as provided for in its Charter. Most of us, year after year, speak in this Hall of the imperative necessity to establish a comprehensive system of International security through the existing mechanisms and procedures provided for by the Charter. It is now more pressing than ever before to begin meaningful and result-oriented deliberations to achieve this purpose, which is also closely related to ongoing efforts in the field of disarmament, as well as to the tackling and settlement of other global and regional problems. When we speak of the necessity to continue a dialogue and the process towards disarmament, when we speak of the necessity to establish in practice a comprehensive system of international security, when we speak of the necessity to tackle effectively and solve all other global and regional problems, we strongly maintain that those efforts should be parallel, because, owing to their interrelationship, any progress in one field will automatically increase the prospects for further progress in the others.
It is indeed encouraging and heartening that today we look to the future with full optimism and confidence. We hope that as time goes by that optimism and confidence will increase and be consolidated. Mankind needs to see some more tangible achievements to make it feel secure about its future. It is in this spirit that we look forward to more positive results within the framework of the dialogue between the two super-Powers, and it is in the same spirit that we expect more such results from the forthcoming meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev, beyond the signing of the agreement already concluded in principle a few days ago in Washington. We sincerely wish both of them every success.
In underlining and stressing the paramount importance of the role of the super-Powers in relation to all international problems, it has not been my intention to minimize or underestimate the role and the significant contribution of all the other countries that comprise the membership of the United Nations. On the contrary, we must not stand aside or wash our hands of problems, leaving everything to the super-Powers. Nor can such an attitude facilitate the efforts of the super-powers themselves. The entire membership of the United Nations has important and heavy responsibilities to discharge. In fact, the improvement in the international climate as a result of the rapprochement between the super-Powers has increased the possibilities for all Members of the United Nations, whether big or small, individually and collectively, to contribute more substantively and meaningfully to the achievement of our common goals and objectives. This, I must stress once again, is not limited to any specific country or group of countries alone. It is not limited to the allies of the two super-Powers, as it is not limited to other groups of countries, such as the European Economic Community which, owing to its strength and influence, has no doubt a special role to play. It is not limited to the permanent members of the Security Council or to the members of the Security Council as a whole. Collective efforts on the part of all regional organizations are also important. Important initiatives, such as the initiative of the Six - Greece, Sweden, Argentina, Mexico, India and Tanzania - must continue with more determination in the light of recent developments. The contribution of all is needed much more than ever before.
In this connection, I would like to stress the importance I attach to the role of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, to which most of us in this Assembly belong. The Movement has, since its establishment, played a positive and constructive role in world affairs, utilizing the great moral force it represents. The prospects have now increased for the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to play an even greater and more effective role. I would like to reiterate today what I stressed at the last summit meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries at Harare, that we must now concentrate on how to increase the effectiveness of our Movement. I pledge that Cyprus, despite its small size and strength and in spite of the constraints imposed on it by its particular problem, will work hard for this objective. We will co-operate with all others in the Movement in order to arrive at concrete conclusions that can be taken up at the next full ministerial conference of the Movement, which will take place on 5 September next year, and which we will have the honour to host in Cyprus. I personally attach great importance to that meeting and we must all world together for its success.
I have already expressed my conviction that the new climate created as a result of the agreement reached recently in Washington, and which has improved the relations between the two super-Powers, will foster conditions conducive to the search for solutions to other major international problems and regional crises.
One of these problems, of world-wide interest and concern, is the prevailing economic situation. This manifests itself as a structural crisis and, in turn, urgently points to the need for increasing multilateral co-operation in seeking solutions to the various aspects of the problem. The gap between North and South is ever present. Furthermore, the external debt crisis continues to be one of the most serious obstacles to the progress and genuine sovereignty of many developing countries,
A, new international economic order is of the utmost importance in itself and the efforts towards establishing it must continue in a sustained manner, the interrelationship between this target and the final overall objective of lasting peace and security in the world being borne always in mind. In this respect, the interrelationship between disarmament and development must also be stressed. This was reaffirmed and underlined by the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development and it is clear that further steps are needed to translate the unanimous conclusions of the Conference into concrete actions for the benefit of all countries and peoples.
The new climate should also be utilized for tackling, as a matter of urgency, the various regional problems that continue to pose a serious threat to peace and security. There can be no doubt that to achieve solutions to these problems there must be more than ever before be common action and co-operation among nations, in this respect, the role of the permanent members of the Security Council and, in particular, that of the two super-Powers is of paramount importance. And there is no other way of successfully dealing with these problems except by abiding strictly by the principles and purposes of the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations and by ensuring their respect and implementation.
The principles enshrined in the Charter and embodied in regional instruments, such as the Helsinki Final Act - the non-use of force or threat of the use of force, non-interference and non-intervention, equal rights and self-determination of peoples, as well as basic human rights and fundamental freedoms - are still being flagrantly violated in different parts of the world, thus protracting dangerous and explosive situations and contributing to the breakdown of legal order and security in the respective regions.
It should no longer be tolerated that millions of people in the world suffer daily from gross violations of their human rights, despite the existence of internationally accepted legal instruments. Such instruments, concluded during the United Nations era, embody the moral conscience of mankind and represent the humanitarian standards that should guide the behaviour of all members of the International community in the field of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Yet, the abhorrent policy of apartheid is still a grim reality in South Africa. The international community has so far been unable to put an end to this crime, which is being perpetrated against the very conscience of mankind and which constitutes a challenge to the authority of the United Nations. Condemnations have been voiced from all parts of the world, but concrete actions, expressly provided for in the Charter, remain un-adopted owing to the lack of unanimity among the permanent members of the Security Council. It is to be hoped that as a result of the new spirit that has recently emerged to play an effective and decisive role in solving problems f the Security Council and, in particular, its permanent members, will find a way to reach agreement on specific action in conformity with the Charter that will finally put an end to the intolerable situation in South Africa.
The situation in South Africa is one of those cases which I had in mind when, earlier in my statement, I spoke of the need to do away with the ill concept of double standards. This clearly relates both to obstacles to the adoption of resolutions by the Security Council in certain cases, and in other cases to the non-implementation of resolutions adopted, sometimes unanimously. A glaring example of the latter is the situation in Namibia, a problem that could easily be solved if the pertinent resolutions of the Security Council were to be strictly implemented. And again, it is the primary responsibility of the permanent members of the Security Council to see to it that this is done.
In the Middle East, the Palestine people, led by the Palestine Liberation Organization, continues to struggle for its inalienable rights. Despite the adoption of so many resolutions by the United Nations, the Palestinian people are still being denied its inalienable rights, including the right to establish their own independent State. It is again high time for the permanent members of the Security Council and, as in all other cases, the super-Powers in particular to take the political decision to work together for the resolution of this problem, which lies at the heart of the entire Middle East problem and which continues to present a real threat to international peace and security. Let those who have the power to resolve the problem reflect on the bloodshed and misery inflicted on the peoples of the countries involved, including Lebanon, where the situation has reached the dimensions of a real tragedy threatening the territorial integrity and unity of that friendly country. With regard to the situation in the Middle East, we fully support the convening of an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization.
As for Central America, we welcome and support the agreement reached recently in Guatemala among the Presidents of the countries of the region. We also fully support the efforts of the Contadora and Support Groups in seeking permanent peace and stability in this troubled region. But again it must be stressed1 that if that is to be achieved, the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States in the area and of non-intervention and non-interference, provided for in the Charter, should be strictly observed.
Much has already been said in this Assembly regarding the war between Iran and Iraq and the explosive situation in the Gulf. We must all render our support to the Secretary-General of the United Nations in his efforts in this respect and we hope and trust that the involvement of the Security Council will lead the way to the restoration of peace and security in the area.	.
In referring to pertinent resolutions of the Security Council, regarding various issues some speakers from this rostrum stressed the mandatory nature of the resolutions of the Security Council. They went even further to remind representatives of the relevant provisions of the Charter providing for specific measures in case of anyone's failure to comply with those resolutions. I could not think of a more appropriate way to commence my remarks with regard to the Cyprus problem. It is exactly because the resolutions of the United Nations in general and of the Security Council in particular have been completely ignored by Turkey, that the Cyprus problem still remains unresolved. And it is because Turkey does not feel the need to respect these resolutions that it has yet to abandon its expansionist and partitionist designs against Cyprus. It is high time for Turkey to be reminded in a convincing manner of the mandatory nature of the Security Council resolutions and of the relevant provisions of the Charter in case of failure to conform with those resolutions.
Thirteen years have gone by since the invasion and occupation of 37 per cent of our territory by Turkey. A number of resolutions and decisions of the United Nations demanded the withdrawal of the occupation troops, respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, the return of the refugees to their homes under conditions of safety, the cessation of the destruction of the cultural heritage of Cyprus by Turkey, the restitution of human rights to all Cypriots, the speedy tracing of the missing persons, and the reversal of all actions aimed at the secession of the occupied part and consolidation of the division. Contrary to the demands of the international community, the Cyprus problem has not yet been solved and Turkey continues to pursue the same expansionist and partitionist policy, contemptuously ignoring the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations.
On our part, we did whatever we could to facilitate a solution by offering a series of very serious concessions — concessions that I do not believe any Government of any other country represented in this Assembly would have offered in similar circumstances. Yet the Cyprus problem has not been solved. We have known from the beginning, and we have been trying hard to point out everywhere f that the Cyprus problem is not primarily a constitutional one. It is basically a problem of invasion and occupation, of foreign intervention, of colonization of the occupied part by settlers from Turkey and of an attempt to destroy the culture and civilization of the country for the first time in its history of thousands of years. It is a problem of flagrant violation by Turkey of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the Cypriot people. It is a problem of expansionism on the part of a strong neighbour - perhaps, as might be proved, not only at the expense of Cyprus but also at the expense of Greece and possibly other countries in the area. It is a problem arising from the attempts to impose upon us a solution that would enhance those expansionist designs. It is high time for the Cyprus problem to be tackled at its root through the promotion and implementation of the provisions of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, which contain all the necessary elements for solving the basic aspects of the Cyprus problem.
There has been a tendency, in the light of the difficulties created by the intransigence of Turkey, either to avoid or to postpone the tackling of the substance of the Cyprus problem. I believe all will agree with me that no problem can be solved by avoiding or postponing the tackling of its substance. The method of avoiding the real issue has not worked. It could not have worked in any case, nor is it fair and realistic to rely for a solution on the weakness of one side and consequently exert pressure on that side instead of pressuring the country that is acting contrary to the principles set forth in the Charter and to the resolutions of the United Nations.
Those who can help to find a solution to the Cyprus problem and are in a position to play a significant role in this respect must not limit their interest to determining when the Cyprus problem will be solved but should concentrate rather on how the Cyprus problem should be solved. The time factor is of course important, but far more important is the substance of the solution. Not only must the solution be based on the principles and provisions of the Charter and on the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, but also it must not be the starting-point for a new Cyprus crisis in the future, worse perhaps than any previous one, with serious consequences beyond Cyprus that may threaten peace and security in the area. This is why the basic aspects of the Cyprus problem and prerequisites of its solution - namely the absolute necessity of the withdrawal of Turkish troops and colonist settlers from Cyprus, the safeguarding in practice of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all the Cypriot people and the ensuring of effective international guarantees for the security and future of the country - must be tackled as a matter of priority, otherwise the present unjust and dangerous situation will continue, to the detriment of Cyprus and its people as a whole, irrespective of ethnic origin. In addition, no one should underestimate the potential danger involved in the perpetuation of the current situation nor should anyone be misled by the fact that there has been no bloodshed for some time.
We strongly and sincerely believe that if the basic aspects of the Cyprus problem are settled it will not be at all difficult to reach an overall solution, of the kind that will ensure lasting peace in Cyprus. It is in this spirit that we shall continue in good faith to co-operate with the Secretary-General. And it is in the same spirit that we have proposed the holding of an international conference to deal with the international aspects of the Cyprus problem.
When we speak of an international conference we mean in essence a conference of the members of the Security Council for the purpose of promoting the implementation of their own resolutions. The reason we are asking for the convening of an international conference - and I say this in reply to those who object to this proposal - is not to make it easier for any of the big Powers to gain points or advantages/ but because we consider it a realistic approach that would strengthen the role and efforts of both the Security Council and the Secretary-General. I suppose it is for the same reason that there is now such wide agreement on the holding of an international conference on the Middle East situation.
I should like now to refer specifically to the presence in Cyprus of the Turkish occupation troops, whose number has risen to about 35,000, and to the colonist settlers from Turkey, whose number is now estimated at about 65,000. Incidentally, when I speak of the colonist settlers, I must say - and I know that representatives have heard of this - that the Turkish Government has often described them as seasonal workers: 65,000 "seasonal workers", who have formed their own political party on which the present illegal regime depends; "seasonal workers" to whom the land and property of those uprooted from their homes has been distributed; "seasonal workers" who have illegally been given citizenship by the illegal regime. But such lies are not unprecedented in the case of Turkey. I would remind representatives that Turkey described the invasion in 1974, 13 years ago, as "a limited police operation".
In addition to the increase in the number of the Turkish occupation troops, there has been a continuous and considerable strengthening of those troops in tetras of military equipment, both quantitatively and qualitatively, and all this despite repeated United Nations resolutions.
Turkey is a strong Power and Cyprus is a very small, weak country. The geographic proximity is such that realistically, it means that Cyprus will always live in dangerous conditions. Yet we have offered - and I renewed that offer yesterday during my meeting with the Secretary-General - to dismantle our own defences and dissolve our own National Guard, if all Turkish troops and other personnel, including the settlers from Turkey, are withdrawn from Cyprus, so that he Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots can settle their internal problems in conditions of peace, without foreign interference· Part of my proposal is also the establishment of an international peace force under United Nations auspices, whose imposition and terms of reference would be agreed and endorsed by the Security Council, for the purpose of strengthening the sense of security internally. It goes without saying that, together with the withdrawal of the Turkish troops and settlers, the so-called Turkish Cypriot army must also be dismantled and 3issolved· In fact, ray proposal means the total demilitarisation of the Republic 3f Cyprus, with the exception of the international peace force envisaged in my proposal and a reasonably small mixed local police force.
It is of course obvious that in such circumstances sufficient international guarantees must be ensured to protect Cyprus from any outside danger or threat. I urge not only the Secretary-General but all members of the Security Council and of the General Assembly to study this proposal carefully and contribute positively to its adoption and implementation· If Turkey decides to abandon its expansionist designs, no one can see any reason why this practical, pacific, realistic and far-reaching proposal cannot be accepted. This proposal will not only contribute decisively to an overall and lasting solution of the Cyprus problem but also remove a potential threat to peace and security in that dangerous and sensitive area of the world. A similar proposal has been put forward by the Prime Minister of Greece, Mr. Andreas Papandreou, in which, inter alia, he states Greece's readiness to bear a significant part of the financial cost of the international peace force envisaged in the proposal. Cyprus too, despite its limited possibilities, is ready to contribute substantially to meeting the cost.
Another request to the Secretary-General which I renewed in the course of our meeting yesterday relates to the specific issue of the city of Varosha. I asked the Secretary-General once again to demand that the occupying Power, Turkey, hand over the city of Varosha to the United Nations for resettlement by its rightful inhabitants, in compliance with the specific provision contained in the Security Council's mandatory resolution 550 (1984). Such a move would improve the climate and constitute a first step in the right direction.
During my meeting yesterday with the Secretary-General I also expressed to him my deep anxiety and concern at the fact that despite our efforts and goodwill no progress has yet been made to ascertain the fate of missing persons and urged him to take all the additional steps necessary to tackle without any further delay this purely humanitarian problem. It is inconceivable that Turkey should be permitted to continue to behave in such a negative manner on such an obviously humanitarian issue. Likewise, I stressed once again the need for the protection of those in the enclave of the occupied area of Cyprus and for renewed efforts to implement the relevant agreement reached in Vienna in 1975, which has been systematically violated - like all the other agreements - by the Turkish side.
The Cyprus problem is not a dispute between East and West. Yet, I strongly believe that co-operation between the super-Powers, as in the case of other regional problems, as long as that co-operation is based on the United Nations Charter and resolutions, will contribute decisively to a just, viable and workable solution to the Cyprus problem that will ensure lasting peace, freedom, justice and happiness for all the inhabitants of our small country, irrespective of ethnic origin, as well as to peace and security in the area.
We hope and trust that the General Assembly - which has been requested to consider the Cyprus problem once again after an interlude of four years marked not only by a lack of any substantive progress but also by a series of new provocative acts by Turkey - will help us in our endeavours, which, after all, are aimed at objectives that are in complete accord with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. But let me stress once again that we do not have the right, nor are we prepared, to abandon those objectives, on the attainment of which the very survival of our people and of Cyprus as an independent and free country entirely depends.
It is high time for the international community as a whole, and in particular those that are in the best position to help, to make Turkey feel the need to abandon its expansionist and partitionist designs against Cyprus. It is high time for Turkey to be made to feel that it cannot continue to ignore and disregard the provisions of the United Nations Charter and resolutions. It is high time for Turkey to be made to understand and realize the mandatory and binding nature of Security Council resolutions It is high time for Turkey to be made to feel the need to abide by the rules of international law.
We are entering a new era in which it would be unthinkable to permit anyone, irrespective of who it might be, to upset, undermine and sabotage the efforts to achieve peace, security and justice in any part of the world.


It is an honour and a privilege for me to stand here in the presence of the members of the General Assembly and especially of leaders who have placed their trust in the work of the United Nations. I share this trust with them. And so, Sir, may I offer you my congratulations on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. In my humble opinion, there is no question that your professional abilities and outstanding personal qualities will ensure the success of the work of this session and that it will yield the benefits that we may all expect from it. To that end, I assure you of the support and co-operation of my delegation.
Let me also place on record Solomon Islands' deep appreciation of your predecessor, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, who presided over the last session in such an able and effective manner.
To our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, I reaffirm the gratitude of my Government and people for his dedication to the principles of our Organization and for his tireless efforts as well as his leadership in advancing the noble goals of international peace and security.
I must at the outset take the opportunity to thank all Member States for the unanimous support which was given to resolution 41/193, on special economic assistance to Solomon Islands following cyclone Namu, which hit our islands in May 1986. My Government and people, whose warm and friendly greetings I bring to everyone here, are very grateful to each and every member. In particular, I wish to thank the co-sponsors of that resolution; Australia, Fiji, Japan, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the United States of America and Vanuatu. Our deep gratitude goes also to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) for the good work it has been doing in our rehabilitation programme. We feel that UNDP's continuing role and assistance are crucial to the success of this programme.
The year 1987 has been designated as the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless. It is also the year during which the world's population will exceed the 5 billion mark. By the end of this century there is likely to be an additional billion people. The drastic reduction in death rates owing to advancements in medical science and technology, is something to be pleased about; but it is also a great cause for concern, because millions of people still live without the basic necessities of life - food, shelter and good clean water.
Peace, we all agree, is not just the absence of war: it is the global ambience of harmony in the interrelationships of States. Peace is the kind of condition that will pave the way for improving living standards in developing countries, thereby ensuring that the world's five-billionth citizen will start the day with the most basic social services at hand. Looking back at 1986 as the International Year of Peace, have we come any closer to a full realization of this important principle of the Charter? With the passing of 1987, are we likely to see a glimpse of hope for the homeless, not only in our own countries or regions but globally as well?
Solomon Islands is fully convinced that this glimpse of hope does not rest only on the effectiveness of modern technology or on improved agricultural productivity, important though these have been and will continue to be. Rather, the improvement of conditions for the poor and homeless rests squarely on global peace in its totality - and this includes the freedom of all peoples from the forces that hinder their self-determination and independence.
It is more than eight years now since the Vietnamese forces invaded and occupied Kampuchea. This act has not only caused much suffering to the Kampuchean people, but has been, and continues to be, a destabilizing factor in the South-East Asian region. Indeed it remains a threat to international peace and security. Solomon Islands continues to condemn Viet Nam for its invasion and occupation of Kampuchea. In our view, the Kampuchean problem can be settled only with the total withdrawal of the Vietnamese forces. In this respect, my Government strongly feels that the Eight-Point Proposal put forward by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea on 17 March 1986 is the best starting-point for a negotiated settlement which should set the scene for the restoration of peace, security and stability in the region, and the survival of democratic institutions in the country.
The situation in Afghanistan still remains another cause for concern. Here a popular resistance movement has been consistently suppressed by a super-Power. With more than 100,00Ü Soviet troops still in Afghanistan, we just cannot see how Afghan citizens can live normal lives, let alone determine their own destiny. Again, we earnestly urge the Soviet Union to heed the repeated calls of the

international community to withdraw all its forces from Afghanistan and thereby give the Afghans a chance freely to choose their own system of government.
How long is the international community going to allow the racist regime of South Africa to haunt its conscience? How long are we going to sit by and watch our fellow human beings suffer under a regime that has not the slightest respect for human dignity? Have we not all agreed that apartheid is a mockery of justice and civilized behaviour and must therefore be eliminated? Yes, we have. It must be wiped out with a concerted action.
In the case of Namibia, we do not accept South Africa's insistence on linking an extraneous issue to the implementation of the United Nations plan for the peaceful transition to independence of the Territory. Both the Security Council and the General Assembly have categorically rejected this linkage as contravening the terms of Security Council resolution 435 (197B), which must remain the sole basis for resolving the Namibian problem.
Since Pretoria has been turning a deaf ear to the call for the elimination of apartheid, we strongly feel the international community must move to apply comprehensive mandatory sanctions - a measure which is in keeping with the letter and spirit of Chapter VII of the Charter. If the litany of our exhortations is not going to bring Pretoria to any new enlightenment, then let us allow our actions henceforth to dismantle that evil system.
Peace in the Middle East is one of the oldest and most contentious issues with which the United Nations has grappled. Solomon Islands supports the fundamental and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including their right to their own State. At the same time, we fully support the right of Israel to exist within secure and internationally recognized borders. We believe that it is only through the good will of all parties concerned to negotiate that a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the dispute can be reached. A United Nations sponsored international conference on the Middle Last would offer much to this end.
Last month marked the eighth year of the Iran-Iraq war - a war which has now outlasted both the First and Second World Wars in its duration. Recent events have shown that a dangerous growth of tensions is also taking place in the Persian Gulf. Certainly, there is a pressing need to adopt urgent and effective measures which would promote a radical scaling down of tensions in the Gulf and the speediest ending of the Iran-Iraq war. My Government is firmly convinced that Security Council resolution 598 (19Ö7) of 20 July 1987 provides the best framework for promoting peace, and we therefore urge both parties to comply with its terms in response to the clear call of the global community to end the war.
In Central America, Solomon Islands hopes that the recent regional efforts will soon yield a peaceful solution. In this context we welcome the efforts of tile Contadora Group and others to attain peace and democracy in the region.
With regard to the situation on the Korean peninsula, Solomon Islands continues to support the principle of the peaceful reunification of the two Koreas and that this be pursued without outside interference. It is therefore imperative that the dialogue between the two should be reopened at the earliest possible date without pre-conditions. Should South Korea and North Korea consider joining the United Nations as a step towards their reunification, Solomon Islands would welcome and support their individual membership. This would contribute to relaxing tensions while at the same time enhancing the principle of the universality of the membership of the United Nations. Since both countries are already members of a number of United Nations specialized agencies, we believe it would be in order for the Organization to admit them as Members.
International terrorism is worse now than it ever has been. As in previous years, my delegation joins the universal condemnation of international terrorism and pledges to do whatever is possible within our limited means to eliminate it in all its forms and manifestations. The same must be said about drug abuse and its illegal trafficking. My Government is firmly committed to dealing severely with those who may try to introduce these practices to our islands and people. As a young democratic nation, Solomon Islands subscribes to the protection of fundamental human rights and individual freedoms. These are clearly enshrined in our national Constitution. I mention this to highlight our genuine concern over the violation of these principles in a number of countries around the globe.
Turning now to the South Pacific region, I wish to congratulate the Assembly on its historic achievement of 2 December 1986, when it adopted resolution 41/41 A, relating to the question of New Caledonia. The debate on that resolution was most significant, because, for the first time in the history of this Organization, much attention was focused for one and a half days on the South Pacific region. To us in Solomon Islands, that event brought the United Nations closer to our region, and vice versa.
This is as it should be, for the South Pacific island States which are Members of the United Nations cannot continue to be passive recipients of decisions from here. We have to be active participants in the decision-making process of the Organization, because this is the only insurance we have against new outside forces and influences. I was therefore heartened to note that in late June and early July of this year Solomon Islands was included in the itinerary of the United Nations Visiting Mission looking at the performance of United Nations agencies in our region.
We certainly welcomed the Mission, which was led by the Permanent Representative of New Zealand, and we made our views amply clear to it. Our aim is to make United Nations agencies operating in Solomon Islands efficient and cost-effective. We will do our best to attain that objective and we expect the United Nations and its agencies to be equally responsive to our particular needs.
There is a growing school of thought which predicts that the Pacific Ocean is the ocean of the future. This proposition is both attractive and appealing to those of us living in that region. In my view, such a forecast is probably based on scientifically researched and proved criteria? Therefore any move to tap the resources of the region must not be left to blind chance or only to those with advanced technology. Pacific island nations must be part of the development challenge. Our regional development as well as the progress of our individual nations, however, can proceed only on the basis of a stable environment. Without that, we are more likely to suffer the loss of our dignity and self-respect as a result of increasing interest in the region shown by outsiders.
But the prospects for stable regional development are not good, because of such conditions as the potentially explosive situation in New Caledonia. This is why we ate deeply concerned by the stubbornness of Prance regarding the decolonization process of that Territory. This is why we have been urging the Administering Authority to co-operate with us within the framework of the established principles and practices of the United Nations.
I should like to restate here the basic position of Solomon Islands on New Caledonia. New Caledonia is a Non-Self-Governing Territory; therefore France, as the Administering Authority, is obliged to do everything possible to bring it to self-determination and independence. Solomon Islands fully supports independence for New Caledonia and it is our desire to see this objective achieved peacefully, without further bloodshed.
It is our firm position that the United Nations, through its appropriate organ, must be actively involved in the decolonization process in New Caledonia. This is the only basis on which a legitimate act of self-determination should be pursued. Without such appropriate United Nations involvement, any determination by the French authorities as to the choice of the people of New Caledonia for the future status of that Territory must not be accepted as a choice which has been made through the normal democratic process of free and fair elections. The role that the Kanaks - the indigenous people of New Caledonia - must have in deciding the future of their homeland is vital to the question of independence. Of all the different ethnic groups in New Caledonia, the Kanaks make up the largest single group. Their position, as represented by the FLNKS (Front de libération nationale Kanak socialiste) , which commands the majority support of the Kanaks, is clear; they want to exercise their right to self-determination and independence and they wish to do so with United Nations involvement in accordance with the established principles and practices of the Charter.
It is, therefore, a matter of regret that France has gone ahead with a mock referendum in total disregard of the views of the majority of the States Members of the Organization. In the circumstances, Solomon Islands does not recognize the results of that plebiscite as a genuine indication of the wish of the people of New Caledonia. Without independent observers of the referendum, those results must remain questionable in the eyes of the international community. My Government can only accept a United Nations sponsored referendum on the question of New Caledonia's independence.
I now wish to clarify the position of my Government on the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. While the South Pacific Forum has accepted the Federated States of Micronesia and Marshall Islands as full members of the Forum, Solomon Islands does not as yet recognize them as fully independent States. The criteria for membership of the Forum are different from those governing membership of the United Nations, We consider that while the Federated States of Micronesia and Marshall Islands have both conducted genuine acts of self-determination under United Nations auspices, we still believe that until the trusteeship has been terminated by a decision of the Security Council, that trusteeship remains in force, Solomon Islands none the less respects the constitutional steps taken so at by the United States as the Administering Authority, in fulfilling its Charter obligations with respect to three of the countries of the Trust Territory of the pacific Islands.
The quest for peace is the concern of this Organization. Year in, year out, .n this very Hall we hear statements from this rostrum calling on us all to give peace a chance. Have we done so? In our desire for peace and a world free of nuclear weapons, Solomon Islands, in May of this year, became the eleventh signatory to the South Pacific Nuclear-Free-Zone Treaty - a Treaty to which some Powers readily acceded, while others disregarded it, but which the nations of the Pacific regard as a symbol of their contribution to peace and the safety of mankind.

My Government is, therefore, deeply grateful to the People's Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics for signing Protocols 2 and 3 of that Treaty.
At the same time, we must express our disappointment that while the United States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland had indicated their willingness to abide informally by the provisions of the Treaty and its Protocols, they nevertheless refrained from signing them. We again call on those two Powers and on Prance to reconsider their positions with a view to signing Protocols 2 and 3 of that Treaty.
On the question of nuclear testing in our region France must again face international condemnation. Since Solomon Islands became a Member of this 0rgani2ation it has consistently and categorically condemned French nuclear testing on Mururoa Atoll. There is no need to elaborate on the danger of nuclear pollution. The memory of the Chernobyl disaster is still fresh in everyone's mind. It is one of those alarming events that have shocked people everywhere. Foe the people of Solomon Islands, the ocean surrounding us is our source of life. Our seas, reefs and lagoons have been and always will be our source of livelihood. Now we are worried because they are in danger of nuclear contamination.
Solomon Islands is totally opposed to nuclear testing and the use of nuclear weapons in the South Pacific region. Despite the repeated protests of all States members of the South Pacific Forum regarding such tests, the Government of Prance defiantly continues its testing programme at Mururoa. We are not convinced at all by those who say these tests are safe, because if they are, why not conduct them on the farmlands of France?
My country is a nation of islands with a very narrow economic base. Our major exports are fish, palm oil and copra. Our efforts to step up production in these areas have always been hampered by natural disasters, particularly cyclones, which have, in the recent past, become so frequent in our region that they are almost part of our daily life. The resources of fisheries are very important to our economy. For that reason we subscribe strongly to the relevant provisions of the Convention on the Law of the Sea. We believe the Convention provides the necessary safeguards for our fisheries and other marine resources.
In the exploitation of such resources, our basic objective is to gain the maximum benefit for our people, and a fair return to those who may wish to invest in these resources. For that reason, my Government welcomed the conclusion of the negotiations on the multilateral fisheries treaty between the United States of America and the countries of the South Pacific Forum.
Despite recent events in the region, the South Pacific has been a reasonably peaceful place when compared with other parts of the world. But now, with super-Power rivalry gaining momentum, our future stability is uncertain. A small country like ours does not wish to be drawn into any super-Power confrontation. We are more interested in bettering our living standards and I therefore urge those concerned to respect and help us sustain our efforts to build our nation, rather than confuse us with power play.
I trust that the resolution of the various issues that gravely concern this body - freedom for the colonized and the oppressed, prevention of the nuclear annihilation of mankind, peace and security in the world, shelter for the homeless, food for the starving, and a better living standard for all - will move a step closer to fulfilment in the course of this session. Then we shall have come nearer to realizing the promise; "Peace on earth, good will towards men".


 I wish, Sir, to convey to you the felicitations of the people and Government of the Philippines on your unanimous election as President of the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. You bring to that high office outstanding qualifications and long experience in diplomacy, particularly in the United Nations. It is therefore especially appropriate that you should be leading our deliberations in this critical period in the history of the United Nations, and it is with great confidence that we look forward to your stewardship of the General Assembly.
I should like, at the same time, to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, who provided able and effective leadership during the forty-first session. I wish also to pay tribute to the United Nations Secretary—General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his painstaking efforts on behalf of peace in the world. His annual report highlights the major issues before the Organization and contains important recommendations which should guide us in our deliberations. Throughout the more than 40 years of existence of the United Nations the Assembly's agenda has been focused on the quest of man for a world order based on peace, harmony/ security and prosperity. Although the Assembly meets every year, the unique service of this forum is today more important than ever, for today the international community is confronted with a serious crisis of confidence in the collective ability of nations to move together towards a common goal. Despite the many approaches that have been tried in recent years/ the causes of world conflicts have not disappeared. Indeed, these conflicts could become worse as the political will to solve them. At the same time, every effort to turn each crisis into opportunity generates the momentum towards the elusive goals of genuine peace and prosperity.
The Philippines comes to the forty-second session of the General Assembly under a new mandate and inspiration. The Filipino people have ratified a new Constitution by which they hope to build a just and humane society and pursue their ideals and aspirations under the rule of law in a regime of truth, justice, freedom, love, equality and peace. In our relations with the international community we give paramount consideration to safeguarding our national sovereignty and territorial integrity and to respecting the right to self-determination of all nations. We have renounced war as an instrument of national policy and adopted the generally accepted principles of international law as part of the law of the land.
In pursuit of our programme of national reconstruction we convened, following a general election, a new Congress of the Philippines that is truly representative of the people and committed to giving meaning and reality to their will.
My delegation is deeply touched by and grateful for the many expressions of sympathy and support for the Philippines and the Government of President Aquino which have been heard in this Assembly.
With its new set of credentials, the Philippines seeks to fulfil its international responsibility and contribute to the common effort to build a better world for ourselves and our children. This universal aspiration is embodied in the objectives set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. Although the international community has committed itself to these objectives in the resonant language of repeated declarations, we remain fragmented and are often in conflict, independently pursuing our individual interests and preferring to rely on the security and comfort of our respective national shells.
The world is waking up to the erosion of many traditional premises, which are not being replaced by new principles upon which to base the resolution of our difficulties. As decision-makers faced with the responsibility of managing these challenges we must find, through discussion and by means of concerted action, new answers to age-old problems. It is our duty to construct a new system of international relations based on the reality of growing and genuine interdependence and on the principles of justice and equity that will both respond to our collective interests and permit us to achieve our respective national objectives.
The first element in this noble mission is the maintenance of international peace and security. Modern history has recorded the failure of innumerable attempts to stabilize the level of armaments of the world Powers. Today, in an atmosphere of distrust and suspicion and in the face of an ever escalating arras race, the super-Powers wrangle in a tug-of-war of gambit and rejection, while the rest of the world watches in horror lest the hair-trigger situation explode into a holocaust. Worse still, the danger is being carried over to outer space, which, as mankind's common heritage, should be reserved exclusively for the uses of peace. Meanwhile, scarce resources that could be utilized for improving the lives of the peoples and fulfilling the potential of the nations of the world are being dissipated. It is ironic that the Powers involved in the arms race are the very same nations as are entrusted with the responsibility of maintaining peace and security within the United Nations system. In this context, the Philippines welcomes the fact that the United States and the Soviet Union have reached agreement in principle to eliminate intermediate-range missiles  We hope that this will be followed by an agreement to reduce# if not eliminate, intercontinental systems. We also encourage progress towards an agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union for the reduction of strategic arsenals at the levels which they set last year in Reykjavik. These are vital steps in the continuing effort towards the goal of ensuring a safer world for mankind.
Conflicts and disputes of various kinds rend the fabric of peace in some regions of the world. These conflicts result as much from a fundamental lack of respect for the rights of men and nations as from the prejudice, arrogance and greed that motivate the disregard of these rights.
In South-East Asia the hapless nation of Kampuchea is in the grip of a military occupation that continues to be a threat to the peace and stability of the region. The political sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea have been violated, and violence has been Inflicted on the dignity of its people. Thousands of refugees have been driven across national borders and now live under the most difficult conditions.
The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), to which the Philippines belongs in solidarity of purpose, has worked tirelessly for a durable and comprehensive political settlement that will restore peace, freedom, independence and justice to the Kampuchean people and stability in the region. In this, ASEAN has received the support of the overwhelming majority of nations, support expressed in particular in resolutions approved by large majorities in the General Assembly.
Together with its ASEAN partners, the Philippines welcomes the recent agreement to hold an informal meeting, initially among Kampucheans and subsequently with the participation of Viet Nam. We hope that this meeting will be the beginning of a dialogue that will eventually lead to negotiations and ultimately to a solution to the problem of Kampuchea.
It will be a solution, we trust, from which will emerge a Kampuchea whose destiny is determined by its own people, free from outside interference, a Kampuchea that is independent, neutral and non-aligned, headed by leaders of the Kampucheans own choosing. At the same time the solution should take into account the security and other interests of all the countries concerned.
It is precisely such a solution that is envisioned in the draft resolution that is to be submitted under the agenda item, "The situation in Kampuchea". By again voting in favour of this resolution, therefore. Member States will be helping to hasten the settlement of the Kampuchean conflict. We must emphasize once again that an acceptable and enduring settlement must include the realization of this proposition: Viet Nam must leave Kampuchea.
In the same manner, the world expects from the Powers concerned a positive response in respect of Afghanistan. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan must be upheld and all foreign forces there must be withdrawn. Afghan refugees must be returned to their homes in safety and honour. The Afghan people must be left alone to determine their own form of government and their own economic, political and social system, free from outside intervention.
The Philippines has taken note of the efforts at national reconciliation in Afghanistan and of the pronouncements on the withdrawal of foreign troops from the country. However, we believe that these steps fall short of the principles embodied in General Assembly resolution 41/33, which calls for the immediate and total withdrawal of foreign troops.
Foreign troops must leave Afghanistan.
As great a tragedy on the contemporary scene is the plight of Namibia, captive of a racist regime that for the last 21 years has defied all calls from the Security Council and the General Assembly to withdraw from Namibia. South Africa continues to violate the human rights and dignity of the Namibians, plunders Namibia's natural resources, and denies the country its independence and rightful place in the family of nations.
South Africa must leave Namibia. South Africa must set Namibia free.
A state of genuine peace, harmony and stability is possible under conditions that recognize and respect the dignity of man. What evil force drives South Africa to defy the whole world bewilders the civilized mind. History does not have to pass judgement on South Africa. Humanity confronted with the gravest of moral issues - that is, apartheid - has already judged it. The judgement must be executed. There must be an end to the attempt to shield South Africa from the world's anger on the basis of any excuse or rationalization. The imposition of comprehensive and mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter is the only peaceful means available to create the necessary environment of change. This is imperative and urgent.
The Security Council's unanimous call in resolution 598 (1987) of 20 July 1987 for a cease-fire in the eight-year-old war between Iran and Iraq must be upheld. No effort should be spared to prevent the worsening of a war nobody wants. My delegation supports the Secretary-General's efforts on behalf of peace in the Persian Gulf.
The Middle East conflict has remained a tinderbox for too long. A just, comprehensive and lasting settlement must be achieved if we are to eliminate a major cause of international instability. The right of the Palestinian people to self-determination under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization and to establish an independent State in Palestine must be recognized. At the same time, the right of all States in the region to live in peace and within secure boundaries, free from threats or acts of force, must be upheld. The convening under the auspices of the United Nations of an international peace conference on the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned and the five permanent members of the Security Council would be a most appropriate means for the resolution of the conflict.
We pay a tribute to the Central American countries for the historic agreement which they recently reached in Guatemala City. It augurs well for the peace, security and stability of that troubled region. It also speaks well o£ a political will founded on wisdom and statesmanship. We call on all the countries concerned to carry out this landmark agreement.
My delegation supports the resumption of negotiations on the Korean question at the earliest possible time. In keeping with the principle of universality and for the sake of international peace and stability, the Philippines supports the admission to membership of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the United Nations under Article 4 of the Charter.
The disputes in the Malvinas and in Western Sahara call for similar approaches. Efforts leading to their effective resolution, both direct negotiations and use of the good offices of the Secretary-General, must be encouraged.
The United Nations must take the lead in reversing the worsening global economic situation. Our hope for enduring global peace, harmony and security cannot be realized in a world beset with glaring economic inequity and injustice, which create serious instabilities in many areas of the world. What is required is for us to go beyond rhetoric and take action.
We are after all, not starting from scratch. There are principles and courses of action that have long been embodied in many declarations, joint communiqués, resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, we already have the Programme of Action for a New International Economic Order, the United Nations International Development Strategies# the Vienna Programme of Action for Science and Technology, and many more. However, there has been some unwillingness to give practical application to those instruments. If the international community had done what is called for in those instruments, we would be living in a better world than we have today.
We are aware of the obstacles that lie ahead of us. The reluctance of the industrialized nations to undertake appropriate industrial restructuring prevents world trade from regaining its buoyancy. The general slow-down in the flow of development resources from bilateral sources and international financial institutions deprives the developing countries, particularly the debt-ridden among them, of the means to achieve economic growth.
Trade protectionism constitutes a frustrating barrier to the developing nations' economic aspirations. Their foreign debt is a crushing burden on those countries, bringing about great social and political tensions in their societies ad hoc and piecemeal management of the debt problem has been anti-development, destabilizing and inequitable. While there is a growing recognition of the principle of shared responsibility of debtors and creditors, the actual burden has been borne primarily, if not entirely, by the debtor countries, for which the costs of adjustment are intolerably onerous.
My delegation believes that economic growth must take precedence over debt servicing. Developing countries must have a reasonable economic growth that will enable their peoples to enjoy adequate standards of living. The long-term  interests of the creditors are better served by the continued stability of the debtor countries and the viability of the global financial system. The Philippines therefore supports a proposal to convene an international conference on money and finance to discuss a just and lasting solution to the debt problem.
We are called upon to take bold steps and innovative approaches in the political and economic spheres to meet the challenges of today. We are also called upon to take concerted action and respond to the mandate in the Preamble of the United Nations Charter "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom".
No effort to improve the quality of life can have meaning apart from the general well-being of the human person. The impairment of social life, the threat of disease, poverty and malnutrition, and the outrages that injure or violate the dignity of the human person could render ineffective, even meaningless, whatever gains are made in other fields.
Last year the General Assembly adopted 68 resolutions on social, cultural and humanitarian matters. They encompass the promotion and protection of human rights the International Campaign Against Abuse of and Illegal Trafficking in Drugs; women, youth, the disabled and the aging·, crime prevention and criminal justice racism, racial discrimination, and the right to self-determination. The resolutions provide the building blocks that have resulted in a number of United Nations treaties and conventions. Thus, the United Nations has done much in setting standards by which the Member countries can measure their performance. We the Members of the United Nations, must match our zeal with concrete proposals, resolutions and decisions and place our collective determination and political will behind their implementation. The Philippine Government remains steadfast in its adherence to human tights and social justice and in the commitment of the new Constitution to giving the highest priority to the enactment of measures that protect and enhance the right of the people to human dignity, reduce social, economic and political inequalities, and remove cultural inequities by equitably diffusing wealth and political power for the common good." We place the highest value on those United Nations instruments which promote and protect human dignity and the worth of the individual.
To the extent that the United Nations has become the guardian of the highest moral values of humanity, the promotion and protection of human rights must keep its place high on the United Nations agenda. And, even as we keep vigilant watch over the conduct of individual Governments, we must constantly urge one another to renew our commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the other instruments in this field.
To signify the Philippine Government's unwavering support of the international struggle against apartheid. President Aquino recently signed, in the presence of General Joseph Garba, Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, the instrument of ratification of the International Convention against Apartheid in Sports.
The United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment entered into force on 26 June of this year. The Convention represents a major step forward towards the world-wide proscription of torture. However, our intent to promote and protect human rights must be accompanied by an earnest effort to carry out our corresponding obligations.
We are encouraged by the efforts of the United Nations system to integrate women into the mainstream of national life by emphasizing that women are active participants in development as well as prime beneficiaries of its rewards. My country strongly supports the work of the United Nations on behalf of the advancement of women. We take pride in the fact that the Nairobi forward—Looking strategies for the advancement of women to the year 2000 have been included in the Philippines' medium-term development plan for 1987-1992.
During this session the United Nations will observe the tenth anniversary of the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM). UNIFEM has contributed much to the improvement of the situation of the poor in more than 100 countries around the world. We must therefore continue to support it fully.
The International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, under the presidency of the Prime Minister of Malaysia Dr. Mahathir Mohamed, which was held in Vienna in June, was a landmark development in international co-operation in meeting the grave challenge of the drug problem. The Declaration and the comprehensive multi-disciplinary outline should lay the groundwork for further co-operation. The Philippines will continue to pursue the fight against that scourge, both at home and on the international front, particularly in collaboration with its partners In the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) .
In its latest compilation the World Health Organization (WHO) has reported 58,880 cases of AIDS. The Philippines views with concern the ever-increasing number of victims of that dreaded disease and is therefore prepared to support concerted joint efforts aimed at combating it. One of the most important documents that will be discussed by the General Assembly this year is the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development# entitled "Our common future". The Philippines was privileged to attend the presentational meeting to launch the report, which was held in New Deli in July 1987.
The realities of living on one Earth make us realize the constraints of the interdependency of our environments and economies. Unfortunately, the international community has not effectively addressed our urgent ecological concerns. Scientists throughout the world have brought to our attention the urgent but complex environmental problems threatening our survival. A warming globe, threats to the ozone layer, desertification, deforestation, pollution and environmental degradation are eroding the potential for development and have become a survival issue for developing countries.
Let us recall with relief and gratitude that the forty-first session of the General Assembly ended with a renewed awareness of the need to overcome a looming crisis of confidence in the United Nations and to keep it moving forward despite a serious challenge to its very existence. The difficult situation created by the financial crisis in the United Nations system last year resulted in an unexpected bonus; it gave rise to a pervasive spirit of moderation and sobriety, which culminated in an earnest search for compromise and accommodation.
It is imperative for the entire membership to accept joint responsibility for keeping the United Nations not only alive and well but strong enough to face the tasks that have been entrusted to it. Obligations under the Charter must be met under the mandated arrangement of equitable burden-sharing based on capacity. The financial problem will remain and perhaps grow worse for as long as commitments are not honoured.
The administrative reforms directed by this Assembly and carried out by the Secretary-General should meet the requirements of rationalization and the need to streamline management. There is encouraging progress in the effort to review the Charter so as to strengthen the United Nations and make it a more effective instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security.
The vision that emerged for all mankind in 1945 in San Francisco will remain as a beacon in our quest for a better life in a world at peace. It is less important to know whether in the interval we have moved an inch closer to our goal than it is to make certain that our sense of commitment and responsibility has not diminished. The important thing is not to falter and not to surrender to cynicism and despair, for if we ate today a community of nations risen from the scourge of wars and deprivation it is because of our awareness that we can gather strength from a sense of solidarity and are nourished by a real faith in the vision of a bright future for mankind as we bestride the short distance into the twenty-first century.


The peoples of the world are turning towards our Organization with interest, expectations and hopes that are higher than ever before. There is a widespread, growing conviction that mankind will be able to survive and solve its problems only through joint efforts, with the participation of the United Nations.
Like every other Member State/ Poland is shouldering, to the extent of its strength and aspirations, its share of responsibility for our shared world-
We welcomed with appreciation and hope the historic tentative agreement between the Soviet Union and the United States on the elimination of medium- and shorter-range missiles, as stressed by the President of the Council of State of Poland, Wojciech Jaruzelski, who stated that "The Polish people, which in its history has had such painful experience of the horrors of war, fully understands the significance of this momentous event, and wholeheartedly endorses it-"
We view the Washington agreement as a breakthrough in disarmament negotiations
and as a step towards general and complete disarmament- We see it as an opportunity considerably to accelerate the long efforts to establish lasting peace and security and as the start of a new period, when we can begin to defuse the dangers facing our planet, which is excessively charged with explosives. But we know full well that the long-awaited elimination of two classes of deadly missiles is but the beginning of the long road back from the edge of the abyss to which nuclear weapons have brought mankind.
We want to believe that the Soviet-United States agreement will provide a strong impetus for stepping up disarmament negotiations and making progress in the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons based on full compliance with the anti-ballistic missile Treaty. We expect early finalization of an agreement banning chemical weapons. On the agenda as well are negotiations on the elimination from Europe of nuclear weapons with a range of up to 500 kilometres and on a reduction of conventional weapons. The world must take a deep breath and rid itself of the political, psychological, economic and social burden of the arms race.
We are deeply convinced of the responsibility of all States, be they large, medium-sized or small, for the future of the world, and of their potential to make a contribution to that future. On many occasions, Poland has spoken out constructively in favour of creating optimal conditions for the peaceful and safe development of our country, of Europe and of the world at large. We have always been aware, however, that the right of a country to security is not without limits. Precisely 30 years ago today, the same philosophy gave rise to the Rapacki plan presented from this rostrum by the then Foreign Minister of Poland on 2 October 1957. The aim of that celebrated initiative was to reduce armaments in the flash-point of Europe and give that region a special status of military security.
At that time Poland was trying to break the habit of thinking of security exclusively in East-West terms. Its proposal covered States belonging to both of the two major military blocs and thus reflected the interests of the whole of Europe. Without abandoning global solutions it pointed to the possibility of regional arrangements.
The ideas of the Rapacki plan remain valid. Unfortunately, they failed to materialize in Europe, to the detriment of that continent and of the world. But they have inspired statesmen and whole nations to establish nuclear-weapon-free zones in Latin America, the South Pacific, Africa and Asia. Thousands of towns and cities on all continents have declared themselves to be nuclear-weapon-free zones. Under international agreements, the Antarctic, outer space and the sea-bed and ocean floor are zones free from those lethal engines. Today, 30 years after the Rapacki plan was put forward, the new positive transformation of the world is benefiting from the Polish initiative on decreasing armaments and increasing confidence in Central Europe: the Jaruzelski plan. The plan's underlying idea is to halt the arras race and promote confidence in the militarily most sensitive region of Europe: Central Europe. The Jaruzelski plan stems from Poland's national experience, from the traditions of a nation to which history has meted out harsh treatment. At the same time, the plan serves the interests of other peoples and other States of Europe. Although it refers to a single continent, it approaches the issue of security in broader terms. For that reason, it is our duty to set out here in the United Nations its principles and its substance.
First, however, I should like to draw the attention of members to broader issues that have had an impact on the sources, the essence and the shape of that Polish initiative.
We believe it is time to end the very dangerous role of the military factor in the contemporary world. Now, at the end of the twentieth century, there is no place for policies based on military means and on dealing from a position of strength. That underlies the initiatives taken by States parties to the Warsaw Treaty. The essence of those initiatives are; the elimination of conventional armed forces and weapons] the complete prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests  the prevention of the deployment of nuclear weapons in outer space; a ban on chemical weapons; the inadmissibility of the use of military means in the resolution of any dispute; and the corresponding modification of military doctrines. These initiatives are well balanced and open, and are born of the conviction that one cannot build one's own security at the expense of the security of others.
The current general debate at the forty-second session of the General Assembly demonstrates that this conviction is shared by a growing number of States. We hope that in the interest of their own peoples, and in accordance with the expectations of the international community, the States members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will respond to the disarmament offer of the Warsaw Treaty organization.
Progress in disarmament must have priority in the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations.
The consistency and flexibility with which the Soviet Union - in the United Nations and elsewhere - is addressing the implementation of the programme for ridding the world of nuclear weapons by the year 2000 deserves the highest respect and attention. That programme spells out the desires of all mankind.
Mankind's peaceful efforts and expectations manifest the conviction that the unity and harmonious growth of the world require acceptance of the simple truth that the interests of particular regions are part and parcel of the global interests of all nations. The world can develop, nationally and regionally, only with acknowledgement of the political and economic diversity of States and regions, and with mutual co-operation, understanding and respect.
Guided by those considerations we, together with other socialist States, have proposed the establishment of a comprehensive system of international peace and security. We should like it to embrace the most important manifestations of the interests of all mankind, be they military, political, economic, humanitarian or environmental in nature. In an era of ominous nuclear armaments and advanced space research, it is our objective and desire to ensure, for every nation and every individual, through the collective efforts of the international community, the right to life, freedom, peace, prosperity and happiness. Only in this way can we meet the deep concern for the realization, in present-day practice of international relations, of the lofty purposes and principles of the United Nations set forth in the Charter, due account being taken of the new values created in the past four decades and of mutual interdependence and common dangers. That was stressed by Mikhail Gorbachev in his recent article on the realities and guarantees of a safe world.
In such a system of international peace and security we also see room for putting into effect the fundamental objectives of Poland's foreign policy. In Europe, in the region closest to Poland, the main problem of security now is, in effect, eliminating the possibility of a surprise attack. One can no longer walk around the European powder-keg with a lighted match, for sooner or later an explosion is bound to occur with incalculable consequences for the whole world.
Political, economic and cultural relations in Europe, especially those related to the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) , do not warrant the current high level of armaments and military preparedness. In the area of Central Europe closest to my homeland, stockpiles of weapons have been amassed far exceeding the defence needs of countries of the region. It is with some concern and anxiety that we wonder about the future of European security after the elimination of medium- and shorter-range missiles. Will this really be the starting-point for genuine disarmament, detente and the building of lasting confidence or, on the contrary, for increased conventional armaments and the growth in stockpiles of tactical nuclear weapons?
It is our deepest conviction that favourable conditions exist for ensuring greater security for European States at a considerably lower level of military potential. This conviction is fully reflected in the Jaruzelski plan. It proposes, among other things, the gradual reduction and withdrawal of specific, mutually agreed on, types and quantities of nuclear and conventional weapons and agreement on the elimination of the disproportions and asymmetries in a variety of weapons and armed forces, together possibly with reductions in areas where one side enjoys superiority over the other. Those steps should be matched by appropriate and far-reaching confidence-building and security-building measures, along with a mechanism for thorough verification. The plan also proposes such modification of military doctrines that they would reciprocally be recognized as strictly defensive. The steps taken within the framework of the plan would be based on the principles of equality of rights, reciprocity, equal security of all patties without detriment to the security of any one State.
Appropriate guarantees by nuclear Powers could be one of the conditions for the effectiveness of the measures envisaged in the plan, as well as the security of the States of the region, and respect for their status under the agreement.
The Polish plan is open in nature. It provides genuine possibilities for the partners jointly to select and spell out the means of implementation and to take into account the suggestions and proposals of all the interested States. It is a manifestation of the concept of achieving common security through the co-operation of States,
We also support the proposals made by Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free corridor and a chemical-weapon-free zone in Central Europe.
We take note with satisfaction of the finalization of the study of the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research on the diverse effects of the militarization of outer space, which was the goal of the Polish initiative submitted at the fortieth session of the General Assembly.
The sense of security is deeply rooted in the minds of men and stems from the most profound motivations and aspirations for peace as man's supreme value. It is from that standpoint that we approach the third periodic review of the implementation of the United Nations  Declaration on the Preparation of Societies for Life in Peace, adopted on Poland's initiative· In our view the Declaration fulfils its role. This has been confirmed, inter alia, by observances of the International Year of Peace and the massive demands for real disarmament measures voiced then with unprecedented strength· World public opinion has unequivocally confirmed the determination of nations to ensure peace and their readiness to act to strengthen it. In the view of the Polish government, the provisions of the Declaration on the Preparation of Societies for Life in Peace could play a greater role if their implementation were not entirely discretionary. Therefore we suggest that the General Assembly consider the need and possibility of upgrading the international status of that important document.
According greater priority within the United Nations system to solving humanity’ s critical social problems, which are the source of many international tensions, would constitute an appropriate and welcome step towards a more secure world. The Conference of the European ministers responsible for social affairs held in Warsaw last April, served precisely that purpose.
Respect for human rights constitutes an integral element of the system of international security. We are pleased that the international community is showing increasing appreciation of the need to humanize international relations. In keeping with the ideals of the United Nations Charter, that stand should lead to a perception of the world as a single entity, the development of which is determined by the interests of mankind and the democratisation of international relations.
The implementation of such a humanist view is served, not only by disarmament and broad international co-operation, but by human rights. We have established, within the United Nations system and on a regional scale within the CSCE process, a common basis for realizing those objectives; the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and other relevant documents demonstrate that. We are in favour of their full and creative application by all States. However, they cannot be approached in a selective manner. In the global effort to enhance human rights, greater attention should be devoted to social and economic rights, and access to culture, education and health care. We are also in favour of greater integration of human rights into social development.
Poland supports specific international co-operation and serious discussion in the field of human rights. Accordingly, we have, for instance, supported the proposal to convene in Moscow a broadly representative conference on humanitarian co-operation between the States participants in the CSCE process. We have accumulated many positive experiences that we are prepared to share. We do not shy away from taking into account the experience of others provided that such experience is in keeping with mutually recognized values, national traditions and needs. We intend to go further in enhancing human rights and achieving national reconciliation, renewal, ever greater democratisation of social relations and the development of socialist pluralism.
Aware of the role of the family in the social life of nations and States, we have submitted to the Commission for Social Development a draft resolution on the proclamation by the United Nations of an International year of family· We expect that year to be proclaimed for the early 1990s. We view the strengthening of the family as the basic social cell and the natural environment for the growth and well-being of all its members and as a concrete contribution to the development of common values for the sake of the present as well as the future of mankind.
We are confident that our initiative, which has also been sponsored by Austria, Canada, Mongolia, Portugal, the Federal Republic of Germany and the Ukraine, and which enjoys the support of many other States, will receive unanimous approval at the current session of the General Assembly.
The comprehensive system of international peace and security proposed by the socialist States means also that greater attention should be devoted to economic growth. A situation which for some nations is tantamount to bare survival while for others it means that they do not know what to do with their surplus goods cannot be allowed to continue indefinitely· At a time of considerable growth in international economic interdependence, the establishment of a system of international economic security becomes a fundamental challenge. It is urgently necessary that the efforts of the United Nations be concentrated on ensuring decent and equitable development conditions for all States. The more developed participants in the international economic exchange can no longer treat weaker partners in a condescending manner. Today the latter are already indispensable parties to the development process of the more developed countries, and this will be even more true in the future. The narrowly conceived interests and short-term benefits of the developed countries should not obscure the broader and more fundamental interests resulting from the growing interdependence of all countries.
Poland has consistently supported the building of confidence in international economic relations and has put into effect the concept of international economic security and stable international co-operation, free from restrictions and limitations. We ate ready to co-operate with all those that wish to co-operate with us on an equal basis. This means desisting from attempts to lecture others and to impose one's solutions on others. Attempts to make the capitalist market economy the only panacea for all the difficulties and problems of the contemporary world are naive and at odds with the interests of international co-operation. Each nation enjoys the right to choose the path to development which is in keeping with its own interests and historical processes. Entrepreneurship and the free market are not inventions of the capitalist economy alone.
Today economic security is inseparably linked to foreign indebtedness, which has become an issue of global dimensions. The credits received, instead of enhancing the development of debtor countries, are frequently impeding it. Equally frequently they become instruments of political pressure against those States which, for many reasons, are unable to repay their debt. This phenomenon is not limited to the developing countries. At the present time, in this closely interdependent world, indebtedness affects the interests not only of the debtor States but also of the creditors. The latter, in their own best interest, should support the restructuring efforts of the debtor countries and lower the cost of debt servicing. We have been drawing attention to this situation for some time, inter alia by proposing at the fortieth session of the General Assembly that an international debt and development research centre be established under the auspices of the Secretary-General, With a view to facilitating the implementation of this initiative, we set up in Krakow at the end of 1986 a national centre devoted to dealing with these problems. I express the hope that the centre will shortly be associated with the programmes carried out within the framework of the United Nations system.
Poland has also been actively involved in international efforts aimed at increasing the resources allocated for development. Like the overwhelming majority of States, we believe that one of the principal sources of development funds should be the resources which are today squandered on armaments. The International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, which was held in September, has confirmed the existence of an inseparable link between disarmament and development. We believe that disarmament is a prerequisite for development. The reallocation of resources obtained as a result of arms reduction should not be carried out automatically. It should take due account also of the level and requirements of the internal development of States, reducing military expenditures and promoting co-operation with the developing countries.
The building of a secure and better world will not be possible without stopping the continuing degradation of man's natural environment. Poland attaches major importance to ecological issues. We seek to expand international co-operation in this area. It is with great attention that we have acquainted ourselves with the valuable report of the World Commission on Environment and Development headed by the Prime Minister of Norway, Mrs. Gro Harlem Brundtland. We expect that, in keeping with Poland's proposal submitted at the fortieth session of the General Assembly, an increased exchange of environmental protection technology will follow. The resolution adopted at the Conference of the United Nations Environment Programme in Nairobi marked a degree of progress in that area. We hope that the General Assembly, too, will take constructive steps in this regard, at the current session.
Poland supports efforts designed to eliminate the threat to the security of States and individuals posed by international terrorism. We are ready to participate in the establishment of effective international barriers against this dangerous phenomenon. These efforts, however, cannot in any way cause us to disregard the legitimate national liberation struggles that stem from the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination. To the extent of our possibilities, we are also endeavouring to contribute to the struggle against the deadly diseases of our day and to finding more effective means of containing drug abuse and preventing the spread of AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome).
I have referred to only some of the roost critical aspects of the building of a more secure and better world. Poland has stressed on many occasions, however, that there cannot be a more secure world without the peaceful resolution of regional conflict situations: in the Middle East, on the basis of the return of the occupied territories and respect for the right of all peoples to self-determination·, in southern Africa, through the elimination of apartheid and the exercise of the right of the people of Namibia to self-determination; around Afghanistan and Kampuchea, with the implementation of the policy of national reconciliation and dialogue with the States concerned; in Central America, with respect for the original initiative of the States of the region; in Europe, with a settlement of the Cyprus problem; and in the Korean peninsula, with the peaceful reunification of the Korean people in accordance with the proposals of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea. There will be no safe world without the cessation of hostilities between Iraq and Iran and the solution of the contentious issues between those two States on the basis of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) . All States should refrain from unilateral actions and extend resolute support to the Security Council and the Secretary-General. As in past years, we are ready to take part in practical steps aimed at restoring peace to the sensitive regions of the world.
True to the fundamental premises of its policy and the principles of the United Nations Charter, Poland is interested in the promotion of relations with all States based on the principles of equality, non-interference in internal affairs and mutual benefit. It is with satisfaction that we take note of the speeding up of positive changes in Polish-American relations. The reopening of the political dialogue and its elevation to higher levels, as well as the lifting of United States restrictions, have paved the way for the normalization and improvement of bilateral relations. We have travelled together a long way, from crisis situations to joint constructive actions, gradually restoring normal relations based on a lasting foundation and universally recognized principles, for the benefit of our nations, peace and international co-operation.
The development of this process calls for new efforts to overcome the obstacles and impediments that still exist. We wish relations between Poland and the United States to be normal and businesslike, based on peaceful coexistence and the rich traditions which bind our two peoples. We are ready for new joint constructive steps in political relations, equitable economic and financial co-operation and cultural, scientific and technological exchanges.
Similarly, it is our desire to promote mutually advantageous contacts with other Western States. We think that substantial progress in the normalization of relations between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany on the basis of the 1970 Treaty would constitute a joint contribution to tine strengthening of positive trends, and not only in Europe. We took careful note of the statement of Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher on the "special quality" of relations with Poland.
All the problems that I have touched upon can be solved through full application of the principles and ideals set out in the Charter of the United Nations. To attain this goal it is indispensable to strengthen our Organization. We must enhance its effectiveness, especially in the key areas of the consolidation of peace, international security, arras control, disarmament and development. We appreciate the efforts of the Organization and its Secretary-General in easing tension and eliminating regional conflicts.
A substantial contribution to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in the world is being made by efforts concerning the codification and progressive development of international law, in particular those of the International Law Commission.
In conclusion, it is with deep satisfaction that I greet in the high office of President of the General Assembly at its forty-second session the representative of the German Democratic Republic, a brother socialist country to which Poland is linked by ties of friendship and co-operation, as well as by a lasting and unalterable boundary of peace between two friendly sovereign States. At the same time, I should like to extend to the Secretary-General, Mr· Javier Perez de Cuellar, an assurance of our unswerving respect and our support for his endeavours.
Poland firmly believes that the United Nations offers the best platform for joining words to deeds in inter-State relations and in the peaceful resolution of the basic dilemmas of our times- At the time when we founded this Organization together we were equally convinced of the validity of this statement. This is borne out by the fact that Poland, foreign policy is fully in keeping with the purposes and principles of the United Nations; this has found its expression in, among other things, the Jaruzelski plan, as explained today to the General Assembly
We are deeply convinced that the constructive, comprehensive nature of the present debate will contribute to the strengthening of the role and significance of the United Nations in the quest for a better, safer, peaceful world.