First of all, Sir, let me congratulate you most warmly on your elevation to the high office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We are particularly delighted that the very first appearance in the United Nations of a Ghanaian delegation representing the new civilian administration of the Third Republic—the Government of the People's National Party under the presidency of Mr. Hilla Liman—should take place during a session presided over by a brother from the sister country, the United Republic of Tanzania. Your election is a fitting tribute to your fine qualities of leadership, impartiality and tact, qualities which you have abundantly displayed as Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Your election reflects honour not only on your native country, which, along with the other front-line States, continues to play such a laudable role in the liberation struggle, but on all of Africa, whose increasingly important role in world affairs today is thus fittingly recognized. We are convinced that both in the open debate and in the corridors of this Assembly your diplomatic skill and sober judgement will be fully brought to bear in guiding the discussions to a successful conclusion. In your challenging task as President, my delegation would like to assure you of its ready-support and co-operation at all times.
2.	To your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia, we convey our deepest appreciation of his excellent achievement during his tenure of office in steering the thirty-third session to such a successful conclusion.
3.	It is common knowledge that the work of this Assembly cannot be carried out effectively without the valuable support provided by our distinguished Secretary-General and his self-effacing but able and dedicated staff both at United Nations Headquarters and its various offices around the world. The Ghana delegation would like to place on record its profound appreciation of their excellent work.
4.	May I here express our own sense of bereavement at the passing of Mr. Agostinho Neto, the late President of Angola, by his untimely death Africa has lost one of its greatest sons in the present phase of decolonization. He was a great African leader who, along with others like him, finally turned the tide against the colonialism of Salazar and Caetano and thus cleared the way for the final assault on the last bastions of imperialism and racial domination in southern Africa. Our profoundest condolences go to the delegation and to the Government and people of Angola for this irreparable loss.
5.	The late President Boumediene of Algeria will also be remembered throughout the third world, and beyond it, not only as a great champion of the people in his own country, and a great fighter for rights of the Palestinian and Saharan peoples, but also as a great pioneer of the New International Economic Order. By his death, Africa, the Arab nations, and all the third world have sustained a heavy loss. To the Algerian delegation, and to the Algerian Government and people, we convey our deepest sympathies.
6.	For us in Ghana, the birth of every new State is an occasion for rejoicing as it marks another milestone in the systematic eradication of colonialism. It is for this reason that we heartily welcome into our growing family the Government and people of Saint Lucia. We share their justified feeling of fulfilment and wish them every success in tackling the difficult problems of nation-building.
7.	Ghana is a member of the non-aligned movement. Our first President, Mr. Kwame Nkrumah, was among the founding fathers of the movement. Guided by his precept and example, the People's National Party Government of the Third Republic, has resolved that the foreign policy of Ghana shall be securely anchored in the cardinal principles of non-alignment, namely, independence from great-Power influence, scrupulous respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other nations, and total commitment to the crusade for self-determination.
8.	It is perhaps appropriate for us to recall the historic pronouncement of Mr. Nkrumah, on the eve of Ghana's independence some 22 years ago, that Ghana's independence would be meaningless unless it was linked with the total liberation of Africa. The Government of the People's National Party is determined that, in collaboration with all countries which believe in true freedom and justice for all men, Ghana shall bear its part of the burden, make the sacrifice and pay the price in order to achieve total and genuine freedom for all Africa and indeed for all territories still under colonial and alien domination.
9.	In keeping with its commitment to genuine freedom and independence, Ghana did not hesitate to reject the internal settlement arranged between the racist Smith and the Muzorewa clique because that settlement did not bring majority rule to the people of Zimbabwe, but merely provided a black front for what was, in reality, the continuation of racist minority rule and the perpetuation of injustice. Any system of government which places in the hands of 3 per cent of the population the power to block all constitutional advance for a period of 10 years, and the control of the security forces as well as all senior positions in the civil service, the judiciary, and the police, is grossly unjust, and indeed outmoded at birth.
10.	The consensus on Zimbabwe, reached at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held at Lusaka in August, clearly rejected the internal settlement and called for fresh elections based on a new constitution which would truly reflect the inalienable rights and legitimate aspirations of the black majority. Ghana supported this consensus, which we believe provides the basis for a just and internationally acceptable solution. In this regard, our prime objective was to ensure that the sole authentic liberation movement, the Patriotic Front, whose sacrifices and armed struggle created the right political conditions, assumes its rightful role in a truly independent Zimbabwe.
11.	We expect the United Kingdom Government to honour its pledge and fulfil all its responsibilities and obligations as the administering Power, by ensuring, inter alia, that the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference, now being held at Lancaster House, produces a settlement acceptable to the black majority and to the international community. In the event that the Lancaster House negotiations on the constitution for independence should founder, there would be no alternative to an intensification of the armed struggle, and Ghana would for its part continue to extend all moral and material support to the heroic Patriotic Front until genuine majority rule was achieved.
12.	It does, however, need to be emphasized that it would not be enough to secure agreement on a constitution without agreement on the transitional arrangements leading to independence. The character of an interim administration, arrangements for properly supervised elections and acceptable conditions for the cease-fire—all these have to be agreed on before any question of lifting sanctions can properly arise. Neither a cease-fire nor an end to international sanctions was envisaged at the Lusaka Meeting except in the context of putting into operation a settlement which could truly be regarded as lasting and internationally acceptable. Let no one imagine, expect or believe that a conclusion of the proceedings at Lancaster House that falls short of these conditions is likely to produce either an end to the war or an end to international sanctions. And any such conclusion should not be regarded as sufficient justification for a unilateral lifting of sanctions in defiance of the Security Council's decision under Chapter VII of the Charter and in violation of Charter obligations.
13.	The issue of independence for Namibia continues to engage the attention of the United Nations and has perhaps become one of the most intractable problems facing this Organization. The five Western Powers and the front-line States worked out in 1978 a formula that formed the basis of the Secretary-General's plan for Namibia's transition to independence.  This plan was, however, sabotaged by the South African authorities, who, true to form, raised tenuous objections to its provisions and announced their intention of proceeding with their own bogus elections without the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], under what was in fact an internal settlement of the Rhodesian type. In spite of the Secretary-General's untiring efforts to achieve a cease-fire and break the deadlock, South Africa's provocative response took the form of a vicious attack on what it called a build-up of SWAPO guerrilla bases inside Angola—a sovereign and independent State. The next phase was the arrest of 31 leading members of SWAPO's internal wing in Namibia, the transformation of the Constituent Assembly into a National Assembly with limited legislative powers and the appointment of a hard-liner as the new Administrator-General of this United Nations Trust Territory.
14.	If the sinister design of the South African authorities is meant to bring about another unilateral declaration of independence in Namibia in utter defiance of international opinion, then South Africa will have to be warned now, in no uncertain terms, that this world body is ready and willing to frustrate its intentions by effective measures. In this regard, my delegation calls on the Security Council to implement, without any further delay, the resolution adopted by a vast majority of countries at the resumed thirty-third session of the General Assembly which proposed that the Security Council should urgently take enforcement measures against South Africa as provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter, in order to ensure South Africa's compliance with the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations on Namibia. My delegation is confident that the Security Council will enhance its credibility by taking such measures.
15.	The related question of Walvis Bay should not be forgotten. My delegation will wish to reiterate its well- known position that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia and should be so considered in any negotiations leading to the Territory's independence. Walvis Bay is Namibia's only deep-water port and is also the nerve centre of the Territory's thriving fishing industry and export and import trade. South Africa's questionable claim based on a nineteenth century fiction has been rightly rejected by this body, by the Organization of African Unity [OAU], by SWAPO, by the front-line States and, indeed, by the five Western Powers.
16.	Ghana's consistent and uncompromising condemnation of the criminal policy of apartheid, a policy rooted in the myth of racial superiority, stems from our abhorrence of any system which subjects man to humiliating indignities. While we are aware of the existence of pockets of racial prejudice and aberrations regarding human rights in other countries, it is only in South Africa that the policy of racial discrimination, of suppression and of persistent human rights violations against a majority of another racial stock has been institutionalized as an official, as well as a religious, dogma and given the full backing of the law.
17.	The racial policies of South Africa create tensions and constitute a serious threat to world peace in our increasingly interdependent world; and yet strenuous efforts made since 1946 by the General Assembly and by the Security Council to change those backward policies have been treated with contempt by South Africa. Worse still, this shameful apartheid policy has been extended to Namibia, a Territory legally under United Nations administration. In view of South Africa's incorrigible obstinacy over a long period of 34 years, during which the international community's well-meaning exhortations have proved totally futile, my delegation calls for positive action in terms of comprehensive sanctions, including oil sanctions, aimed at ringing the racist regime to heel. In this regard, my delegation would like to record its deep gratitude to the new Iranian Government for joining the Arab oil- producing countries in their unqualified commitment to the embargo on oil supplies to South Africa.
18.	The situation arising from the stoppage of Iranian and Arab oil supplies to South Africa offers a unique opportunity to the international community, particularly the other oil-exporting countries, to exert additional pressure on South Africa. Already the extra bill of approximately $5 million which South Africa has to meet every day for oil supplies from the spot market is doing serious harm to its economy, In order to prevent further oil from secretly entering South Africa, we urge the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] to extend their boycott to the five international oil companies known to be marketing to South Africa about 85 per cent of its oil supplies. Additionally, we endorse the suggestion that, in order to prevent embargoed oil from reaching South Africa, OPEC countries might include a standard clause in their sales contracts stipulating that the oil sold to any country should not be resold to South Africa or to any intermediary for future sale to South Africa. These measures, if faithfully applied, would make a great contribution towards the eradication of apartheid. We also welcome and applaud the courageous decision of the Nordic countries to support the intensification of international pressures against the apartheid regime.
19.	In further defiance of international opinion, South Africa has since September 1979 created another of its so-called "independent black States". Venda, a small inhospitable area with a population of less than half a million, and without any resources, will have to be dependent on grants and paltry crumbs from its benefactor. The international community has in the past refused to recognize two such States and my delegation strongly urges all States Members of the United Nations as well as non-member States to withhold recognition from this spurious State of Venda.
20.	As regards the Middle East problem, it is the view of my delegation that any settlement which ignores the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self- determination in Palestine and which does not accord full recognition to the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as the authentic representative of the Palestinian people is unrealistic and bound to fail. In the light of the whole history of the Middle East problem, the refusal to have any talks, or indeed any contact, with the PLO is a totally untenable position. We are convinced that the PLO should participate on equal terms in all negotiations on the question of the Middle East and Palestine and that the PLO can play a constructive role in the search for a just and lasting settlement.
21.	My delegation would also like to state categorically that it remains unalterably opposed to any Israeli presence on African and Arab land acquired as a prize of war. We also totally reject unilateral modifications of international boundaries by the use of force contrary to the principles of the United Nations Charter. It is our belief that all States in the area have the right to peaceful existence in secure and recognized boundaries.
22.	Indeed, our concern for a stable order in the Middle East has inspired our participation in various efforts, including conferences relating to this complex problem; it has also led to our contribution of two contingents of troops to serve in the area under the flag of UNEF and now under that of UNIFIL in southern Lebanon, so as to assist in securing a lasting peace for an area that has endured so much suffering for so long.
23.	We are greatly encouraged by the positive results of the first review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Belgrade in 1977. The renewed efforts to normalize relations and the cultivation of friendly co-operation should enhance the concept of detente and contribute to the relaxation of international tensions. The consolidation of detente and security in Europe, in view of our growing" interdependence will have meaning only if it ensures the security and well-being of all States. We must move beyond the present gains and seek lasting solutions to the underlying causes of tension in international relations, including colonialism and under-development. It is regrettable that the super-Powers are still preoccupied, because of their shared feeling of insecurity, with the acquisition of more sophisticated nuclear weapons in order to achieve an illusory nuclear parity and mutual deterrence. We believe that the progressive reduction in the level of such expenditures will release much-needed resources not only for domestic development in their countries but also for promoting economic growth in the developing world.
24.	The current world economic situation poses grave problems for the developing countries. Its persistence will threaten the very livelihood of large numbers of people in those parts of the world, unless extraordinary efforts are made by the entire international community to bring the poor nations firmly within the developmental process. According to informed forecasts, if present trends continue—and they probably will—the already intolerable conditions of these poor nations will, by the turn of the century, have deteriorated to unprecedented levels.
25.	The developing countries, which represent three quarters of the world's population, account for a mere 20 per cent of total world trade. This unacceptably small share has failed to expand, as it normally should have, largely because of protectionist barriers raised by the developed nations against those products from the developing countries which could, in conditions of fair competition, significantly increase the latter's participation in world trade. The developing countries' access to financial resources for development purposes remains severely limited; at the same time their debt- servicing liabilities have grown completely unmanageable because of the harsh lending conditions under which they are forced to borrow.
26.	In short, the gap between the developed and the developing countries is widening rapidly, causing serious social and political havoc in an increasing number of developing countries. Thus there now exists a very severe crisis of development.
27.	Yet the great advances which science and technology have achieved in our lifetime have undeniably endowed man with a unique capacity to wipe out poverty from the face of the earth. Ironically however, this advantage is employed far more to increase the risks of self-annihilation than to improve the quality of life everywhere. The advances in science and technology are properly regarded as an asset belonging to the human family as a whole, and should be fully utilized as such and equitably shared among all.
28.	Taking the example of agriculture and food production, it is disturbing to observe that the developing countries, which are generally regarded as agricultural and producers of primary products, are the very ones which can least satisfy the food needs and general agricultural requirements of their people. Agriculture has become so heavily industrialized that it is now virtually the preserve of the already industrialized countries, and this has serious implications for the trade and well- being of their disadvantaged counterparts. The international community must be concerned about the dangers implicit in policies which perpetuate such an unhappy state of affairs. With particular reference to the application of science and technology to agriculture and food production, all members of the international community should commit themselves irrevocably to ensuring that all decisions already taken within the United Nations system regarding food production, food aid and food security are implemented fully as a matter of the utmost urgency.
29.	Since the last session of the General Assembly, the international economic situation has taken a turn for the worse. Serious distortions have developed because of fundamental defects in the system resulting in balance-of-payments difficulties, widespread recession, inflation and yet another energy crisis. Growth in world trade has suffered a serious setback, and many countries, particularly those with developed economies, have turned to greater protectionism, thus damaging the prospects of improvement in global living standards. Such acts of protectionism are short-sighted, because expanding world trade facilitates the exchange of goods and services and opens up avenues for investment, which in turn generate mutual employment opportunities.
30.	These unhappy developments have forcefully underlined our growing interdependence. No nation, however powerful, can really solve its problems in isolation. The recent negotiations between the European Economic Community and the African, Caribbean and Pacific States, characterized as they were by confrontation and polemics, achieved only limited success. The results of the fifth session of UNCTAD, on which so much hope was pinned, fell far short of our expectations, as the session failed to promote liberal trade, or advance the development process in any significant way. The recent renegotiation of the International Cocoa Agreement in Geneva provides another instance of a clear lack of political will on the part of the developed countries, and demonstrates their insufficient sensitivity to the grave problems which continually afflict the developing countries but which, if solved, could contribute immensely to the achievement of an equitable system of international economic relations.
31.	I need hardly point out that for the majority of the developing countries; raw materials constitute the mainstay of their economies. In the particular case of Ghana, cocoa is the very life-blood of the economy and accounts for over 65 per cent of the country's foreign- exchange earnings. While cocoa has proved vulnerable to variables such as the weather and unstable prices, essential inputs such as machinery and fertilizers, which must be imported from the industrialized countries, continue to escalate steadily in price, adding to the distress of the impoverished producer.
32.	Only a price structure which is equitable to the producer as well as to the consumer can guarantee stability in the industry. Thus an unrealistic minimum price level which is obviously inadequate to cover fixed overhead not only is morally wrong but also perpetuates the perennial injustices which we are with such painful effort striving to redress. It would be tedious to spell out the full implications of the current unrealistic price system in terms of its destabilizing impact on our fragile economies.
33.	The necessity of our time has imposed on all of us an obligation to anchor our relations on mutually beneficial international co-operation. In view of our interdependence, my delegation would like from this rostrum to appeal to the consumer developed countries for greater flexibility to permit agreement on more equitable cocoa price levels at the next renegotiating conference.
34.	We are among the first to admit that development within our own domestic milieu is our primary responsibility. We have therefore paid attention to utilizing our limited resources for the attainment of social and economic objectives so as to brighten the lives of our peoples. We accept this responsibility, but development also provides a basis for international cooperation for mutual gain, under which we welcome foreign investment and a variety of experts with special skills to build, to heal and to help in forging an alliance for reciprocal progress.
35.	Our economic policy is indeed based primarily on self-reliance, by which we seek essentially through our own resources to mobilize and develop Ghana's natural wealth, achieve modernization and overcome the vicious circle of poverty, thereby satisfying the growing expectations of our people. This strategy does not, however, preclude international co-operation with all friendly countries regardless of their ideological orientation or economic systems, provided that they respect our hopes and aspirations and our exclusive and sovereign right to determine our own domestic and foreign policy.
36.	A major thrust of our foreign policy is the promotion of good-neighbourliness, by which we seek to stimulate and foster the closest possible co-operation and collaboration with our neighbours, so as to harness in an orderly fashion the material and human resources of the region. This explains the various bilateral trade and economic agreements and permanent joint com-missions signed with our neighbours. Such endeavours will be supportive of the wider co-operation that our membership in the Economic Community of West African States seeks to promote in order to remove constraints imposed by limited domestic-market skills, technology and investment funds. We are also dedicated to the strengthening of our continental and global links in order to promote mutual progress, advance the objectives of the New International Economic Order and achieve social justice.
37.	I should now like to touch briefly on the energy question, which is of such crucial importance to all of us. It is with a sense of great expectation that my Government welcomes the decision to hold a United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy in 1981. My Government has also taken due note of current proposals to explore new forms of energy in the search for a more permanent solution to the energy crisis.
38.	All of us have a stake in achieving stability and prosperity, in creating the right climate for the attainment of the ideal of a world which is one, a world without war, want, ignorance or under-development. For the continued existence of two worlds on this planet, with the minority living on an island of precarious affluence while the majority is condemned to grinding poverty and despair as the wretched of the earth only heightens international tensions and calls into question our sense of social justice and fair play. It also undermines the great act of faith of the founding fathers who designed the United Nations machinery not merely for the pursuit of international peace and security but also for the attainment of social and economic advancement for all.
40 We have now reached the cross-roads. The options are clear. We must either come together in a grand design of collective co-operation or bitterly drift apart and disintegrate. As one great American statesman aptly observed and cautioned: "You cannot have peace you cannot even have your legitimate business of the world, unless you are partners with the rest."
41.	Most of the problems that plague the majority of mankind are environmental and man-made, and they should therefore constitute a challenge to our joint and concerted wisdom. Given our natural instinct for survival, we are unavoidably left with the choice of charting a path which will enable us to exploit together the opportunities before us and mould an enduring future based on the New International Economic Order. In this regard may I assure the representatives that the new democratically elected Government of Ghana pledges its commitment to peace and international cooperation and stands prepared to contribute fully to their realization.


1.	The sudden events through which we have lived this year have brought about a lack of confidence in the future and the feeling that less than ever before are we able to surmount our economic, social, moral and national problems.
2.	Public opinion perceives a certain weakening of authority, a lack of leadership in the conduct of international affairs; it perceives, at any rate, the precarious- ness of the fragile balances in today's world as well as the causes of tensions and conflicts. Certain essential problems concerning the preservation of peace are stagnant, whether they relate to the Middle East, Namibia, Rhodesia or Cyprus. These problems have been bogged down at a time when it seemed that the goal was nearly attained. As a result the present peace becomes fragile.
3.	Other problems have sprung up, some of them very crucial, in South-East Asia, Iran, Afghanistan and certain regions of Africa.
4.	In the economic sphere, substantial rises in the prices of oil products are affecting the economies of all states. Inflation has not been controlled anywhere. For nearly 10 years now the international monetary system has been in an ever-increasing state of convulsion. The dollar, which claimed to be the new international monetary standard, is eroding. And when its foundations give way, should one not fear being cast adrift? The phenomenal rise in the price of gold is an illustration of this psychosis.
5.	Such is the present state of our anxiety.
6.	And yet we must not forget the enormous progress of the last few years in the economic and social fields and in international relations.
7.	The deep sense of hostility between the great
Powers which existed after the war has disappeared and detente gives rise to hope of a lasting peace.
8.	The Europe of the nine members of the European Economic Community is progressing in all aspects, politically and economically. This is happening slowly, it is true, but with the assurance that this is its destiny. It is preparing to expand and also to become more deeply- rooted in public opinion. On the international level its contribution is increasing, particularly in the area of development co-operation.
9.	Of course, there is no great universal design today. Consequently, must we not, more than ever before, progress in several directions, step by step? The gap between disquiet and frustration and confident optimism can be quickly bridged.
10.	The United Nations provides a privileged framework for the solution of a multitude of problems and the establishment of a world community.
11.	I shall not go over the ideas already developed before the Assembly on 25 September, on behalf of the nine States members of the European Economic Community, by Mr. O'Kennedy, the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Ireland, who is President of the Community for this six-month period. Members will have noticed that the statement of the Community before the General Assembly gains more in substance each year. That shows the progress achieved towards the formulation of common positions in international affairs. It means that there are several questions on which I need not dwell. I shall therefore limit myself to developing some views on four subjects, the first of which is the Middle East.
12.	On 17 September 1978 the Camp David Agreements were signed. Who would then have dared to hope that the Egyptian-Israeli Treaty would be implemented on schedule? And yet the third phase of the Israeli withdrawal from the Sinai has just been carried out. The two countries are discovering the path of mutual understanding. Thus the Treaty signals a first step in the implementation of the principles of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), on the way to an over-all settlement that will create conditions for a lasting peace. It is an act of courage and political farsightedness, yet by itself it will not solve all the problems. We can, however, hope that it will give an impetus towards peace.
13.	That is why I share the conviction of many Arab leaders that peace in the area can be restored only through a just and over-all settlement of the conflict. Such a settlement should be based above all on recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people, its right to self-determination and its right to a homeland, as well as withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including those in Jerusalem. It is up to the Palestinians themselves to decide upon the actual manner in which they wish to express their national identity and to decide, with the parties concerned, whether they prefer a status of autonomy or an independent State, a federal framework or a confederate one.
14.	Soon we should get down to some hard thinking with a view to defining the Palestinian entity that is so often talked about. We should reflect on its political and economic viability. Such clarifications will give more concrete shape to the wish of our Governments to arrive at a global settlement in the not-too-distant future. The Belgian Government has no doubt that the representatives of the Palestinian people, and in particular the PLO, should be associated with such a settlement. For its part, Belgium has had regular contacts with the PLO for several years now. In Brussels, the PLO has for quite some time maintained an information and liaison office. For my part, I hope to see the PLO adopt a policy of peace based on recognition of Israel and its right to exist within secure and recognized boundaries, as well as on acceptance of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), whose over-all principles remain valid.
15.	I have closely followed the efforts undertaken in the Security Council with a view to completing this resolution. I appreciate the attempts to include in the resolution the point
"That the Palestinian people should be enabled to exercise its inalienable right to self-determination, national independence and sovereignty in Palestine, in accordance with the United Nations Charter and relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly".
16.	Belgium, which maintains friendly relations with Israel, is fully conscious of Israel's security needs. But we wonder whether Israel's security would not be best guaranteed by relations of mutual confidence with its neighbours rather than by the continued occupation of their territories in a climate of hostility. History shows us too many examples of States wasting their moral capital in pursuit of such a policy.
17.	The PLO, for its part, should of course cease its acts of violence against Israel, especially at a time when the international community is increasing and even accelerating its recognition of the justice of its demands.
18.	The Israeli people and their leaders have long sought, and after much suffering have finally attained, their national ideal in circumstances which the Palestinian people are in turn now undergoing. May the common experience of so much parallel suffering finally bring the Palestinians and the Israelis together in dialogue and peace. That is, I believe, the hope of the vast majority of this Assembly.
19.	This year, once again, southern Lebanon has continued to be the powerless witness of its own physical and moral destruction. It seems particularly unjustified that Lebanon, the only country that refused to enter the Middle East conflict, has become the victim of a war that is above all a war of others. Our Organization must support the endeavours now being made in many places to restore peace in Lebanon and to restore the full authority of the legitimate Lebanese Government.
20.	I come now to my second subject, disarmament.
21.	From this very rostrum, on 2 June 1978, during
"Imagination, coupled with the restraint on the part of all and the will to succeed, might lead to a more productive stage in the efforts to achieve disarmament."
This, members will agree, showed prudent optimism.
22.	Unfortunately, we have to acknowledge that that more fruitful stage has still not yet been reached and that, indeed, the arms race has not slowed down.
23.	Nevertheless, Belgium remains convinced that disarmament—and, in the meantime, the cessation or, at least, the slowing down of the arms race—constitutes what is undoubtedly the most urgent task of the community of nations. Like other speakers who have preceded me, I am pleased by the conclusion between the two biggest military Powers of a new Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms after some seven years of negotiation.
24.	Even though, strictly speaking, this is not a disarmament measure, the treaty—if it is ratified, as my country and, I believe, most countries hope—will open the way to new negotiations aimed at substantial reductions in the long-range nuclear stockpiles of the two Powers and will, in a more general sense, make a powerful contribution to the creation of a climate favourable to the success of other negotiations now under way or being prepared.
25.	Another positive point that concerns us in this field is the performance of the new Committee on Dis-armament, which was established by this Assembly last year. We have reason to be pleased with its initial work. The questions of substance were discussed in a constructive spirit that augurs well for its next session.
26.	My country is also pleased with the atmosphere surrounding the work of the Group of Governmental Experts on Regional Disarmament charged with assisting the Secretary-General in the elaboration of a report concerning the different aspects of that subject. We are convinced that when that report is submitted to the General Assembly next year, it will show that the regional approach offers a wealth of concrete possibilities for the negotiation and conclusion of agreements that would contribute effectively to the cessation of the nuclear and conventional arms race. In this context Belgium is following with particular interest the actions of Mexico and other countries in Latin America.
27.	I come now to human rights. Every day brings us countless reports of torture, injustice, persecution, dis-crimination, fear and hunger. Fortunately, the world community is showing increasing concern regarding those denials of human dignity. The United Nations plays an essential role in making people aware of the universal significance of human rights, but our world is still searching for the proper way in which to express its legitimate concern.
28.	The list of human rights has grown longer and the interdependence of these rights is recognized. However, interdependence does not mean equivalence; rights differ, in that they may be immediate or evolutionary in character; they differ in the role which the State may play in their realization. Some rights, such as the right to life, are fundamental and should be recognized everywhere in the same way; other rights are better realized in ways that are adapted to cultural, economic and social conditions. The elaboration of standards has now reached such a degree of development that our Organization might envisage a synthesis which would relate the rights to one another and which would be capable of laying the basis for a more coherent international policy on human rights.
29.	All rights are universal, but in many cases this is compatible with a regional approach. Western Europe has already acquired considerable experience in this regional action, particularly through the action of the Council of Europe, but it has no monopoly on it. We see considerable activity in this field in the Americas and in Africa. Any regional initiative deserves to be encouraged, as long as it is in accordance with the instruments of universal applicability which constitute the international bill of human rights.
30.	Our Organization has also made some progress in the way in which it deals with human rights violations, but its action remains slow and timid and this deficiency is particularly felt in the case of serious violations. The collective voice of the United Nations should be allowed more effective expression wherever it is still possible to correct a situation. This voice should not be toned down when an appeal is made to national sovereignty or political considerations.
31.	May I recall in this respect that Belgium was not to be counted among those who have made it difficult, or even impossible, for the United Nations to carry out a real investigation of the massive violations of human rights in Kampuchea when those violations were at the peak of their atrocity? I want to reaffirm that the position taken by my delegation this session concerning the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea in no way constitutes approval of the policy followed in the past by that regime.
32.	The President of the Assembly has emphasized that if all Governments observed or enforced the various covenants and rules of human conduct and governmental responsibility, none of their citizens would be obliged to seek refuge abroad. Alas, they are far from doing so and the sad stream of refugees is continually growing. The humanitarian action of the United Nations with regard to this problem is indispensable; the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees deserves support proportionate to the situation. The Geneva Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, convened by the Secretary-General, reflected credit on our Organization. It focused particularly on the unprecedented problem of the Vietnamese refugees. Although it was not able to deal with the causes of the massive exodus, it contributed to the beginning of a solution to the question of asylum. In conformity with its tradition, Belgium will take a generous share in this humanitarian action.
33.	The Geneva Meeting hardly touched upon the specific problem of Kampuchea, yet the suffering of the population is becoming more frightful every day. We witness famine, massive displacements and desperate flights towards neighbouring countries. Only a political settlement, accepted inside as well as outside the country, could bring about reconciliation and the resurrection of a free Kampuchea. Immediate material assistance is indispensable. The international efforts that have been started must be amplified and must benefit all Kampucheans who need them urgently. It would be unthinkable for this vital assistance to be jeopardized by political considerations.
34.	In concluding may I mention the North-South dialogue. Five years ago, at the sixth special session, the General Assembly launched the idea of a new international economic order. Since then the developed and the developing countries have been pursuing a continuing dialogue.
35.	The new Lome Convention which, I hope, will be signed on 31 October, will strengthen the links between the nine countries of the European Community and the 57 countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific. It seems to us that the Europe of the nine- member Community increasingly exemplifies international co-operation and a determined desire for progress. It also seems to me that each of the participants in that Convention can mention this effort without vanity or embarrassment.
36.	The North-South dialogue is continuing. It must continue. The interdependence of States and problems requires this.
37.	Already it has achieved moderate but unquestionable results. Admittedly they are not commensurate with the goodwill expressed and the efforts deployed, and perhaps the dialogue has given rise to too many conferences and committees, and perhaps their respective agenda are overloaded with too many problems. One cannot examine and resolve everything at the same time.
38.	Moreover, the multiplicity of development objectives selected by international gatherings over the years, as well as the absence of priorities, seems to us to detract from the credibility of the consensus achieved. Each of us needs to be more realistic.
39.	We were interested to note the proposal made by the Group of 77 at the last meeting of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. It widens the field of our discussions by including the question of energy.
40.	Of course, it will first be necessary to agree on the aim of this exercise and on its conditions and methods.
41.	In any case, it seems to us that the dialogue should be conducted on the basis of solidarity. Problems of the economy in general and of the industrialized countries in particular cannot be excluded from it. The acceleration of development for all cannot be dissociated from the recovery of the world economy and the maintenance of economic conditions favourable to over-all growth in all regions, in particular those which suffer from a marked backwardness in the development of their human potential and natural resources.
42.	The dialogue must favour a new international economic order. It must, by definition, be a new one, but it must also be orderly, so that there may be a more balanced distribution of rights and obligations for all.
43.	It is not possible, I must reiterate, to hold such a dialogue while ignoring energy problems.
44.	Oil represents nearly 15 per cent of world trade. Its increase in price imposes an enormous transfer of resources on the industrialized countries. One could estimate that the most recent rise in oil prices will result in a loss of growth of approximately 1 per cent of the gross national product for the European Community. It will mean an additional burden for the entire Community of more than $12 billion. The resulting transfer of resources takes on its full importance when one recalls that in 1978 the industrialized countries together spent 0.32 per cent of their gross national product on official development assistance.
45.	The dynamism of our economies is profoundly affected by the rise in oil prices. That rise inexorably erodes the balance of payments, particularly those of developing countries which do not produce oil.
46.	A world-wide effort at common action on all aspects of the oil problem is therefore necessary.
47.	On 27 September, this Assembly heard a remarkable speech by Mr. Jose Lopez Portillo, the President of the United Mexican States, who described the problem of energy to us in all its scope and gravity. I welcome his proposal—one of apparent modesty, but great realism—to form a working group comprising representatives of oil-producing countries, industrialized countries and oil-importing developing countries in order to formulate concrete proposals in this field.
48.	In my view, the development of a new strategy, quite as much as the continuation of the dialogue, must take into account the considerations I have just set before you. On the other hand, a number of facts and objectives must be mentioned.
49.	There appears to be agreement on the priority developing countries must give to the increase and di-versification of their food production. Their concern to ensure subsistence for their populations and to husband their foreign currency resources are primary objectives. Moreover, the development of agriculture and rural activities is the major source of employment in developing countries.
50.	There is general agreement, furthermore, that the purchasing power created by agricultural development in itself favours the process of industrialization. On the whole, the international community considers the industrialization of developing countries to be one of its principal objectives because such industrialization is a factor for rapid growth.
51.	I should like to emphasize, however, that industrialization cannot be accompanied by long-term protectionist measures. In view of their importance in world trade, the industrialized countries of course bear the primary responsibility for the freedom of trade. However, the fight against protectionism, against tariff and non-tariff barriers, is the task of all countries, whether industrialized or in the process of industrialization. By the same token, free access to raw materials must be guaranteed to all. For that matter, only the liberalization of international trade can ensure the integration of developing countries into the international economy.
52.	In this connexion, I am surprised that the question of private investments, indispensable in this process of industrialization, has hitherto not been the subject of agreements within the framework of the dialogue.
53.	The transfer of private resources to developing countries surpasses government aid each year; often such transfers, whether they be foreign investments, bank credits or financing guarantees, are more than twice as high as government aid. However, they require an atmosphere of confidence, an appropriate protection of investments, and—when circumstances call for it—a free transfer of income and repayments, a reasonable and speedy compensation for expropriations, non-discriminatory treatment and the opportunity, in the event of disputes, for recourse to various international arbitration bodies recognized by the parties concerned,
54.	As for official development assistance, we are all aware of the efforts to be made by developed countries and some developing countries, whatever their economic and social system, to increase their transfers of resources. Yet such official assistance has its limits. We must ensure its best possible distribution, as well as the most suitable means for its use. In this spirit, ought we not to take more into account the diversity of the developing countries? Is it not more equitable to direct official development assistance to the most disadvantaged countries to an increasing degree and to satisfy their basic needs?
55.	Finally, we cannot overlook the fact that the transfer of resources will not truly be promoted save within the framework of growing national economies. Widespread inflation in the industrialized countries and the increase in unemployment today represent preliminary obstacles that must be overcome.
56.	The primacy of the human person, peace and justice were the themes set forth during the visit of His Holiness Pope John Paul II to the United Nations. These are also the chapters under which the action of the United Nations is taking place.
57.	Our Organization can contribute to defining a great ambition. Essential debates take place here; for example, the definition of a type of society in which rights are more securely established and defended, the search for a durable peace in places where history has opened and is still inflicting deep wounds, and the realization of a new economic order as well.
58.	If we can unite our political will, the future of our peoples will not consist merely of uncertainty, and in-stability will not become the law of the world. Perhaps history is but one long tragedy. For my part, however, I would rather believe, with Voltaire, that "the world, slowly, is progressing towards wisdom".


Mr. President, first of all, permit me, on behalf of the Mongolian delegation, to extend to you our most sincere congratulations on your well-deserved election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Like previous speakers, we consider this unanimous election a worthy tribute to your outstanding personal qualities and at the same time a recognition of the important and growing role of your country and the African continent in furthering the cause of peace, national independence and social progress. We are confident that your vast experience, skill and long association with this world body will certainly contribute to making this session yet another successful world meeting for the good of mankind, and we wish you every success in discharging your responsibilities.
117.	I should like to take this opportunity also to express on behalf of the Government and people of the Mongolian People's Republic our deepest condolences to the delegation of the People's Republic of Angola and the Angolan people on the untimely demise of President Agostinho Neto. He will be remembered and cherished as a great son of the Angolan people, the founder of the glorious People's Republic of Angola and an outstanding leader of the national liberation and revolutionary movements of Africa.
118.	A review of the events of recent years, and in particular of the decade of the 1970s now drawing to a close, convinces us that the world situation has substantially improved. This has become possible thanks to the steady growth and further strengthening of the forces of peace, national independence and social progress, and to the consolidation of their decisive link, that is, real socialism.
119.	Evidence of the fresh successes of the national liberation and revolutionary movements of peoples can be found in the historic victory of the Vietnamese people in its struggle against the aggression of the major imperialist Power, the creation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the victory of the people's democratic revolution in Afghanistan, the establishment of people's revolutionary power in Kampuchea, and the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship in Nicaragua and of the monarchist regime in Iran, and so forth. The further deepening of the process of social liberation of peoples is manifested by the profound socio-economic changes in socialist Ethiopia, the People's Republic of Angola, the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, the People's Republic of the Congo and other young States.
120. Today we welcome Saint Lucia, another young State which has joined the family of the United Nations.
121. The non-aligned movement plays an ever-more positive role in world affairs. The Sixth Conference of the non-aligned countries recently held in Havana was an event of great international significance. It will undoubtedly occupy an important place in the struggle of peoples for the deepening of detente, for disarmament and for their national and social liberation, and against imperialism, racism and neo-colonialism.
122.	Thanks to the initiatives and efforts of the socialist countries, a substantial shift has taken place in the relations among the States of Europe, which was reaffirmed in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, in the corresponding bilateral treaties of the USSR, the Polish People's Republic, the German Democratic Republic and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic with the Federal Republic of Germany.
123.	An increasing role in the vital cause of strengthening peace and developing international cooperation is played by the United Nations. An important step has been taken towards harmonizing its activities with the world movement of the peoples for the prevention of a nuclear world war and for disarmament, a movement which is growing in strength.
124.	In the 1970s a series of treaties and agreements on limiting the arms race and on disarmament has been concluded. Among them, the new Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Armaments, which was signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979 between the USSR and the United States of America, is of exceptional importance. This Treaty lays the necessary foundation for subsequent substantive steps on the quantitative and qualitative limitation and reduction of the most destructive types of weapons, gives a further impetus to the ongoing disarmament negotiations and favourably influences the international climate as a whole. We are convinced that the earliest possible ratification of this Treaty would be responsive to the vital interests of the peoples of the world. The Treaty is too important for mankind to become a subject of political manipulations by groups in a particular country.
125.	Steady change in the correlation of forces in favour of peace, national independence and social progress of peoples has brought a positive shift in international relations, which is today called detente. We certainly do not minimize the importance of the display of reason and realism in the ruling circles of the West, of their recognition of the fact that there is no alternative to detente.
126.	At the same time, we cannot and should not fail to take into account the fact that the opponents of detente have not laid down their arms. On the contrary, their actions of late have been intensified through the alarming collusion of the reactionary forces of imperialism and great Power chauvinism and expansionism. Plans to station in Europe new nuclear armaments, the creation of various expeditionary forces, the intensification of the military presence of the United States in the Indian Ocean and the Far East and the attempts to set up new military blocs in the Middle East, in Africa and in some other regions, as well as other similar actions by imperialist and reactionary forces, seriously vitiate the international atmosphere. Heavy responsibility rests with those forces which are to blame for the escalation of the arms race, the aggravation of existing hotbeds of international tension and the emergence of new ones.
127.	The arms race and the anti-socialist and anti- Soviet campaign go hand in hand, as one is meant to justify the other. The essence of this policy lies in ensuring military superiority over the socialist world. The extreme danger of such a policy lies in the fact that in the world of today it verges on recklessness and adventurism.
128.	The policy based on positions of strength stems from expansionist and hegemonistic ambitions. The essence of hegemonism is the violation of what is most sacred to all peoples, for it denies and encroaches on the undeniable right of others to live independently and freely. I believe that the serious concern of the Mongolian people regarding the policy of hegemonism is quite understandable. On the southern border of the Mongolian People's Republic is a country which in various ways continuously encroaches upon its sovereignty. On the other hand, we fully understand the hostile reaction of the Chinese representative here to the proposal of the Soviet Union to include on the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly the item on the "Inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations". Those at whom the finger points always resort to deception and slander.
129.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic welcomes the new Soviet initiative as a timely and crucial one. Constructive consideration of this question, condemnation of hegemonism and the adoption of an appropriate decision based on the draft resolution submitted by the Soviet Union would be an important step in the reaffirmation and the strengthening of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, and would facilitate the improvement of the international situation as a whole.
130.	We consider it logical that this question should be dealt with in the Security Council, the main organ of the United Nations for maintaining international peace, with a view to the subsequent elaboration of a binding rule that States renounce any policy of hegemonism in all its forms and manifestations.
131.	For preserving and strengthening world peace and security, the question of ceasing the arms race and preventing the danger of a nuclear world war is of crucial importance.
132.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Re-public considers that the main step to be taken in stopping the nuclear arms race is to reach an agreement on the cessation of the production of all types of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of their stockpiles until they have been completely destroyed. A specific proposal on this question was put forward by the socialist countries in the Committee on Disarmament in February this year. We deem it necessary that the General Assembly lend its authority to this important initiative and recommend that the Committee on Disarmament expedite its work on this problem.
133.	A general and complete prohibition of nuclear- weapon tests would prevent what is called the technological nuclear arms race, the most dangerous of all. The progress so far achieved at the tripartite negotiations should be furthered in order to reach a positive solution to this vitally important issue in the near future.
134.	The strengthening of the regime of non- proliferation of nuclear weapons assumes ever greater urgency, particularly in the light of reports on the intention of additional States to acquire nuclear weapons. The second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to be convened next year faces an urgent task that of elaborating further effective measures aimed at promoting international co-operation in strengthening the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
135.	Adoption of measures for the practical implementation of General Assembly resolution 33/72 entitled "Conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non- nuclear States", and for the achievement of an international agreement on the non-stationing of nuclear weapons on territories of States where there are no such weapons at present, would facilitate the strengthening of the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
136.	An agreement as early as possible on the text of a treaty on the prohibition of radiological weapons on the basis of the proposed USSR-United States joint document would represent a concrete step in prohibiting another type of weapon of mass destruction.
137.	The Mongolian People's Republic is in favour of accelerating the negotiations on the prohibition of chemical weapons as well as on the reduction of conventional weapons.
138.	A concrete programme of international action to put an end to the arms race and to bring about disarmament through the creation of favourable conditions for this purpose was put forward by the socialist States members of the Warsaw Treaty in the documents of the Moscow 1978 meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of that Organization and of the Budapest 1979 meeting of the Committee of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of those countries
139.	The Mongolian People's Republic considers, inter alia, most timely the proposal of the socialist countries to convene a conference, at the political level, of representatives of the States which participated in the Helsinki Conference to discuss the questions of strengthening detente and easing military confrontation in Europe. In our view, such a conference could in the first place deal with the problems of reaching an agreement among the participants of the Helsinki Conference on the renunciation of the use of nuclear and other types of weapons against each other. This proposal of the socialist countries is acquiring ever greater urgency in the light of the further build-up of NATO forces in Europe.
140.	In this connexion the delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic, on behalf of its Government, warmly welcomes the new initiative of the Government of the Soviet Union aimed at reducing military confrontation in Europe, that is, its decision to withdraw from the territory of the German Democratic Republic within the next 12 months up to 20,000 Soviet servicemen and 10(30 tanks, and its readiness to reduce the number of nuclear systems deployed in the western part of the USSR provided that the other side renounces the deployment of additional nuclear-missile weapons on the territories of the European States members of NATO. My delegation hopes that this new act of goodwill on the part of the socialist countries, which meets the interest of strengthening peace and security in Europe and the world, will find a positive response on the part of the Western countries. I should further like to point out that this positive step by the socialist countries offers new possibilities for furthering the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. Progress in these talks clearly depends on the readiness of the Western countries to abide by the principle of equal security.
141.	The delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic is convinced that the consideration of the whole complex of disarmament problems in the widest and most authoritative international forum—the World Disarmament Conference—could facilitate the adoption of effective disarmament measures, in particular in implementing the main provisions of the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly [resolution 5-/0/2], devoted to disarmament. We are in favour of the early convening of such a Conference at a level sufficiently high to permit the adoption of practical decisions.
142.	The Mongolian People's Republic, like many other States, favours the speediest elaboration and conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations which would represent an important political guarantee of the security of States, and would considerably strengthen mutual trust among them, thus creating a favourable political climate for furthering disarmament objectives.
143.	The disarmament talks would be greatly enhanced by the adoption, at this session of the General Assembly, of a declaration on international cooperation for disarmament, the draft of which has been presented by the delegation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Such a declaration, which unifies the political principles in the approach of States to the vital issues of disarmament, would facilitate purposeful and effective negotiations in this field.
144.	The Mongolian People's Republic naturally attaches particular importance to the problems of strengthening peace and security in Asia. In many parts of the vast continent people are still suffering from continual armed conflicts provoked by the forces of international reaction. Dangerous focal-point of tension continue to exist in Asia and even new ones are being created, threatening world peace and security. Moreover, there is evidence of the intensification of co-ordinated actions of the forces of imperialism, hegemonism and militarism in the Far East and in Asia as a whole. If further development of such events is not prevented, Asia could become a source of real danger to the cause of peace, national independence and the social progress of peoples. The Mongolian people, who 40 years ago, experienced the harmful consequences of the policy of connivance with the forces of war and reaction, cannot remain aloof in the face of the present trend, when the policy of hegemonism, spearheaded primarily against the socialist countries, is being encouraged in every way. In May 1939, militaristic Japan, which served as the Far Eastern bastion of the then "anti-Comintern pact", attacked the Mongolian People's Republic in great strength in order to convert it into a springboard of its further aggression against the Soviet Union. On the basis of the 1936 agreement between the two countries, the Soviet Union came to Mongolia's aid. The joint victory of the members of the new socialist world over one of the vanguards of imperialism in a fierce war, which was waged until 31 August 1939, that is to say, until the very beginning of the Second World War, remains of historical importance in the struggle of peoples against the forces of war and reaction.
145.	Events occurring on the Indochinese Peninsula demonstrate the great danger posed by the hegemonistic, expansionist actions of forces which consider that it is their right to "teach a lesson'' to other peoples and countries by the use of armed force.
146.	The Mongolian People's Republic, like the rest of the world community, has resolutely condemned the armed aggression and continuing intrigues of the Chinese authorities against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and fully supports the struggle of the Vietnamese people in defence of its revolutionary gains, independence and the territorial integrity of its country.
147.	Our people also strongly condemn Peking's encroachments on the national independence, territorial integrity and revolutionary gains of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. We express our warm solidarity with the peoples of Laos and Kampuchea.
148.	In this connexion, I should like to note that the decision of the General Assembly to recognize the "credentials" of the representative of the bloodthirsty regime of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary, rejected by the Kampuchean people, is a black mark against this Organization and is in flagrant contradiction of the aims and principles of its Charter.
149.	We wish to state once again that only the representatives of the lawful Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea are entitled to represent that country in the United Nations and the other international organizations.
150.	The events in Afghanistan reveal that the reactionary forces are not willing to accept the fact that the new Government of Afghanistan is carrying out radical progressive transformations, having opted for the road towards building a society free from man's exploitation of man. We express our solidarity with the friendly Afghan people in their struggle in defence of the fruits of the people's democratic revolution from the encroachments of international reaction and their accomplices.
151.	The Mongolian People's Republic holds the view that the Camp David deal and the so-called peace treaty between Egypt and Israel have betrayed the vital interests of the Arab peoples, in particular those of the people of Palestine, have created new obstacles to the achievement of a just peace in the Middle East and help to strengthen the position of imperialism and its allies in this region. The expansion of the Israeli aggression against Lebanon and the incitement of the separatist forces in the country is clear evidence of this. The Mongolian people stand on the side of the long- suffering Lebanese people in their struggle for the defence of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country.
152.	The Mongolian People's Republic upholds the well-known position on the comprehensive and just settlement of the Middle East problems which is supported by the peace-loving world community,
153.	The Mongolian People's Republic consistently supports the struggle of the Korean people for the peaceful and democratic reunification of their country and is in favour of the immediate implementation of resolution 3390 B (XXX), which provides for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the southern part of Korea and the dissolution of the so-called United Nations Command.
154.	We advocate the strict implementation of relevant resolutions of the United Nations which reaffirm respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and its non- aligned status. In the opinion of the Mongolian delegation, the most appropriate instrument for the settlement of the Cyprus problem would be the convening of an international conference under the aegis of the United Nations.
155.	The present situation in Asia urgently requires from the Asian States active joint efforts for the prevention of dangerous developments on that continent, for the strengthening of mutual understanding, trust and co-operation as the basic prerequisite for ensuring peace and security.
156.	The Mongolian People's Republic, which consistently advocates the improvement of relations and the development of mutually advantageous co-operation among all States, welcomes the beginning of negotiations between the USSR and the People's Republic of China on the normalization of their relations. The progress of these negotiations would help to improve the political climate not only in Asia, but in the world at large. I would hope that both sides will equally be guided by this objective.
157.	The situation in southern Africa remains a dangerous hotbed of international tension. The major Western Powers, in collusion with the racist regimes, are intensifying their intrigues aimed at slackening and undermining the national liberation struggle of peoples. Various manoeuvres, designed to impose neo-colonialist regimes on the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe through the so-called internal settlements and bogus elections, are being stepped up.
158.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic believes that a genuine solution to the problem of southern Africa should be found through the elimination of the racist and colonialist regimes and the system of apartheid, and through the transfer of full power to the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe in the person of their legitimate representatives—SWAPO and the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe. In this connexion my delegation attaches great importance to the decisions taken by the OAU and the Sixth Conference of Heads of States or Government of Non- Aligned Countries on the question of southern Africa. The Mongolian People's Republic also advocates strict implementation of the relevant decisions and resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations in this area as one of the main prerequisites facilitating the struggle of the peoples of this region.
159.	Thirty years have elapsed since the establishment of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance— the organization of equal co-operation of the socialist States. This co-operation is an important factor for the dynamic development of their economies, the increased well-being of their peoples and for bringing the economies of all the members of the Council to the same level.
160.	The share of the socialist community in the world production of national income and industrial output, as well as in other important economic indicators, has steadily increased. Today the countries members of The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, whose population constitutes 10.4 per cent of the world's total, account for one third of the world's industrial output and 25 per cent of the world's national income, as against 18 and 15 per cent, respectively, 30 years ago.
161.	The ties between the socialist countries develop the new type of international relations based on the principles of equality, respect for sovereignty and mutual assistance. This new type of relations, in its essence, represents that very new international economic order which the developing countries are striving to have universally established.
162.	The democratization of international economic relations on the basis of equality, mutual advantage and mutual support has an important role to play in overcoming the economic backwardness young States have inherited from their colonial past.
163.	At this session, we have heard repeated appeals by the representatives of the Western Powers to display solidarity and to recognize the need for interdependence in order to overcome economic difficulties. It is axiomatic, certainly, that no country, however economically powerful it may be, can manage without inter-national economic links. All countries benefit from equal economic co-operation. But when the developing countries raise the question of the democratization of existing international economic relations, of making them free from exploitation and diktat, the entire matter comes up against a blank wall erected by the West. Such hindrance of natural and legitimate processes gives rise to abnormal and crisis situations.
164.	My delegation would like to point out that within the framework of the United Nations much has been done with regard to the elaboration of principles and programmes of action aimed at promoting the establishment of the new international economic order. In particular, we have in mind the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New Inter-national Economic Order adopted at the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. It is now imperative that practical measures be taken in the 1980s. In our opinion, this places a great responsibility upon the major conferences on economic matters that will be held at the beginning of the 1980s, such as the special session of the General Assembly on questions of economic development and co-operation. Preparations for these conferences should have as their aim the elaboration of concrete measures for the normalization and democratization of international economic relations.
165.	My delegation expresses the hope that the present session will see the adoption of decisions that will promote the cause of deepening detente, strengthening international peace and developing co-operation. It is precisely along these lines that the Mongolian delegation will make every effort to contribute to the successful conclusion of the work of this session.


I am very glad to be able to address you, Mr. President from this international rostrum and to express to you on behalf of the Sultanate of Oman and of its delegation, now taking part in the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, our warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session. Your election to this high office does confirm the very positive and active role which is played by your country in resolving the important problems facing it. This event, together with other similar events, shows not only the position your country occupies, but also reaffirms the increasing importance of the role being played by the developing countries in the international arena. The well-known ties between our two countries are a further reason for us to express our satisfaction at your election to the presidency of this session. We have confidence in your capacity to guide our work in a way that will ensure maximum success in the achievement of our objectives.
352.	I am also very happy to pay a tribute to your predecessor the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, who presided so ably over the work of the thirty-third session.
353.	I should also like to express appreciation for the tireless efforts exerted by the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in serving the principles and objectives of the United Nations and for his constant endeavour to enhance the effectiveness of its activity, so that it may discharge the great tasks entrusted to it for the maintenance of world peace and security, thus leading all the people of the world to prosperity and stability.
354.	My delegation is equally happy to welcome Saint Lucia as a Member of this Organization and to assure its delegation of our co-operation. I hail the efforts of the United Nations to affirm its universal character, in fulfilment of one of the objectives of the Charter.
355.	The thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly is taking place in very complex international conditions which require from all of us a serious examination of the remedies for their causes, if we are to succeed in elaborating adequate solutions for all the problems facing the international community and threatening its peace and stability.
356.	The problem of the Middle East, with all the threats it holds for international peace and security, is regarded as one of the most urgent problems facing the world today. That is why finding a just, lasting and comprehensive solution to it has become more important than ever before. This issue, as everybody agrees, is highly important, because it is tied in with the interests of many international parties. What we are witnessing today in Lebanon and in other parts of the Middle East is not isolated from the whole situation arising out of this problem. It is the best evidence of the urgency and importance of finding an early solution to the problem. The Middle East issue has polarized the majority of those in this Organization and world public opinion, because of its direct impact on international peace and security, and on the course of many events in the world, particularly in economic affairs. Despite the good offices of this Organization and other international parties, and their efforts to find a peaceful, comprehensive and just solution that would satisfy all the parties involved in the Middle East issue, the continued intransigence of Israel, its persistent refusal to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories, and to recognize the inalienable national rights of the brotherly Palestinian people constitute a stumbling-block, to the attainment of the just peace we desire.
357.	My country has persistently and clearly stated its position on this problem in all international forums, because it is of paramount importance to the world in general and to the Arab and Moslem world in particular. Like all Arab countries, we continue to advocate a solution of international problems by peaceful means. However, peaceful solutions, in our opinion, have to be based on a solid foundation consisting of the principles of international law, equity and the resolutions of the United Nations. Unfortunately, we see that Israel is maintaining its illegitimate occupation of the occupied Arab territories, thus violating all the relevant principles and resolutions. It is pursuing its policy of establishing settlements in the occupied Arab territories, and this is contrary to the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949. It thus challenges the whole international community, which has condemned this policy.
358.	The Arab countries have been extremely flexible in their constant efforts and endeavours to find a peaceful solution to this problem, either within the context of the United Nations or outside it. However, Israel has responded to these endeavours by intransigence and by raising more obstacles and hindrances. This has been obvious in the negotiations on autonomy, and in Israel's dubious interpretation of the bases of the Camp David agreements in a manner that does not ensure its complete withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories as provided for by the United Nations resolutions.
359.	My country feels that the United Nations should take more effective measures consistent with its earlier resolutions and with the endeavours made by other international parties with a view to finding a just and urgent solution to this important problem within the framework of the following principles: first, the necessity of a complete withdrawal by Israel from the Arab territories occupied since 1967; secondly, recognition of the legitimacy of the inalienable right of the brother Palestinian people to exercise all their national rights, including the right to return to their homes and fully to express their will as concerns self-determination in their own land; thirdly, the restoration of Arab sovereignty over Arab Jerusalem.
360.	The close links between my country and the African continent and its peoples are ties of culture, civilization and history that reach far back in time. The interest that we take in African problems derives from those ties and from our geographical proximity to Africa. Our objectives are to pursue the quest for the establishment of peace and stability, to ensure the independence and sovereignty of the African people and the elimination of all racist regimes in Africa and all foreign forces alien to Africa. We are confident that African States can resolve their own problems without any external interference that impedes their progress and shapes their regimes with systems alien to Africa and the African way of thinking.
361.	The OAU has in the past dealt with extremely difficult issues; and it remains able to lay the foundation for resolving the present problems which constitute an obstacle to the enjoyment by Africans of the conditions of a free, dignified and happy life.
362.	In this understanding, my country welcomes the agreement reached by the Commonwealth countries at their recent Meeting at Lusaka, Zambia, concerning Rhodesia. We also welcome the London Conference, convened by the United Kingdom Government following the Lusaka Meeting, and we hope that the process of reaching a comprehensive settlement through negotiations that is now under way will prove the ideal method for reaching acceptable global solutions.
363.	My delegation regrets to have to recall that, despite the three years that have elapsed since the events in the Horn of Africa, that region is still suffering from instability, because it has not yet been possible to find an acceptable and equitable solution to the conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia because of continual foreign interference in that region. Some have taken advantage of regional conflicts to intervene in that region. Some have taken advantage of regional conflicts to intervene in that region of Africa so as to alter the turn of events, and they have done that in the interests of one party and to the detriment of the interests of another. This is a matter of great concern to us.
364.	The Sultanate of Oman shares the concern of many States Members of the United Nations, particularly the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean regarding the necessity of taking urgent measures to give effect to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, because we are convinced that the implementation of that Declaration would certainly alleviate tension in the world and remove that region from the field of competition and the attempts at imposing hegemony which we are witnessing today.
365.	My country attaches great importance to the early implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, since the Sultanate of Oman is a country in that area and has an extensive coast-line on that ocean. Our support for the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, free from foreign military bases and from nuclear weapons, and removed from the antagonisms of the fleets of the great Powers, stems from our conviction that maintaining the region under constant tension will not provide security and stability nor will it help us to devote our efforts to the progress and well-being of our peoples.
366.	The implementation of the Declaration would require first of all the sincere contribution of the coastal and hinterland States to translating its content into fact, It would necessitate the commitment of the States of the area to mutual respect, as well as to respect for regional sovereignty and the principles of non-intervention in internal affairs, non-resort to the use or the threat of force in international relations and compliance with the principle of the peaceful settlement of any disputes, in keeping with international law and the relevant international covenants.
367.	Furthermore, all countries directly concerned should respond to the appeals made by the General Assembly to translate that Declaration into practical and effective measures without any feeling of hatred or selfishness. Likewise there should be no attempts at hegemony of the kind so current in the behaviour of some States with expansionist ambitions, which try to realize them and their illegitimate objectives in contravention of international laws and customs.
368.	Our object of concern today is what we witness regarding the increasing escalation of the presence of the major maritime Powers in the Indian Ocean. We associate ourselves with the international community in appealing to those Powers to reduce their naval forces and to refrain from expanding their zones of influence in that region, because this contributes to increasing tension and instability in the area.
369.	My country has participated in all the activities of the United Nations aimed at making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. It has also participated in the Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean held last July in New York. Despite the fact that that Meeting failed to attain the objectives that we all aspired to, it did succeed in bringing closer together the various views of the participating countries and provided opportunities for all those countries to express their opinion. We hope that this will create an atmosphere of harmony among those views, leading at the outcome to the implementation of the Declaration making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. I am convinced that, if there is sincere political will among the countries interested in the area, the world community will be able to draw up a legal framework making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace.
370.	The delegation of the Sultanate of Oman stressed at the thirty-second session from this rostrum the importance of the question of the Straits of Hormuz and the necessity of navigation through it.  The importance of these Straits is now increasing because about 30 per cent of the oil of the world passes through it. The recent rumours about the possibility of operations that might result in impeding navigation through the Straits and interrupting the flow of oil from the producing to the consuming countries are certainly a subject of concern. It is my duty to affirm here once again that my country is always ready to co-operate with all other countries in the region and outside it, with a view to guaranteeing the security of navigation through these vital and important Straits. We invite all countries of the world to co-operate and work together to remove from this important waterway the threat of sabotage that would result in impeding navigation through it. In our opinion, threats to impede navigation constitute a real danger only if they are supported by other countries. So it is essential to launch an appeal for a review of attitudes to ensure that there is a triumph of wisdom, common sense and international interest over limited and passing selfish interests. Faced with all these problems, the Sultanate of Oman, because of its geographical location and the responsibilities incumbent on it, will take all legal steps to prevent navigation in the Straits of Hormuz from being exposed to sabotage, with a view to guaranteeing the security, stability, sovereignty, safety and regularity of international navigation.
371.	The Sultanate of Oman participated in the recent Sixth Conference of Heads of State and Government of Non-Aligned Countries. As in the past, my country will continue to support the policy and the activities of the Non-Aligned Movement, so as to protect the movement from any possible attempt to draw it away from its fundamental principles. We trust that the non-aligned movement will maintain its fundamental characteristics and resist all attempts to have it incline to the benefit of one bloc as opposed to another.
372.	What is happening in Indo-China is a matter of serious concern. We hope that stability will prevail there so that an end can be put to armed struggle and to interference in the affairs of certain countries of the region. There is need to respect the autonomy and sovereignty of all the countries of the region, without any interference in their internal affairs. That is why my delegation welcomes the results of the Geneva conference, which was convened by the Secretary-General of the United Nations and took place on 20 and 21 July 1979. The conference dealt with the question of refugees from Indo-China, and we of course participated in it. My delegation feels that the international community should endeavour to find a radical and just solution to this problem of Indo-Chinese refugees, so as to ensure peace and stability in that part of the world,
373.	I should like now to take up another issue to which my country attaches the greatest importance, the continuing negotiations on the law of the sea. In view of its geographical position alongside straits that are important to international navigation, the Straits of Hormuz, the Sultanate of Oman has adopted firm positions which were already expressed and clarified at sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
374.	My delegation has made a sincere and serious contribution to the current attempts to find an acceptable convention that would be endorsed by all parties. We feel that the progress made so far and during the negotiations at the eighth session, which was resumed at New York, is encouraging. It shows that there is a determination among the negotiators to reach compromise solutions. Here I should like to mention the two compromise formulas we reached on the exploration and exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed beyond territorial jurisdiction.  We reached those formulas after very protracted, exhausting difficult negotiations, and we must all accept them although we do admit that there are certain practical and delicate details which are still pending. A common management of the resources of the sea-bed must aim at ensuring equal opportunities to enjoy the wealth of the sea. If proper functioning of the sea-bed authority is desired, we must facilitate the transfer of technology and the flow of capital that project and to the developing countries. It goes without saying that the industrialized countries nave a very important role to play in this area, and their political will is of particular importance. The Conference has already set next year as a deadline for the ratification of the awaited convention, which will be the best guarantee of the stability and good management of ocean and sea-bed resources. Such stability would have a most beneficial impact on the consolidation of security, justice and the principle of equity in the world at large.
375.	All nations are calling for the elaboration of a clear policy of disarmament. Though negotiations between the two super-Powers are still under way, not too much has been achieved in disarmament. During the tenth special session, which was devoted to disarmament, the General Assembly emphasized important principles. We must all respect those principles, so as to achieve general and complete disarmament.
376.	The Sultanate of Oman welcomes the results of the negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America which led to the signing of the second SALT treaty, and we trust that final ratification will take place very soon, so that the next stage of the negotiations between the two countries can begin soon in order that even greater progress may be made in this field.
377.	My country, like other countries in the world, is aware of the increasing importance of establishing a new international economic order based on a just balance between the prices of raw materials and those of manufactured products and taking into account the needs of the developing countries so as to accelerate their development. The view of the Sultanate of Oman on this subject is similar to that of the other developing countries. We support the resolutions of the Group of 77 and their efforts in this connexion. We are convinced that no State can stand isolated from the new international economic co-operation, whatever its economic and technological potential may be, if the majority of the countries of the world should agree on the formula of the principles on which the world economy must rest, so that it may be more equitable and just, particularly as far as the developing countries are concerned.
378.	The starting-point in our endeavours and the pillar of our actions should be the resolutions of the sixth special session of the General Assembly, and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, Success in the negotiations between North and South depends on the extent of the co-operation and solidarity of the developing countries, the parts most affected by monetary inflation and increasing price fluctuations. Here we would appeal to the industrialized and advanced countries to increase their aid to the developing countries, so as to raise development rates therein and alleviate the burden of the debts that weighs so heavily on them. We would also ask the developed countries to be more flexible and more serious in the negotiations concerning this subject. In this context my country participated actively, in the fifth session of UNCTAD held at Manila last May. My delegation supported all the positive recommendations that emanated from the Conference.  The pattern of regional co-operation in this field provides an opportunity to broaden international co-operation in general, based as it is on economic and social harmony and integration and on co-ordination and other considerations compatible with the potential of each country of the regional groupings. This promotes friendship co-ordination and good neighbourhood. Accordingly, my country sincerely tried to work out such co-operation in our area and is still seeking to enhance it.
379.	My delegation notes with satisfaction that the General Assembly has decided, on the basis of a proposal made by the Group of 77, to hold a special session in 1980. We have to recall here that, despite the fact that the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 achieved only limited results we consider that it should assume the tasks of a preparatory committee for the special session. We hope that the special session of the General Assembly will take the necessary measures to promote the development of the developing countries, to enhance international economic co-operation, and to establish a just international economic order.
380.	As far as the energy crisis is concerned, we feel that its causes are not the export prices nor the reduction in the production of oil and its derivatives but mainly and in the first instance, the increase in consumption, which made demand exceed supply. The result was a high increase of price on world markets. Unless we manage to rationalize consumption and find, as soon as possible, oil substitutes for some uses of energy, the problem may worsen. Oil is an indispensable precious commodity. Consequently, the conservation of resources is necessary. My country's policy in this concern is in line with the resolutions of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries.
381.	In conclusion, we trust that at this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly we shall find ways and means of improving our methods of work to bring them more into line with the evolution of this Organization, the increase of the number of its Members, and the importance of the items submitted to us. We should try to limit the number of resolutions adopted by this Organization, so that Member States will be better able to follow up and implement them, and hope thus to reduce the number of condemnations and come to the phase of submitting solutions and alternatives, particularly in those cases where it is unanimously recognized that change is necessary. We trust that this session, under the President's guidance, will be the first phase in building up a better world which will benefit from the experience and results of past years.