The rule of law is among the
topics before the sixty-seventh session of the General
Assembly. This is an especially important issue,
especially for someone who has had the opportunity to
personally experience the lack of it. For many decades,
Hungary belonged to the Communist-Socialist bloc.
By 1949 the Communist takeover of power had been
completed, just four years after the end of the Second
World War. The multiparty system had been eliminated.
The majority of leaders of political parties established
after the war were forced into exile or were imprisoned.
I was born 10 years later. I spent my early adult years,
and thus the years of my political awakening as well,
in a dictatorship. In fact, my two older children were
born under that political system. For our generation,
just as for that of our parents, our everyday experience
was of being deprived of human rights and liberties.
Independence? From what, when Soviet troops kept
Hungary under occupation? Free elections? How, when
political parties were non-existent and, even at late as
1988, it was a crime against the State to form political
organizations.
Constitutional freedoms, such as the freedom of
speech, the right of assembly and the right to practice
religion freely, existed only on paper or not even on
that. The end of the 1980s and the fall of the Berlin Wall
and of the Iron Curtain, brought democratic changes to
Hungary as well. It was in the spring of 1990, more than
40 years later, that we could organize free elections
again. Preparations for the peaceful transition, and
then the post-election years, can be deemed to be a
successful period from the perspective of the rule of
law.
Hungary, however, did not have a new, consolidated
Constitution that was not unlike the 1949 Constitution,
easily revealed through the number in its title. It was
that shortfall that the Hungarian National Assembly
rectified in April 2011, when it decided to adopt the new
fundamental law of Hungary. What is now the youngest
Constitution of Europe incorporates almost all elements
of the European Convention on Human Rights, along
with the rule-of-law institutions safeguarding the
checks and balances established in 1990. As a new
element, constitutional constraints compliant with the
rule of law have been imposed to curb irresponsible
public spending and the reckless increase of State
indebtedness.

The new Constitution of Hungary provides
guarantees for the fulfilment of international legal
obligations and for compliance and adherence to the
generally accepted rules of international law. It is
important to point out that numerous new provisions,
which concern the new, so-called fourth generation of
basic rights, have been included in the new fundamental
law.
Article P of the Constitution stipulates that:
“All natural resources, especially agricultural
land, forests and drinking water supplies,
biodiversity — in particular native plant and animal
species — and cultural assets shall form part of
the nation’s common heritage, and the State and
every person shall be obliged to protect, sustain and
preserve them for future generations”.
Whereas Article XXI sets forth that:
“Hungary shall recognise and enforce the right
of every person to a healthy environment. A person
who causes any damage to the environment shall be
obliged to restore it or to bear all costs of restoration
as defined by law.
“No pollutant waste shall be brought into
Hungary for the purpose of dumping”.
Environmental protection, the preservation of
natural values, the protection of soil, air and water
quality — how much time have we spent talking about
them recently? Due to the limited time alloted, permit
me to highlight only a single issue from the larger set
of problems before us, namely, the issue of water and
sanitation. It is even more important to mention it here
because, as a result of our common decision, nex year
has been designated as the International Year of Water
Cooperation.
We can truly appreciate the adequate quantity
and quality of water if we experience what it means
to be deprived of it, whatever the reason — pollution,
overconsumption or environmental, changes. During
recent years, a great variety of studies have been
published about our irresponsible behaviour, about
the short-sighted, and may I say, foolish, attitude with
which we are polluting our waters. Allow me to cite
just a few findings from these documents. Ninety per
cent of all communal wastewater and 70 per cent of
industrial wastewater in countries of the developing
world is discharged into rivers without any treatment
whatsoever. The chemical revolution of the era following the Second World War also has had seriously adverse
implications on the environment. Industry nowadays
has been using about 12,000 different types of toxic
chemicals, while a single drop of crude oil can render
25 litres of drinking water non-potable. Manufacturing
a single vehicle requires 148,000 1itres of industrial
water. The toilet culture of nearly 2 billion people is
still not adequate today.
What are the consequences? Polluted and toxic
lakes, lifeless streams of water reminiscent of rivers
only by their names. Instead, they are stinking
industrial canals. The consequences are that there is
not enough water around to meet the everyday needs of
human consumption. Today, more than 1 billion people
do not have access to clean, potable water. Another
consequence, according to a 2009 UNICEF study, is
that serious diseases, spread by polluted water and the
lack sanitation, have been killing young children at a
pace equivalent to that of a Boeing 747 airplane packed
with young children crashing every four hours.
I could continue to list dramatic examples and
serious consequences of the lack of sanitation, but let
us ask ourselves the question: if everything were all
right with wastewater management, would it mean that
everything was also all right with respect to our water
management, water treatment and protection of our
water basins? Unfortunately, the answer is no.
Water management today requires international
cooperation. It is indispensable. Half of the Earth’s
population lives in so-called shared, or joint, water
catchment areas. The same river provides the water
supplies for two, three or more countries. Cooperation
between such countries is a daily obligation. Absence
of such cooperation could lead to supply, social, health
or even war-related tensions. Nearly 1.5 billion people
live in river basins, where water usage is larger than the
minimum extent of water replenishment, which leads to
the exhaustion of water reserves.
At least two thirds of European cities with a
population of 100,000 or more people are using their
water resources faster than they can be replenished. It
is true that the standards are set high in agriculture,
especially if the agricultural sector wishes to produce
adequate supplies of food for a further 2.5 billion
people by 2050. That is especially true if we consider
that currently it takes about 140 1itres of water to
produce one cupful of coffee or about 15,000 1itres for
1 kilogram of beef.

We have been aware of these figures for years. But
what is knowledge worth if we do not put it to use? Why
do we wait for nature to remind us again and again of
our grave irresponsibility? Hungary assesses the issue
of water and sanitation to be one of the most important
questions of the twenty-first century. During recent
years, we have been active participants in the friends of
water working group, created under the auspices of the
United Nations. I think we will have ample work waiting
for us during the coming years as well. We are ready
and willing to share our knowledge and experience.
We are also looking forward to welcoming everyone
interested to the conference on water and sanitation to
be organized in Budapest next autumn.


Allow me very brief ly
to address what are, in our opinion, some of the most
important items on the agenda of this session of the
General Assembly. First of all, today, in this century
of globalization and rapidly changing situations and
growing tensions and confrontations in many regions
of the world, we need to come up with unconventional
and extraordinary responses to crisis situations and
wars that have been ongoing for many decades and are
therefore persistent features of our agenda.
To our great regret, instead of seeking to deeply
understand emerging problems and confrontations in
one region of the world or another and addressing them
in a timely manner, finding their true origins or focusing
the international community on preventing them from
growing into large-scale crises and wars, the world
is letting its most precious resource — time — slip
through its fingers. That leads, of course, to enormous
costs and the waste of other precious resources. Let me
offer a few examples.
As early as in 1993, President Karimov of the
Republic of Uzbekistan, when he spoke before the
forty-eighth session of the General Assembly (see
A/48/PV.6), drew the international community’s
attention to the need to immediately resolve the situation
in Afghanistan, given the close connection between
regional and global security, the need to respect the civil
and religious rights of the people of Afghanistan and the
need to prevent the conflict from growing into a full-
scale civil war. Otherwise the problems in Afghanistan
would turn into a painful and bitter issue of concern
to the international community as a whole. Difficult
problems may resurface when the imminent withdrawal
of the International Security Assistance Forces from
Afghanistan occurs by late 2014 and the responsibility
for ensuring stability in the country is turned over to
the newly created Afghan National Security Forces. It
is obvious today that that turn of events may lead to a
stand-off between opposing forces in Afghanistan itself
and in neighbouring countries. It may also lead to the
growth of extremism and radicalism, cause a surge in drug trafficking and aggravate tensions in the region
as whole.
As the situation is unfolding, the best way to
address the situation in Afghanistan is to establish a
contact group under the auspices of the United Nations
with the participation of the country’s neighbours,
the United States, NATO and the Russian Federation.
The principal goal of such efforts should be to reach a
compromise and an agreement between the opposing
forces and form a coalition Government on that basis.
Such a coalition Government could be comprised of
the core ethnic, national and religious groups involved
in the military and political stand-off taking place in
Afghanistan.
Uzbekistan has suggested that approach a number
of times, for example, at the NATO summits in
Bucharest in 2008 and in Chicago this year, as well as
at the High-level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium
Development Goals held in New York in 2010 (see
A/65/PV.3). The Republic of Uzbekistan has always
conducted, and will always maintain, a friendly, good-
neighbourly policy towards its neighbour Afghanistan.
Uzbekistan has built its relationship with Afghanistan
on a bilateral basis, taking into account the national
interests of both countries and respecting the Afghan
people’s choice in terms of the future of their country.
Today, Uzbekistan offers comprehensive forms of
assistance to Afghanistan so that it may return once
again to peace. Specifically, we have contributed
to the construction of bridges, motorways and the
strategic Khairaton-Mazar-e-Sharif railroad link,
which connects Afghanistan with the States of Central
Asia, as well as providing an uninterrupted supply
of electricity to Kabul. Uzbekistan plays a key role
in ensuring the stable and effective operation of the
northern distribution network.
Secondly, climate change and the global
deteriorating ecological situation have made ensuring
the reasonable and rational use of water resources the
most acute problem of the modern world. Increasing
shortages of fresh water, which is needed to provide
food security and protect human life, serve to confirm
that assertion. In that connection, I would like to
present the Republic of Uzbekistan’s main approach to
addressing those issues, which are of vital importance
for all the States of Central Asia.
We believe that all water and energy issues in our
region, where the largest transboundary rivers — the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya — are the main sources
of water and life for the millions of people residing
near them, should be addressed in accordance with
the universally recognized norms of international law
provided for in the 1992 United Nations Convention on
the Protection and Use of Transboundary Watercourses
and International Lakes and the 1997 United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Non-navigational Uses of
International Watercourses.
Those instruments require adherence to the
principle of doing no harm to the environment or to
the interests of neighbouring States when exploiting the
resources of transboundary rivers.
It is therefore reasonable that Uzbekistan calls for
those principles and standards to be our guides in the
search for mutually acceptable compromise decisions
on water use. We believe that all hydropower facility
construction projects in the upper waters of the Syr
Darya and Amu Darya basins should be evaluated by
international experts under the auspices of the United
Nations and agreed to by the downstream countries.
Only after such agreement and coordination should
construction begin on two proposed dams, which
are practically the largest in the world, namely, the
350-metre-high Rogun hydropower station in the upper
waters of the Amu Darya and the 275-metre-high
Kambarata 1 station in the upper waters of the Syr
Darya. Furthermore, that construction has to be carried
out in mountainous terrain where seismicity levels can
reach 9 to 10 points on the Richter scale.
To comply with international requirements, it is
essential to set priorities for water use. The region’s
limited water resources must first be used to meet
drinking and sanitary needs, and only after that to
ensure food security and to meet ecological demands
and the needs of the industry and power sectors.
Thirdly, Uzbekistan remains committed to
preserving peace, stability and security in the region.
That principled position is stipulated in the Republic of
Uzbekistan’s position paper on foreign policy activity,
formulated on the initiative of the Head of State of
Uzbekistan. In particular, the document includes the
following important provisions.
First, the Republic of Uzbekistan reserves the right
to enter into alliances, join commonwealths and other
inter-State establishments, as well as to leave them,
guided by the supreme interests of the State, the people,
their well-being and security, the priority guidelines for modernizing the country, existing national legislation
and international obligations that have been assumed.
The paper continues, stating that Uzbekistan maintains
a peace-loving policy, does not participate in military-
political blocs, and reserves the right to leave any
inter-State body if the latter is transformed into a
military-political bloc. Next, the Republic of Uzbekistan
will take political, economic and other measures to
prevent its involvement in military conflicts or hotbeds
of tension in adjacent States and will not allow the
deployment of foreign bases and facilities on its own
territory. Next, the armed forces of the Republic of
Uzbekistan will not participate in military operations
abroad. Finally, the main priority concern of the foreign
policy of Uzbekistan is the region of Central Asia,
where the country’s crucial interests lie.
The problems of Central Asia must be addressed
by the countries of the region without interference
from external Powers. Uzbekistan remains committed
to pursuing an open, friendly and pragmatic policy
towards its immediate neighbours, and proceeds from
a position that all outstanding political, economic and
ecological problems of the region should be addressed
on the basis of the mutual consideration of interests,
constructive dialogue and the norms of international
law.
We set great store by the United Nations as a
universal structure and the only worldwide, universally
accepted body capable of ensuring security, stability
and consistent development, including in our region.
Uzbekistan stands ready to continue to cooperate
effectively with the Organization and its specialized
bodies in order to achieve those high and noble goals.


We are convening
in this Assembly at a time when we are witnessing a
worrisome phenomenon, namely, senseless violence
spreading through an entire region as a result of a
senseless offence to religious feelings. More than any
other organization, the United Nations stands for the
ideals of tolerance, understanding and mutual respect.
A strong message should therefore emerge from this
debate. The hateful slander of people on the basis of
their culture or religion is unacceptable. It is an abuse
of the right to freedom of expression. However, we
must emphasize just as clearly that violence cannot be
justified by insults, however understandable the outrage
may be. Such ongoing events also tell us that we must
reach many more people in our effort to promote the
values of the United Nations around the globe.
When we last met, a year ago, we heard many calls
from this rostrum to bring an end to the crisis in Syria.
Since then, the violence has turned into a civil war
that puts the United Nations to shame. We have seen
open division in the Security Council and little interest
by the parties to the conflict in a United Nations-led
mediation. Instead, the situation on the ground has
further escalated. The entire region is now threatened
with instability. The blatant disregard for the lives and
rights of civilians, of women and children in particular,
is simply shocking.
It is a crisis with profound and lasting effects for
the three main pillars of the United Nations: peace and
security, development, and human rights. It is therefore
also an existential challenge for this Organization. The
United Nations is only as effective as its political organs
allow it to be. The crisis must therefore make us think
in general terms about the lessons we should learn.
The situation in Syria is clearly of burning concern
to the membership as a whole as a human security crisis
and a threat to international peace and security. At the
same time, the Security Council is unable to carry out
its tasks under the Charter because of disagreement
among its permanent members. It is therefore essential
that the General Assembly step in and play a more
active role, as it has done on some occasions. That is
all the more important as we are confronted by the
failure to fulfil the responsibility to protect a civilian
population — a principle adopted in this Hall at the
highest political level.
The stalemate in the Council demonstrates that we
must look at the way in which the veto power is and can be used. In that respect, there must be accountability
vis-à-vis the membership of the Organization as a
whole. After all, the Council carries out its work on
behalf of us all. We call upon the permanent members
to acknowledge that the United Nations Charter does
not grant them the right to the veto without any strings
attached. We ask them to acknowledge that the Council
must at all times act in accordance with the purposes
and principles of the United Nations. We therefore
request that they pledge not to use the veto to block
Council action aimed at preventing or ending genocide,
crimes against humanity or war crimes.
Clearly, the main priority is to end the suffering of
the Syrian people and to bring about a political solution
that guarantees human security and stability for the
region. However, we also have an obligation to ensure
that there is no impunity for the worst crimes under
international law and that those who have the greatest
responsibility do not get away with murder.
The evidence before us is alarming. The independent
international commission of inquiry on the Syrian Arab
Republic, established by the Human Rights Council,
came to clear conclusions. The primary responsibility
to ensure accountability falls, of course, on the Syrian
judiciary. But we can be under no illusions as to whether
it will deliver justice to the victims and due process
to all accused. We therefore join Switzerland in the
call to the Council to refer the situation in Syria to the
International Criminal Court (ICC) (see A/67/PV.7).
But we also ask the Council to fully support such a
referral in order to ensure cooperation and not to put up
any obstacles to the appropriate financing of the Court’s
work. Without those two prerequisites, referrals are a
mixed blessing and problematic for the ICC.
This year, we also commemorate the tenth
anniversary of the International Criminal Court. We
are looking at the history of an astonishing success.
Who would have thought that the Court’s membership
would near two thirds of the membership of the United
Nations in such a short time? Who would have predicted
that the Security Council would make referrals to the
ICC on two occasions — once even by unanimous vote?
And who would have expected the Court to emerge
from political controversy as a stronger institution?
Those are remarkable achievements that we can be
proud of. Nevertheless, the next decade is also fraught
with challenges. We have been strongly united in
setting up the Court and getting it under way. Now that it is fully operational, we must more than ever support
it politically. I therefore launched a ministerial-level
initiative to support the ICC earlier this week. I was
very encouraged by the strong response to my call for
coordinated action when needed.
In adopting the Rome Statute, we have not just set
up an international tribunal located in The Hague. We
have also created a global system to fight impunity,
which assigns a strong role to States. It also offers
the Security Council an important role, if it chooses
to play it. Political support is particularly required
where investigations are based on referrals from
the Security Council. The obligation for the State in
question to cooperate is based entirely on the Security
Council’s authority, not on the Rome Statute. The
Council must therefore play a key role in ensuring that
such cooperation is forthcoming. We as States are also
responsible for ensuring that indicted individuals are
arrested and transferred to the Court. Clearly, we must
do better in that regard.
We are also being given a historic opportunity both
for the Court and for the United Nations: for the first
time since the end of the Second World War, we can
enable an international tribunal to prosecute the crime
of aggression.
The prohibition of the illegal use of force is at the
core of the Charter of the United Nations, and aggression
has been considered a crime under international law for
decades. But the consensual adoption of the Kampala
amendments to the Rome Statute allows us to put that
principle into practice. Leaders that consider resorting
to the illegal use of force will be put on notice, once
30 States parties have ratified the amendments and
once we have activated them in 2017. I am proud of the
fact that Liechtenstein, following its presidency of the
Review Conference, was the first State to ratify the
amendments, on 8 May this year. We chose the date
as a tribute to the commemoration of the end of the
Second World War in Europe. We have also launched
an initiative to support the ratification process that is
under way.
I would therefore encourage all current and future
parties to the Rome Statute to ratify the Kampala
amendments as soon as possible. Together we can take
this big step forward in the history of international law.
Criminalizing the illegal use of force between
States would be a very significant step forward in the
promotion of the rule of law at the international level. The rule of law is rightfully moving to the centre of
our attention. We have illustrated this fact by holding
a high-level meeting on this topic earlier this week.
The rule of law permeates many of the activities we
pursue here at the United Nations. Indeed, there can
be no lasting security, no sustainable development
and no effective protection of human rights without
the rule of law. We therefore look forward to a strong
rule-of-law dimension in the sustainable development
goals resulting from the United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development.
The Conference resulted in a number of important
agreements. It also illustrated the value of inclusive and
transparent multilateralism, especially when compared
with other, more exclusive decision-making processes.
This serves as a reminder of the need to reconcile
seemingly competing interests in international
decision-making: transparency and inclusiveness on
the one side, and efficiency and effectiveness on the
other.

Multilateral decision-making is efficient when there
is sufficient political will. It is effective when it has the
legitimacy necessary to ensure full implementation.
We must revert to considering the universality and
openness of the General Assembly as key assets, not
as a weakness. The Assembly must reaffirm its unique
and central role in global governance, including in the
economic dimension. I welcome the strong commitment
of President Jeremić, expressed at the beginning of this
session, to work for genuine multilateralism and, to that
end, to reach a new level of engagement. I assure him of
our full support in this endeavour.
There must be accountability for decisions of global
impact before the Assembly or before other relevant
and universally accessible bodies. To achieve that aim,
we will build on the progress made in recent years in
the framework of the Global Governance Group. The
Group has become a trusted bridge-builder in these
matters. We hope that this issue will become one of the
highlights of Mr. Jeremić’s presidency.
Let me conclude with some remarks about an issue
that is particularly dear to my heart. I am convinced that
the inclusion of the whole population, men and women
alike, is essential to the stability and peaceful and
prosperous development of nations. Since becoming
Foreign Minister, I have tried to make use of the relevant
international platforms to promote the advancement  women. I also hope to bring Liechtenstein’s expertise
and passion for women’s issues to the Commission on
the Status of Women during the term 2015-2019.
I am grateful to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
for his leadership in this area. UN-Women, headed so
charismatically by Michelle Bachelet, has given a much-
needed additional boost to our efforts. If we continue
on our path, then the United Nations can be the decisive
driving force for gender equality worldwide. Until then,
we can and must do much more, in particular in the area
of women, peace and security. Stronger protection of
women, both legal and otherwise, in situations where
they are particularly prone to becoming victims is a key
component. The United Nations, with its very strong
field presence all over the world, can make a unique
contribution to that end. But most importantly, the
United Nations must lead by example when it comes
to gender equality and the advancement of women.
We must make the best use of their talents, skills and
experiences as peacemakers, as agents for sustainable
development and as advocates for human rights and the
rule of law. As is well known, the future is female.
Only when women are fully included will we, the
United Nations, be successful in pursuing our goals.


First, I would like
to express my sincere appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Al-Nasser for his dedication during his one-year
tenure as President of the General Assembly, as well
as to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić on
his assumption of the presidency of the Assembly at
its sixty-seventh session. I would also like to pay my
deep respect to His Excellency Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon for his leadership.
One year ago, I started my speech on this rostrum by
conveying our outpouring of appreciation to the world
(see A/66/PV.19). It has been a year and a half since the
Great East Japan Earthquake in March 2011. The people
in the affected areas are making strenuous efforts, with
an unyielding spirit, to revive their hometowns. In order
to respond to generous support from all over the world,
we, the Japanese, vowed before the souls of the victims
to hand the lessons learned from the disaster down to
succeeding generations beyond our national borders.
Japan will continue to share those lessons learned
with the world in order to build societies resilient to
natural disasters and to make concrete contributions to
nuclear safety. The Fukushima Ministerial Conference
on Nuclear Safety, which is scheduled for the end of this
year, and is co-sponsored by the International Atomic
Energy Agency and the third World Conference on
Disaster Reduction, which Japan plans to host in three
years, will also provide meaningful opportunities to
share those lessons.
The warning from nature brought on by the
unprecedented earthquake and massive tsunami posed a
more fundamental question as to how we should sustain
our civilization. From the moment of birth, human
beings transform their own wisdom into the power to
survive harsh natural environments. Despite advanced
science and technology in modern civilization, however,
the forces of nature have reminded us how weak human
beings still are and that they have a fragile existence.
Threats that may endanger human existence lie
not only in nature, but in advanced civilization itself.
There are a number of examples of those threats,
such as environmental degradation, terrorism and the
proliferation of nuclear weapons. What is required for
the human species to be able to keep its presence on
Earth and continue to enjoy peace and prosperity? The
answer is clear: humans must become wiser.
Humans have so far gained abundant knowledge.
The revolution in information and communication
technology unfolding in front of us is further building
up human knowledge on a geometric scale and at an exponential speed. Human wisdom seems to have
improved dramatically. However, is that really true? At
the forefront of a long human history, we are living in
a period of complicated and violent change. Tensions
among nations have risen in many parts of the world,
with more uncertain prospects for the future. The real
test for our survival in this unprecedented period is not
how much knowledge and information we have, but to
learn the true value of the numerous pearls of wisdom
we have accumulated.
One of the first such pearls of wisdom humans
gained was the power to give adequate thought to not
only the present, but also the future. It is also the power
to imagine, beyond our own benefits, the benefits to
future generations and the power to act on their behalf.
Agricultural society, which prompted human beings to
adopt a new vista, was made possible through the long-
term perspective towards the future that human beings
acquired when they waited for the harvest instead of
thinking solely about immediate concerns.
Now is the time for us to exert our wisdom and
build a sustainable future for the sake of succeeding
generations. Many countries have built up massive
fiscal deficits, therefore fiscal soundness is now
a common challenge. If people living now do not
overcome deficits by cutting spending and striving to
increase revenues, future generations will be forced to
repay the deficits.
That structure amounts to nothing but current
generations exploiting future generations.
Democracy has been historically proven to be
the best political system. However, we now face
the enormous challenge of learning whether or not
democracy can maintain fairness between generations
across the globe. Under the system of parliamentary
democracy, today’s representatives serve people living
now; there are no guarantees with respect to properly
representing the interests of future generations. The
current structure encourages politics that will burden
silent future generations by passing today’s problems
onto them.
We are all responsible for the next generations.
This generation must successfully meet the challenges
before us, and today’s political leaders must take
responsibility now for tomorrow.
In order to protect sound democratic societies,
now is the time to exert the power to think about the
benefits for future generations. Over the past 20-odd years, Japan repeatedly procrastinated in policies and
was considered a symbol of a country that delayed
decisions. I pledged to change all that and staked my
political life on implementing a comprehensive reform
of our social security and taxation systems.
That reform is an ambitious package of policies
developed to support Japan’s social security system
by maintaining a stable financial basis in the face
of a rapidly aging population and by paving the way
for fiscal rehabilitation. It is a comprehensive reform
programme that pursues both economic growth and
fiscal reconstruction. Japan is taking a firm step
towards becoming a country that makes decisions
without postponing difficult issues.
Another pearl of wisdom that humans acquired
came from the possibility of seeing the Earth we live on.
I recently had the opportunity to communicate directly
with astronaut Akihiko Hoshide from my office while
he was orbiting the Earth in the International Space
Station. At the time of our phone linkup, a female
elementary school student who was in the office with
us posed a riddle to the astronaut: “The Earth has air
and gravity, but space does not,” she said. “What does
space have that the Earth does not?” “The view of
the Earth from outside it”, the astronaut replied. That
conversation expressed in simple terms what I want to
say today.
Because we have attained the perspective of being
able to see the Earth from outside, humankind as a
whole shares the sublime mission of protecting the
global environment. We must always return to that
perspective, reaching beyond borders and advancing
concrete measures to protect the Earth’s environment,
which is the a basis of human survival.
With the aim of protecting the global environment,
a significant outcome for sustainable development
was achieved at the United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development (Rio+20) in June 2012. Japan
announced its green future initiatives, proposing that
we explore sustainable growth in prosperity without
the supply-demand crunch of natural resources and
energy or damage to the global environment. Japan
will implement a low carbon and sound material-cycle
society and take the lead in solving the common energy
challenges facing the world. To that end, we need more
innovation in energy efficiency and renewable energy.
In the light of the accident at Tokyo Electric Power
Company’s Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power station on
11 March 2011, and with the goal of achieving a society not dependent on nuclear power by the 2030s, the
Government of Japan will mobilize all possible policy
resources to show the world a model that supports a
good balance between the shift towards green energy
and economic growth. We will constantly review and
re-examine our policies while carefully assessing the
outlook for the future, including the international
energy situation.
Being ever more conscious of our one precious
Earth, we must direct our caring attention to the
preciousness of each life breathing on the planet. The
Japan-led resolution on human security (resolution
66/290), adopted on 10 September, can be a solid guide
to visualizing development for the next generation from
the perspective of all people, including women and
young people. In the light of the common understanding
of human security stipulated in that resolution, Japan
is determined to contribute to worldwide efforts to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals and to
work towards the establishment of the next development
framework.
The ideal of human security needs particular
emphasis with respect to the African continent, which
steadily reveals greater development potential but
still suffers from many challenges, such as poverty,
natural disasters and conflicts. On the occasion of
the fifth Tokyo International Conference on African
Development, to be held in Yokohama next June,
Japan plans to discuss the measures the international
community and Africa should adopt and implement.
We must completely and successfully meet the
challenges that place our precious lives in danger.
Afghanistan is making significant efforts
towards reconstruction after its prolonged experience
of war. South Sudan is also moving forward in its
nation-building efforts, and Myanmar has taken steady
steps towards democracy and reconciliation. Japan will
do its utmost to support and promote peacekeeping,
peacebuilding and human security in each of those
regions.
A third pearl of wisdom that humans obtained
was the manner in which human beings settle disputes
reasonably under rules. Human beings acquired
language and nurtured wisdom, but, even in modern
times, they have failed to resist the temptation to solve
conflicts by force. Despite two world wars and the two
calamities of atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima
and Nagasaki, disarmament, the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the prevention of
terrorism remain key contemporary issues. The nuclear
and missile issues in the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea and Iran currently pose serious threats
to the entire world. It is essential that all countries
coordinate at the United Nations and the International
Atomic Energy Agency, including the implementation
of Security Council resolutions urging both the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran to
take concrete action. Japan, the only country that has
experienced the horror of nuclear devastation in war,
will continue to carry out its mission of seeking a world
free of nuclear weapons.
The issue of the abductions by the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea represents a violation of
basic human rights. That makes it a universal issue and
a matter of grave concern to the entire international
community. Japan is committed to continuing its utmost
efforts to achieve the return of all victims at the earliest
possible date, through strengthened coordination with
other Member States. Japan intends to maintain its
efforts to comprehensively resolve outstanding issues
of concern, settle the unfortunate past and normalize
relations in accordance with the Japan-Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea Pyongyang Declaration.
Japan continues to urge the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea to take positive steps.
Humans have done more than just act on their lust
for the use of force. We have also developed the skill
to solve conflicts calmly through reason, which we
call the rule of law. Every State has a responsibility
to safeguard peace, ensure the safety of its people
and protect its territorial and maritime sovereignty.
Japan will fulfil those responsibilities in accordance
with international law. Meanwhile, as globalization
proceeds, the challenges confronting the international
community are growing increasingly complex, and
relations between nations can easily become tense.
At this critical juncture, we must establish the rule of
law as a basis for global peace, stability and prosperity.
Because the rule of law is essential to preventing and
resolving conflicts in a peaceful manner, and because
it plays a critical role in the maintenance of stable and
predictable societies, it must be further enhanced. Any
attempt to impose a country’s ideology or claim by
unilateral use of force or by threat of the use of force is
inconsistent with the fundamental spirit of the United
Nations Charter and runs counter to human wisdom; it
is thus absolutely unacceptable. It is important to try to further develop international law and ensure that
it gets implemented more effectively. I strongly call
for leaders to strengthen the rule of law so as to leave
future generations with a more peaceful and stable
international community.
We are currently witnessing the settlement of
conflicts between nations on the basis of international
law. A typical example is the dispute settlement process
of the World Trade Organization, a mechanism that has
made it possible for States to solve trade disputes with
the common language of law, not by force, in a panel or
appellate body.
Japan has always valued the rule of law and has
contributed to strengthening it. Since joining the
International Court of Justice, Japan has consistently
recognized the jurisdiction of the Court as compulsory
and has taken the lead in practicing the rule of law.
Japan is leading the world in its contributions
of personnel and financing to international judicial
institutions. In addition to having served at the
International Court of Justice, Japanese judges have
also served at the International Tribunal for the Law of
the Sea, the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the
Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia.
Furthermore, Japan has provided the largest financial
support of any country for the latter three institutions.
Japan requests each country to kindly offer financial
support to the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts
of Cambodia, which is facing a severe financial crisis
at the moment.
Supporting the United Nations in promoting the rule
of law continues to be a great challenge. Once again, I
call for nations to work in cooperation with the United
Nations to recognize the compulsory jurisdiction of
the International Court of Justice, as Japan did, and
for non-member countries of the ICC and the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea to join at an
early date.
There are still a number of territorial and maritime
disputes in many parts of the world. It is the philosophy
of the Charter of the United Nations and a principle
shared by the international community as a whole
that disputes should be settled in a peaceful manner
on the basis of international law. In all circumstances,
Japan is determined to comply with that principle and
seek peaceful solutions based on international law.
The world should pay greater attention to the role the international judicial institutions play in the peaceful
settlement of disputes.
Although the Middle East and Africa are still in
a tumultuous whirlwind, they are in fact moving in
the direction of establishing democracy. Japan will
continue to support efforts at democratization and
reform of every country. Moreover, we cannot overlook
the ongoing violence and suppression in Syria, or the
serious violations of human rights with respect to
the rule of law. Japan strongly condemns the massive
attacks in Syria that have involved tens of thousands
of innocent citizens, journalists and aid workers,
including Ms. Mika Yamamoto, a Japanese journalist.
Japan intends to put more pressure on the Government
of Syria, together with the international community,
and to extend humanitarian assistance to the people of
Syria.
Let me emphasize that the international community
must secure the protection of civilians and the safety of
diplomats and workers of international organizations
through the rule of law. Today, violence against that
principle cannot be tolerated for any reason.
The concept of the rule of law is the foundation for
a stable and reliable society, making the movement of
peoples and goods more vibrant and serving as a basis
of prosperity. I believe that the rule of law can provide
important infrastructure for order and prosperity for a
network of States centred in the Asia-Pacific region.
Japan will vigorously contribute to rule-making efforts
to expand trade and investment, build maritime order,
including the safety of navigation, and create stability
for prosperity.
The rules needed by the international community
are not simply for solving individual problems. Orderly
relations between nations or within international
organizations require the rule of law, more specifically,
enhanced global governance. Unless all nations fulfil
their responsibilities in their respective capacities, we
cannot overcome the various common challenges that
the world is facing. I hope in particular that emerging
countries will fulfil their responsibilities commensurate
with their respective national powers.
As part of such efforts, it is important that we
engage in thorough discussions on how the United
Nations should develop in the future. We strongly
support management reform at the United Nations.
Furthermore, in order for the Security Council to be
fully effective, it must be endowed with a legitimacy that reflects the realities of the world today. Japan
is ready to take on greater responsibility in the
international community. Now is the time to accelerate
the stalled process on Security Council reform and to
start genuine negotiations.
So far I have mentioned three pearls of wisdom
necessary for human beings to live sustainable lives
in the future, and I have tried to convey Japan’s
contribution in each. It is my belief that human beings
will continue to adapt to a complex world and become
wiser. I believe they will give adequate consideration
to future generations and solve disputes calmly through
reason based on rules generated from the perspective of
looking at the Earth from the outside.
Let us take charge of our responsibilities for
tomorrow together. The lofty task for us living now is
to carry out politics while imagining the benefits for
future generations and gather all our wisdom to set a
course towards the survival of human beings.
I should like to conclude my remarks by pledging
to the entire General Assembly that Japan will stand at
the forefront of shaping the future of human history for
peaceful and aff luent societies.


I
would like to join previous speakers in congratulating
Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election as President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I would
also like to extend our thanks to the outgoing President,
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser.
This session of the General Assembly is an
invaluable opportunity to bring together Member States
in order to examine the challenges facing humanity and
to join efforts in effectively addressing those challenges
and in achieving internationally agreed goals. We
all know that when decisions are based on common
understanding and agreement, their implementation
and success are more likely.
Armenia continues to be committed to strengthening
the institutional capacities of the Organization. We
support the United Nations reform processes and are
ready to contribute to them. We believe that the reforms
are an opportunity to strengthen the role of the United
Nations in solving the major issues facing our world
and to achieve both the Millennium Development Goals
and the sustainable development goals.
We welcome the fact that the agenda of the sixty-
seventh session, which encompasses the most pressing
issues of our joint responsibility for the maintenance
of international peace and security, proposes that
the session focus on the settlement of disputes by
peaceful means. In that context, we view the goals of
disarmament and arms control as major elements of
global and regional security systems. We must also
shoulder the responsibility to work together to counter
militaristic threats.
A few days ago, on 14 September, within the
framework of the United Nations, the first ever High-
Level Forum on the Culture of Peace took place, calling
for tolerance and seeking to build mutual understanding
and respect. Unfortunately, today, hate and intolerance
continue to spread in some parts of the world, and we
have yet to dig into the root causes of such situations,
to have the courage to openly ask difficult questions as
to the reasons for them, and to face sometimes painful
responses.

Regrettably, we have witnessed intolerance and
hatred in our part of the world, too. Year after year,
Armenia has, from this rostrum, raised concerns
about the militaristic rhetoric, blatant violation of
international commitments and anti-Armenian hysteria
being instilled into Azerbaijani society from the
highest levels of its leadership. Many international
organizations on human rights have been alerted to
f lagrant cases of xenophobia, racism, intolerance and
violations of human rights in Azerbaijan, as well as
about the policy of hatred against Armenians.
What has been the Azerbaijani response? It not
only ignores the expectations of the international
community, but it constantly takes new steps that go
against the values of the civilized world. The latest
such case is the Azeri Government’s release and
glorification of the murderer Mr. Ramil Safarov, who
had slaughtered an Armenian officer in his sleep with
an axe, during a NATO programme in Budapest, simply
because he was Armenian. The Azerbaijani leadership
made him a symbol of national pride and an example
for young people to follow.
The world’s reaction was unanimous and very
clear in condemning what was done by Baku, the
capital of Azerbaijan, in granting him clemency.
Azerbaijan continues to express bewilderment at the
stance of the international community. What did they
expect — that the international community would
applaud the glorification of a heinous murderer? The
Azerbaijani leadership continues to pretend that the
act was in accordance not only with the Azerbaijani
Constitution and legislation, but also with the norms
and principles of international law and the relevant
European conventions. The leadership of the country
claims that what was done was very good. It is very sad
indeed that the constitution and legislation of a country
would permit making a hero of a murderer and paying
such a brutal criminal a salary for the years he spent in
prison.
The Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council
of Europe warned that “to glorify and reward such a
person f lies in the face of all accepted standards for
human rights protection and rule of law”. The President
of the European Parliament and the President of the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
expressed concern about the abuse of the European
legal instrument in question. The United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights said on 7 September:
“ethnically motivated hate crimes of this gravity should
be deplored and properly punished — not publicly
glorified by leaders and politicians”.
It is very clear that there are different perceptions
about international legal principles and laws, different
perceptions in Azerbaijan and the rest of the world
about what is good and what is bad. That is deeply
irresponsible and shameful behaviour, not only for a
non-permanent member of the Security Council, but
also a Member State of the United Nations.
It is clear that the international community cannot
tolerate the attempts of the Azerbaijani leadership to adjust international law to their own racist ideology.
With a rich domestic experience in corruption, Baku is
attempting to transfer that vice to inter-State relations,
exploiting it as a tool in order to impose its own false
perceptions on others. The international community
cannot tolerate the attempts of Azerbaijan to replace
the rule of law with the rule of oil.
The scandalous situation regarding Safarov
has seriously undermined the Nagorno Karabakh
negotiation process and endangered the already fragile
regional security and stability. Azerbaijan poses a threat
to the security and stability in the region by constantly
threatening to use force against Nagorno Karabakh
and Armenia, along with the daily unprovoked
warmongering by its leadership. It has not only
rejected the proposals of the three co-Chair countries
of the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE) group on the consolidation of the
ceasefire agreement and on the creation of a mechanism
of investigation of incidents along the line of contact
but also systematically commits ceasefire violations,
not only on the contact line between Nagorno Karabakh
and Azerbaijan but also through provocations along the
border with Armenia and ceaseless acts of vandalism
against the Armenian historical and cultural heritage.
While Armenia and the international mediators
have been working hard around the negotiation table,
Azerbaijan has increased its military budget more than
twenty-fold during the past few years, and boasts about
it. While Armenia and the international community
have been calling for the withdrawal of snipers from the
line of contact, Azerbaijani leaders have been rejecting
those calls and have opened sniper schools for young
people. While Armenia has been calling for regional
economic cooperation, which could become a tool for
increasing confidence between the parties, Azerbaijani
authorities have declared that, together with Turkey,
they will continue the blockade until there are no more
Armenians in Armenia.
Armenia and the international community are
speaking in one language regarding the Nagorno
Karabakh issue. The documents on the settlement of
the Nagorno Karabakh conflict adopted within the
framework of the OSCE Astana Summit in 2010; the
OSCE Ministerial Conferences of Helsinki in 2008,
Athens in 2009, Ahnaty in 2010 and Vilnius in 2011;
the statements of Presidents of the Co-Chair countries
within the framework of the Group of Eight Summits in
l’Aquila in 2009, in Muskoka in 2010, and in Deauville
in 2011; and during the Group of 20 Summit in 2012
in Los Cabos serve as proof of that. The position of
Armenia is in line with those documents, and it is in
line with the position of the international community,
namely, to accept the settlement on that basis.
Despite the intensive efforts of the three Co-Chair
countries of the OSCE, it has been impossible to reach a
breakthrough, because the Azerbaijani side has rejected,
one after another, all of the proposals presented by the
mediators. Despite Azerbaijan’s destructive stance,
Armenia will continue to work towards the settlement
of the Karabakh issue exclusively through peaceful
means and on the basis of the purposes, principles and
norms reflected in the Charter and international law.
Like many other speakers, I wish to express our
concerns about the developments and worsening of the
humanitarian situation in Syria, which also directly
affects the large Armenian community in that country.
That community was formed mainly by the survivors
of the Armenian genocide in the Ottoman Empire at
the beginning of the twentieth century. Today, they
are struggling for life, as are many Syrian citizens.
Armenia continues to receive refugees from Syria;
those refugees are full of worries about the escalation
of violence in that country. It is impossible to reach a
durable settlement without the cessation of hostilities
by all parties and without an inclusive political dialogue
that takes into account the interests of all Syrians.
Next year, the United Nations will mark the sixty-
fifth anniversary of the Convention on the Prevention
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. That
anniversary will become an important landmark
and occasion on which to create a more effective
instrument for combatting the crimes of genocide.
The denial of genocide and impunity pave the way
for the repetition of new crimes against humanity. As
descendants of the nation that survived the horrors
of the first genocide of the twentieth century, we
are convinced that the international community
must stand together — independent of any kind
of considerations — in the recognition and strong
condemnation of genocide, so as to be able to prevent
it from occurring. In the absence of such unanimity,
humankind will witness new attempts at crimes against
humanity. Our strong conviction is that we should
keep the issue high on our common agenda. We should
recommit to a world where the crime of genocide can
never occur again.

Armenia gladly assumes its share of our common
responsibility to support the United Nations as a
platform for dialogue, multilateralism and collective
action in addressing the multiple challenges of today’s
world.


In accordance with Ghanaian
tradition and custom, I would like to begin with a basic
but essential courtesy by expressing, on behalf of the
Government and people of my beloved country, our
deepest gratitude and most profound appreciation to the
United Nations and to the numerous world leaders who
mourned with us following the sudden and untimely
death of our former President, Mr. John Evans Atta
Mills. Ghanaians were touched by the many heartfelt
messages of condolence and the glowing tributes that
poured in from all over the globe. Those messages of
goodwill strengthened us and enabled us to transcend
the adversity of an occurrence that was unprecedented
in the history of Ghana.
Mr. Mills was a dedicated and honourable
statesman. He committed himself to bringing about
improvement not only in the lives of Ghanaians but also
in the lives of all other Africans, and indeed in the lives
of individuals throughout the world. His death was a
significant loss, and I am certain that he will be sorely
missed by the international community.
With the first-hand knowledge of what it means
for a nation to lose its leader, I also want to take this
opportunity, on behalf of all Ghanaians, to extend
condolences to the people of Ethiopia, Malawi and
Guinea-Bissau, who also suffered the untimely demise
of their sitting Presidents. May the souls of these great
men, who gave so self lessly and helped to move our
nations forward, rest in perfect peace.
One of the lessons that I learned from the tragedy
of Mr. Mills’s death — and it is a lesson worth
sharing — is that it is during times such as these, times
of great sorrow and pain, that we often reveal the very
essence of who we are. That is as true of nations as it is of individuals. Over the past few months, Ghanaians
have shown ourselves to be resilient and respectful of
the values that promote peace and the institutions that
safeguard the stability of our democracy. In our process
of healing from that great loss, we have become more
united and more determined to stay the course that we
began in 1957, when we became the first sub-Saharan
African nation to gain independence. In the process
of healing, we have become more confident than ever
before in our ability to create a better Ghana for our
children.
Today’s assembly of Heads of State is being held at
a most critical time. Our world is being confronted with
a number of significant challenges. War, conflict and
strife are very much features of our present existence.
Poverty, disease and famine continue to cripple the
lives of many. Oppression, discrimination, illiteracy
and unemployment still stif le the potential and shatter
the hopes of millions.
Although examples of such conditions can be found
on every continent, for a while, whether rightly or
wrongly, they seemed to be automatically and primarily
associated with Africa. Perhaps that is why it gives me
such great pleasure to lead my address to the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session with news of
progress from Ghana and stories of success from the
African continent. Today, Africa boasts of some of the
fastest-growing economies in the world, with Ghana
being one of them. The number of countries engaged in
conflict is steadily decreasing year after year. As that
happens, we are also witnessing a steady increase in the
number of countries that are governed along democratic
lines. As is true of all new democracies, those systems
are not without their f laws. While they may not be
perfect, however, they are promising.
In fact, three African countries that lost their
leaders this year — Ethiopia, Malawi and, of course,
Ghana — experienced seamless and peaceful
constitutional transitions of power to a new leadership.
Members can see that, right now, something spectacular
is happening in Africa. Growth is taking the place
of stagnation; tranquillity the place of turmoil; and
democratic governance, founded on the rule of law, the
place of dictatorship.
There is no denying the visibility and viability of
such significant developments. At the very least, they
require a re-examination of the long-held views and
misconceptions about the African continent. Those developments must also find expression in the manner
in which developed nations relate to Africa. In many
ways, that is already taking place, but the shift has only
just begun. There is still much room for improvement.
However, I am inspired by what I see, which are
limitless possibilities for Africa and its engagement
with the rest of the world.
As the United Nations Human Development Index
attests, we in Ghana have made tremendous strides in a
number of areas, with the aim of improving the living
conditions of our people. Ghana is on track to achieve
the targets set under the Millennium Development
Goals. Significant progress has been made in the
following areas: reducing poverty, gender parity in
school enrolment, universal primary education, the
provision of safe drinking water and the fight against
HIV/AIDS.
Unemployment is a challenge that exists on a
global scale. Nearly all nations, be they developed or
developing, are grappling with finding ways to tackle
that potential threat to their economic stability. In
Ghana, we are attempting to deal with the problem as
aggressively and as effectively as possible by finding
long-term and sustainable solutions. That includes a
programme that we will launch to encourage young
people to become entrepreneurs, owning their own
businesses and thereby becoming employers rather
than employees.
In Africa, to say that the youth are our future is
slightly misleading. Nearly 60 per cent of the continent’s
entire population is below the age of 35. Our young
people are not only our future, but also our present. In
Ghana, we have been working assiduously to empower
and support our youth so as to ensure that they will not
be left behind owing to fast-changing global economic,
educational and social priorities.
The Government is implementing several social
protection programmes across various sectors to cushion
the poor and the vulnerable and to ensure that the fruits
of our economic growth are distributed equitably. Under
those programmes, massive investments have been
and are still being made in education, health care, the
modernization of agriculture, the social infrastructure
and direct payments to the poorest households.
In furtherance of our battle against HIV/AIDS, a
new five-year national strategic plan has been launched
to consolidate the gains already made in reducing the
prevalence of the disease. Under the new plan, our target
is to achieve the virtual elimination of mother-to-child
transmission and to expand access to antiretroviral
therapy for persons living with HIV/AIDS.
The Government of Ghana has committed
approximately $80 million as its contribution to the
financing of the new strategic plan. However, that is
not enough. We now find ourselves in a rather ironic
situation that is threatening the advances we have made
thus far. Ghana, like several other developing countries
that have made remarkable headway in combating
HIV/AIDS, is becoming a victim of its own success.
As the numbers associated with the disease — the
rates of infection and the mortality — go down, so
too do the figures in the global funding for HIV/AIDS
programmes. That leaves a considerable financing gap
for many African countries, such as Ghana, that are
trying not only to maintain their progress but also to
move closer to the complete eradication of the disease.
In 1992, under the Constitution of its fourth
republic, Ghana established itself as a multiparty
democracy. Since then, we have held five successful
elections, which have resulted in the smooth transfer
of power from one democratically chosen leader to
another. When it comes to transparency in the electoral
exercise, Ghana is, in fact, held up as an example of
excellence.
We are just a few weeks away from conducting
our sixth presidential and parliamentary election. As
President, I wish to assure the international community
that that election will also be free, fair and peaceful.
I am so certain of our stability through that process
that I extend a warm welcome to any individual or
organization that would like to come and monitor our
elections.
The commitment to peace that I have pledged in
the past, and which I am pledging anew today, is in
keeping with a long-standing tradition that Ghana has
established domestically and internationally. In the
1960s, when Ghana deployed 8,800 soldiers to what
is now the Democratic Republic of Congo, it went on
record as the first African country to participate in
a United Nations peacekeeping mission. Since then,
Ghana has continued to be an active and key partner
in the United Nations peacekeeping programme. It was
recently ranked among the 10 largest contributors of
personnel to peacekeeping operations over the years.
Currently, we have troops in five peacekeeping theatres
throughout the world.

Ghana’s consistent championing of peace is neither
accidental nor coincidental, but by design and by
determination. We have always recognized that peace is
critical to development and to the overall improvement
and enrichment of our people’s lives. It is therefore no
wonder that, in 1961, when United States President
John F. Kennedy established the Peace Corps, its very
first mission was in Ghana.
In the past two decades, Ghana’s position on peace
has been tested again and again as the West African
subregion was ravaged by one civil war after another.
However, we held firm to that position and will continue
to do so.
Because Ghana wishes to coexist harmoniously
with all our neighbours, when legislating policy, we
are always conscious of the importance of peace. When
offering asylum or a safe haven to refugees, we are
always protective of our borders, making certain that
political conflict and ethnic tension do not cross over
onto our soil. The unfolding tensions in Côte d’Ivoire
and Mali have been and continue to be of particular
concern to us.
Let me say that Ghana will not allow its territory to
be used to destabilize any other nation. We will not be
the storehouse for any resources or weapons that may
be used to disrupt the peace and development of another
nation. We will not harbour any individual or group
whose intent is to use Ghana as a base of operations to
undermine the safety and security of our neighbours.
We will work under the ECOWAS protocol and
will utilize whatever other tools of diplomacy are
at our disposal to ensure that security and peace are
established in Mali and Côte d’Ivoire and that those
countries find a place alongside their fellow African
countries in the continent’s march forward towards
prosperity.
Ghana has a strong belief in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. Under the principle
of the self-determination of peoples, Ghana was the
first sub-Saharan country to emerge from colonial
domination. Our nation’s founding father, Mr. Kwame
Nkrumah, proclaimed that the independence of Ghana is
meaningless unless it is linked with the total liberation
of the African continent. In keeping with that right of
self-determination, we wish to restate our support for an
independent, prosperous Palestinian State, coexisting
peacefully with a free, stable Israeli State.

We also reiterate our opposition to the continuous
blockade on Cuba and call for an immediate lifting of
that embargo.
The twenty-first century can readily be described
as the century for Africa. Last year, of the 10 fastest
growing economies in the world, six were African.
Ghana, my own country, posted one of the highest
gross domestic product growth rates, reaching as much
as 14 per cent. Foreign direct investment amounted
to some $1.5 billion across various sectors. That type
of sustained growth in combination with security and
democracy can only ensure an Africa that will bear no
resemblance to the ghost of its former self. It will be an
Africa where we create equal opportunities for women
to realize their full potential and where there is respect
for the rights of all human beings. The new Africa will
wean itself from handouts and humanitarian relief. It
will not continue to succumb to the corruption and
oppression of despots.
The new Africa will stand on the world stage as
a mutual partner. True partnership, of course, must
be based on equality. When the founding fathers of
the United Nations established the Security Council
some 66 years ago, it was based on the reality of the
time. Almost seven decades later, the paradigms and
dynamics of the world have shifted dramatically. The
lines that divided our world and categorized it into
hierarchies of first and third worlds — those lines were
drawn by settlers transforming once sovereign lands
into colonies and territories — all of those boundaries
have now become blurred.
Technology has made information more
immediately accessible to the general public and
individuals more accessible to one another. The world
that we know today is not the same world our fathers
and grandfathers knew. Our world is smaller, more
integrated and familiar.
The current realities call for greater inclusion in
order to consolidate our common security. They inform
Ghana’s call for an expansion of the Security Council
to admit more members in order to have a meaningful
impact on the many challenges that we all face. Africa
is ready for that true and sincere partnership. Our time
has come.


First of
all, on behalf of my country, I would like to welcome
the broad vision and the pertinence of the ideas put
forward by the Secretary-General.
I come from Belgium, one of the six founding
countries of the European Union (EU), a multicultural
union of 500 million people who, as President Obama
has reminded us, live in peace — something that I wish
for the entire world — after experiencing horrifying
wars.
Belgium provides a unique setting for political
decisions and international meetings. Brussels is
the capital of Europe and also the seat of NATO
headquarters. We are naturally open to the world. I
myself come from the city of Mons, which will be the
European cultural capital in 2015. In 2014, Belgium
will solemnly commemorate the centennial of the
start of the sad and painful First World War. We will
do so in memory of the young people from more than
50 countries who, on our territory, defended the ideals
of peace and freedom. In 2013, Antwerp will host the
World Outgames, a gathering of tolerance and diversity, while the city of Liège is a candidate to host the World’s
Fair in 2017. All those international events have a single
goal: to bring us closer together and to mobilize around
universal values.
For my country, respect for life and human rights
is fundamental. Whether we speak of the rights of the
child, of women or of refugees, or of the struggle against
all forms of discrimination, a single principle guides
my country: the effective equality of all human beings,
regardless of status or beliefs. In that light, Belgium will
join Slovenia in sponsoring a draft resolution against
racial discrimination. I hope members will support it.
All heads of State and ministers share an immense
collective responsibility to ensure that women become
equal to men worldwide at the political, social and
economic levels; to ensure that little girls are no
longer subjected to circumcision; and that acts of
violence against women are systematically fought and
eliminated.
In my country, women head three ministries: the
Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of the Interior and
the Ministry of the Police. Significant efforts have
also been made to more effectively combat domestic
violence. Our national laws prohibit and punish all
forms of discrimination, whether on the basis of gender
or that of claimed race, disability or sexual orientation.
In my country, both marriage and adoption are open
to same-sex couples. Those are grounds for pride in
Belgium.
With the support of several countries of the European
Union, Belgium invites members to take vigorous,
concerted action in various realms of social life. I am
thinking first and foremost of the decriminalization of
sexual orientation and the promotion of the rights of
lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. In that
regard, I welcome the initiative of UNESCO to counter
homophobia in schools.
For my country, freedom of religion, which is to
say the freedom to practise or not practise a religion,
is fundamental. Belgium unequivocally condemns
Islamophobia. We just as firmly condemn violence,
which is unacceptable in all cases. We believe that
human beings should be free to think what they wish
and be able to express their indignation without ever
resorting to violence. Diplomatic missions should be
inviolable throughout the world. It is not by oppressing
human beings or promoting violence that the fundamental challenges of prosperity, the well-being of
citizens and peace will be resolved.
Belgium attaches particular importance to
strengthening the rule of law throughout the world. The
reason for that is simple: in my country we are convinced
that the rule of law is necessary for development and
prosperity. It contributes to a better world, because the
purpose of the rule of law is to enable every human
being to live, flourish and love in complete freedom.
For that reason, and in the spirit of mutual human
respect, we support the principle of the responsibility
to protect victims of violence wherever they are. In
the same spirit, Belgium responded to the Secretary-
General’s call by instituting 17 specific projects.
The rule of law and the enforcement of respect for
human rights require us to step up the fight against
impunity. Belgium will continue its policy of active
cooperation with international criminal tribunals. The
action of the International Criminal Court will help to
usher in an era of responsibility. It is incumbent upon all
States to cooperate with the Court. Belgium, together
with Slovenia and the Netherlands, calls on all States
represented here to improve international cooperation
in mutual legal assistance and extradition.
As the President of Brazil pointed out
(see A/67/PV.6), the effects of the economic crisis
and financial speculation are felt by every household.
When the balance sheets of banks represent 300 per
cent, 400 per cent or 600 per cent of gross domestic
product — indeed, even more in some countries — we
should not be surprised that there is a direct link between
bank management and the economic and budgetary
health of sovereign States. In many countries in-depth
studies have been carried out and decisions taken, but
clearly that is not enough. That is because the financial
world operates in line with the rhythm of its own peculiar
logic. Here at the United States the phenomenon is
better understood than elsewhere. Programme trading
dominates financial exchanges. The software reacts a
million times faster than human traders, buying and
selling thousands of shares every millionth of a second.
We must work together here at the international level to
establish oversight mechanisms for the financial world,
with a view to ensuring that it again assists more in job
creation and that it steers clear of risky management
practices that compromise the economic and budgetary
health of nations.
In Belgium we are working on the issue nationally
and within the eurozone. But an agreed international approach is becoming indispensable. Beyond such
in-depth reforms in the banking and financial sectors,
let us also dare to tax financial transactions. It is high
time that income derived from that source be used to
promote prosperity for our people.
The Assembly is committed to the follow-up
to the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development. We can never underline enough that we
must break with an economic development model that
devours natural resources and energy. Belgium supports
the Secretary-General’s Sustainable Energy for All
initiative. It also stresses the importance of merging
within one process the Millennium Development Goals
and the sustainable development goals.
I would like to turn to some regional issues that my
country finds especially disturbing and tragic. In the
Great Lakes region, the situation in the eastern part of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the resurgent
violence and the Mouvement du 23 Mars rebellion
greatly concern the Belgian Government, especially
because of their serious impact on local populations.
We see images of massacres, rape, forced recruitment,
including of children, pillaging, 400,000 internally
displaced persons — all of it completely unacceptable.
Belgium calls upon the countries of the region to
redouble their efforts to put an end to the current
rebellion. We also call for a response to the root causes
of instability in the Great Lakes region. We commend
the Secretary-General’s attention to the region and his
initiative in calling a high-level meeting tomorrow
on the crisis. Our Foreign Minister will attend, and
Belgium stands ready to do what it can to help.
The territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic
of the Congo must categorically be respected. All
external support for the rebels must stop. Let us not
delude ourselves. Denying the facts does not make
them disappear. The facts on the ground give the lie to
all denials. Belgium calls on all countries in the Great
Lakes region to pledge to respect the sovereignty of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Belgium also urges
the Congolese authorities to institute the necessary
reforms in the army and the police to re-establish the
rule of law in the whole of its territory, including,
obviously, the eastern part.
I dearly hope that reason will prevail. Belgium is
ready to work to help restore trust among the countries
of the region. We furthermore hope that direct relations
between the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the President of Rwanda can be established
and that it will speed progress towards a solution.
As to Syria, we are all deeply concerned by the
deteriorating situation of an impasse on the ground,
and a political impasse as well. We are appalled by
the posture of a regime that kills its own citizens.
Beyond the 30,000 dead there are at least 250,000
refugees in neighbouring countries, and even more
internally displaced. How is it that the collective human
conscience is not in agreement to stop the massacre? I
say respectfully to the members of the Security Council
that we cannot knowingly allow such human suffering
to go on. Unless we take action we are complicit in
crimes against humanity.
Belgium has faith in and supports Joint Special
Representative Lakhdar Brahimi. Belgium also supports
the efforts by Arab countries and hopes that they will
be successful. We must all hope for a political solution.
One thing is certain. Bashar Al-Assad must leave. The
regime has lost all legitimacy. Given the urgency of the
situation and the approaching winter, Belgium urges
the international community to take concrete steps on
the humanitarian front and to come to the aid of the
millions of people affected. Humanitarian concerns are
our highest priority. The Belgian Government provides
financial support for humanitarian aid to the refugees.
In that connection, I will allow myself to insist
that my country demands earnestly that a solution be
found to enable humanitarian organizations to carry
out their work, particularly in hospitals, in line with
international humanitarian law. I believe that both the
Chinese and Russian authorities will be able to join us
in those objectives.
I have another comment concerning the region; I
wish to mention the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Belgium
favours the rapid resumption of negotiations aimed
at finding a solution based on the coexistence of two
States — the State of Israel and a State of Palestine that
is independent, democratic, united and viable — living
together in peace, security and prosperity. We also wish
to state very clearly our opposition to the continuation
of colonization.
My country believes that multilateralism is the only
way to improve conditions of our planet. Belgium is the
fifteenth largest contributor to the United Nations.
Let us have the courage and strength to agree to
free humankind from wars and social injustices, and support its development. I invite all of us to spur our
awareness. Let us demonstrate together our capacity to
act.


At the outset,
I would like to pay well-deserved tribute to Chris
Stevens and his colleagues, who died in Benghazi for
the same ideals as those of our common Organization,
the United Nations.
Next, I wish to convey the warm congratulations
of the Malian delegation on the outstanding election
of the new President of the General Assembly. That
choice confirms the recognition, were such needed, of
his qualities as a skilled diplomat. It is also a tribute
to his country, Serbia, which maintains friendly and
cooperative relations with my country. The President
of the General Assembly can be assured of the Malian
delegation’s complete readiness to work with him for
the full success of his mandate.
In the same spirit, I express my great appreciation
to his distinguished predecessor, Ambassador Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for the excellent manner in which
he led the work of the previous session. I also take this
opportunity to pay warm tribute to Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon for his ongoing commitment to the ideals
of the Organization. The settlement of international disputes by
peaceful means, which the President proposed as the
central theme of the general debate, is timely, as it
is a part of Chapter VI of the Charter of the United
Nations, whose relevant provisions aim to limit hotbeds
of tension through negotiation, mediation, conciliation,
arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional
arrangements or agreements, or through other peaceful
means. The subject is quite current, in the light of
the many crises and conflicts that seriously threaten
international peace and security.
The settlement of disputes by peaceful means is
particularly important for my country, Mali, as it is a
country that is firmly attached to the ideals of peace
and stability. Despite that, today it is undergoing one
of the most difficult periods in its history. Its northern
part has been occupied by armed groups consisting
of fundamentalist terrorists, drug traffickers and
criminals of every other sort. The most fundamental
human rights are being violated continuously by a
horde of heartless and lawless vandals.
The Government of Mali has just requested the
International Criminal Court to consider those odious
acts, which are no more and no less than war crimes
and crimes against humanity. Whipping, amputation,
summary execution, rape, stoning and looting and
destruction of cultural and historical monuments and
sites are the daily lot of the afflicted and helpless people
of northern Mali.
That sad situation led the interim President of
the Republic of Mali to request, on 1 September, the
Economic Community of West African States for
assistance in recovering the occupied territories and
fighting terrorism. Similar requests have been made to
the Security Council through the Secretary-General,
as well as to the French Republic, the United States of
America, the African Union and the European Union.
However, I would like to firmly emphasize that a
lasting solution to the situation in the Sahel requires
stronger and more dynamic cooperation among the
States of the Sahel-Saharan region. In that vein, the
Government of Mali remains in favour of the convening
of a meeting of heads of State and Government of the
Sahel region, with the support of the United Nations
and other partners, in order to support and strengthen
capacities and the arrangement for coordinating
existing regional mechanisms. In the specific case of our common area, the
neighbouring countries of Algeria, Mali, Mauritania
and the Niger have set up mechanisms, such as the
joint operational military staff committee based in
Tamanrasset, Algeria, and others involving joint patrols
and the right of pursuit. But we must recognize that those
mechanisms need to be fully operational. In that regard,
I would like to call for the support of the international
community for their effective implementation.
My delegation would like to strongly emphasize
that the aggression and occupation in the northern part
of Mali is a major collateral consequence of the Libyan
crisis, as indicated in the report of the joint United
Nations/African Union mission to assess the impact of
the Libyan crisis in the Sahel region (see S/2012/42).
The Security Council considered that report in
January (see S/PV.6709).
The presence today of terrorist groups of various
nationalities on our soil and in the Sahel region is a
situation that should mobilize the entire international
community to take joint, rapid and effective action,
because that threat knows no bounds. Here I should
like to reiterate the determination of the Government of
Mali to continue the work that it has begun jointly with
other core countries in the framework of the combat
against terrorism, transnational organized crime and
irredentist, subversive forces in the Sahelo-Saharan
region.
In parallel with that approach, I should like to
reaffirm the commitment undertaken by the interim
President and the Government of Mali to negotiate
with our compatriots who are not terrorists. I have
said it before and I will say it again from this United
Nations rostrum: we in Mali are not afraid or ashamed
of negotiating, but we will not negotiate with terrorists.
We are not prepared to negotiate issues that call into
question the integrity of our territory and the secular
nature of the country.
The situation in northern Mali due to the occupation
has resulted in a deterioration in humanitarian
conditions, which were already precarious owing to
the f low of internally displaced persons and of people
seeking refuge in neighbouring countries. Because of
the crisis, more than 350,000 people have had to f lee
northern Mali, including 84,000 internally displaced
persons and more than 268,000 others who are refugees
in neighbouring countries. The crisis has also hampered
access to education for more than 560,000 school-age children, 300,000 of whom were in school before the
crisis began.
There has also been damage to educational facilities
and equipment. In addition, 85 per cent of all teachers
and 10,000 pupils have been displaced to the south, and
50,000 school-age children are now in neighbouring
countries. Furthermore, schools have been occupied by
flood-affected people in the south.
As the Assembly is aware, Mali is facing tremendous
humanitarian needs in terms of housing, food, health,
education and nutrition for refugees, displaced persons
and wage earners. During his stay in the region, the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees stated
on 31 July 2012 that the crisis in Mali was “one of the
most neglected humanitarian situations in the world”.
He said that from an appeal for $153 million, his Office
had received only about $49 million to deal with that
humanitarian crisis.
The Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian
Affairs, Ms. Valerie Amos noted during her visit to
Mali in August that $213 million was needed to deal
with the humanitarian crisis that is currently affecting
my country. That shows that the humanitarian situation
is continuing to deteriorate, thus increasing the cost of
intervention.
Here I would like to reiterate the gratitude of the
people and the Government of Mali to all brotherly
countries and all partners of goodwill for their
hospitality in hosting our compatriots and for their
generous contributions. I therefore call for a greater
mobilization by all of Mali’s partners and friends as
well as the coordination of aid for Mali nationals who
are displaced or refugees.
Our Government of National Unity was established
on 20 August 2012, with the fundamental mission of
quickly liberating the northern regions of the country
and of holding democratic, transparent, just and
credible elections. With a view to recovering territorial
integrity, we are calling for the adoption by the Security
Council of a resolution authorizing, under Chapter VII
of the Charter of the United Nations, intervention by
an international military force so as to help the Malian
army to retake and ensure the security of our national
territory.
The Government of Mali would like to see the
immediate arrival of such a force to support the defence
and security forces of Mali in carrying out their noble mission of recovering and maintaining our territorial
integrity and of protecting persons and property. The
people of Mali continue to hope that the members of
the Security Council will give due consideration to that
request.
I should therefore like to take this opportunity to
reiterate the gratitude of the people and the Government
of Mali to the Economic Community of West African
States, the African Union and to the United Nations for
their ongoing efforts to put a lasting end to the crisis in
Mali, which also threatens the stability of the subregion
and of Africa, and even beyond.
Our meetings are taking place at a time when
developing countries are facing many major challenges,
in particular the consequences of the economic and
financial crisis, the burden of external debt and a decline
in development assistance. There is therefore a need to
undertake a more in-depth dialogue on new strategies
aimed at mobilizing additional stable and predictable
resources so as to ensure financing for development
programmes and the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals, in particular in the areas of health,
education, food security and the environment.
Climate change is one of the major challenges facing
the world. The very survival of our planet is threatened
by natural disasters caused by that phenomenon, which
is seriously affecting living conditions in countries of
the Sahel such as mine through, inter alia, the inexorable
advance of the desert; the silting of rivers, in particular
the river Niger; ecosystem deterioration; f loods; and
problematic precipitation patterns.
I should like to highlight the need to find appropriate
responses to this serious situation so as to avert tragic
repercussions for sustainable development in the most
vulnerable countries.
The United Nations has a pivotal role to play in the
building of a new world order that is based on justice,
solidarity and sustainable development. In order to
tackle current and future challenges, it is important
that the current mode of functioning of the United
Nations be reviewed so as to take into account the new
configuration of the world, which is fundamentally
different from that which prevailed at the time of its
founding. Such a review should, inter alia, make it
possible to correct the historical imbalance that results
in the continued exclusion of Africa from the limited
circle of the countries that are permanent members of
the Security Council.

To conclude, I hope that all present will agree
with me that the situation in Mali is a manifestation of
security problems in the Sahel and that it should be dealt
with comprehensively through the appropriate United
Nations mechanisms. It is therefore urgent to act, first
of all to put an end to the suffering of the people of Mali,
and secondly to prevent the development of a similar or
worse situation for other peoples in the Sahel, or even
the rest of the world.
It is also urgent to act because criminal and terrorist
activities in northern Mali and the security risks that
they pose for the entire subregion are in the long term a
serious threat to the rest of the world.
Finally, it is urgent to act so as to resume cooperation
with our bilateral and multilateral partners so as to
consolidate a republic based on secular and democratic
values.
Today my people are seriously affected. But
Malians have not lost hope, because they are convinced
of the support of other nations, whose leaders and
respresentatives are here. Malians in both the north and
the south legitimately await their active solidarity to
emerge from the crisis. My people are convinced that
their appeal for international solidarity will be heard
and followed up with appropriate measures. Malians
know that nations have the means. They look forward to
decisive and diligent action. At stake is the stability and
security of our subregion, of Africa and of the world.