1.	It is with dismay that the delegation of the German Democratic Republic to the United Nations has received word of the demise of His Holiness Pope John Paul I. Permit me to express my sincere condolences to the Permanent Observer of the Holy See to the United Nations.
2.	Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election to your responsible office, and I extend to you and to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, best wishes for successful work. You will always find the representatives of the German Democratic Republic by your side when the purposes and principles of the United Nations are to be promoted.
3.	Complicated and even contradictory international developments require both sober judgement and determined action. Never before have the chances of a lasting peace been so good. But at the same time the arms race is assuming unprecedented dimensions. Certain progress towards detente cannot be overlooked. Yet in the face of ever sharper attacks against their living together in peace

the peoples are concerned about whether detente can be pursued further and be made durable or whether there will be a return to the cold war. They rightly place high hopes in the United Nations, whose activities are committed to peace.
4.	The German Democratic Republic has been a Member of the United Nations for five years now, and it has always considered the maintenance of world peace and the safeguarding of international security to be the crucial tasks. It is a reliable partner to all those who pursue the same goals and who work for the good of man.
5.	Peaceful coexistence is the driving force of the United Nations, and universality is its special feature. Permit me to extend cordial congratulations to Solomon Islands on its admission as the one hundred and fiftieth State Member of the world Organization.
6.	The United Nations can effectively fulfil the tasks entrusted to it if it commits all its authority to unrestricted observance of the principles enshrined in its Charter. Strict observance of the sovereignty of States, non-interference in their internal affairs and respect for their territorial integrity and their frontiers are indispensable, as are renunciation of force, arms limitation and disarmament, the peaceful settlement of international disputes and the safeguarding of the right of peoples to self-determination.
7.	It is no accident that attempts are being made by the forces opposed to detente to undermine these very cornerstones of the peaceful living together of States and peoples. In view of this, the present session of the General Assembly cannot remain passive. It is, rather, called upon to match its practical action to its declarations of intent and to take vigorous steps to strengthen detente, to make world peace more secure and to ensure that the road towards a world without war and without colonial and racist oppression will not be abandoned but will be easier to follow.
8.	In Europe, the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference has had a beneficial effect on the living together of States having different social systems. This living together develops as the Final Act meets with growing recognition and application as the code of peaceful relations among States. It is equally obvious that all attempts at interfering in the sovereign affairs of other States contrary to the agreed letter and spirit are bound to block the further progress of detente and, what is more, amount to a reckless gamble with the destinies of the peoples. We are prepared to work together with all those who sincerely endeavour not to change the existing situation unilaterally. However, the
delegation of the German Democratic Republic has reason, and not for the first time, categorically to reject the stereotyped attempts to the contrary, both presumptuous and dangerous, that have been renewed here.
9.	It remains the declared objective of the Government of the German Democratic Republic to work towards a situation in Europe where peace is lastingly assured on the basis of the irrefutable realities of post-war development, where peaceful coexistence governs the life and conduct of States having different social systems and where the people of the German Democratic Republic can pursue its peaceful work of socialist construction free from outside interference or even threat. The States of Europe can and must agree upon a future in peace. Whoever continues to oppose that and to pursue unrealistic and adventurist designs jeopardizes the life of the peoples. Whoever is serious about co-operating in easing the international atmosphere, resolving common vital issues of our time and assuring peace and good-neighbourliness has ample opportunities to prove it by a sense of reality, goodwill and constructiveness, and, above all, by deeds.
10.	This would be to the benefit of everyone. As is well known, in taking part in the work of the United Nations and in firmly adhering to its Charter, the German Democratic Republic is guided by this very endeavour.
11.	An example of how peaceful coexistence can promote the fruitful co-operation of States is the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes. There have been joint research programmes among socialist States, as well as between socialist and capitalist States. Their results have benefited all. The German Democratic Republic is a member of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, and has been co-operating for many years in joint programmes among the socialist countries. It has now joined those countries whose citizens participate in manned space flights. Our people is proud of that, and grateful to the USSR, whose pioneering exploits have made it possible.
12.	It is exactly 50 years now since the Kellogg-Briand pact  was signed in Paris. In spite of all inadequacies inherent in that pact, the USSR acceded to it and was the first State to ratify it. It was the first time that an international treaty, which was open for accession to all States, proscribed war and prohibited it as a means to settle international disputes as an "instrument of national policy".
13.	At that time, contrary to the hopes of the Soviet people and all other peoples, the pact could not prevent the outbreak of new wars and conflicts. The short-comings of the pact, such as the lack of disarmament measures and of sanctions to be imposed in case of breach of the peace and no provisions for the forces of peace to enforce the observance of peace, had disastrous consequences. Today, that pact should remind us—the States of the United Nations, whose founding was an essential result of historical lessons—of our commitment to peace.
14.	The conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force would be highly significant for the security of the entire world and for stabilizing peace all over the world. The German Democratic Republic, a State situated at the boundary line between the world's two most powerful military alliances, takes a keen interest in such a treaty.
15.	The cessation of the arms race and disarmament are the key issues of the world today. Awareness of that prevailed at the tenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly. The Final Document of the Tenth Special Session [resolution S-10/2] constitutes a solid platform for joint action. It sets standards for the attitude of States and for the activities of the United Nations.
16.	A world disarmament conference as a result of which States would assume binding obligations would logically be the next appropriate step. It could be taken, given the good will of all. Regrettably, the situation is being complicated by the current spurred arms drive of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. And, the more dangerous and sophisticated the weapons become, the more difficult will it be to control and finally ban them.
17.	Priority must be given to measures to curb the arms race where atomic and other weapons of mass destruction are concerned. It would be widely appreciated if the nuclear Powers were now to seek agreement on the prohibition of the manufacture and on the reduction of their stocks of nuclear weapons.
18.	An extremely grave threat to the lives of human beings is the neutron bomb. The German Democratic Republic advocates the irrevocable prohibition of the manufacture and deployment of that; offensive weapon. Its introduction would send the arms race spiralling up again, but would not substantially change the existing correlation of military forces.
19.	The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of 1968 [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex J has been conducive to strengthening confidence among States.
.Also, it has considerably promoted international cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We would wish all States to accede to that treaty. As a European State, the German Democratic Republic has an obvious interest in the early conclusion of the overdue arrangements subsidiary to the safeguards agreement between IAEA and the European Atomic Energy Community.
20.	The German Democratic Republic is interested in lasting security. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, Andrei Gromyko oh 9 September submitted to the United Nations a draft international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States [Af33/241, annex, addendum]. The conclusion of such an international accord with a legally binding obligation not to use nuclear weapons against States which do - not manufacture or acquire such weapons, or have them on their territories, would substantially reduce the risk of nuclear war and effectively enhance international security. Also, the draft Declaration on the Preparation of Societies for Life in Peace as proposed by the Polish People's Republic [AlC.1/33/2, annex] meets this concern and has our approval.
21.	As a member of the Geneva Committee on Disarmament, the German Democratic Republic has joined in the efforts to conclude a treaty on the cessation of all nuclear-weapon tests. We have closely followed the negotiations between the USSR, the United States of America and the United Kingdom, and hope that they will soon be concluded successfully. However, this will certainly require the willingness of all nuclear-weapon States to assume the necessary obligations.
22.	The German Democratic Republic welcomes the efforts of the Soviet Union in the negotiations with the United States to agree on effective measures for the limitation of strategic armaments. It is obvious that the early conclusion of such an agreement would be an encouragement for further moves towards the cessation of the arms race.
23.	The course of the Vienna talks on the reduction of forces and armaments in Central Europe has been unsatisfactory. With their recent compromise proposals-I stress the word "compromise"—the States signatories of the Warsaw Treaty have opened up new possibilities of achieving substantial progress at last. Regrettably, this spirit of accommodation has not so far met with a constructive response.
24.	We have followed with concern the tensions persisting in the Middle East. Israel's aggression against Lebanon was bound to cause further aggravation. Current attempts to provide sham solutions by way of separate accords are playing with fire. As is generally known, the problems of the Middle East have a strong bearing on the international atmosphere. It is evident that this explosive hotbed of conflict can really be eliminated and that the long-hoped- for lasting peace can be brought to the peoples of the Middle East only if a solution is found which is based on the relevant United Nations resolutions and which guarantees the independence and security of all States and peoples in the area, including the Arab people of Palestine, which must have the right to self-determination in a State of its own. To achieve this, all parties concerned-not only the Soviet Union, other socialist States, Arab States, and the Palestine Liberation Organization as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people—should make efforts for the resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East.
25.	Turning to the question of Cyprus, the peace and security of the Cypriot people require that this Mediterranean island must not be made into the marshalling ground of a military pact. It is only if the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of that island Republic are respected and if there is no outside interference that the Cyprus conflict can be settled. We consider the convening of an international conference on Cyprus within the framework of the United Nations to be the best way to achieve this.
26.	Peace and stable security demand not only the elimination of existing sources of conflict; it is also incumbent on the United Nations, as well as on each and every one of its Member States, to forestall new situations of conflict. The German Democratic Republic supports all appropriate ideas and proposals for guaranteeing security in
Asia. For this very reason it has been concerned to see recent developments in the Far East and in South-East Asia, where the peoples of Viet Nam and Laos again have to defend themselves against aggressive acts and outside interference.
27.	The German Democratic Republic also supports the demand of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea that all foreign troops, together with their weapons and equipment, be withdrawn immediately from South Korea "o that the Koreans can settle their problems themselves.
28.	International security and peaceful coexistence among States having different social systems are neither conceivable nor feasible without the elimination of colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and apartheid.
29.	We resolutely condemn the terrorism in South Africa and all attempts to maintain that bastion of colonialism and racism. The growing aggressiveness of the racist regimes calls for the strict enforcement of a total arms embargo. It is just as necessary to put an end to economic collaboration with the racist regime in South Africa.
30.	As regards the people of Zimbabwe, the German Democratic Republic considers its right to self- determination to be legitimate. It opposes attempts aimed at perpetuating the domination of any colonizers whatsoever. It works consistently for the full independence of Namibia and unreserved respect for that country's territorial integrity.
31.	The policy of the German Democratic Republic regarding the nationally liberated States is based on the principles of equal rights, respect for independence, and active solidarity.
32.	Everybody can see that the same forces which extend comprehensive political, economic and military assistance to the racist regimes seek to recover lost sources of profit and raw materials in the African region. They stop neither at boycott and blackmail nor even at direct armed incursions.
33.	I think I may say that in the course of this debate it has repeatedly been recalled that the actual attitude of States towards the racist regimes in southern Africa is another indication of who is serious about the implementation of human rights. By no means all of those who pretend to care about human rights have acceded to international instruments such as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)], in force since 1969, or the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVIII)], in force since 1976.
34.	Man's most important right is the right to life in peace, free from Fascist, colonialist, racist or other forms of oppression.
35.	In the German Democratic Republic, as well as in the other socialist countries, this decisive human right is implemented and established by law. The right to work, equal rights for men and women, the right to education and leisure for everyone and the right to special protection of marriage and family are living, everyday reality. Social security and political co-determination form part of the very nature of socialism.
36.	Some States have been claiming for some time that human rights are the supreme guideline of their policy. But this is just not the case. Their assertion is designed to conceal the fact that their system is based on the violation of human rights. For the same reason they claim the right to be the sole judges of right or wrong. That is neither new nor ingenious. Who would not know that this is to substantiate a "right" to intervention on what are alleged to be humanitarian grounds and to justify, for example, the creation of the post of a so-called United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. So far, this has always proved to be a mere pretext for suppressing the sovereign rights of other States and distracting attention from unresolved problems at home. Such a policy can only engender tensions and foment conflicts.
37.	The criterion of credibility where human rights are concerned remains the situation at home rather than postulates addressed to other countries.
38.	The socialist States have long since implemented what was laid down in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 30 years ago. The United Nations has a definite responsibility to oppose in time and with determination the growing activities of old and new Nazi forces.
39.	International economic relations based on equal rights and mutual benefit constitute an essential aspect of both peaceful coexistence and human rights. The German Democratic Republic works to ensure that the economic, scientific and technological co-operation of States takes account of the interests of all nations and, consequently, of the people. That requires the elimination of all forms of discrimination and exploitation in international economic relations and the immediate implementation of measures with a view to the restructuring of those relations on democratic lines.
40.	The growing economic strength of the member countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance demonstrates what can be achieved through fruitful cooperation, free from exploitation. It illustrates the merits of socialist planned economy. It, and it alone, makes possible a continuous and dynamic development, free from crises. Can this be better illustrated than by the conclusion of long-term programmes agreed among the States members of the Council? Moreover, socialist planned economy offers good prospects for the continuous expansion of relations with the developing countries. In the first six months of 1978 alone, the German Democratic Republic's exports to these States increased by over 30 per cent.
41.	But it is only on the basis of peaceful coexistence that the international division of labour between States having different social systems can be developed further to mutual advantage and for the benefit of all concerned. It must be based on democratic principles. As long as this has not become everyday practice, the independence of the developing countries will always be in jeopardy. An increase
in the economic potential of the capitalist States does not automatically entail the prosperity of the developing countries.

42.	The German Democratic Republic shares the view expressed by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of non- aligned States at their Conference in Belgrade in July that it is the legitimate right of the developing countries to claim financial and material compensation for all damages from those which practised colonialism and are practising neocolonialism. Work on a code of conduct to exclude the neo-colonialist practices of transnational corporations could certainly be completed within a very short time.
43.	Greater attention must be given to attempts being made by influential capitalist circles to re-establish by means of modern technology the dependence of many developing countries at a different level. For this reason, a code of conduct to govern scientific and technological assistance to developing countries is urgently needed. The United Nations should also oppose the protectionist practices of certain capitalist countries. That should be a priority concern of the fifth session of UNCTAD.
44.	The General Assembly at this session faces complex but rewarding tasks. May I express the hope that our joint efforts will yield results that are conducive to strengthening security and peace, to enhancing the progress of political detente by measures of military detente and to making it irreversible. Of course, this cannot be everything, but without this, everything would be in vain.
45.	The delegation of the German Democratic Republic will actively contribute to the accomplishment of the difficult and challenging tasks before this session of the General Assembly.


134.	On behalf of my delegation I should like first of all to congratulate Mr. Indalecio Lievano on his election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. His election to that high office is a tribute, to him personally and. to the constructive and positive role played by Colombia in the work of the United Nations. I wish Mr. Lievano every success in his task and assure him that my delegation will give him our fullest co-operation.
135.	I would like also to convey our congratulations and deep appreciation to Mr Lievano's predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, who presided over the deliberations of the thirty- second session and the three important special sessions of the General Assembly with such great distinction, devotion and efficiency. His outstanding contribution to the success of these sessions won our profound admiration.
136.	The delegation of Malaysia warmly welcomes this admission of Solomon Islands as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of our Organization. Accession of that Territory to independence in July this year indeed augurs well, for the remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories which have yet to emerge from the bondage of colonialism. This is a tribute to the important role played by the United Nations in the field of decolonization. My delegation looks forward to close co-operation with the delegation of Solomon Islands within and outside the United Nations system.
137.	It is customary for us to come here each year to review our achievements and express our views on the current world situation. Although we have seen some positive developments in some areas, the balance-sheet of the world situation in substantive terms has unfortunately continued to be weighted on the debit side. The world is still ridden with conflicts, antagonism, mistrust, poverty and under-development. The agenda before, us, which is again laden with pressing issues of oven  helming proportions and urgency, reflects in the main a situation of uncertainty and in some areas a feeling of frustration. Indeed, the non-aligned countries at their recent Conference in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, pointed out the general crisis situation in the world today [see A/331206}, at a time when we are again faced with dangers of the resurgence of cold-war politics and the persistence of rising tensions and conflicts.
138.	The process of detente and world peace continues to be threatened by the expansion of bloc divisions and rivalries and the escalating arms race. We have no illusions as to the obstacles that stand in the way of the efforts of this Organization to arrest this dangerous development. The point is that there is still much tension, mistrust and suspicion, which have accumulated over the years from the negative consequences of two world wars. While this holds true, I do not think we should be disheartened by what we have failed to achieve. Let us instead dip further into the reservoir of our goodwill and with renewed vigour dedicate ourselves to the search for viable solutions to the more urgent problems that continue to beset us.
139.	As we begin the thirty-third session, we can perhaps draw some satisfaction from positive' trends that have emerged during the course of this year. For one thing, our deliberations have increasingly been characterized by a willingness to accommodate each other through a spirit of tolerance and understanding. We have proved that through the continuing dialogue in which we are engaged we can work in harmony rather than divisiveness. It is as if we were now embarking on a new era of positive international co-operation.
140.	This year alone, the General Assembly has held important special sessions, resulting in decisions which have significantly advanced international understanding and cooperation. The decisions of the tenth special session on disarmament give us much hope that world peace and security will be strengthened through the start of the process of genuine disarmament. Indeed, those positive developments reflect a universal recognition of the fact that the United Nations forum, still offers us the best hope for the solution of conflicts and world problems. As the Secretary-General pointed out in his report,
"... our greatest problems can only, be handled by multilateral action... Used properly, for example, the United Nations can be the instrument for overcoming much of the sense of mistrust and insecurity which makes so many international problems insoluble." [See A/3311, sect. I.]
141.	We must accept that the pursuit of international peace and security is, after all, a dynamic process, and that it is through co-operation, understanding and tolerance that we can reach out to seek viable solutions to international problems. Indeed  the importance of this process should not be underestimated. My delegation hopes that it will be given further impetus at this thirty-third session. For our part, I should like to reaffirm the commitment of the Government of Malaysia to its promotion, so that we can successfully attain the goals and objectives of the United Nations.
142.	Indeed, the continuation of this process of cooperation is all the more imperative in serious problem areas such as the Middle East and southern Africa. Peace has eluded the people in the Middle East for far too long. It is a tragic situation that has inflicted untold sufferings on many. It is surely the duty of the international community to leave no stone unturned in the quest for a lasting and comprehensive solution that will end the sufferings of the people and enable them to live in peace and security.
143.	It is in this context that my Government welcomes any initiative aimed at bringing this about. While doing so, let me also reiterate here our position, namely, that a just and comprehensive settlement of the problem can be achieved only if it is predicated, first, on the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all Arab occupied territories and, secondly on the realization of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination. We also hold strongly that Israel must desist from changing the natural, political, cultural, religious and demographic characteristics of the occupied territories.
144.	At the Ninth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers held in Dakar, Senegal, in April this year, the position of that Conference was very clearly defined. Israel's continued illegal occupation of Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, cannot be accepted. The Holy City of Jerusalem in particular is dear to all Islamic countries and Moslems all over the world, and any act by Israel to alter the Arab Islamic status of the City and desecrate the Islamic monuments there is to be condemned.

145.	The struggle against colonialism, apartheid and racism remains high on the priority list of the agenda of the United Nations. It is a matter of satisfaction that there is universal recognition of the need for more resolute action to eradicate this abnormality of our times. The process of decolonization assumes increasing urgency as we face ruthless attempts by the colonialist regimes to entrench their minority rule. In southern Africa, the people continue to be deprived of their fundamental freedom and their rights to self-determination and independence. Attempts to end the unacceptable situation in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa have been frustrated by more repressive policies of the racist minority regimes there.
146.	Earlier this year we were looking forward to the independence of Namibia. But once again we are faced with a recalcitrant and intransigent racist regime in South Africa, which is bent on obstructing the efforts of the United Nations to bring about a peaceful transition to majority rule and independence in that country. South Africa's decision to go ahead and conduct its own elections in Namibia in defiance of the United Nations poses a serious obstacle to the progress of the settlement proposals that have been agreed upon. Surely, no independence can be genuine if it does not include the participation of SWAPO.
147.	We deplore these obstructionist tactics, which demonstrate too clearly that the racist regime is not prepared to relinquish its illegal control of the Territory. If South Africa persists in pursuing this course, the Security Council must take a firm decision to impose full mandatory sanctions. In the view of my delegation, the Secretary- General's proposals for the establishment of the United Nations transition Assistance Group provide the best means for ensuring the peaceful and orderly transition of the Territory to independence. We fully support these proposals, which are embodied in the recently adopted Security Council resolution 435 (1978);
148.	It would indeed be a tragedy if South Africa at this stage turned its back and refused to co-operate with the United Nations in setting in motion the peace-keeping operations in Namibia. We call on South Africa to show political goodwill and to assist Namibia's accession to independence within the framework of the Security Council resolution, so that the people of the Territory will be able to enjoy the legitimate rights so long denied to them.
149.	In Southern Rhodesia, the fraudulent internal settlement by the racist Smith regime can never provide a just solution to the problem. There can be no solution unless it is based on the wishes of the black majority, including the Patriotic Front. The so-called internal settlement is nothing but a deliberate and systematic plan designed to consolidate white racist minority rule. We reject this deceptive act. No permanent solution to the problem is possible unless it is consistent with the principle of majority rule, so as to ensure the right of the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination, justice, equality and freedom.
150.	In South Africa, there is still no visible sign of a change in the apartheid policies of the racist regime. On the contrary, that regime has intensified its oppression and instituted bantustans which are aimed at depriving the people of the Territory of their citizenship and legitimate rights. It is indeed a tragic situation where millions of the people there are still unable to enjoy their birthright and to live in peace, justice and equality. The recent World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination has condemned apartheid in the strongest terms and urged more concrete international action to eradicate this evil from our midst [see A/33/2621. My delegation has always held the view that no measure which does not include economic sanctions, including an oil embargo, would be effective in changing the policy of the South African regime. The Security Council should urgently consider the application of such mandatory sanctions before the situation erupts into open violence.
151.	In the field of disarmament, the problem of the escalating arms race continues to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The principles and priorities for disarmament negotiations drawn up by the tenth special session, on disarmament [see resolution S-10/2] should be implemented as soon as possible. We •hope the deliberative and negotiating bodies established by
the special session will give priority attention to drawing up measures that will halt and reverse the wasteful arms race, stop all nuclear-weapon tests and reduce the stockpiles of nuclear weapons with a view to their complete elimination. I think the Assembly will agree with me that more urgent action is needed both multilaterally through concerted action in the United Nations, which bears the primary responsibility in this field, and bilaterally, particularly between the two leading nuclear-weapon States in the context of the negotiations proceeding within the framework of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. We do, indeed, live in a finite world, and certainly the resources released from military expenditures could usefully be diverted to economic development, particularly for the developing countries. We look forward to the early conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty and to negotiations to begin the process of genuine disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, so that we can live in a world free from the constant threat of destruction.
152.	Let me turn next to the situation in my part of the world, South-East Asia. Malaysia, together with our other partners in the Association of South East Asian Nations, has always been strongly committed to promoting friendship, understanding and co-operation among the countries in South-East Asia. We believe that it is through regional co-operation that we can harness our efforts and resources to promote the well-being of our people. The Association is indeed strongly committed to regionalism, and, in translating this concept into practice, we are creating the conditions that would be conducive not only to forging greater understanding but also to bringing about long-term peace and stability that would be to the interest of all the countries in the region. It is a task which should be shared by all. The participation of all the countries in South-East Asia is all the more imperative now in the present situation, and only through co-operation can we act in concert in shaping the evolution of a peaceful, prosperous and stable South-East Asia for the well-being of our peoples.
153.	Malaysia is also committed to the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and- neutrality in South-East Asia. The return to peaceful and stable conditions in the region would be an important contribution towards realizing such a concept. We believe that the establishment of such a zone free from outside interference and big-Power rivalry would secure for the region lasting peace and stability. The special session devoted to disarmament, it will be recalled, has noted the interest of the countries in the region in the establishment of such a zone in South-East Asia. There is indeed growing support for the proposal, and we are confident that the discussion on the matter will produce further progress towards its implementation.
154.	An equally, if not more, important task for the United Nations now and in the years ahead is to address itself fully to the prevailing multifarious international economic problems by continually keeping up the momentum of the North-South dialogue until the solution to those problems is found. Hence, it is not only expected of, but also imperative for, the United Nations, as an international forum with universal participation, to be actively involved in the process of global negotiations relating to the establishment of the New International Economic Order, to which my Government is fully committed. For this reason, my delegation reiterates its full support for the mandate of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, or the Committee of the Whole, on the establishment of that New Economic Order. The Committee cannot and must not fail in its task, since there is no alternative to it within the United Nations system if the United Nations is to play a major and meaningful role and to contribute positively towards the promotion of global economic interdependence.
155.	Unfortunately, despite the acceptance of the importance and value of equal partnership in international economic co-operation, little progress has been made in practical action towards its implementation. This unsatisfactory state of affairs, as well as the lack of real progress in other areas of relevance to the establishment of the New International Economic Order, is a matter of serious concern to the developing countries, as reflected in the declaration of the Foreign Ministers of the Group of 77, who met in New York on 29 September [A/331278, annex]. The hardships being experienced by the developing countries are further intensified by the current depressing state of the world economy as a result mainly of divergent and uncoordinated economic policies pursued by the major industrially developed countries without giving due attention and regard to the interests of the developing countries. It seems ironic and indeed unbelievable that what has been and is happening on the international economic scene in the last couple of years has been completely against and in direct contradiction of all that for which the developing countries are clamouring.
156.	As my delegation see? it, there is only one way in which we could all overcome the .recurring problems responsible for the chaotic situation of the global economy. That panacea is nothing less than complete and outright structural changes in the existing outmoded pattern of international economic relations, to be achieved only with the establishment of the New International Economic Order.
157.	To that end, we would urge the developed countries to demonstrate, as they have not done before, sincere and genuine political goodwill and to undertake a positive commitment to negotiate seriously and meaningfully with the developing countries for concrete and mutually beneficial agreements on the many issues at present featured in the North-South dialogue, with a view to finding a lasting solution to them.
158.	One issue that is of direct concern to my delegation is the establishment of the common fund, as well as the Integrated Programme for Commodities, the importance of which to the majority of developing countries hardly needs any further elaboration here. We hope that the resumption of the negotiating conference on the common fund scheduled for next month will end successfully with a decision for the expeditious operation of the Fund.
159.	Other matters equally important to the developing countries relate to the multilateral trade negotiations, the transfer of resources in real terms to developing countries, debt and food problems of developing countries, the conversion of UNIDO into a specialized agency, the reorganization of the international financial and monetary system and adequate and appropriate preparations for the new international development strategy. We hope that the negotiations on these problems in their respective forums will be able to achieve real progress as soon as possible before 1980, so that the special session of the General Assembly to be held in that year may be assured of success.


210.	I am particularly happy to be able in my turn to congratulate the President on. his election to that. important post at the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. The unanimity of the choice is the most eloquent testimony to his competence, and thus offers his dynamic qualities a new field of action in keeping with his qualifications and experience as a statesman.
211.	I also wish to pay a deserved tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Mojsov, who had the great and rare privilege of presiding over four sessions of our Assembly, which enabled him to confirm his reputation as a highly skilled and competent diplomat, devoted to the cause of peace and the progress of mankind.
212.	My delegation is happy to welcome Solomon Islands, which now takes its rightful place and is assuming its role in the concert of nations. We assure it of our readiness to co-operate with it in accordance with the ideals and principles of our Charter.
213.	My presence at this rostrum also offers me a pleasant opportunity to assure the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, once again of our friendship and our confidence in him, and to express the deep appreciation of the Government of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau of the results he has obtained in his tireless efforts to find just solutions to the problems which the community of nations faces. I should like to congratulate him on the competence and dynamism that he has always evinced in the discharge of his important and difficult mission.
214.	The attention of the African peoples, when not turned to economic problems, is always directed to the conflicts on the African continent.
215.	Indeed, at a time when the international community, aware of the dangers that threaten it, is dealing with the problem of peace, since that is the essential basis for a world of justice and progress, there has been a geographical movement of world tension in the direction of Africa, and this has created new hotbeds of tension and the most deadly conflicts.
216.	Although some among us, because of the Balkanization of Africa, may have become accustomed to the existence of minor conflicts here and there, they very nature and alarming dimensions of recent events make it impossible for us to remain passive, and prompt us to act with realism and calmness. We believe that any dispute that may arise among African States can be settled in a just and peaceful manner based on the spirit of dialogue and tolerance characteristic of African traditions.
217.	Africa, of course, wishes to contribute to the creation of a modern world of progress and happiness for all. Because of its technological backwardness, it needs aid and support in its development efforts. But this co-operation based on solidarity and mutual respect, for which we appeal whole-heartedly, must not be subject to bargaining or be subordinated to an ideological alliance, for it is not in the interest of African States to belong to one or another camp. That explains why all independent African States belong to the non-aligned movement. The formation of blocs in Africa can only arouse rivalries and call into question African unity, which all African States are determined to build, step by step.
218.	Indeed only that unity can constitute an effective means to battle any ideological convulsions, any attempts at division, or any external interference—in a word, any action contrary to the development of the African personality or to the independence and development of Africa.
219.	It is precisely because we are aware of the moral responsibility incumbent on the independent African States in the struggle for the total liberation of that continent, and because we realize the importance of the contribution which they could make to the acceleration of that process, that we perceive the need to spare Africa from ideological antagonisms which, when grafted to the difficulties already assailing its economy and hindering its development, might distract African peoples from the historical role which they should play in bringing about a totally free and prosperous Africa.
220.	It is therefore for the purpose of participating as best we can in the liberation of oppressed peoples and in the elimination of the policies of discrimination and apartheid that we wish to encourage the awakening of a community conscience and to unite our forces so as to act in solidarity for the defence of basic human rights and for the self-determination of peoples.
221.	The situation is southern Africa, which remains one of the essential concerns of our Organization, has not made the progress that is indispensable for the creation of an atmosphere of peace in that region.
222.	In South Africa our African brothers still suffer in apartheid's innumerable prisons. But need I describe the crimes of genocide perpetrated by the South African regime?
223.	The international community |s well aware of them, having decided a number of years ago to unite its efforts in order to isolate the racist Pretoria regime and create conditions favourable to the replacement of that arbitrary and repressive system with a more just system, one responding to the aspirations of the majority of the population—a more humane system, based on dignity and respect for the human being. The United Nations, however, despite its laudable efforts, has yet to back up its action with the means of pressure and coercion available to it in order to ensure that its decisions are respected and implemented. Obviously, the United Nations is not a court of justice, but, given the constant denunciation of the attitude of certain countries contrary to the aspirations to peace on the part of all mankind, the United Nations could contribute to a better realization of the dangers which threaten peace in that region.
224.	In Zimbabwe, the ability to resist and the successes of the heroic struggle waged by the Patriotic Front have led to the desperate attempts of which we are all aware. In fact, the so-called internal negotiations, the nature and objectives of which we need hardly recall, cannot meet the legitimate aspirations of the heroic Zimbabwean people, which has clearly understood that they are perfidious manoeuvres designed to direct the problem towards a neo-colonialist solution,
225.	The Zimbabwean fighters, under the aegis of the Patriotic Front, have reacted conscientiously and responsibly to that masquerade. Meanwhile, contemporary history provides many examples of agreements signed and commitments imposed which did not exactly reflect the genuine will of the struggling peoples, but were rapidly transformed into instruments for the total liberation of those peoples.
226.	That means that, whatever the manoeuvres of the rebel Ian Smith and his clique, the spirit of sacrifice and combativeness of the true sons of Zimbabwe will inevitably lead that brother people to genuine independence. It is in this perspective that we support any action of the international community to extend to the Patriotic Front all the material, political and diplomatic aid it might require in its liberation struggle.
227.	In Namibia, we are witnesses to the establishment of structures that are supposed to lead to that Territory's independence. The international community cannot, of course, but follow with dose interest and support the establishment of the indispensable machinery for the transfer of power to the genuine representatives of the Namibian people. But in this process, which has just started, the essential modalities have not yet been clarified and are being challenged. And despite every effort made by. the United Nations to find a peaceful solution to the Namibian problem, the racist Pretoria Government has once again challenged the international community by taking the unilateral decision to' organize so-called elections in Namibia.
228.	The Government of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, for its part, will maintain its militant solidarity with
SWAPO and will spare no sacrifice to support United Nations efforts to restore to the Namibian people their legitimate rights and to re-establish peace in the region.
229.	Last year, before this Assembly,  we affirmed our unwavering solidarity with the brother people of the Sahara. The striking successes attained by the liberation struggle of the Frente POLISARIO," whose combativeness and spirit of sacrifice we honour, encourages us in our conviction as to the inevitable end of that struggle.
230.	That is why my delegation, which is aware of the latest events in that part of Africa, wishes once again to voice its support for the Frente POLISARIO in its tireless efforts to restore the rights of the Saharan people, in accordance with United Nations resolutions. It is also with the aim of contributing effectively to the efforts of the Organization of African Unity and of the United Nations to .find a just and peaceful solution to this conflict that my Government welcomes and supports any initiative which might bring the parties concerned to the negotiating table and to satisfactory results.
231.	In the Middle East the situation remains alarming. Once again we must draw attention to the terrible sufferings endured by the brother people of Palestine and call on the international community to intensify its aid to that martyred people. We have, of course, been following closely the efforts undertaken to achieve a negotiated solution to the problem. But in the opinion of our Government, as long as the Palestinian people remain absent from the negotiating table, and as long as their real interests are not taken into account, the peace process will remain deadlocked, and the successes achieved will be ephemeral.
232.	Any settlement obtained to the detriment of the freedom and dignity of the Palestinian people cannot be considered to be a real peace settlement, either in spirit or as regards its lasting nature, because to be able to arrive at a just and lasting solution of the Middle East problem there can be no prior conditions other than the withdrawal of the Israeli troops from the Arab territories occupied since 1967 and the recognition of the right of the Arab people to self-determination, including the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, and its recognition internationally.
233.	The international community is in duty bound to show severe intransigence regarding the rights of the Palestinians and must compel Israel finally to begin genuine negotiations and concessions, because despite many optimistic voices the road to peace seems far distant.
234.	It is in the spirit of sincere concern for peace in the Middle East and a desire to see the ideals of justice and brotherhood triumph in the region that I renew to the Palestinian people and to the Palestinian Liberation Organization the assurance of the unflagging solidarity of the people and the Government of Guinea-Bissau.
235.	Despite many condemnations by the international community of the policy of aggression and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations with respect to East Timor and populations of that Territory continue to suffer the worst oppression and to endure the most abject humiliations. Indeed, in the face of the heroic struggle of the heroic fighters of the Frente Revolucionario de Timor Leste Independente the aggressors do not hesitate to perpetrate the most odious crimes, massacring men, women -and children in order to be able to perpetuate their domination. The international community, as we have said, having pronounced itself unequivocally on the illegal and irresponsible nature of this arbitrary occupation, must take more appropriate measures to prevent Member States with expansionist designs from being able to abridge the freedom of others and totally trample underfoot the dignity of men who, as in East Timor, have paid with their blood the heavy cost of liberation from colonial domination.
236.	Again with respect to illegal occupation, my delegation once again wishes to express its concern over the situation which prevails in Mayotte. The illegal occupation of Mayotte is contrary to the rules which govern relations among sovereign States and what is necessary is not a demonstration of force, but the finding as early as possible of a just solution that would take account of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Comoros.
237.	At a time when the international community has set itself the objective of building a world from which the spectre of war will be banished, my delegation welcomes the decisions taken at the conclusion of the special session devoted to disarmament; and my country, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, pledges itself to support within the limits of its ability a fruitful and permanent co-operation with the efforts of the international community with a view to maintaining peace.
238.	While they constitute no more than a step towards a general and complete disarmament, which our peoples ardently yearn for, so as to prevent a planetary conflagration, the documents which were adopted, including the Programme of Action [resolution S-10/2, sect. Ill], have raised new hopes and created conditions conducive to a better awareness by peoples of the importance of peace for their well-being and continued development. Peace is one and therefore indivisible, so it is the imperative duty of all mankind to maintain and strengthen it.
239.	But peace does not mean merely a non-existence of war between the great Powers. The struggle for peace demands of all nations of the world the elimination of all forms of oppression, discrimination and exploitation of man by man, as well as of violations of human rights which cannot but engender violence, which inevitably brings more violence. The consolidation of peace therefore requires the building of a multidimensional structure and, by agreement and compromise among States, profound changes in the attitude of man.
240.	Genuine peace cannot exist except through mutual understanding and respect, the establishment and strengthening of relations of friendship and solidarity among all nations, without distinction, the elimination of the continually aggravated inequality among people and, finally, the ending of the scandalous waste of resources and energy on the unbridled arms race.
241.	The gravity of the problems which the third world confronts means that the developing countries must understand more than ever the imperative necessity of the maximum effort to consolidate their national independence and to strengthen their struggle by calling into question the structures of imperialist and neo-colonialist exploitation through the organization of effective cooperation and close solidarity within international, regional and subregional organizations.
242.	The action being taken by the non-aligned countries for their economic liberation, which received a broad response at the Belgrade Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, further strengthens the unity of action of the Group of 77.
243.	On the basis of the provisions of the Charter of Algiers,23 the Lima Declaration,  and the resolutions adopted at the Buenos Aires Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries,  there is a growing affirmation and definition of the desire on the part of the countries of the third world to undertake actions of co-operation and regional integration.
244.	These various stages constitute a transition from passive claims to the affirmation of the will of the developing countries to rely first of all on their own individual and collective resources, to take over the defence of their fundamental interests, and to determine for themselves how they wish to develop.
245.	The Disarmament Decade and the second session of UNCTAD provided for the transfer of considerable resources from the industrialized countries to the developing countries. However, we note with alarm that vast human and material resources are being diverted from economic and social activities to a senseless arms race. Financial aid from the industrial countries to the developing countries four years ago totalled $20 billion. In that same year expenditures on arms amounted to $300 billion.
246.	This situation gravely jeopardizes the attainment and success of the objectives set by the international community for development, particularly the reduction in a foreseeable future of the gap which separates the developing from the industrial countries.
247.	With a few exceptions the developed countries, despite numerous declarations filled with good intentions, do everything to maintain the advantages which they have given themselves. We can never sufficiently denounce such selfish conduct, for the gulf which separates the rich from the poor is inimical to human dignity and to international peace and security in so far as it can lead three fourths of mankind to take unforeseeable actions for their own survival.
248.	We note that the very principles of the new international economic order, although generally accepted, meet great reluctance when it comes to their application.
249.	It is because of the persistence with which the "have" countries cling to their privileges and because of their lack of political will for conciliation that so many international gatherings fail to fulfil the hopes placed in them, whether it be the fourth session of UNCTAD, the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation or the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
250.	The fourth session of UNCTAD, for example, which was held at Nairobi in 1976, was to take up the fundamental problems of long-term development. Later certain decisions were to be taken immediately and specifically for the adoption of precise programmes of implementation for problems that require operational action. We are thinking in particular of the case of commodities and the external indebtedness of the developing countries.
251.	The results obtained seem to us to be hardly satisfactory. Nevertheless, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau is pleased that there was a consensus regarding the essential points of the Integrated Programme for Commodities. The provisions of the resolution on that Programme contained some innovations and improvements regarding commodities. We are convinced that this resolution constitute an acceptable framework within which the problem of commodities will be discussed in the future.
252.	We also consider it squally important and indicative of a certain awareness that there was a determination to apply the decision adopted at Nairobi to begin negotiations on a certain number of products which are of special interest to the developing countries.
253.	It is regrettable that the problem of the external indebtedness of the developing countries was not dealt with constructively at Nairobi. The countries of the third world have indeed throughout the years exhausted their reserves and accumulated enormous external debts which impose heavy burdens on them and hamper their development. We hope that at the fifth session of UNCTAD, which is to be held in Manila, it will be possible to respond to the fundamental aspirations of the developing countries and thus contribute to the establishment of a better balance among nations.
254.	These are the concerns of my .delegation in regard to certain items on the agenda of this Assembly . Allow me to reiterate the total willingness of my country, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, to contribute to promoting joint initiatives which will lead to the solution of the conflicts which affect mankind.
255.	Finally, I should like to express the hope that the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United
Nations will live up to the hope? of peoples and of the international community and will satisfy their desire for peace and harmony.


1.	Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, I congratulate you or. your election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and wish you success in this responsible post. I should like also to extend my congratulations to the newly-admitted Member of the United Nations—Solomon Islands.
2.	In spite of the complicated and conflicting international situation, the period following the thirty-second session of the General Assembly has abounded in vigorous action aimed at the further deepening of the process of detente and at the strengthening of peace in the world. The countries of the socialist community and the peace-loving forces have continued their efforts for the elimination of international conflicts, and for enriching the specific content of the policy of peaceful coexistence between States "with different social systems. In a number of regions in the world aggressors have suffered defeat. There has been further intensification of the struggle for the self-determination and national independence of the oppressed peoples and for the elimination of racism, racial discrimination and apartheid.
3.	There have "been positive results in the European continent, where the process of reconstruction of international relations in conformity with the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, adopted 'at Helsinki on August 1975 goes on. It is particularly important now for all States which participated in the Conference to adhere to and implement strictly the principles and agreements that have become the foundation of detente and co-operation on the continent.
4.	The situation in the Balkan peninsula is also developing favourably. Co-operation among States is becoming ever richer in content, and its forms are becoming ever more diversified. The People's Republic of Bulgaria is striving to
overcome prejudices and distrust, for business-like and concrete solutions of various issues and for strengthening good-neighbourly relations, so as to turn our backs once and for all on the black pages of the past in relations with neighbouring States. We look upon history as a source of useful experience and wisdom and not as a source for the poisoning of contemporary relations. We believe that the peoples of the Balkan countries will not allow relations among themselves to be influenced by intrigues and by the encroachments of forces which are hostile to detente, peace and co-operation. As the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and Chairman of the Council of State of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Todor Zhivkov, said in his speech in the city of Blagoyevgrad on 15 June:
"Our deep and sincere desire is to look towards the future, to build up on new foundations the political, economic and cultural relations between the Balkan peoples and States, and to move forward along the road to good neighbourly relations and co-operation. Our policy towards all Balkan States is one of principle, consistent and lasting. It does not depend on short-term considerations. It is in keeping with the interests of neighbouring countries and peoples and, of course, with the vital interests of the Bulgarian people "
5.	Along with the undeniable successes which have occurred in easing confrontation and strengthening peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems, some negative events have occurred in international relations during the past year. The opponents of detente are trying to return the world to the dark days of the "cold war" and to speed up a new round in the spiraling arms race. The long-term programme the North Atlantic Treaty Organization approved at its last session, which it is estimated will cost another S80 billion, will lead to a colossal increase in the scale of armaments. That programme is an open challenge to the will of the peoples of the whole world who desire to see genuine results promptly obtained in curbing the arms race. In order to justify that policy, member States of that Organization have time and again resorted to the worn-out and well-known allegation about the presence of a military threat on the part of the States signatories of the Warsaw Treaty. We are convinced that, despite this zealous and biased propaganda, world public opinion will not allow itself to be misled and that it is well aware of the real designs of the militaristic circles to tip the existing military balance in their favour.
6.	It is necessary to do away once and for all with the anachronistic pattern of thinking on questions of peace and security as well as the outmoded stereotypes engendered by the inertia of the past and based on military superiority. There can be no doubt that the policy of the position of strength is not in keeping with the realities of the present-day world. In a nuclear age, that policy has become increasingly unfitted as a means of settling disputes among States. It is particularly sterile to pursue it vis-à-vis the countries of the socialist community and the sooner that truth is grasped the better it will be for mankind and for world peace.
7.	We are convinced that the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations would give new impetus to the extension of detente to all regions of the world and decisively reduce the danger of a military conflagration.
8.	With the unanimous adoption of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security  the States Members of the United Nations have reaffirmed their desire to apply the principles of the Charter as well as the other generally accepted principles and declarations whose aim is to strengthen international peace and security and promote good-neighbourly relations and co-operation.
9.	In recent years, however, certain circles in the West have assumed the role of an international judge for the observance of human rights in various countries and have been interfering in the internal affairs of those countries. It is to be noted that the most zealous "champions" of human rights apparently do not deem it necessary to concern themselves with the rights of citizens of their own countries, although they are in the case of many of them in a sorry state. Exploiters, aggressors, colonialists and racists have no moral grounds whatsoever to talk about human rights. The People's Republic of Bulgaria rejects any attempt to interfere in the domestic affairs of States on any pretext whatsoever.
10.	In our view, the main task today is to strengthen detente and not to allow a return to the "cold war"; to prevent the launching of a new round of the arms race and to make a start on genuine disarmament. That would be in keeping with the aspirations and interests of all nations in the world.
11.	The development of the international situation strengthens our profound conviction that the maintenance of peace and security in the world and the ensuring of normal conditions of life and creative work for its peoples and for their well-being and progress are inseparable from the struggle to end the arms race and bring about disarmament.
12.	The tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, confirmed the urgent necessity to take prompt co-ordinated measures to bring about military detente. The Final Document which it adopted /resolution S-10/2/ defines the basic areas on which the concerted efforts of States Members of the United Nations should be focused. In our opinion, now is the time to take, without delay, practical measures to halt the arms race and give an impetus to real disarmament.
13.	We share the view that the principal and most urgent task before us now is to prevent the outbreak of a nuclear war. An important step along the road leading to that goal would be the initiation of talks, with the participation of all nuclear States, for the conclusion of a treaty on the discontinuance of the production of nuclear weapons and the destruction of existing stockpiles.
14.	A new contribution to the stabilization of the international situation and the reduction of the danger of a thermonuclear war would be the conclusion of a convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States. In this connection, the proposal set
forth in the letter [A/33/241] of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Andrei Gromyko, to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, is of great importance. It is our conviction that this session should devote the bulk of its attention to that proposal and take an appropriate decision on it.
15.	A particularly important role on the European continent could be played by the acceptance of a proposal, made by the States signatories of the Warsaw Treaty, to the effect that States participants in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe would undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against each other.
16.	The conclusion of an international treaty on a general prohibition of the development and production of new types of weapons and systems of mass destruction would do a great deal to contribute to the discontinuation of the arms race.
17.	One of the immediate tasks of the Committee on Disarmament should be the preparation of a treaty banning the manufacture and the use of the neutron weapon. We hope that common sense and far-sightedness will prevail and that the resolute condemnation of plans for the production of this barbaric weapon, as well as the demand for its unconditional prohibition, will be taken into account.
18.	At the present time an extremely positive role could be played by the successful completion of negotiations which are now being conducted on various questions of disarmament. The proposals submitted by the socialist countries in Vienna at the talks on the reduction of arms and armed forces in Central Europe have provided an opportunity for achieving results which would in no way impair the security of any State and which would reduce military confrontation in this region that is so vital for the security of the entire continent. Taking into account the great significance of the Soviet-United States negotiations on the limitation of strategic offensive weapons, we hope that the artificial barriers being set up throughout these talks will be lifted. All the necessary conditions exist for the successful completion also of the talks on the cessation of nuclear weapons and on the prohibition of chemical, radiological and other types of weapons.
19.	The question of the universality of the international treaties and agreements concluded thus far in this field is of great importance for curbing the arms race. The People's Republic of Bulgaria has signed and ratified all basic documents in this area. It is in the interests of the peace and security of nations that all States should follow suit, particularly the nuclear States and those countries which possess a considerable military potential.
20.	Our country is in favour of reducing the military budgets of States, above all those of the permanent members of the Security Council. Such a measure would have a beneficial impact on the development of all countries, particularly the developing ones.
21.	We whole-heartedly support the decision of the special session to convene a world disarmament conference as early as possible, because we believe that this session of the General Assembly should lay down the time for the convening of that conference and embark upon practical preparations for it.
127. As a participant of long standing in the negotiations on disarmament in Geneva, the People's Republic of Bulgaria highly appreciates the contribution of that important forum to efforts to resolve the problems of disarmament. We are convinced that the Committee on Disarmament can produce even more substantial results provided that there is sincere interest and that all participants make serious and unswerving efforts.
128-. There are dangerous hotbeds of tension and war conflicts which continue to be whipped up in some parts of the world and exert a negative influence on international relations and pose a serious threat to world peace.
129.	The task of solving peacefully and justly the Middle East problem is becoming increasingly urgent in nature. There has been complete confirmation of the truth that the road of separate talks can only serve to aggravate the conflict, to impede the just cause of the Arab peoples and to make even further removed a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East crisis as a whole. In our view, the Camp David agreements lead precisely in that direction, despite the attempts of the countries which participated in those talks to convince the world of their success.
130.	The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria is convinced that the establishment of a lasting peace in the Middle East requires above all a complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, the implementation and guaranteeing of the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including their right to self-determination and the creation of their own State, and the guaranteeing of the independent existence of all States in the area. The most effective forum for a comprehensive peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem is the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East under the co-chairmanship of th2 Soviet Union and the United States of America, with the participation of all parties to the conflict, including the Palestine Liberation Organization.
131.	It is our view that the Cyprus question must be resolved in a way which would be in keeping with vital interests of the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, and with the interests of peace in the area of the Balkan peninsula and the eastern Mediterranean. The attainment of these objectives requires a political solution of the question which would ensure the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.
132.	The "international community is and has recently been seriously concerned with the hegemonistic course-of the policy of the leadership of the People's Republic of China, which is creating ever-increasing difficulties for the strengthening of peace and detente. In order to achieve its great-Power goals, it stops at nothing and is resorting to all kinds of pressure, from the cessation of the so-called selfless assistance right up to the instigation of armed conflicts and direct participation in them. This dangerous policy, which is inimical to the interests of peace and international co-operation, has also found expression in the provocative actions against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. There can be no doubt, however, that the heroic Vietnamese people, tempered as they have been in the struggle against imperialism and for freedom and independence, will be capable of resisting any such pressure.
133.	The period between the thirty-second regular session and the current session of the General Assembly was marked by the active struggle of colonial and dependent peoples, fully supported by democratic and progressive forces throughout the world, for self-determination and national independence against racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. The decisions of the ninth special session on Namibia, as well as those of the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, held at Geneva in August, have once again shown which are the forces trying to preserve their colonial domination, to delay the revolutionary liberation process in Africa and to undermine progressive regimes. These decisions clearly indicate that the unity of the African countries, of all democratic and progressive forces, is a guarantee of their victory over the colonialists.
134.	The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria and the Bulgarian people support the struggle of oppressed peoples for national liberation and the elimination of racism and racial discrimination. We have been rendering, and will continue to render, assistance and support to the newly-liberated countries struggling against aggression and neo-colonialism, for the independent and democratic development of those countries.
135.	The United Nations and its Member States devoted considerable attention in the past year to the problem of the restructuring of international economic relations. The promotion of international economic co-operation on a just and democratic basis will promote the elimination of inequality in international economic relations, as well as of the exploitation of developing countries by developed capitalist States and the economic dependence of the former upon the latter.
136.	We are categorically opposed to discrimination in international economic relations, just as we are opposed to attempts to link the promotion of economic. relations between States with the fulfilment of certain conditions. Such attempts have nothing in common with international co-operation and are doomed to fail.
In conclusion, I would like to emphasize, that as a member of the socialist community, the People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue to make its contribution to the strengthening of the United Nations so as to make it an active and efficient instrument for the preservation of world peace and for the security and well-being of all peoples.