13. Community civil protection mechanism (vote)


Dates of forthcoming sittings : see Minutes


Welcome
Ladies and gentlemen, it is my great pleasure to inform you that, as part of our series of interparliamentary meetings, we are being visited by a delegation from the Parliament of Tunisia headed by Mr Salah Tabarki, Chair of the Committee on Political Affairs, Human Rights and Foreign Affairs of the Tunisian House of Representatives.
We warmly welcome Mr Tabarki and the members of his delegation. I would like to underline the importance that we attach to this meeting, which is the first to take place for five years.
Parliament is following the development of the political and economic situation in Tunisia with great interest, as we in the European Union are that country's most important trade partner. The relations that you will establish with the European Parliament Delegation for Relations with the Maghreb Countries will provide you with an adequate institutional framework for dialogue on matters of mutual interest regarding the development of democracy and the rule of law.
We therefore wish you an enjoyable and fruitful visit.


3. Expulsions of NGOs from Darfur
The next item is the debate on six motions for a resolution on expulsions of NGOs from Darfur.
author. - Madam President, it was entirely predictable that President Omar Al-Bashir of Sudan would respond to his indictment by the ICC with a political gesture, but by expelling NGOs and aid agencies from his country he has reinforced the popular image of a brutal tyrant, without any concern for the plight of the long-suffering people he nominally governs.
A few people still argue that what has happened in Darfur is not genocide. Fewer still support Bashir openly, although China - regrettably - has been a lone voice in his defence because of the heavy Chinese involvement in Sudan's extractive industries.
Like most Members, I welcome the indictment of President Bashir by the ICC and the issue of an international arrest warrant. It may not succeed, but it is an important gesture to show the world's disgust at the horrors he has perpetrated in Darfur without any remorse.
I also think that the indictment strengthens the reputation of the ICC, which hitherto has been shunned by some, including the great powers such as the USA, for fear of politically motivated prosecutions. Indeed it is fascinating that the United States, which is not a signatory to the Rome Statute, has nonetheless used its position on the UN Security Council to facilitate the ICC indictment of Bashir.
One possible way out of the impasse that now exists is for the Security Council to strike down the indictment, as it has a right to do under the Rome Statute, on condition that Bashir goes into exile and the killings and repression stop, and in partial recognition that Sudan was never a signatory to the Rome Statute.
While this might seem to some like an unjust response to the killings in Darfur and effectively grants some form of partial immunity, it would remove the main protagonist and spare the long-suffering people of Darfur more bloodshed and enable Sudan as a country to move on. Of course, if Bashir refuses, then he should be prosecuted with the full force of international law. The AU, Arab League and China should make this clear to President Bashir before it is too late for him and his brutal regime.
author. - Madam President, the situation in Darfur is desperate. Can you imagine the human suffering behind the United Nations statistics? According to the UN, up to 4.7 million people - including 2.7 million internally displaced persons - are in need of assistance.
We cannot allow this situation to deteriorate even more, and I urge the Sudanese Government to step back from the decision to expel 13 leading non-governmental organisations from Darfur. The aid agencies in Darfur run the largest humanitarian operation in the world. Only today we have discovered, I believe, that three people who work for Médecins Sans Frontières are missing. The departure of the NGOs could lead to even more loss of life, due to the break in medical services and outbreaks of infectious diseases such as diarrhoea and respiratory infections. Children are greatly at risk.
The United Nations has said that kicking out the humanitarian groups puts more than one million lives at risk. I stress the overriding humanitarian need to allow the agencies to continue with their lifesaving work. As President Obama said, it is not acceptable to put that many people's lives at risk. We need to be able to get those humanitarian organisations back on the ground. I urge colleagues to support this resolution.
Madam President, Sudan has been ruled for many years now by regimes founded on a combination of military force, Arab national pride and a conservative interpretation of Islam. The primary objective of these regimes was and is to hold together the territory of this enormous state, which is inhabited by a range of completely different peoples. These different peoples are made subject, by all possible means, to the authority of the capital, Khartoum.
That is why there has been conflict for many years against the separatist movement in the south of the country, the region that is predominantly non-Arab and non-Islamic. It is still very far from certain whether the south will be allowed the freedom to actually utilise the right to secession that has been agreed for 2011.
In the western region of Darfur, the government seeks to prevent such a secession by all means. In that region there has always been a conflict of interests between nomadic herdsmen and settled farmers. The government has now taken an interest in this conflict. Depopulating the region by chasing the settled inhabitants to neighbouring Chad is an important tool in keeping the area under control. In this dirty work, the government can do without foreign observers, aid workers and mediators.
Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs called for European military intervention a number of years ago. Comments like this are popular with certain sections of domestic public opinion and give the impression that a rich and powerful Europe is able to impose its solutions on the rest of the world. In practice, that is not a solution that can be implemented. What is more, there is little clarity about what the objective of such an intervention would be.
Would it be about temporary humanitarian aid or establishing an independent state of Darfur? Either way, it would be seen in Africa as a new showing of colonial strength from Europe, primarily out of European self-interest. A less spectacular, but probably more effective, strategy is the issuing of an international arrest warrant for President Al-Bashir and the detection of war crimes. From outside, you must always offer to contribute to humanitarian aid and bringing about peaceful solutions. The affected population groups, who have largely fled, deserve our support in their struggle to survive.
author. - Madam President, this House is very concerned about the decision by the Sudanese Government to expel humanitarian organisations from Darfur, a move which could have catastrophic results for hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians. We understand that Commissioner Michel, the EU Presidency, the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator, President Obama and many others have involved themselves in trying to affect a reversal of this decision.
Since this is a very sensitive matter requiring very delicate handling, we consider that, before any resolution is passed by this House, every possible chance of success must be given to these efforts. Therefore, we will vote against this resolution, not because we disagree with its contents but because we must wait to see the outcome of the aforementioned efforts. This we consider to be the most sensible and wise thing to do at this point in time and under the present circumstances.
Madam President, as a result of brutal ethnic cleansing in Darfur, around 300 000 people have died and 2.5 million have become refugees. Humanitarian aid is needed by 4.7 million people. More than 10 000 have taken refuge in Chad, where the peace mission includes a contingent of the Polish Army. The population has been affected by one of the most serious humanitarian crises in the world. The representatives of human rights and humanitarian aid organisations, such as Polska Akcja Humanitarna or Médecins Sans Frontières, have been expelled from Darfur. The International Criminal Court in The Hague has accused the Sudanese President, Omar al-Bashir, who is responsible for this situation, of war crimes and crimes against humanity, and has issued a warrant for his arrest. The court accuses him of authorising genocide, murder and displacements, as well as tolerating torture and rape. I fully support the International Criminal Court's decision. We call for humanitarian organisations to be allowed to return to Darfur, so that they may bring aid to the population.
Madam President, I think this resolution has come at a crucial moment for two reasons. The first is that - as has already been said, and I join in the congratulations and celebrations - the indictment of President Bashir demonstrates the importance of putting an end to this situation, especially in Darfur, although it relates to the whole context of Sudan. It also shows that the international community can and must act when such situations reach the extremes that the Sudanese situation has reached.
Ideally, of course, President Bashir should be forced to resign and be handed directly to the International Criminal Court. That is unlikely to happen, but the response by the international community has to be clearly along those lines, and there can be no misgivings about that kind of procedure.
Secondly, the humanitarian situation also requires us to adopt a clear position regarding what we have just learnt today, that three people working for Médecins Sans Frontières have been kidnapped and at the moment we do not know where they are or what condition they are in, and that 13 NGOs that have recently been providing basic assistance and addressing essential needs, amongst other things, have been expelled.
Their expulsion reveals that the response being given by the government is precisely the opposite of the kind of response that is needed and desirable and that should be acceptable to the European Union and, above all, the international community.
Not only is it unacceptable, but it requires a response; a response has to be given to this situation. That is why I believe this resolution is fundamental, and it is absolutely crucial that we adopt it today by the largest possible majority. I also urge my fellow Members to do so to ensure that we are not left behind in such matters.
Lastly, I want to make a very specific request to the United Nations Human Rights Office: it should start investigations to find out whether this expulsion of NGOs can be added to the long list of war crimes for which the Sudanese authorities must, of course, be held answerable.
Madam President, Commissioner, we find ourselves in a very complicated situation. What is going on in Sudan is neither so incomprehensible nor so surprising that we need to wait to see what happens. A war against the people of southern Sudan has been going on there for decades. This is a humanitarian disaster brought about by the genocidal policy of Mr al-Bashir. Millions of people have been displaced and are struggling to survive and they have been in this situation for months or years rather than for weeks. That is one side of the coin.
On the other side, it is true that we are involved in a situation in which we must not jeopardise the work of the humanitarian organisations. We must take their concerns and needs seriously. Which way should we go, then? We must be guided by the facts. The facts are that Mr al-Bashir is quite deliberately exerting this pressure on the humanitarian organisations. Anyone who has seen his demonstrative performance, his mocking dance in this action against the humanitarian organisations and in his demonstrations knows that he is quite intentionally being provocative.
We must not allow ourselves to be provoked. However, neither must we simply shut up, as many fellow Members would like. That would not impress the dictator either. I therefore suggest that we remove the three paragraphs 2, 5 and 6 from the resolution and adopt the remainder as proposed.
Madam President, I have here a letter, written by 28 women from Darfur who managed to escape from the conflict zone, which is addressed to the African Union and the League of Arab States. The women of Darfur, in the letter dated 4 March 2009, express their support for the warrant issued by the International Criminal Court for the arrest of the Sudanese leader Omar al-Bashir. For the first time in the seven years that the Court has been in operation, a warrant has been issued for a sitting head of state. In their letter, the women of Darfur describe the horrifying scenes of violence and rape which are part of daily life in the province, where rape is intentionally used as a weapon, in order to cause women suffering and to stigmatise them, as well as to destroy unity and demoralise the whole of society.
Omar al-Bashir responded to the international arrest warrant by expelling 13 foreign charitable organisations from Sudan. This means that, in the coming weeks, over a million people living in refugee camps in Sudan will have no access to basic aid, such as clean water, food or medical care. The shortage of clean water, which will begin to be felt in the coming days, will promote the spread of communicable diseases, especially in western Darfur. Witnesses have reported cases of diarrhoea in the Zam-Zam camp and cases of meningitis in the Kalma camp. The first, and the main, victims of the decision taken by the Sudanese Government will be the children. Omar al-Bashir's decision to expel charitable organisations from Darfur will result in further crimes.
The European Parliament resolution calls on the UN and the International Criminal Court to investigate whether the Sudanese President's latest decision constitutes a war crime under international law. Omar al-Bashir's Government does not guarantee Sudanese citizens the right to protection, and must be held to account by the international community for violating this right.
Madam President, one of the greatest human tragedies in the contemporary world is taking place in Darfur. The instigator is the Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir. Nearly five million people need urgent humanitarian aid. In the meantime, the Sudanese Government has decided to expel 13 of the leading non-governmental aid organisations from Darfur. The spread of disease which will occur once medical and food aid are cut off will, in the 21st century, result in genocide on a large scale. The resolution, which I support, does not go far enough, as in this case we should force the African Union and the UN to authorise a military intervention, in order to stop the genocide.
Madam President, the conflict in Sudan, which has racial, religious and economic roots, has been going on for over 50 years. It has already claimed over 3 million victims, and forced over 4.7 million people in the region to leave their homes. In spite of attempts to reach an agreement, and the UN peace missions, the conflict between the Arab and non-Arab inhabitants of Darfur has recently escalated.
The latest stage of the most serious humanitarian crisis in the world, which has once again come to the attention of the European Parliament, has involved the decision taken by the Sudanese Government, led by President al-Bashir, to expel 13 humanitarian organisations which are providing much-needed aid in the form of food, medication and medical care. The photographs and films emerging from Darfur, which have moved viewers around the world, cannot truly reflect the crisis facing people in this region, who are trying to emigrate to nearby Chad, as well as to other countries and continents, including Egypt, Israel, the United States, Canada and Europe.
However, it is not only the President of Sudan, who has been accused of war crimes, who is responsible for allowing human rights violations, involving mass rape, kidnappings, displacement, hunger, epidemics and torture, to take place. The blame also lies with the major world powers and their leaders, who are trying to lay the blame for supplying weapons or profiteering on each other. Even the intervention of the public prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, who wanted to indict the Sudanese President and issue a warrant for his arrest, is to be a celebration marking the 10th anniversary of the Criminal Court. According to some people, this could prove catastrophic for Darfur and put an end to the UN mission there.
This is not the first time that we have protested and expressed our outrage at the human rights violations taking place in that region. However, the previous, comprehensive European Parliament resolution, which called on international bodies to impose sanctions and block the economic activities stoking the flames of the conflict, produced no results. I am sure that, by fuelling the conflict, those responsible aim to unify the people of Darfur before the referendum on secession from Sudan, due to take place in 2011.
Madam President, the truth is that we knew the order to expel the NGOs was coming, and that is why I reaffirm that my preference is for a firm and clear line that is also pragmatic. It is very easy to play the hero in the coffee shop, miles and miles away.
Those of us who visited Darfur in July 2007 and went to al-Geneina and al-Fashir, to Nyala and Kapkabia and to many IDP camps around those cities, are fully aware of the suffering of the people of Darfur and the tremendous job that NGOs do there. It is therefore essential to protect the remaining NGOs and to work by all means for them to stay, and also to fully support those that will continue, including religious charities.
I also support the exerting of more pressure on China, which, on the one hand, does not apply the needed pressure on the Khartoum authorities and, on the other hand, delays or blocks more effective measures at UN level.
I also support Mr Tannock's idea that 'any way out is a good way out'. If President Al-Bashir goes away and his regime is put out of the way, that would be a tremendous relief and help for the people of Darfur and Sudan. That is not impunity - impunity is to continue as you are for many years.
- (PL) Madam President, according to a variety of data, the war in Darfur has already claimed over 200 000 victims. It has frequently been called the greatest humanitarian crisis in history and has been compared to the genocide which took place in Rwanda in 1994. According to the UN, almost 5 million Sudanese people currently need urgent aid.
The International Criminal Court has issued a warrant for the arrest of the current President, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Sudanese Government has responded by expelling 13 of the largest non-governmental organisations involved in the largest humanitarian aid effort in history. This decision may have catastrophic consequences for the people of Darfur, who will be left without access to much-needed medical aid. The uncontrolled spread of communicable diseases may lead to mass epidemics, contributing to an increase in the death rate, especially amongst children, who will be left without access to medical treatment or food aid and thereby lose all hope of survival in these exceptionally difficult conditions.
In view of the existing situation, we should unequivocally condemn the decision taken by the Sudanese Government to expel non-governmental organisations from the country, and call for this decision to be revoked. At the same time, we should call on the Commission and the Council to begin talks with the African Union, the League of Arab States and with China, with a view to convincing the Sudanese Government of the potentially catastrophic consequences of its actions. Moreover, we should strongly support the actions of the International Criminal Court and its indisputable contribution to promoting justice and humanitarian law at an international level, as well as its activities aimed at weeding out lawlessness.
In this respect, we should inform the Sudanese collaborating with President al-Bashir that a conviction for war crimes and crimes against humanity is now inevitable, and force the Sudanese Government itself to stop discriminating against human rights activists who supported the Court's decision to arrest President al-Bashir. This action should be taken as soon as possible, in order to prevent a further humanitarian crisis, which inevitably threatens Darfur.
(DE) Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I personally was in Darfur and I was also in neighbouring Chad with Mr Ribeiro e Castro and I can therefore fully support what he has said.
It is a calamity, and this calamity is exacerbated by the fact that, due to the expulsion of non-governmental organisations, only around 60% of humanitarian aid is getting through. This disaster could escalate. Three million people depend on our help. Therefore, Madam President, Commissioner, I am of the opinion that paragraph 4 of our resolution, in which we call on the only great power in the world that can influence this region, the People's Republic of China, to make the Sudanese Government retract its expulsion of NGOs, is particularly important.
- (PL) Madam President, we are witnessing serious events taking place in the field of international politics. The Sudanese President, for whom an arrest warrant has been issued, is seeking to take revenge on the international community by expelling politically neutral organisations which seek to bring humanitarian aid to the suffering people of Darfur. International opinion cannot, of course, ignore the fact that the President of Sudan has banned the activities of non-governmental organisations such as Polska Akcja Humanitarna which, for the last five years, has been engaged in water projects in the Darfur region, in order to help the Sudanese people. The Fifth World Water Forum might provide a good opportunity to react to the Sudanese President's behaviour, as we mentioned yesterday in this Chamber. I hope that the issue of the expulsion of non-governmental organisations operating in Darfur will be raised, within a political context, in Istanbul. Ironically enough, the Forum aims to address the problem of the lack of access to water experienced by billions of people throughout the world. In the meantime, in Darfur, President al-Bashir is expelling organisations which are trying to resolve this key issue. We will need to react to such a move.
(IT) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, very quickly, we are being blackmailed by a dictator who has taken millions of people in Darfur as victims and seeks to use these victims to avoid international sanctions. We must not therefore give in to this blackmail.
It is clear that we need an international coalition to put pressure on President al-Bashir to abandon this position. However we must not turn a blind eye to the fact that the real effect, the real cause of these things is this obsession with natural resources. It is no coincidence that the greatest breaches of human rights are in countries where there are great natural resources and in particular in China, which drives this pressure for natural resources. Therefore we cannot fail to consider how to tackle the root of this problem, that is to say by guaranteeing fair access to natural resources for everyone in the world - that is what we must do.
(FR) Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to say very quickly that we deplore all the horrors of Darfur and that we all demand that everything be done to ensure that the associations and NGOs, who have a crucial role to play in these cases, can continue their work and are not expelled. I would, however, like to put a question to the Commissioner.
I would like to know what you are expecting, what the European Union is expecting, of the African Union. We have heard one Member demand armed intervention. In our resolution, we call on the Commission and the Council to intensify the efforts to influence the government via the African Union. In other countries, we delegate the resolution of conflicts to the African Union. We are aware of the African Union's position on the al-Bashir case. It appears that there are double standards here.
What strategy, then, will the Commission adopt in relation to the African Union, as we are talking about the African continent? Is it the case that here, too, we want to delegate the work and the resolution of this conflict to the African Union?
Member of the Commission. - Madam President, the European Commission is deeply concerned - like you - by the Sudanese decision to expel 13 international, as well as to suspend three national, humanitarian NGOs and two national human rights NGOs, following the ICC indictment of President Bashir. Six of these international NGOs operate with EC humanitarian funding amounting to a total of EUR 10 million.
Those organisations provide essential services to millions of Sudanese in Darfur and in other areas of Sudan. The suspension of their activities is, therefore, not only highly regrettable but will also seriously affect the humanitarian situation, as many of you have said. In a statement, Commissioner Michel has already expressed our deepest concern and urged 'the Government of Sudan to reconsider the value of their decision and to urgently restore these NGOs to their full operational status'.
If the full impact of the Sudanese decision is still being assessed, it is clear that the lives of hundreds of thousands of people might be at risk in Darfur. Appropriate measures need to be taken urgently, as the approaching rainy season and the yearly hunger gap will soon exacerbate the humanitarian vulnerability of the 4.7 million people directly affected by the conflict.
We know that the Government is not going to reverse its decision under further international pressure calling into question its decision to expel the NGOs in question. If we cannot persuade the Government to reverse the expulsion orders, we have to engage the Sudanese authorities in order to put in place the appropriate delivery mechanisms. In this respect, we must certainly hold the Sudanese Government fully accountable for its assurances that it takes full responsibility for delivering humanitarian aid.
It is also our duty to take the necessary contingency measures with respect to our assistance. Sudan is the Commission's single largest humanitarian operation: EUR 110 million in 2009. The Commission, together with other donors, like the United Nations and the NGOs and other humanitarian partners, is currently looking into how best to redesign the humanitarian response in order to avoid dramatic consequences. It is not an easy task, as the expelled NGOs were among those very capable of working in such difficult and remote areas.
These contingency measures will clearly require some cooperation and agreement with the Sudanese authorities. In this respect, it is essential to insist on strict separation between the humanitarian activities and the political agenda.
On the political front, we will have to maintain maximum diplomatic pressure on the Sudanese authorities and the rebel movements alike to reach peace in Darfur. We will also have to press for the full implementation of the North-South Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The stakes are very high, and it is our responsibility not to let Sudan be engulfed in a nightmare scenario of country-wide instability.
The EU as a whole will respect the ICC's guidelines and maintain only essential contacts with Sudanese President Bashir. However - and here it is crucial that, as I said before, we maintain dialogue with Khartoum - we should ensure that the Government's reaction to the ICC indictment is as restrained as possible. If we cut off all relations, the hardliners among the Government may retaliate against civilians, humanitarian workers and UNMIS personnel. The recent decision to expel several NGOs is, we think, the first step, which could be followed by many more situations like the present one, and we have to monitor that carefully. A worst-case scenario of a halt in the implementation of the CPA and an attempt by the Government to find a military solution to the Darfur crisis must be avoided.
With regard to the African Union, I can just tell you that we are maintaining contact with them, but I cannot say any more at this stage.
The debate is closed.


Opening of the sitting
(The sitting was opened at 9.05 a.m.)


Situation in Chad (debate)
The next item is the Council and Commission statements on the situation in Chad.
President-in-Office. - (SL) As you already know, the situation in Chad has deteriorated in the last few weeks. At the beginning of February the Chad rebels advanced on the capital N'Djamena and took the larger part of it. A few days later they withdrew, that is to say they were pushed eastwards towards the Chad-Sudan border. Attacks on the Chad government by the rebel groups at the beginning of February not only started the smouldering internal crisis, but also revealed its regional dimension. In other words, the rebels, aided by Sudan, arrived from Darfur. This is why, when debating the situation in Chad, we must take into account two interconnected aspects: the internal political aspect and the regional aspect.
When in February the European Council condemned the attacks by the Chad rebels on the Chad government, on the one hand it appealed for a political dialogue among the government, the opposition and the rebels, and on the other hand it emphasised the urgent need for a political dialogue between the governments of Chad and Sudan. We think that the governments of Chad and Sudan should be put under increased pressure to fulfil the obligations they undertook in various agreements. The Council appealed to both governments immediately to stop assisting and supplying armed groups and to improve mutual relations.
As regards the internal political situation in Chad, a political solution to the argument is the only way to achieve peace and stability in that country. The inclusive political process, which was indicated in the agreement reached in August 2007 between the Chad ruling party and the parties of the legitimate opposition, must continue. In this context, the European Union supports the efforts of the African Union for a peaceful solution to the conflict. The European Union joins the African Union and the United Nations in their unequivocal condemnation of the rebel attacks. We share their concern regarding the risk of further proliferation of the conflict.
We are also concerned because of the deterioration of the humanitarian situation. Ever-increasing hostilities have deepened the humanitarian tragedy and increased the already large number of refugees and displaced persons. More than 160 people have died in the fighting and approximately 1 000 have been wounded. Several tens of thousands of refugees have fled to neighbouring Cameroon and Nigeria. At the same time, because there are about 250 000 Darfur refugees in Chad, the humanitarian situation is very serious and demands the urgent full deployment of the European mission EUFOR TCHAD/RCA.
At the moment the security situation in the capital N'Djamena and in the greater part of the country, except in the east, has calmed down and is returning to normal following the latest fighting. However, the state of emergency which was declared on 15 February and was intended to last a fortnight has been extended to the middle of this month. This has caused the EU to declare its concern regarding the restriction of civil and media freedom in Chad.
Activities surrounding the deployment of the EUFOR mission resumed after a temporary interruption. The commander of the operation, General Nash, concluded that he would temporarily halt activities following the rebel attacks, to allow an evaluation of the new political and security situation. Deployment was continued without affecting the overall time frame of the operation, and the initial operating capability should still be reached by the middle of March.
The alarming situation in the region made the importance of the mandates of the EUFOR and United Nations missions even more obvious. The EUFOR mission testifies to the commitment of the European Union to aid the stabilisation of the region. Two things are required to reach the set targets: we urgently need security guaranteed by military and, secondly, the conflicting parties should be prepared to start a dialogue and negotiations.
Member of the Commission. - (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, on my return from the mission to Chad from 20 to 22 January 2008, I had already stated that Chad ought to be an EU priority. The attempted coup at the beginning of February by armed rebel movements and ensuing events have served to reinforce this conviction.
I am still convinced that lasting stability in Chad depends on a political opening to all its internal components. That is the task the European Commission took on last year by facilitating and backing the political dialogue, which, as you know, produced the inter-Chadian agreement of 13 August 2007. I strongly believe that it is only this dialogue that can create the political perspective needed to guarantee stability in Chad and consolidate democracy. It must result in a reliable census and a review of the electoral system leading to free and transparent legislative elections in 2009.
I conveyed this message with some force to President Déby; this process had already begun through the monitoring committee. Recent events in N'Djamena caused setbacks to this process. Even though there was an attempted coup against the government, the extrajudicial arrest of a number of opposition leaders, civilians and people working in the media is completely regrettable and unacceptable. As a facilitator and observer of implementation of the inter-Chadian political agreement of 13 August, I was the first to voice my concerns on the subject to President Déby during my last visit to Chad on 27 February.
During the mission I urged President Déby and the political representatives of the presidential majority and the democratic opposition, that is, all responsible politicians in Chad, to relaunch the dynamics of political dialogue by restoring confidence among the various parties. This requires commitment by all the political players concerned, including President Déby of course, who confirmed his desire to continue as the guarantor of implementation of this political agreement. I was assured that the state of emergency declared in mid-February would come to an end in the terms laid down in the Constitution, i.e. in mid-March.
On the same occasion we requested and obtained from President Déby the release of Mr Lol Mahamat Choua, President of the Coordination of Political Parties for the Defence of the Constitution. Bernard Kouchner and I requested a meeting with him. We met him in person and he was thus released the following day. I am also particularly pleased to learn that Mr Ngarlejy Yorongar is in Strasbourg at the moment and may have met some of you, but I am obviously still concerned about the fate of Ibni Oumar Mahamat Saleh, who is still missing. This is why we successfully requested that President Déby establish an extended committee of inquiry with a substantial international presence, including representatives of the European Union, the OIF and the African Union. This committee must shed light on the arrests and disappearances. This will be an important initial step in restoring confidence and ensuring a return to normality in Chad.
The same message was also sent to members of the opposition. The solution lies in joint responsibility on the part of the government, the presidential majority and the opposition. I wish to conclude with a brief explanation of the regional context: the coup bid in Chad was largely the direct consequence of a deterioration in relations between Chad and Sudan. It is extremely difficult not to see the influence of the Khartoum authorities on the attempted coup.
It is therefore essential to put an end to the cross-contamination of the situations in Darfur and Chad. I welcome optimistically the regional initiatives for mediation between Chad and Sudan, which regional Heads of State or Government are now implementing, notably President Wade. The present situation proves, were any proof still required, that European military and civil forces must be urgently and rapidly deployed.
I now wish to mention the MINURCAT Mission in accordance with UN Resolution 1778 of 2007. The raison d'être of this military operation has been ascertained as never before. Hundreds of thousands of civilians are forced to live in extremely vulnerable conditions in eastern Chad, impatiently awaiting EUFOR deployment. The Commission will continue to mobilise all political instruments for humanitarian assistance and cooperation in response to the situation in Chad. I am awaiting the results of the mediation led by President Wade in order to determine or at least define when I will return, not only to Chad, but also to Khartoum. It is vital that we carry out mediation and reconciliation work between N'Djamena and Khartoum, since the tense interaction of a complete breakdown in relations between Chad and Sudan is obviously palpable.
on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - Mr President, I am happy that this debate has remained on the plenary agenda for this week. This situation in Chad requires urgent attention, not only from the European Union, but also from the international community. A summit is due to take place later this week between Chad and Sudan in Dakar, where the Senegalese President will try his utmost to reach common ground on a peace deal between President Déby and President al-Bashir. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon also plans to attend these talks in Dakar, the humanitarian crisis in this region being one of his main priorities.
Such current events underline the importance of Parliament's timely debate this afternoon and I call on all leaders in question to make supreme efforts to resume an all-inclusive political reconciliation process.
The European Union must also make extensive diplomatic moves to support these latest developments. Just before this debate, several of my MEP colleagues and I met with Chadian leader and opposition Member of Parliament, Mr Yorongar, who went missing after the rebel offensive in early February. He was seized by state security forces on 3 February in Chad, but managed to escape to Cameroon before being offered asylum in France. His colleague and fellow opposition politician Mahamat Saleh remains missing. The current crackdown on political opponents, as well as human rights defenders, in Chad must end.
The EU peace-keeping mission has unfortunately suffered its first fatality, after a French peace-keeper mistakenly strayed into Sudanese territory. His funeral takes place today. It will be attended by Mr von Wogau from our group as Chair of the Committee on Security and Defence of the European Parliament. I offer condolences from the PPE-DE Group to this man's family and friends.
In my view, and due to the current humanitarian and security situation, the deployment of the European peace-keeping mission has become indispensable. The United Nations and European Union have a responsibility to protect vulnerable civilians and a duty to provide humanitarian assistance, as well as security for humanitarian personnel. As they continue their respective deployment, I am proud that Irish troops are forming part of this mission.
Finally, I welcome the commitment by Russia to provide helicopters to this mission. Such equipment will offer essential reinforcement in this important EU undertaking.
on behalf of the PSE Group. - (FR) Mr President, Representative of the President-in-Office, Commissioner, for many months now we have been asking about and following extremely closely the EU initiatives to urgently deploy EUFOR in Chad and the Central African Republic, insofar as it is of course essential that this European transition force be operational. Why is it essential? I feel that it is a good idea to repeat this: it is essential so that it is in a position to protect civilian refugees and displaced persons, to allow humanitarian aid to get through, and to guarantee a humanitarian space that has been systematically flouted by the warring parties.
The European Socialists wish to make it clear, however, that the solution to lasting peace in Chad will not be a purely military solution, but also political. On the political terrain, civil society in Chad has offered up a number of specific options to solve the crisis, based on comprehensive dialogue with all players, including the leaders of armed groups, without whose cooperation nothing can be achieved.
We may now wonder whether the EU has taken account of the proposals, and the speech by the Commissioner encourages us in this. We occasionally get the impression, however, as does the civil society I mentioned, that the EU continues to place blind trust in President Déby's supposed ability to solve the crisis. It becomes clearer every day, however, that President Déby alone will never be in a position to bring the peace we expect to Chad.
We thus welcome the statements that have been made on behalf of the European Commission. We hope that it will continue to demonstrate its political courage and daring on this issue.
on behalf of the ALDE Group. - (FR) Mr President, today, as Mr Burke has just said, Staff Sergeant Polin was given military honours today after he was killed in Sudan during the laudable and extremely difficult EUFOR mission in Chad and the Central African Republic. Please allow me to join the homage to him by his comrades-in-arms in the presence of the most senior national and European authorities, especially our High Representative, Javier Solana, and our colleague Karl von Wogau.
For years this House has relentlessly asked the EU to take up its responsibility to protect the victims of the bloody confrontations in Darfur and surrounding regions. It had thus deplored the constant political obstacles preventing deployment of an international force to this end. It also welcomed the adoption, as you pointed out, Commissioner, of UN Security Council Resolution 1778 for the deployment of a military operation in Chad and the Central African Republic as back-up to the UN mission, MINURCAT and a Chad police force.
There is no point saying anything now about the host of difficulties encountered to implement the international force, which was scheduled for deployment in November 2007, finally commenced only at the end of January, and will not be completed until May this year as per the current schedule. Mr President-in-Office, you mentioned the extent to which action by rebel forces in N'Djamena had delayed the mission, but some mention must also be made of the lack of means at the disposal of the European Union to deal with this kind of mission, particularly concerning logistics and helicopters. Here I welcome the announcement yesterday that Russia intends to provide the EU with essential means to assist troops on the ground on this kind of terrain.
Perhaps, Mr President-in-Office, you could shed some additional light on this news?
on behalf of the UEN Group. - Mr President, I should like to thank the President-in-Office, as well as the Commissioner, for their update with regard to the present situation in Chad, and like my colleagues, Mr Burke and Mr Morillon, I want to pay my tribute and extend my sympathy to the family of the French peacekeeper who died in action recently.
One of the horrors that we all have to face in discussing and looking at the situation in Chad, and indeed in that part of Africa in general, is the continuing instability, not just in Chad itself but also in Sudan and the Darfur region and in the Central African Republic, and in other aspects - and, in particular, the outside influences that occur across the different borders that are there. That is why it makes it so difficult to try to find common ground to get solutions. It is all very well to say that we are going to include civil society, but civil society is not given the opportunity to rise and show what it truly wants to see happening, because different rebel forces or opposition forces are there.
That is why the issue that we are now focusing on through the Eurofor mechanism is not only the stability and protection of the refugees from Sudan who have come into Chad - over a quarter of million, of whom nearly 10 000 came in the last month - and also refugees coming from the Central African Republic, but to try and ensure that democracy and the democratisation of the issue are brought to the forefront as well. That is why I congratulate Commissioner Michel on the work he has been undertaking with the - and I use the word guardedly - 'legitimate' Government in Chad and other areas to encourage them to operate properly. Unfortunately, I do not have the same confidence in the independence of the inquiry into the missing, which will take place under the Chadian authorities, but, hopefully, with European Union involvement, that might be encouraged.
My last point is that our troops are now being deployed, thanks to the help from Russia and other countries. Last week I spoke with Lieutenant General Pat Nash, the Operational Commander, who informed me that at the moment there are 700 troops there - 56 of whom are Irish - and the full complement will be there before the rainy season, hopefully by the start of May.
What is incumbent on us now in this Parliament is to give our support to that continuing peacekeeping force by our political actions, by our words but, most importantly of all, by ensuring that they have the proper resources to carry out their task as well.
on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. - (FR) Mr President, the human rights situation and situation of the civilian population is still critical in Chad, and no initiative towards political dialogue has any chance of succeeding if we do not first have a clear response concerning the fate of the members of the opposition arrested on 3 February, and if there is no end to the violence that always occurs, even as we speak, against those whom Idriss Déby brutally sees as adversaries to be eliminated.
That is why, Commissioner, it is vital you keep up the pressure as you have in the past in order to force Idriss Déby to say where Ibni Mahamat Saleh in particular is, and what has become of him, and to release him if he is still alive. I wish to take this opportunity to welcome and express my solidarity with his son, present today in the galleries, and the parliamentary representative, Mr Yorongar, who has come to talk to us on his country's situation and future.
Commissioner, Mr President-in-Office, ladies and gentlemen, the Chadian diaspora, very much present in Strasbourg today, is listening carefully to you and is relying on you to produce inclusive dialogue that does not exclude any political players in Chad. It is under these conditions that the prospects for peace and a democratic process are possible, in association with all parties, and under these conditions that EUFOR may finally deploy in the best conditions, thus emerging from the ambiguity and uncertainty brought about by recent events. The EU's role must be fully clarified I relation to France's role in this region, which has clearly allowed Idriss Déby to remain in power, even if the discourse employed by the French President has now become more open and calls for changes to previous policies.
Commissioner, Mr President, you must use your considerable potential for pressure to obtain genuine assurances and protection for all democrats in Chad, and thus take a more demanding attitude with President Déby, who at the present time is merely attempting to gain some time and save face.
on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. - (DE) Mr President, the EU has deployed a EUFOR mission in Chad and one EUFOR peacekeeper has already been killed. That was exactly what we feared would happen. It is alleged that the French elite troops accidentally crossed the border into Sudan.
Is there any point at all to this EUFOR mission? We say no! These troops cannot possibly be neutral. The majority of the EUFOR troops come from France, and France has a military agreement with Déby - who seized power in a military coup - and has aided him by supplying him with weapons and securing the airport against the rebel attack. This rebel attack was launched shortly before the start of the EUFOR deployment. In other words, the mission escalated the conflict and has thus been counterproductive.
Idriss Déby exploited the situation after the rebel attack to quell the democratic opposition. The EU has become embroiled in this mess. We urge you to pull out the EUFOR troops! France - and therefore, indirectly, the EU - is working hand in glove with Chad's military ruler, Déby. The democratic opposition in Chad is calling for more civil society pressure on the government, and that should really be our position here, not the further militarisation of the conflict.
(NL) I would like to thank the Commission and the Council for these statements. I think that they are very useful. Central Africa is dominated by the greatest human rights disaster in the world, and it is continuing to grow.
As has already been said, thousands of refugees have fled from Darfur to Chad, but with continuing violence in Chad people are now also escaping to Cameroon, Nigeria and the Central African Republic. Sudanese military and peace-keeping agents largely support the well-armed Chadian rebels in the border area between Darfur and Chad, and in addition to the Sudanese Government they also get support from the Arab militias in Darfur. This triggers the massive flow of refugees.
Mr President, we cannot remain aloof. We must do all we can to break the impasse in Sudan and Chad and to stabilise this area of conflict, both through political dialogue and by providing support and protection for citizens and aid organisations. It is good that the European Union has decided on a common peace mission to Chad with the aim of protecting its citizens and guaranteeing humanitarian aid.
Mr President, General Henri Bentegeat, Chairman of the EU Military Committee, has reported that equipment is a problem. Can the Council indicate with which countries they are still negotiating regarding possible contributions?
Millions of people have lived for years in this dangerous situation without there being any substantial change. We cannot not succeed. My question to the Commission and the Council is whether there is anything more to say about making this a state-of-the-art, operational mission.
(NL) The rapid availability of neutral EUFOR troops and equipment in Chad is necessary for the security of refugees and inhabitants and for the stability of the region. If the EU wishes to contribute effectively to this, then the Member States, including the Netherlands, must fulfil their promises so that EUFOR can be fully deployed as quickly as possible. The Member States must not, by their slow reaction, cause the supply of troops and equipment and the commitment of EUFOR to be unnecessarily delayed. Helicopters are also necessary from Russia, so that at least they cannot continue wreaking havoc in Chechnya.
However, it is not only the humanitarian situation that at risk, but the stability of the whole region. The border conflict between Chad and Sudan is making the situation worse. The peace negotiations between the Presidents of Chad and Sudan, through Senegal's President, Abdoelaye Wade, are perhaps a step in the right direction. The EU must support this, in the same way that the EU remains in Kenya in the background, but strongly supported by Kofi Annan.
Louis Michel has rightly noted that political dialogue between all players cannot fail to take place. The EU must fight much more strongly, however, for the release of the opposition leaders and human rights activists who have disappeared. Otherwise; dialogue is impossible. Just as in Kenya in January, 'business as usual does not apply here. Freedom and dialogue must become the conditions for the continuation of aid to Chad.
(SV) Mr President, the conflict in Chad cannot be seen in isolation from that in Darfur, in Sudan. It is fairly clear that the Government of Chad is supporting rebels in Darfur. The Chadian opposition reports that Darfur rebels are fighting side by side with the Chadian Government army against Chadian rebels.
My country, Sweden, is contributing a few hundred soldiers to the EUFOR mission. The purpose of the mission is to guarantee the security of the civilian population, but unfortunately there is evidence that the force is being used as a pawn in the internal game in Chad. The President of Chad, Idriss Déby, has made a statement calling on EUFOR to take eastern Chad as soon as possible. Déby clearly wants to use EUFOR to secure the survival of his own regime.
Let me put a question to the Commission and the Council: how can you guarantee that EUFOR will act entirely independently of such pressures? What do you think about the cooperation of the Déby Government with the rebels in Darfur? Am I wrong? In that case, convince me! As regards the prisoners from the civilian opposition in Chad, it is good that there have been some releases, but much more needs to be done. What is the EU doing to ensure that all political prisoners are released immediately?
Mr President, I have expressed my serious reservations about the Chad operation from the start. The EU should not be meddling in military matters. In any case, the situation in Darfur and the neighbouring areas of Chad and the Central African Republic require a well thought-out, coherent policy, politically driven, that would include the imposition of a no-fly zone - a task that only an organisation such as NATO is competent to undertake. What we now see is a half-baked, politically contrived operation, pursuing largely French objectives, with the EU playing catch-up.
It is appalling that such a precarious operation was set in motion without a proper assessment of the threat and without provision of key equipment capabilities prior to deployment. I am thinking in particular of the lack of helicopters. No European ally was willing to offer them. Now, as an afterthought, we are told that the Russians will provide the helicopters - not only that, but Russia wishes to participate in the mission. What does this say about EU motives? So desperate to create any patchwork, hazardous alliance as long as it does not involve the Americans. This exposes the reality of such activities. I can think of no greater condemnation of European security and defence policy.
(PL) Mr President, an important element of our mission to Chad should be wide-ranging political action aimed at effective mediation between both feuding sides. Unless an understanding is reached between the governments in Khartoum and N'djamena the mission may prove futile and any results quickly reversed. It is therefore important for us to participate in wide-ranging mediation involving international institutions so as to encourage the leaders of both countries to resolve contentious issues.
The European Union's mission is tasked with improving security for the humanitarian missions in Eastern Chad. Experts in international politics have pointed out that this could lead to an increased flow of refugees from the area of Darfur, seeking a safe haven where they will be safe from armed rebel groups. If this comes about, we may well find ourselves in a difficult situation if we recall the statements made by the Prime Minister of Chad, who recently called upon the international community to remove the refugees. The Prime Minister also threatened that if no action was taken, the Chadian authorities would remove the refugees from Chad themselves. I am sure that such statements will remind all of us of the conflicts in the Balkans, where the various sides dealt with national minorities and refugees in a similar manner.
Mr President, the very name Darfur has become synonymous with human misery and suffering. The fall-out from the war in Sudan has spilled over the border into Chad, with nearly 300 000 refugees from Sudan putting an enormous strain on Chad's economy and political stability. Without a political solution to problems in this region, there will be no prospect of peace. At this time, however, we must also deal with the immediate situation, and with this aim in mind the EU is sending 3 700 military personnel to protect the refugees.
Poland is sending a 400-strong contingent, including engineers and medics. Our military personnel face dangerous and harsh conditions and will witness harrowing scenes. They deserve our gratitude and respect for the task they are undertaking. They did not deserve the criticism from the extreme Left and Euro-sceptics in this Chamber.
(FI) Mr President, everyone we hear speak today says that there is a pressing need for humanitarian aid. Many aid workers, however, have had to withdraw from the region because it is not safe. The UN's refugee agency has reported that the situation with regard to security and assistance in refugee camps is particularly poor and that sexual violence is widespread.
The Chadian government's declaration of a state of emergency on 15 February has accelerated that country's decline into chaos. The declaration is an especially worrying way of addressing the crisis and confusion. In practice it gives the government the right to silence and to detain both the actual and suspected representatives of the opposition. The state of emergency also gives the government the right to place restrictions on citizens' freedom of movement and assembly and the right to control private and state media.
The EU should appeal to the Chadian Government to lift the state of emergency and should encourage Chad to participate in closer cooperation in order to guarantee access on the part of organisations delivering humanitarian aid to the crisis areas and to make it possible for them to work there. This should happen as soon as possible.
(SK) In Chad at present more than 250 000 Sudanese refugees live in 12 refugee camps in the eastern part of the country. At the same time (although this is mentioned less often), Chad is right now also a place of refuge for 57 000 refugees from the Central African Republic, who live in four camps in the south of the country.
Let us not forget that women account for more than 56% of refugees. More than 60% of refugees are under 18 years of age and that is why I want more attention to be paid to education and health care, in addition to the basic conditions of human survival. Apart from that, there is a large group in Chad, totalling 180 000 people, who have become internally displaced due to the internal security conditions. Most of them are in the eastern part of the country and lack the basic conditions for survival including food, everyday objects, clothing, drinking water, supply of medicines and vaccines.
I call on the Commission to find effective mechanisms so that our mission to Chad has far greater authority and much better technical equipment, including medical equipment.
Mr President, my colleague has given the figures and I will not repeat them, except to say that, of the 57 000 figure he spoke of, 12 000 of those have gone to the Central African Republic since the beginning of 2008. We now have in Chad a large contingent of Irish troops. I wish them well. They are part of a large EU contingent - 14 EU states in total, while there are 21 Member States participating in the operational headquarters.
The situation is this: we have a very serious humanitarian problem on our hands. I do not agree with those who say that this can only be sorted out by NATO. This can be sorted out by Eurofor if they are organised - and they are now organising to do it. I welcome the fact that they are at last getting the tools with which to do the job, but let us give them the time to bed in and to actually go about making the place safe for humanitarian aid and support them while they are there, rather than sniping at them with the sort of nasty, political comments we heard from the extreme Left here today.
President-in-Office. - (SL) I would like to answer some more important questions from this debate, firstly regarding some technical resources and equipment, that is to say helicopters. This is not a problem specific to the European Union. The same issues are facing others, too: NATO, the United Nations and so on, but of course that is not an excuse.
I would like to reassure Mr Morillon and Mr Van Orden that European bodies are active on this issue. At the moment the European Defence Agency is working on this problem, that is to say on a long-term solution to the helicopter issue. As has already been mentioned, negotiations with the Russian Federation are taking place to secure helicopters. At the moment I have no information about the phase reached so far or whether the negotiations have finished. However, I know they are taking place.
As regards the deployment of this mission, and in response to the question from several Members of Parliament, among them Mrs Martens, I would like to reiterate that there was a 12-day interruption in the deployment of the mission, which has now ended. The deployment is continuing and, as I said in my introduction, we do not expect the overall time frame of the operation to be affected. Despite this 12-day delay, the overall framework will not be affected. As planned, the initial operating capability will be reached in a few days, in the middle of this month.
As regards the first victim of this operation, a member of the French contingent, I have to say that an inquiry is still taking place. The funeral was attended today by the High Representative, Mr Solana, and the Commander of the operation, General Nash, who expressed sympathy on behalf of the European Union.
I would like to end with the following thoughts. The European Union is aware of the seriousness of the crisis in Chad and its regional dimension, which I have mentioned before. This is why it will continue to encourage dialogue between the government and the opposition in Chad itself, as well as between the governments of Chad and Sudan.
We see EUFOR as a significant contribution to these efforts and we are aware of the importance of good equipment. I would like to comment on the statement by Mr Holm and stress that the EUFOR mission in Chad is part of MINURCAT, the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad. That is why impartiality and independence are among the fundamental principles of this operation, that is to say of the United Nations' Mission and the EUFOR operation. These fundamental principles of neutrality and impartiality are those of the EUFOR operation in Chad and the Central African Republic.
Member of the Commission. - (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I also wish to begin by paying homage to the French soldier who died on active service during a dangerous peace-keeping mission. We wish to express our condolences to the family of this soldier, the victim of a difficult mission.
I was not aware that Mr Yorongar and Mr Saleh's son were in the galleries. I also wish, therefore, to welcome them and tell them - though this has not been officially requested of me - that I am naturally willing to meet them if they wish to apprise me of any information I may lack. I am very happy to meet with them.
Several of you spoke along the lines of my initial comments, in other words, to the effect that we are increasingly calling for inclusive dialogue to bring together all the parties involved: the government, of course, the government majority, the representatives of the opposition, including - and I have made this quite clear to President Déby - the representative of the armed rebels, but also - and here I would perhaps like to have everyone's support - the representatives of civil society, since they are very much absent from the process, and I do not detect any great desire in any of the other camps to include them. At my meeting with the representatives of the Monitoring Committee led by Mr Lol, I was able to tell them it is equally important that civil society be involved in the process.
Secondly, I believe that there will be no lasting solution without dialogue, but there cannot be any lasting solution in Chad if there is no solution or no restoration of relations between Sudan and Chad. It has been clearly established that there are various influences at play here, and thus it seems to me that this is another parameter of the solution.
Mrs Aubert, I obviously agree with your concerns and the need to exert maximum pressure on President Déby, and in fact on everyone concerned, to ensure that human rights are respected. I have spoken out very clearly and firmly against the arbitrary extrajudicial arrests. A demand has also been made for the state of emergency to be lifted, with no ambiguities. As I said, we also asked for the committee of inquiry to be open to the representatives of the international community in order to guarantee objectivity and tangible results.
I wish, however, to make a small clarification in relation to your request for the EU to have a policy that differs from that of France, since otherwise this would not be intellectually honest on my part. I was party to President Sarkozy's extremely clear message to Mr Déby. I did not get the impression there was any kind of alliance of interests between the French President, in other words, France's most senior representative, and President Déby. The tone, content and substance of the message were entirely unambiguous. I must say that his words left a very favourable impression. In my presence he clearly spoke out to Mr Déby against the arbitrary extrajudicial arrests and the fact that nobody knew where the missing people were, and he strongly emphasised the need for inclusive dialogue involving every single party.
Concerning the deployment of EUFOR MINURCAT, we are pleased to report the redeployment of EUFOR Chad/Central African Republic on Tuesday, 12 February. EUFOR, of course, is an essential contribution by the EU to the protection of the civil population in eastern Chad and to regional stabilisation. I do not agree with those who oppose this as I feel that they are wrong to underestimate the importance of this mission or even to say we have no business going there; that is not my position at all. The European Commission has drawn up an action plan to accompany the stabilisation process, to support the voluntary return of displaced populations to their original villages and to relaunch development in the areas of eastern Chad affected by the conflict.
The EUFOR mission - which now consists of 600 men, 380 of whom are posted in Abéché - was deployed on 12 February 2008 and is due to achieve its initial operating capacity by mid-March and its full operating capacity by June, i.e. 3 700 men, which should ensure deployment of MINURCAT. Deployment of MINURCAT is crucial in terms of providing security and protection for civilians in eastern Chad, and obviously also contributes to monitoring and the promotion and defence of human rights. It is an extremely important committed observer. Deployment of MINURCAT is all the more important because the Commission made arrangements for a programme to monitor the legal and prisons system in 2007 and reform the security system by 2008-2011. We would remind the House that the Chadian authorities must approve the MINURCAT operating procedures as soon as possible because any additional delays could obviously affect the deployment schedule for the Chad humanitarian protection police force, more than half of the budget for which is financed by the Commission.
I would like to say a few words on Community support in eastern Chad. The Commission has been providing humanitarian aid to eastern Chad since 2004, and aid in 2007 totalled EUR 30 million. The European Commission also allocated EUR 10 million to deployment of the MINURCAT police force. Through the 9th European Development Fund it has allocated over EUR 13 million to implement a rehabilitation support programme for Chad and the Central African Republic. It has also agreed to support, within its means, a process of reconciliation between the ethnic groups that clashed in 2006 and have had no further relations since a wave of massive population displacements. Implementation of these programmes, however, requires lasting stabilisation of the sub-region.
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I felt that it was important to make these points. I would like you to know in any case - and I wish to say this publicly - that I fully undertake to monitor this issue on a daily basis. I am willing to go there when I feel that that would be necessary and useful, and I can do this at very short notice. I have arranged to meet President Beshir quite soon, and President Déby again, particularly on the issue of relations between Sudan and Chad. In addition, I will obviously continue to maintain the necessary contacts with the various political actors and civil society in a bid to make progress on this inclusive dialogue, without which there cannot be any lasting solution in the region.
The debate is closed.
Written Statements (Rule 142)
in writing. - (GA) Irish soldiers are famed for their involvement in peace-keeping operations with the United Nations in places where there is crisis or conflict. It should be the United Nations who leads the way in terms of peace-keeping operations, but this cannot be achieved by participation in European battle groups of this kind.
There is a particular problem with participation in the EUFOR group in Chad. France has a central role in this force. Yet, other French soldiers are giving support to Idriss Déby, the President of Chad, who has been heavily criticised by Amnesty International. In addition, Chad is a former colony of France.
There is a danger that Irish forces will be perceived as a supporting force for a government whose human rights record has come under suspicion. There is a danger that Ireland will no longer be perceived as neutral.
An international force is needed to support those who are in difficulty in Chad, but it should really be a United Nation's force.


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