One-minute speeches (Rule 150)
The next item is one-minute speeches on matters of political importance.
(EL) Madam President, for the last fortnight, tens, if not thousands of citizens have spontaneously gathered in the streets and squares of Athens and other cities. The exasperated Greeks have taken the baton from the Spaniards. In the midst of deep crisis, recession and unemployment, they are asking, peacefully but forcefully, for some prospect of a decent life for themselves, their families and their children. The size of the crowd and its complaint are unprecedented, even for a country with Greece's strong political way of life and tradition. This is a very serious political development with unforeseeable dimensions and implications.
At a time when there are no watertight compartments between countries, we need to listen very carefully to the uproar of events. We need to listen to Mr Reynders, the Belgian Minister for Finance, when he says that we should not go beyond the measures that society can bear in Greece, because that will destroy growth and the country will not recover. No policy is viable if it is not backed or, at the very least, tolerated by society, especially a policy which can basically be summarised as a dilemma between exhausting austerity or bankruptcy. This policy urgently needs serious change and correction, not only in order to make it fairer, but also if it is to be more effective, for the benefit of everyone.
(PL) Madam President, the European Capital of Culture is one of the European Union's most recognisable cultural initiatives. According to studies carried out by the Commission, it is a reason for national pride and shared responsibility among the inhabitants of the nominated cities. In 2016, the nations hosting the contest will be Poland and Spain. Two cities will be chosen from both of these countries to be the European Capital of Culture 2016.
My home city of Gdańsk is in a small group leading the Polish contest, which will be decided this month. I am a keen supporter of this candidacy whose motto is 'Cultural freedom - culture of freedom'. Gdańsk is, historically, a Hanseatic port and the birthplace of the Solidarity movement, which is synonymous with freedom. Now we would like to create a modern programme based on these roots. We stand for freedom of access to our cultural heritage and daily intergenerational and neighbourly solidarity. I believe that my city has much to offer to European society, and victory in this prestigious contest would contribute to an even greater level of prosperity.
(RO) Madam President, the drought which we are currently facing throughout the whole of Europe, along with the forecast for the period ahead, is fuelling concerns not only about a new hike in food prices, but also about food safety. In these circumstances, I believe that the European Commission must pay EU subsidies in advance to support the farmers who need to use existing irrigation systems, thereby avoiding the total loss of this year's harvests. Solutions must also be taken into account, along with this measure, for supporting the implementation of irrigation systems where their use is necessary. Thirty per cent of Romania's area is irrigated land, while the lack of water and prevalence of drought are creating problems similar to those of the other Member States, but without being able to provide support to farmers with this life-saving measure, in the event of this situation.
Madam President, I wanted to speak about the role that sport can play in increasing economic prosperity in our regions. In Wales, I see rugby and other major sporting events boosting the economy of Cardiff. Another boost will come following the wonderful achievement of Swansea City Football Club - and I say this for the benefit of my colleague Richard Howitt - who have just deservedly reached the Premier Football League after a fantastic season. I pay tribute to the manager, players, directors, staff and fans who have made promotion possible. They will be a credit to the Premier League, to Wales, and will give a much needed boost to the local economy, as fans, tourists and, hopefully, businesses come to the region.
Finally, I hope the EU recognises the importance of sport, both economically and socially, and will provide funds to boost sport at all levels, particularly as, since the Lisbon Treaty, the EU now has competence in the field of sport for the first time.
(EL) Madam President, I have consistently supported the programme to restructure my country. I am therefore entitled to point out the weaknesses. Firstly, the programme relies too heavily on taxation, instead of public spending cuts. It is therefore throttling the Greek private sector, which is the only sector that can repay the massive debts. Secondly, there is no rational plan at present to make use of Greek government property. Thirdly, the programme is progressing very slowly and this, in conjunction with the specific messages to the Greek public coming out of Europe, is undermining political support for the reforms. This is happening every single day. We therefore need a bolder programme which calls for faster adjustment and which will provide serious development aid in the form of a European Marshall Plan. Such a programme would have a greater chance of success and we all need that success.
(RO) Madam President, I would like to raise for discussion the recent events in the world of football and, in particular, the election of Sepp Blatter as head of FIFA. I think that his re-election is deplorable at a time when serious corruption charges have been levelled at FIFA, especially concerning the holding of the World Cup in 2022 in Qatar. I think that Member State governments should call for FIFA to be reformed and for its activities to be regulated. This might create greater transparency and help avoid such regrettable events, thereby restoring confidence in FIFA.
Football has become increasingly more like a business. Lack of transparency and accusations of corruption are also affecting Romanian football. Recently, Politehnica Timişoara, who finished runners-up in the Romanian league championship and were due to play in the Champions League, have been relegated to Romania's third division based on a completely random decision. This unjust decision will affect hundreds of thousands of the Timişoara team's fans.
I also appeal from this Chamber to the football authorities in Romania to reverse this decision and allow Politehnica Timişoara to remain in top-flight Romanian and European football.
Madam President, 2 June 2011 marked the start of the historic Tallinn-Monte Carlo Electric Car Marathon, and today the cars will be reaching Copenhagen.
Gesine Meissner and I, as Liberal Members of the European Parliament, are sponsoring an electric car in the race in order to promote sustainable transportation. With increasing consumption rates, the depletion of fossil fuels is becoming inevitable and we should therefore increase investment in further research and in the development of sustainable transportation. Furthermore, increasing mobility is taking its toll in terms of people's carbon footprint, and that could accelerate global climate change.
The European Union and its Member States have the opportunity of becoming pioneers in green transportation by introducing incentives to the users of sustainable means of transport, and encouraging the transition to a carbon-free Union.
(ES) Madam President, the origin of the infection that caused twenty-one deaths in Germany last week is still unknown. This further highlights the undue haste with which the German authorities acted.
The accusations are particularly serious, given that the German market is a key consumer of agricultural products, which is indeed the reason why it has received significant investments for the promotion of those products.
The European authorities therefore need to take action on two fronts. In the short term, implementation of a mechanism to compensate the European farmers most affected must be guaranteed, while in the medium term, it will be necessary to reform the early warning system for unsafe food to prevent any more unfounded alarms in the future. These measures will have to take into account the diversity of the European agricultural industry.
Hence, the Commission's proposal to fund a recall mechanism using the vegetable producers organisations' budget is unacceptable. In many regions in Europe, such as Catalonia for example, such organisations do not exist, and therefore the system cannot be used to compensate farmers.
(PT) Madam President, indifferent to the economic and social devastation caused by the structural changes approved by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in countries like Greece, the leaders of the European Union are now stepping up their offensive and launching themselves on Portugal with the same approach and unbridled colonial arrogance. In exchange for a EUR 78 billion loan, a country where the minimum wage is not even EUR 500 will face cuts in wages and pensions, and the closure of public services, as well as being forced to give up national companies and resources. It also faces an increase in the prices of essential goods and services, and EUR 30 billion in interest, which equates to around 40% of the total loan. More than two-thirds of this interest will go to the European Union itself. This is the meaning of the much-vaunted European solidarity.
Persisting in this course of action will inevitably lead to an intensification of the social struggle which has been raging throughout Europe, including Portugal. We are, and will continue to be, here to support and encourage it, certain that only through such struggle can change be instigated, and an alternative that is needed increasingly urgently put in place in Europe.
(PT) Madam President, after all the sound bites during the European Year for Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion, the European Commission continues to demonstrate complete indifference when faced with worsening poverty, particularly child poverty, unemployment and massive increases in the numbers of poor workers due to precarious and poorly paid work. However, this is now not only limited to neoliberal tendencies, but has dire consequences for countries with weak economies, where it is imperative to strengthen public policies to support public services, create employment with rights, and eradicate poverty.
Memoranda like the one the troika of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Central Bank (ECB) and the Commission drew up with Portuguese officials demanded anti-social policies, including amendments to redundancy and privatisation laws, and attacks on public and universal social security which can only lead to social regression, condemning workers and the public to unemployment, poverty, underdevelopment and extreme dependency. It will transform Portugal into a mere protectorate of the great powers of the EU. All of this in exchange for a loan that the Portuguese have to repay, at high interest rates, to increase the profits of international financial capitalism, even though we know full well that such measures resolve nothing, as the case of Greece clearly demonstrates.
That is why I am protesting against such measures here, and this protest will continue both in Portugal and in the EU.
(ES) Madam President, first of all, may I express my condolences for all the deaths caused by E. coli, but also my indignation at the extremely unfit way in which the German Administration has treated this issue, causing irreparable damage to all Spanish agricultural products.
I hope that, in tomorrow's extraordinary meeting of European Union agriculture ministers, this damage caused to Spanish farmers will first of all be redressed with no exclusions, and secondly, that lessons will be learnt: namely, what should not be done in a situation that has indeed resulted in fatalities, but also concerning damage to the products of many countries including my own, Spain. Lessons have to be learnt from this crisis.
Obviously, I hope that the outcome of tomorrow's extraordinary meeting will be redress with no exclusions and a return to normality, so that products that are in perfect condition can circulate throughout the European Union and the world at large.
(SK) Madam President, Friday's announcement by European Union representatives that the International Monetary Fund would release a further tranche of EUR 12 billion in credit to Greece was given an encouraging reception by the markets.
Today, however, the Spanish newspaper El País reports that the autonomous region of Castilla-La Mancha has run out of money. Not only does the regional government find itself unable to pay the wages of 76 000 employees, but it still owes roughly EUR 2 billion to its various suppliers. We are faced with more bad news, then, this time from Spain, a country that has long struggled to maintain investor confidence.
Yet the policy of assisting governments by having the European Central Bank buy up their debts cannot go on for much longer, as it is reaching its limits. The European Central Bank already has EUR 360 billion in financial instruments on its books that are not freely tradable and holds a further EUR 480 billion in poorly secured securities. It is the pacemaker, then, for holders of bad financial assets. If this continues, ladies and gentlemen, the euro area will soon have to rescue the European Central Bank, or simply fall apart.
(DE) Madam President, I would like to make a few comments with regard to the European integration of Serbia, if I may. For far too long, the former Yugoslavian states have, in my opinion, received unequal treatment. For example, Slovenia was able to join the EU without a problem in 2004, even though criticisms are still made regarding the residual Communist power structures in politics, the media and industry. Moreover, Bulgaria and Romania would not be in the Union if we had applied the same stringent criteria to them that we are now applying to Croatia.
Double standards are also applied with regard to war crimes and restitution. Brussels could not care less about Turkey's Armenian genocide. In contrast, Croatia and Serbia must first haul their war criminals before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The Hague before the Copenhagen criteria can even come into play. While the unlawful regulations of the Anti-Fascist Council of the People's Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) and Beneš do not constitute grounds for blocking EU accession, the Serbian restitution policy certainly has to comply with EU stipulations.
Serbia, which is characterised by a Christian tradition, has proven its good intentions again and again. One barrier has been broken down with the extradition of Mladič, but Kosovo must not become the next one. As soon as the outstanding reforms are complete, there should, in my view, be nothing more to stand in the way of Serbia's accession to the EU.
(ES) Madam President, I wish to join my fellow Members in expressing my condolences for the twenty-one victims of E. coli, but also my indignation beyond mere concern at the episodes of uncoordinated response that have caused significant financial damage to the producers and workers of sectors that are crucial to the agriculture of European Union Member States, particularly Spanish cucumber producers. These episodes have also damaged the very notion of Europe, cohesion within Europe and cohesion among Europeans, to the extent that, once again, prejudice or insufficiently verified rumours have seriously impaired the cohesion needed to decide on a satisfactory, timely and appropriate response.
I therefore hope that the lessons that inescapably emerge will, in fact, be learnt. I hope that the Council of Agriculture Ministers will be able not just to provide compensation for the injured parties, but also to establish a response protocol that takes on board the lessons extracted from this unfortunate experience.
Madam President, returning to sport, FIFA has been mentioned and I would like to mention it as well, in particular, the lack of proper governance and the lack of transparency at the higher levels of the organisation.
It is extraordinary that a 75-year-old man, Sepp Blatter, is going to be returned to power as President of one of the world's leading sports organisations, having been in power now since 1998, especially when you consider that the vast majority of the players - probably 99% of them - are under 30 years of age. There must be not just one generation gap, but several generation gaps between him and the players.
Secondly, it was not surprising last year that England got so little support for the awarding of the World Cup venue, despite its great infrastructure. Qatar was awarded it and subsequently we saw people suspended for trying to sell their votes. I wonder whether this is the tip of the iceberg. There is also the matter of FIFA's failure to introduce goal line technology when other sports have done so. It is quite clear that a real reform is needed in the interests of the sport itself and FIFA.
(LV) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, we all know that drug taking is prohibited in sport. Drug taking is prohibited because it confers unfair advantages on some sportspeople over others. Nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, in the European Union, we have a certain type of drug that is not intended for sportspeople but for farmers - in the form of uneven levels of support for them. For example, Latvian farmers receive three times less support than German farmers, and as much as six times less than Greek farmers. This unfair support makes for unfair competition. Ladies and gentlemen, I call upon you, when you are considering and planning the next European financial perspective and period, that you eliminate these drugs, that you cut out this unfair support for farmers, so that all European farmers can become equally competitive. Thank you for your attention.
(EL) Madam President, hundreds of thousands of Greek citizens of all ages and from all classes have been protesting peacefully - I repeat peacefully - over the past two weeks in town squares throughout the country.
I would like to make two points: firstly, we need to listen to them and to heed their concerns. We need to do this not only at national level, but also at European level. Our fellow citizens in towns throughout Greece are shouting to be heard in Brussels, in Strasbourg, everywhere.
Secondly, over and above any debate about the mistakes and misguided action of the Greek Government, we need to bear this in mind: in their evaluation of the policies being proposed and applied by Europe to deal with the crisis, our fellow citizens are saying to us: 'We have our limits. Do not push us beyond our limits'. Clear and specific answers need to be given to these messages. Only then will Europe's help in dealing with the crisis create a vision and hope among our fellow citizens.
(HU) Madam President, multiculturalism assumes that nations living side by side mutually know each other's past, culture, and sometimes language, as well. However, the fuss stirred up in Romania a few days ago can only be explained by the lack of this reciprocity. Two Romanian counties opened a representative office in Brussels, but according to a journalist working in the capital, the problem with this is that the majority of the population of the counties concerned does not belong to the same ethnic group as the majority of the Romanian population. Is this a problem in Europe today? The way of thinking that would forbid a neighbour to commemorate the day when he had lost his fortune, land, or perhaps even his relatives, is just as morbid. We had an example of that in the past days as well, when we commemorated the Trianon Peace Treaty ending World War I on 4 June. There is a remedy for the way of thinking that excludes and shuts up people, denies the past, and wants to impede the development and existence of a region: a strong Europe that is open and inclusive, that appreciates cultural values, and respects the rights of minorities.
(BG) Madam President, the economic crisis and difficulties which all Member States are experiencing, although to varying degrees, has given impetus to nationalist and populist groups which are not only looking for greater public support, but are also constantly testing European citizens' limits of tolerance by acting openly against the expansion of integration in Europe.
One recent example of this from Bulgaria are the events which took place on 20 May, when representatives of the nationalist party Attack became involved in clashes with Muslim worshippers outside the only mosque in Sofia. These clashes were accompanied by the use of force and arson, and ended up with several people sustaining injuries, including police officers. Since video recordings are available of the clashes, the test for the investigative agencies and justice system in Bulgaria will be to what extent the instigators and participants in this incident will be justly punished.
I would like to state very clearly in this Chamber that the dissemination of ethnic and religion intolerance is an action which blatantly contradicts European values and basic human rights, as well as the traditions of Bulgarian society.
We must all firmly oppose any attempt of this happening in Europe and clearly distance ourselves from the political forces in Europe which are behind such actions.
(RO) Madam President, as part of publishing the global Press Freedom Index for 2010, the organisation Reporters Without Borders drew attention to the decline in the freedom of expression in the European Union. Romania is in 52nd position in the index, marking a drop of 10 places compared with 2007. This is a worrying situation and it raises question marks concerning the actual respect for the right of expression and information guaranteed by the Charter of Fundamental Rights in the European Union.
In Romania, the press has been included by the country's president among the threats to national security. In addition, policy makers are constantly making disparaging remarks about the media. Such moves away from democratic principles tarnish the European Union's image as a whole. Due to internal shortcomings, we are at risk of losing our credibility as upholders of respect for human rights outside the EU. This is why I urge genuine protection at EU level for the freedom of expression and press pluralism.
(RO) Madam President, this is the second occasion that I am presenting before the European Parliament the disastrous situation in Romania's health insurance system. Unfortunately, at the moment, the negotiations between the GPs' professional associations, the Ministry of Health and the National Health Insurance Office have reached deadlock. As a result, the health system is being blocked and legal rights are being refused to patients who, although they are still paying their health insurance contributions, can no longer enjoy the relevant facilities. This situation has resulted from the persistent refusal on the part of the National Health Insurance Office to conduct realistic negotiations with GPs with the aim of drafting an operating framework contract, beneficial to all the stakeholders. If this situation carries on much longer, the health service in Romania, which has been weakened so much, is at risk of disintegrating.
I would like the relevant European bodies to take note of this situation, monitor it and take action to resolve it as soon as possible.
(RO) Madam President, we talk every day in the European Parliament, from morning till night, about European integration, solidarity, a common culture and about everything which unites us and should continue to motivate us to build a common future for all 27 European Union Member States.
While we are debating European projects, a vice-president of the same European Parliament similarly discusses matters every day, from morning till night. However, this is about segregation based on ethnic criteria, reducing the influence and undermining the authority of a state within its borders in favour of another neighbouring state, about breaking up territories belonging to one European Union Member State and annexing them to another Member State of the same European Union. Not only on a personal note, but also on behalf of the Romanian Social Democrat MEPs, I call for László Tőkés to be dismissed from his position as Vice-President.
Madam President, I wish to express my deep concern regarding the medics who have been arrested in Bahrain. Many of these medics have been accused of trying to overthrow the monarchy and face trial with military prosecutors and possible death sentences. Yet these doctors and nurses had simply treated injured protestors who were brought to their hospitals. Amnesty International and Médecins sans Frontières have also expressed extreme concern over the safety of those involved and indeed the motivation behind their arrests. I fully support the Irish Nurses and Midwives Organisation and the International Council of Nurses, and indeed a number of Irish doctors, who are adding their voices in condemnation of these awful events.
In the last few days, I have received information from a number of sources which points to torture and inhumane treatment: some medics have been severely beaten and have been denied access to their families and legal advisers. This kind of action is totally unacceptable.
I am calling publicly on our High Representative, Catherine Ashton. I have already written to her to ask her to make every effort to intervene on behalf of those medics who simply did what medical personnel do - try to save lives.
Madam President, the new austerity package for Greece, which includes EUR 28 billion of cuts and taxes and the privatisation of an incredible EUR 50 billion worth of state assets, confirms again the role of the EU and the IMF as enforcers for anti-worker austerity policies.
Young people have been on the receiving end of their vicious attacks. They are now fighting back with hundreds of thousands occupying squares across Europe, bravely facing down brutal repression. They have correctly raised the call for true democracy. In my opinion, that can only be truly achieved by breaking the dictatorship of the markets and building a democratic socialist society where people's needs come before profits.
15 June promises to be an important day of struggle across Europe. A general strike will take place in Greece and a major demonstration is planned in Barcelona. Big protests should be organised right across Europe against austerity on that day. To defeat the onslaught against workers and young people in Europe, the power of the organised working class must be mobilised. A one-day general strike across Europe would send a very powerful message of opposition to the European establishment.
(EL) Madam President, a week ago, Presidents Buzek, Barroso and Van Rompuy met religious representatives to discuss democratic rights and civil liberties. I wish to congratulate President Barroso on taking the initiative in 2005 to inaugurate this dialogue with religious leaders; I also wish to congratulate the Presidents of Parliament and of the Council for maintaining this dialogue on an annual basis.
At the same time, however, I wish to join forces with the religious representatives who called for the European Union to exert its influence in order to put a stop to the persecution of Christians in countries such as Egypt and Iraq and within Europe, in European Cyprus, where the occupying forces are denying Christians entry to their occupied churches and preventing priests and bishops from celebrating Holy Mass. Show them, Madam President, that Christian refugees in Cyprus are entitled to celebrate mass in their churches.
(EL) Madam President, immediately after the meeting in Luxembourg on 6 May, which was reported in an article in Der Spiegel, Greece was on the receiving end of a new wave of recommendations that it should leave the euro area and go back to the drachma. Of course, the official position of the European Union was expressed by Commissioner Olli Rehn, who denied the rumours and the recommendations.
Over and above the views of economists to the contrary and the numerous views of fellow Members in this Chamber, it must be made clear that Greece cannot leave the euro for legal reasons. Firstly, because the Treaties make no provision for voluntary or involuntary exit from the common currency. Secondly, if we returned to the drachma without abolishing the euro area and the euro, there would be no legal facility for automatically converting deposits in euros in Greek banks, both inside and outside Greece, to drachmas without the depositor's consent. When Greece joined the euro area, it was possible to convert deposits in drachmas because the drachma was abolished as a currency and has not existed since. Now, however, the euro continues to exist and has not been abolished. Therefore, any rumours and any recommendations are legally incorrect.
(DE) Madam President, whistleblowers are people who no longer wish to keep quiet about illegal acts or deplorable states of affairs, but want to expose them, mostly in the public interest. Whistleblowers are also mostly providing added value. For example, in 2005, they returned a total of around USD 10 billion to the US Treasury through repayments.
Clear laws relating to the process of whistleblowing are essential in the fight against corruption. In the European Union, Articles 22a and 22b of the Staff Regulations form the legal basis for whistleblowing, but unfortunately in a very fragmented way, leaving many gaps. Fundamental elements are missing. For example, we need a clear definition of whistleblowing, we need whistleblowers to have a right to be heard, we need independent points of contact that can provide information on rights, obligations and options, and not least we also need precise handling deadlines for the competent EU institutions. The positive aspect here is that the EU Staff Regulations are about to be reformed. The Commission is to send Parliament a first draft of this in the autumn. I think this presents a unique opportunity to make improvements here. I would ask my fellow Members to support this and to work to bring about a reform.
(RO) Madam President, football is truly a religion, but it is a religion in which the devil is more than involved. Why is this? This is because a great deal of money is at stake, which is a charge on boredom and loneliness for billions of the planet's inhabitants. During the current summer days, Romania is being engulfed in the drama involving a very popular football team, Politehnica Timişoara. This team won the right, through its own, honest efforts, to take part in a European cup competition. However, now we see that its victory on the pitch has turned into a loss through a random decision. In specific terms, the mafia in charge of Romanian football has shaken hands with the mafia in charge of international football and decided to impose a drastic double penalty: to remove the team in question from the European cup competition and relegate it to a lower, amateur division. No matter what financial and legal excuses are being given, this is a draconian penalty and hits hard not only a fine team but also a beautiful city with more than 300 000 inhabitants who do not have too many other sources of joy.
As a member of the European Parliament's Committee on Culture and Education, I am sounding an alarm bell so as to put an end to this awful injustice which may have significant social consequences.
The debate is closed.


Membership of committees: see Minutes


Signature of acts adopted under codecision: see Minutes


Formal sitting - Slovenia
Spoštovani gospod predsednik Republike Slovenije. It is a great pleasure to welcome the President of the Republic of Slovenia to the European Parliament here in Strasbourg today. Welcome, Mr President.
Slovenia joined the European Union on 1 May 2004 and currently holds the Council Presidency. Mr President, four months ago, you took office as President of Slovenia and we have met three times already during that period: for the first time, two days before you officially took office in Ljubljana, then on 8 January at the official launch of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, and finally in New York in February during the UN General Assembly's thematic debate on climate change.
Mr President, you are the third President of Slovenia since your country gained its independence. You can look back on a long and distinguished career as a Professor of International Law and, above all, as a diplomat, for you have dedicated much of your career to the service of the United Nations. For eight years, you were the Republic of Slovenia's http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Permanent_Representative" \o "Permanent Representative"
to the http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations" \o "United Nations"
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. Now, Slovenia has the great honour to be the first of the new Member States - the countries which joined the European Union on 1 May 2004 - and the first former communist country and the first Slavic country to hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union.
This privilege entails a great deal of responsibility for Slovenia, which you are facing up to, because the new Member States, in taking on this commitment, now also bear a responsibility towards the large family of the European Union. For Slovenia, the Council Presidency entails another responsibility as well, towards the countries in its neighbourhood, the countries of the Western Balkans.
Slovenia is a model for these countries, demonstrating to them that success is possible, that membership of the European Union can be achieved and that accession brings stability, development and prosperity.
Mr President, it is my great pleasure to invite you to address the House. Izvolite, prosim!
President of the Republic of Slovenia. - (SL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, it is a great honour to have been invited to address this esteemed assembly. Just a month ago we celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the European Parliament's first session. The anniversary is an excellent opportunity to think about the present and the future of the European Union. Today I have this special opportunity of being able to share my thoughts with you - the elected representatives of the nations of Europe.
This Parliament and, of course, the European Union as a whole are an imposing realisation of a great vision, a vision of lasting peace and welfare, a spirit of cooperation and continually increasing integration, from which the European nations are benefiting. The fathers of this vision - Jean Monnet, Robert Schuman, Konrad Adenauer, Alcide de Gasperi and others - probably could not even imagine that, 51 years after the formation of the European Communities, in a highly integrated European Union following its major expansion in the year 2004, Slovenia, as the first country among the new Member States, would be the presiding country and the Slovenian President would be addressing the European Parliament.
However, their feeling of satisfaction would probably overpower their feeling of amazement. Not only has the European project succeeded, but it has also proven to be a project that has a huge transformational power, that is creating a completely new type of Europe, a type of Europe that has, during the previous periods of its long history, been unknown. What is even more important today is that the European Union has, through the European project, to a large extent already affirmed itself as a world factor, as a world actor. And this is precisely what I would like to talk about today.
What has enabled this incredible success to be achieved, the creation of such a large and important world actor as this? What conclusions can we draw from this success today? Are we capable of applying the knowledge gained in the past when facing the challenges of today and tomorrow? These are the questions that we continuously have to ask. The European Union will continue to face complicated questions in the increasingly 'globalised' world, and it will have to provide credible answers. The European Union will continue to be a success story, provided it preserves its dynamism, proving that it is a political world actor with ever-increasing importance, and I would add - a political importance. Moving forward is a precondition for success. What is required from the European Union at today's level is that it assumes the role of a world leader.
In many a field its role has either already been established, or it is eagerly expected. Here I should like to mention two of them: global warming and human rights.
Last year the European Union placed environmental issues and particularly the issue of global warming at the centre of its policy-making. Without any doubt, this was a wise decision, because climate change and environmental degradation are evidently the most serious threat and the greatest challenge we are all facing. The European Commission has established special objectives, which make it possible for the European Union to play a leading role worldwide. The key target is to achieve a 20% reduction in greenhouse emissions by the year 2020, in comparison to 1991. The achievement of this target has been set out as an independent commitment. The initiative for an even more ambitious target should be part of a general international agreement, which would include also other key actors. In this instance, under the proposal by the European Commission the European Union would even be prepared to achieve a 30% reduction over the same period. These objectives are so important and so ambitious that they really afford a transformational vision for undertaking measures against global warming, thus providing the necessary example and world leadership.
However, can these objectives be achieved, or will they again become yet another insurmountable obstacle? The answer to that is still not quite clear. A month ago the European Council welcomed a proposal by the European Commission - as a good basis for agreement. Consultations this year and next will show how much can actually be achieved before the conference in Copenhagen, scheduled for December 2009. I should particularly like to emphasise that by setting up a special Committee on Climate Change the European Parliament has already recognised the importance of this issue and will, in relation to this, have an extremely important task.
The task before us will probably be difficult. The disquiet that is beginning to be felt in the European media conveys a whole range of mixed messages. There are expressions of support but there are also sceptical voices warning of concerns being expressed by some European branches of industry, including the fact that, since the world economy is experiencing difficulties, competitiveness is becoming increasingly difficult too, and at the same time the environmental issues are becoming relatively less important.
Difficult moments such as this represent a real leadership challenge. It is evident that global warming has already reached the point where the international community is faced with a stark choice: either to continue the methods of growth and accept an eventual catastrophe, or to pluck up courage for a transformational approach which can adequately mitigate the consequences of global warming and prevent the worst. We shall not succeed by worshipping growth. Although not easy to achieve, this is essentially the order of the day. And I hope that this year we shall choose the road leading to transformation.
In making these efforts it will be necessary to considerably widen the frontline of its advocates. In any event there are already many of those who feel that a shift towards transformation is necessary. Non-governmental organisations, the media and other factors of civil society are being mobilised. Within the business community there are indications of a strong inclination towards the development of new technologies based on clean energy, and more and more people are prepared to change their habits as consumers.
Now the tendencies have to be linked into a purposeful movement. The time frame is known. The place is known. According to the Action Plan adopted last year in Bali, the negotiations are expected to be concluded next year with the adoption of a world agreement which, in 2012, will replace the Kyoto Protocol. Although the negotiations will be held in the United Nations, it is important that support is received from everywhere. The time and place will enable us to join our efforts, and that is when the European Union must take the lead.
Ladies and gentlemen, the environment is not the only issue where the European Union must take the leading international role. The Union must also play a more powerful role in worldwide efforts for human rights. That the European Union is supporting human rights is, of course, obvious. The European institutions are based on the principles of the rule of law and human rights, Europe is a domain of human rights.
Ratification of the Lisbon Treaty by all the Member States by the end of this year, the year when we celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, will also mean that for the first time in the Union's history the whole spectrum of civil, political, economic and social rights of the Union's citizens, as determined by the Union's Charter of Fundamental Rights, will become legally binding.
From a global point of view the situation around the world is not encouraging. In many places around the world there are numerous examples of the systematic violation of human rights. This is partly due to the wanton pursuit of economic benefits regardless of the needs of the local population and the environment. The poor and the indigenous population, in particular, are frequently threatened by poverty and hunger and, in some cases, even to extinction. In armed conflicts in a number of locations in Africa and Asia cruelties representing crimes against humanity continually take place.
The European Union must act in such a way that it proposes economic models for sustainable growth, it must also act by making humanitarian and diplomatic efforts, but also by applying sanctions that will support the decisions handed down by the International Court of Justice. At this stage the European Union has to take a leading role, particularly because world action in the sphere of human rights is lagging behind.
The UN Human Rights Council is still fighting for correct working methods. Their efforts to establish a universal periodic human rights review system at world level are promising, but still not effective. Their activities against numerous and systematic violations of human rights are not sufficiently integrated. All of this can slowly be rectified, although not without an efficient leadership, not without an effective leading role of those UN Member States who really fight for human rights.
In reality this cannot happen without a stronger leading role on the part of the European Union, which represents the most important group of influential United Nations Member States. Some other traditional supporters of human rights have lately become less active and have not applied for membership in the UN Human Rights Council. Growing concerns due to terrorism and other security threats, including reactions to those threats which are sometimes insufficiently well thought out, have obviously reduced the level of sensitivity to human rights. The European Union must fill this gap.
The Union must also find new methods of cooperation with the UN Security Council. It was the activity of the Security Council in Darfur that helped establish the role of the International Court of Justice in its efforts to prosecute the perpetrators of some of the most heinous crimes of our times. Almost exactly one year ago the International Court of Justice issued custody orders for some of these perpetrators. Efforts to bring them before the court must be continued, and cooperation with the Security Council will remain of critical importance.
However, even without the activities of the UN Security Council, the European Union must consider actions which would contribute to the International Court of Justice's efficiency. I would like to emphasise that it is precisely the international administration of justice that is the backbone of today's international activity for human rights, and it requires effective support.
The European Union should also support those emerging democracies around the world that are truly committed to human rights. They are interested in international activities, but at the same time they have to take into account their regional and other affiliations, and also that in all international activities connected with human rights these aspects are not neglected. However, these countries are the European Union's partners, and these partnerships have to be nurtured.
Ladies and gentlemen, in its different forms international activity for human rights can be effective if it rises from a solid foundation, from a principled respect for human rights at home. This includes the protection of the human rights of both migrants and asylum seekers, and a careful application of laws in those cases that include charges of terrorism. However, the construction of this foundation must be continued. The Lisbon Treaty includes the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and an improved decision-making procedure that will, in connection with human rights, facilitate the adoption of courageous and creative solutions.
For the European Union the requirement for creativity is nothing new. European creative unrest, as German President Horst Köhler said in his speech to this Parliament two years ago, this creative unrest has helped Europe take on various social and political challenges in their commitment to freedom and truth, with an ability to make solidarity become reality and to create a better world for everyone. In no other area will creativity and creative unrest be as necessary as in the area of immigration management and the social inclusion of immigrants.
Europe is getting old and will no longer be able to play the role of a world leader without a successful demographic policy. These policies will inevitably include migration management. Europe needs newly arrived people, positive in spirit and capable of contributing their share to the creation of a better world for everyone. The political measures that can help the process of migrant integration obviously differ and must be put together in a correct way, depending on the circumstances of each host country receiving immigrants. At the same time some elements are more widely applicable, and in some instances the European Union can also learn something from non-European countries such as Canada.
Migration policies will require a number of coordinated objectives at the level of the European Union as a whole. The objective of the common European asylum system up to the year 2010 appears to be both ambitious and urgent. Also necessary is improved coordination between immigration policy and development aid policy. The European Union must strengthen its role in its high level dialogue with the United Nations regarding migration.
At the same time, creativity is required in connection with the integration of immigrants and their communities. Economic welfare and greater upward social mobility are the key to a successful migration policy. For example, the business activities conducted by the ethnic minorities provide jobs and contribute significantly to the economies of the host countries. On the other hand, governments can make their own contribution with adequate regulations and qualification programmes and by providing general support for free enterprise.
Integration must include efficient access to quality training, parallel with language courses and access to university. Education is a precondition for the immigrants' successful integration into the wider society.
And success must be made visible. Individuals of immigrant origin who have managed to succeed must be given the opportunity to appear on television and in other media and must be held up as examples of success. This will help the wider public to understand that diversity and social inclusion are compatible, and that non-discrimination and equal opportunity are among the most important political virtues. Nothing succeeds like success. And nothing shown on television is more impressive than the success of those who started from the social margins.
I have to some extent highlighted immigration and integration issues in more detail because of their importance for the future of Europe and also because they represent another area where European creativity will be tested. In the past, the European Union has managed to resolve the majority of social issues and, as a result, has become a world example of social justice and economic welfare. There is no reason why our generation could not find good solutions in the area of immigration and integration. By integrating people who are capable, professionally qualified and willing to contribute to its future and its welfare Europe can gain considerably.
Ladies and gentlemen, today we undoubtedly need management, vision, and we need creativity. At the same time the European Union must prove that it is capable of continuing to find pragmatic solutions to various challenges. We must not forget that more than fifty years ago it was precisely pragmatism that provided the key to the creation of the European Communities and it continues to be the key to success even today.
The establishment of the European Communities for advantageous economic purposes was an exceptionally pragmatic idea, making further integrating development possible. The development of the European Economic Community towards a Customs Union and still further, the ability to develop new forms of cooperation and new institutions with additional authority, and the ability to expand geographically, all illustrate the importance that pragmatism has had in the European Union's history and development.
Today the Union faces new challenges demanding pragmatic adaptation. Prominent amongst them is primarily its further expansion. Although it is clear that all those trying to become EU Member States, all the candidate countries, must meet the criteria, yet we should not prevent any of them from becoming a Member State solely because of political difficulties or cultural prejudices. (Applause)
In its efforts to assume a world role of strategic importance the European Union needs Turkey, therefore the accession negotiations with Turkey must continue. The Union must not deny Turkey the prospect of becoming a member, after all this is something that has already been confirmed. Should this happen, the credibility of the European Union itself would come into question.
The European Union cannot resign itself to having a black hole in the Western Balkans. The accession negotiations must clearly define a European perspective for the Western Balkans. This will require further work with the individual countries of this region, which must strengthen their capacity to meet the membership criteria, as well as with the entire region, which needs a framework for discussing and resolving the problems they share. In its policy towards the neighbouring countries in the East and elsewhere, the European Union must apply the same pragmatism that helped achieve results in the past. Without talking of models, I should like to emphasise that Ukraine and Moldova need the European membership perspective, and they should not be denied it.
Ladies and gentlemen, pragmatism is manifest both in practice and as a state of mind. Obviously, the candidate states must meet all the required criteria in all matters concerning membership. There are good reasons why the Union's practice regarding conformity with eligibility criteria is consistent and strict. If the course for meeting the criteria is long, let it be so. One or two years of negotiations are a small price to pay for preserving the credibility and respect of the European Union's standards. However, the perspective of expansion, the perspective for new members must remain credible.
The countries that are capable of meeting the criteria must not be excluded from the European Union's expansion process. The sense of being excluded gives rise to dissatisfaction, and dissatisfaction gives rise to instability. That is why a pragmatic state of mind must be preserved, and any further expansion must be contemplated in the light of what the European Union as a world actor requires.
Ladies and gentlemen, in conclusion, the European Union is a huge historical achievement. Now it has reached a development level where it must urgently become aware of its leading role in world events and of the responsibility that this status dictates. It is to be expected that the European Union will play a leading role in all matters such as global warming and human rights.
Creativity will continue to be the central motivation in looking for effective policies in areas such as immigration and integration. And, finally, pragmatism will continue to be as important in all matters concerning further expansion, which is necessary in order for the European Union to secure its leading role at world level. All of this may sound somewhat grand. However, progress is always the best cure for stagnation. In this respect the time we live in is not an exception, although it is true that today's issues are more varied than they used to be in the past. However, we must not forget that this too is just a natural consequence of success. (Applause)
Mr President, may we thank you very warmly for your European speech. Your presence here and your speech have made it clear that Slovenia and the Slovenian Presidency under Prime Minister Janus Janša - and I see two ministers sitting here: Janez Lenarčič and Janez Podobnik - want to work closely with the European Parliament. As the President of Slovenia, you convey that message with particular resonance.
Our experience here in the European Parliament has shown us that it is not the size of the country - small, large or medium-sized - that determines whether an EU Presidency will be successful; it is the spirit guiding the Presidency that counts. I think we can safely say that because Slovenia - and its President - are motivated by such a European spirit, this is a Presidency which will take Europe forward, and we would like to express our warm thanks to you for that.
(Applause)
We would also like to thank you for supporting the European Parliament's priorities. Let me mention just two that you have talked about. The first is climate protection. If we stick to the timetable, we will complete our work so that there is an EU position for the UN Summit in Copenhagen in December 2009. We would also like to thank you for your appeal for human rights, for if we, as the European Parliament, do not champion the cause of human rights, who will do so? So often, governments are guided by other interests - which is understandable - but we must find a way of dovetailing these interests and our values skilfully in a way which genuinely benefits people, and that is why human rights are at the heart of our policies here in the European Parliament.
Mr President, thank you for visiting the European Parliament. You will be staying with us for a little longer. Once again, on behalf of the House, may I express my sincere thanks to you personally and to the Slovenian Presidency. We wish you every success for the rest of the six months during which Slovenia is at the helm of the European Union. If you succeed, we all succeed, and by that I mean the European Union. That is our common goal. Thank you. That concludes the formal sitting.


Membership of committees and delegations: see Minutes


Implementing measures (Rule 88): see Minutes


EU economic and trade relations with Mercosur (debate)
The next item is the debate on the report by Mr Varela Suanzes-Carpegna, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on economic and trade relations between the EU and Mercosur with a view to the conclusion of an Interregional Association Agreement.
rapporteur. - (ES) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to begin by informing you that Commissioner Mandelson has contacted me to explain why he is not attending this debate, and I am grateful to him for that. The reason is the Summit on India in Finland; this led to an interesting conversation with the Commissioner on the agreement with Mercosur, in which I explained to him that, as well as India or China, Brazil and the Mercosur group are also emerging powers, a view that the Commissioner certainly, and fortunately, shares.
Let us hope that, when the bleak scenes of the Doha Round have faded away, when the elections in Brazil have taken place and when the political, economic and commercial foundations for the European Union's relations with Mercosur have been laid, which is this Parliament's intention in the report we are presenting today, we will take the definitive steps to guide the final phase of the negotiation of an ambitious European Union-Mercosur Association Agreement.
That is the intention of our report: to restore a political, economic and commercial priority, to establish a collection of principles, rules and guidelines that give form to a strategic political priority, and to strengthen the framework for relations between two trading blocs. If we can bring them together by means of an Association Agreement which, together with the political aspects of cooperation, involves an agreement on the creation of a free trade area, we will have taken the historic step of creating the world's largest such free trade area. At a time when new powers are emerging in the East, this would be a way to enhance the mutual interests of two blocs that are united by history and culture, with all the benefits that that would bring to our citizens on both continents.
We are talking about a combined population of more than 700 million inhabitants. Our report therefore calls for a full, ambitious and balanced agreement based on three pillars: a political and institutional chapter reinforcing democratic dialogue and political cooperation; a cooperation chapter promoting sustainable economic and social development; and a trade chapter establishing an advanced free-trade area with a broad agenda including, as well as reciprocal liberalisation of trade in goods and services, investment, public procurement, the protection of intellectual property rights, cooperation regarding competition and trade protection instruments, trade facilitation, and a binding dispute settlement mechanism.
Mexico and Chile are good examples of how our relations can be intensified by means of an association instrument. With Mercosur representing 45% of the population of Latin America and the region's largest market, as well as 45% of its GDP, the great potential for growth on both sides is clear. Furthermore, unlike what is happening in Latin America as a whole, where US imports are three times higher than those from the EU, in Mercosur the EU quota is about 25% compared with 20% from the United States.
According to the Institute of Political Studies in Paris, the costs of not reaching an agreement are estimated to be some EUR 3.7 billion per annum in trade and goods, rising to over EUR 5 billion if one includes investment and services. The trade agreement must be wide-ranging and cover all sectors, though the specific sensitivity of certain products must of course be taken into account, as the report indicates.
We did not wish to look into the details of the agreement's impact on the different sub-sectors, but rather we thought it appropriate to analyse the issue as a whole, to analyse the mutual interests at stake in the negotiation altogether. Our report therefore refers both to the EU's interests in Mercosur and to Mercosur's interests in the EU, and specific sections are dedicated to such important aspects as agriculture, with references to subsidies, geographical designations, bioethanol, etc.; NAMAs, where we include a special reference to fisheries and the sensitivity of certain processed products, such as canned tuna; services, where it is essential to achieve real improvements and clear and stable regulatory frameworks; investments, which are fundamental for sustainable economic development and generating employment and prosperity; public procurement and intellectual property, as well as the clear identification of possible barriers to trade and the approximation of rules on certification, accreditation, standardisation, etc., to promote fair trade and competition; and the establishment of an agreed dispute settlement instrument.
As well as the strictly technical and commercial aspects, the report also covers the mechanisms necessary for the industrial, employment and social cooperation of small and medium-sized businesses and aspects relating to technology, science, environmental measures, energy and communication, as well as European Union aid and solidarity mechanisms.
Finally, we include the necessary inter-parliamentary cooperation between the European Parliament and the Mercosur Parliament in order to make the agreement more democratically representative and bring the sometimes excessively technical aspects of the agreement more into line with the feelings of the citizens we represent, thereby giving the agreement a greater popular dimension.
We believe that, by means of this report, the European Parliament is making clear its support for a far-reaching and ambitious Association Agreement between the old continent and a large part of the new continent, which we want to be integrated, and we call upon the Commission to speed up the negotiations so that the agreement can become a reality as soon as possible, for the benefit of the citizens of both continents.
I would like to end, Mr President, by thanking all of the parliamentary groups for their invaluable understanding and support. I have received much understanding and support and I needed as much of it as possible in order to achieve the broad consensus that we wanted.
Mr President, on behalf of my colleague Peter Mandelson, I would like to congratulate the rapporteur and the Committee on International Trade on the report on economic and trade relations between the EU and Mercosur with a view to the conclusion of an Interregional Association Agreement.
This report gives a very comprehensive picture of the current relations between the EU and Mercosur in the economic as well as the political field, and the European Commission shares most of the analysis presented in this report.
The European Commission very much concurs with the Committee on International Trade in its view that a conclusion of an ambitious and balanced Association Agreement between the EU and Mercosur is a strategic objective.
The Commission remains firmly committed to concluding the Agreement with Mercosur as soon as it is technically and politically feasible. Such an agreement would be the platform for promoting the relationship between the two regions and for promoting the common values and objectives that unite us.
An EU-Mercosur agreement would establish the first ever region-to-region association and the largest free-trade area in the world, covering almost 700 million people. As the INTA report points out, such an Association Agreement would enable both regions to respond more effectively to the challenges of globalisation. It would enhance the competitiveness of our economies, increase growth and thereby contribute to economic and social cohesion. Creating the world's largest market place would give an enormous boost to job creation, economic reform and productivity levels. A free-trade agreement with Mercosur is a very good example of how EU trade policy can contribute to the EU's wider approach to economic reform and competitiveness.
A region-to-region agreement with Mercosur would also serve as an instrument to support an integration effort within Mercosur and Latin America. The accession of Venezuela to Mercosur this year implies an enlargement of the region and the European Commission also hopes that the process of broadening and deepening regional integration will continue. We know from our own European experience that the reforms and adjustments necessary for integration are not easy. But we also know that the rewards make the effort worthwhile.
An Agreement would also create a more transparent and stable business environment for the EU and Mercosur companies. This would contribute to attracting more investment flows. Investment - and future investment - could possibly have the biggest impact on the shape of our future economic partnership with Mercosur. Although foreign direct investment to Mercosur increased in 2004 and 2005, the relative share of the region in relation to global EU investments has been sliding ever since the 1990s. This is a source of concern, as investment means transfer of know-how, of industrialisation and jobs. This relative downward trend of the Mercosur region in relation to the rest of the world, especially Asia, is one of the challenges of the future agreement and, possibly, its main potential economic benefit.
Let me just say a few words on the timing. In the report by the International Trade Committee, you request the establishment of a negotiating calendar which would allow us to conclude the EU-Mercosur negotiations as soon as possible. The European Commission is fully committed to concluding these negotiations as soon as is technically and politically feasible, but we have always been of the opinion that substance prevails over timing. What we want to achieve is an ambitious, comprehensive and balanced agreement which goes beyond our WTO commitments. As the INTA report points out, there is a cost to not having an Agreement. But there is also a long-term cost in missed opportunities from having a bad agreement.
Related to the issue of timing is the link between these biregional negotiations, the progress of the WTO Doha Development Agenda and the sequence of the two negotiations. In this respect, the European Commission fully agrees with the analysis of the report by INTA; both these processes can realise substantial synergies. They are not mutually exclusive; they are complementary.
To conclude, let me convey to you the following message, which I am sure that you share with me: for strategic and political reasons, the European Commission remains committed to negotiating and concluding an ambitious and balanced agreement with Mercosur.
Trade is an important element of this agreement but not the only one. Beyond the trade negotiations, we should not lose sight of the strategic, political and economic rationale of this agreement. Let us not forget the strategic dimension of a future Association Agreement, which is to promote a relationship between regional blocs which enhances peace, stability, prosperity, social progress and democracy.
Mr President, I would like to extend my heartfelt congratulations to the rapporteur, Mr Varela, for his extremely successful report on economic and trade relations between the European Union and Mercosur with a view to the conclusion of an interregional association agreement. The report is an important one, and it has come out at an appropriate moment.
As we know, negotiations regarding the EU-Mercosur Association Agreement have a long and rather troubled history. In the current situation - the failure of the Doha talks - we need to put out a strong and clear signal that an association agreement is necessary and favourable both to Mercosur members and to European Union members. There is also a need for greater political involvement in and support for the final success of the EU-Mercosur negotiations. I believe that the rapporteur has been very successful here. The report sends out a positive signal and can play an important and positive role in mapping out the next stages of the negotiations.
I would also like to thank the rapporteur for taking into account many submissions and comments from the report of the Committee on Development, which I represented as a draftsman. I would like to thank you for emphasising the importance of maintaining balance between trade and development in the final text of the agreement so that the sections relating to trade do not conflict with the sections on development, and for underlining the need to establish guarantees that the provisions on cooperation are effective in combating poverty and are in accordance with the EU's negotiating policy.
The Committee on Development drew attention to various aspects of development cooperation. It is clear that better economic and trade conditions can contribute towards resolving some of the social problems that exist in the Mercosur countries. The Committee on Development underlines the need to increase support for social development, education, reducing social inequalities, more equal distribution of income, and reduction of poverty. We also believe that we should support small and medium-sized enterprises and balance farming, tourism and infrastructure investment with protection for the natural environment. An important advantage of this report is that it provides institutional reinforcement of Mercosur. One of the ways it proposes to do this is by strengthening cooperation at parliamentary level, which would have a very positive effect.
on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - (ES) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to begin by congratulating the rapporteur, Mr Varela Suanzes-Carpegna, on the excellent work that he has done on behalf of the Committee on International Trade.
I would also like to express my regret at the absence of the Commissioner responsible, Mr Mandelson, although at least he has had the courtesy to call the rapporteur to explain, which does not happen very often in these cases.
In my capacity as draftsman of the opinion of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Mr President, I would like to say that I would have liked to have obtained a firmer commitment from the Commission with regard to the timetable called for by the rapporteur in his report because ten years is a long time to be negotiating an agreement which, as the rapporteur and the Commissioner have pointed out, is an agreement on political association, economic coordination and cooperation.
It is clear that the European Union has not shown any lack of will; I believe that one of the Member States of Mercosur has shown clear and decisive support for the multilateral round, and the Chilean and Mexican experiences - Mr Varela Suanzes-Carpegna reminded us of this - demonstrate clearly that it is possible to go much further than the expectations established by the multilateral round.
I therefore believe, Mr President, that where there is a will there is a way. Although this kind of agreement is characterised by commercial aspects, when it comes to third-generation agreements, which have contained the democratic clause, it is clear that following the Vienna Summit, following the failure of the multilateral round, we must go the whole hog.
I believe that the European Commission must give its clear and decisive support to these association agreements, since Latin America does not need hand-outs, but opportunities, and this European Union-Mercosur Association Agreement offers an excellent opportunity for all of us to pursue our shared objectives of greater democracy, greater integration and, of course, more fluid and efficient trade, which mean peace, progress and prosperity for everybody.
on behalf of the PSE Group. - (ES) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, I would like to begin by congratulating the rapporteur, Mr Varela Suanzes-Carpegna, on his excellent report and, as shadow rapporteur for the Socialist Group in the European Parliament, to thank him for cooperating so closely since the initial exchange of views in the Committee on International Trade. That cooperation has helped to produce a balanced report containing the clear message that this House wants to address to the Commission: Commissioner, we want an association agreement to be reached between the European Union and Mercosur as soon as possible for several reasons.
Firstly, this agreement will be much more than merely a trade instrument: it will be an instrument at the service of peace, multilateralism and dialogue that will enable both blocs to adopt policies that promote shared economic, social and geopolitical values and interests.
It will enshrine the first North-South intercontinental association, offering an alternative to other attempts at integration, such as the FTAA, which had more to do with a desire for trade domination.
Furthermore, the European Union-Mercosur association will lead to the largest region of shared prosperity in the world, benefiting more than 700 million citizens, as previous speakers have said. Strengthening cooperation will make it possible to implement policies aimed at economic and social cohesion with a view to promoting development, as well as the equality and prosperity of citizens in both regions.
For the final report, the Socialist Group in the European Parliament considers it necessary to involve social actors more in the process of integration and to have a genuine interparliamentary dimension between the European Union and Mercosur. We hope that the other groups will support our amendments to this effect.
Commissioner, although efforts that come to nothing may be dispiriting, the Commission must do everything it possibly can to enable the agreement to be concluded and to put an end to the sense of stagnation and pessimism recently surrounding the multilateral and bilateral trade negotiations.
I shall end with a question, Commissioner: could you provide us with any information regarding Venezuela's process of accession to Mercosur and tell us what effect this process is having on the negotiations underway?
on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. - (DE) Mr President, Commissioner, I consider it right that the European Union is striving for beneficial and close relations with the most diverse regions of the globe and, of course, with Mercosur as well. However, it is wrong in my view if the Commission, by means of such agreements, tries to implement through the back door that which was rejected by the majority of countries during the WTO negotiations, namely, the liberalisation of international trade between partner countries with very different economic and social conditions, without taking the different situations in these countries into account. The EU - Latin America summit which took place in Vienna, as well as the alternative 'Enlazando alternativas' summit of last May afforded the opportunity of being better able to understand the wishes of the new voices in Latin America and of shaping relations in the interests of the populations of both regions in a more balanced manner, and not just for the benefit of industry and commerce.
A few days ago, the Commission published a communication on its trade policy strategy which focussed more strongly on economic liberalisation than had previously been the case. In yesterday's debate, Commissioner Mandelson again emphasised that he shares the same fundamental position. I would not like to advocate such a fundamental position. The report contains references which I deem to be extremely important, such as emphasising the principles of 'less than full reciprocity' and 'special and differential treatment depending on the levels of development'.
All in all, however, the report puts forward the known liberalisation demands and even goes beyond them by approving, for instance, the area of investment as the subject of a chapter in the EU-Mercosur agreement. As a result of international protests, however, this has been deleted in its entirety from the Doha development round negotiations.
My group supports a fair association agreement but not the route taken to a free trade area between the European Union and Mercosur.
(FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Mr Varela's report quite rightly reminds us, and he is to be congratulated for it, that Europe and Mercosur would be well advised to strengthen their cooperation. In recent months negotiations with Mercosur have rather come to a standstill, with most of the controversial questions waiting to be sorted out at the WTO. With the recent suspension of the Doha Round, we must henceforth show an unwavering political will to relaunch these discussions.
Bilateral negotiations between regions assume a high level of economic and political integration from the two partners. Mercosur, however, seems weakened by the asymmetry of its members and by their sometimes divergent interests. Its institutions, therefore, need to be consolidated, in particular by setting up a regional parliament and a binding instrument for settling disputes. Furthermore, consideration needs to be given in view of Venezuela's membership which will give, without any doubt, a more political nature to the bloc and will alter the economic balance of power.
Since it is very much in the interest of the European Union to negotiate with a strong partner, it has to support politically and financially the emergence of Mercosur as an integrated regional bloc. This area has the authority to reinforce alongside us the multilateral structure and the economic and social model that we hope and pray for.
(ES) Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to begin by congratulating my fellow countryman, Mr Varela Suanzes-Carpegna, on his report and on his open and positive approach, which I hope will lead to a significant consensus in this House.
Mercosur has more than 230 million inhabitants, it is one of the five largest economic areas in the world and it is the largest in terms of food production.
Relations between the European Union and Mercosur have deep historical roots and shared cultural foundations. The association agreement is therefore the best formula for extending our links and stimulating exchanges between us.
I am pleased that our amendments have been incorporated into the report, stressing the democratic component of our relations, based on shared values, the parliamentary dimension and the active participation of civil society, aspects in connection with which I still believe we should be making additional efforts, as Mr Moreno Sánchez has pointed out.
I am also pleased with the inclusion of our proposals on extending fisheries and tourism relations, creating appropriate regulatory frameworks, intensifying exchanges and increasing investments - with accounting and auditing standards duly harmonised - and dealing with the obstacles to rationalisation in the public sector.
Finally, I would call upon the Commission to treat this Agreement as an objective of the highest political priority.
Mr President, I should like to thank the House for its comments. I have taken careful note of them and I will convey them to my colleague, Commissioner Mandelson, for his consideration.
For strategic and political reasons, the European Commission is totally committed to negotiating and concluding an ambitious and balanced agreement with Mercosur. Therefore, such an agreement remains a priority. Engaging in negotiations with other partners does not mean, by the way, that we are giving less priority to an agreement with Mercosur. The Treaty on Venezuela's accession has been signed by the Mercosur members. However, in order for Venezuela to be a full member, that Treaty has to be ratified by the parliaments. We, the Commission, do not foresee any major obstacles to the negotiation process as a result of the accession of Venezuela.
A lot has been said here about development. The EU is by far the biggest donor. We plan to pay out about EUR 50 million for the period between 2007 and 2013.
I believe that, for economic, cultural and political reasons, both the European Parliament and the Commission share the same view in respect of concluding an ambitious and balanced association agreement between the EU and Mercosur. It is a strategic objective.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place tomorrow at 11 a.m.


Closure of sitting
(The sitting was closed at 11.25 p.m.)