Transfers of appropriations: see Minutes


1. Guinea Bissau
The next item is the debate on six motions for a resolution on the situation in Guinea Bissau.
Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, once again, sadly, we are discussing in this House the situation of Guinea-Bissau, which is a truly painful situation. It is a country that has known chronic instability for many years and that tried to take the road towards democracy at the beginning of the 1990s. Nothing went right, there was a coup d'état and a minor civil war, and it has since been in a situation of major political and military instability, tensions and deep rivalries. Recently there has also been a very worrying presence of drug trafficking interests, which have become increasingly evident to all observers.
We strongly condemn the recent attacks: the bomb attack that killed the Chief of Staff, General Tagme Na Waie, and also the particularly barbaric, if not savage, assassination of President Nino Vieira. Regardless of their past, we express our solidarity with their families and with the people of Guinea-Bissau and we regret and strongly condemn these attacks.
We want to see a return to normality. The lesson that I have learnt and that I wanted to stress in this resolution was that impunity is not an answer. In the past, with regard to the assassination of Ansumane Mané and General Veríssimo Seabra, how could we have closed our eyes to the fact that the perpetrators were not found and brought to justice? It is clear that this is not the answer. We must therefore impress upon the government of Guinea-Bissau that those responsible must be found. The guilty parties must be brought to justice and we have to provide all the assistance that is needed.
Finally, I also want to draw attention to our concern at the presence of drug trafficking throughout the region, the risk that this also poses to the European Union and its shocking presence, which is clearly evident, in Guinea-Bissau. I also want to call for a closer relationship in this context with Cape Verde. We have established a special partnership with Cape Verde, which has very close relations with and extensive knowledge of Guinea-Bissau, but which is also very vulnerable. This is therefore also essential for our own European security. As a result, the intensification of this special partnership with Cape Verde is also very important in this context.
author. - (LT) The killings in Guinea Bissau are a major blow not just to democracy in a state impoverished by drug trafficking, but to the whole West African region. The assassination of the President and the army chief of staff pushed the country ever deeper into a quagmire of failing institutions, increasingly fragile democracy, growing corruption and personality cults. The state's inhabitants live in chaos and there is a shortage of water, medicine and schools. Drug trafficking knows no limits or borders and is becoming a threat to the entire region, even reaching European Union states.
Although until now the commanders of the armed forces have kept their promise not to interfere in the country's internal affairs, recent events may completely overwhelm what remains of democracy in Guinea Bissau. The new government must respect the constitutional order, deal with conflicts peacefully and thoroughly investigate the murders. With the assistance of the European Union's Security and Defence mission, we must reach a turning point in the country's development, offering stability and a decent life. We must hope that presidential elections will take place in a few months and that they will comply with international standards for organising elections. We call on European Union states and the entire international community to give Guinea Bissau the financial and expert assistance required to organise democratic elections. Guinea Bissau's opposing political forces should seek common ground and compromises at this difficult time for the state and urgently adopt decisions on the country's security, election procedures and public administration. We call on them to fight corruption more effectively and to consult with civil society and other organisations on internal reconciliation in the state.
Madam President, on 2 March of this year, the President of Guinea-Bissau, João Bernardo Vieira, was shot dead in an attack carried out by soldiers loyal to the army's Chief of Staff. The previous day, General Batista Tagme Na Waie, the army's Chief of Staff, died after being injured in an explosion. Both deaths are linked to the political conflict in Guinea-Bissau, which has been going on for many years and has led to tragedy and a lack of stability in the country. Although the elections held in 2008 were peaceful, an initial assassination attempt took place shortly afterwards. The President survived that attack. Guinea-Bissau, a former Portuguese colony, is one of the poorest countries in the world. At the same time, a cocaine-smuggling route passes through the country.
We condemn attempts to resolve conflicts by means of a coup d'etat; we call for presidential elections to be held in Guinea-Bissau within two months; and we call for these elections to meet democratic standards and for constitutional order to be restored.
When the political situation in Guinea-Bissau is analysed, we should not forget that the people of this young African country were the victims of Portuguese colonialism, against which they in fact fought a very courageous struggle. With regard to what is happening there, which we regret, in particular the assassinations of the President and the Chief of Staff, we cannot forget that this is the result of all the difficulties and all the divisions that have existed for years, and that still exist, and that stem from its colonial past. We should also bear in mind that it is still one of the poorest countries in Africa, which means that the European Union must pay greater attention to cooperation in the areas of public health and education, in order to improve the living conditions of its population and overcome the difficulties that a large part of the Guinea-Bissau population still has to face, particularly women, mothers and children.
It is vital that the European Union reinforces its sympathetic support of these people. We also need to support education, the safe supply of drinking water and, in some cases, even agricultural production to ensure that the whole population has access to food. However, this support must be provided without external interference and with full respect for the sovereignty and choices of the people.
author. - Madam President, this poverty-stricken ex-colony has suffered decades of political instability and crisis, resulting in profound and prolonged suffering for its citizens.
Its transition to democratic rule and better times for its people appeared a promising prospect after the 2008 legislative elections were carried out in an apparently fair and peaceful manner. However, the dark clouds of divisive hate and violence appeared again over the country after the shooting of President Vieira by renegade soldiers on 2 March, the day after the killing of the chief of the army. We condemn both those murders, and we can only hope that the rival parties in Guinea-Bissau will find the necessary will and power to resolve their disputes through dialogue at the negotiating table for the sake of their citizens' well-being. In addition, as Guinea-Bissau has in recent years evolved into an important drug-trafficking country, we urge not only the country's authorities but also the international community to do their utmost in fighting effectively this deadly curse.
author. - (FR) Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance strongly condemns the assassination of the President of Guinea-Bissau, João Bernardo Vieira, and the head of the armed forces, General Tagme Na Waie, on 1 and 2 March 2009.
We demand that a full investigation be carried out and that the perpetrators be prosecuted, and similarly for the killers of Generals Mané and Correia, killed in 2000 and 2004, who remain unidentified to this day.
As one of the poorest of the poor and noted for its low life expectancy, Guinea-Bissau is today faced with drug trafficking. As a bridgehead for the South American drug smugglers, Guinea-Bissau has become a country of transit for drugs which are destined for Europe, where we represent the biggest consumer. We also know only too well that this is affecting the entire sub-region as, in Mauritania, for example, large quantities of drugs have been discovered, even at the airport.
The European Union must help this country to turn its back on this trade by fighting it both here and there and by a return to development based on that country's own resources.
While the last elections were welcomed by the international community and the European Union has shown its support for the process of learning about and installing democracy in Guinea-Bissau, the events this country has just lived through can only reinforce this position of aid and assistance.
The army too, which did not intervene in the electoral process, must also continue with its strict observation of the constitutional order, as it has promised.
While the neighbouring West African countries have, after years of problems and chaos, rediscovered the road to democracy, respect for the institutions and human rights, Guinea-Bissau must not fall into the trap of reprehensible practices. The European Union must be present and use its influence and its example to help this country to stay on the road to democracy.
on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - Madam President, in addition to what has already been said today on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, I would like to comment on two issues.
Firstly, the assassinations of the President of Guinea-Bissau, João Bernardo Vieira, and the chief of the armed forces, General Tagme Na Waie, should be thoroughly investigated and those responsible should be brought to justice.
Secondly, in our resolution today, we express our hope that the presidential elections in the country will be held within 60 days. We should today call upon EU Member States and the international community to make sure that Guinea-Bissau receives the financial and technical support which is needed to conduct credible elections.
on behalf of the UEN Group. - (PL) Madam President, it is very easy for destabilisation, which has tragic consequences, to occur in poor African countries, such as Guinea-Bissau. The assassinations of President João Bernardo Vieira and General Tagme Na Waie, the head of the armed forces, in March of this year, were certainly part of an attempt to destabilise the country, probably instigated by the drugs mafia. The lack of an effective security force in this country has meant that various kinds of homicide go virtually unpunished. We need to provide all the vital assistance that the government of this country needs, and this is an issue which the resolution addresses.
In addition to this, and in order to prevent these kinds of incidents, we need to declare a ruthless war on the drugs trade, which is a destabilising force in many poor countries in Africa, Asia and South America, supports terrorism and, through drug addiction, destroys the lives of hundreds of millions of people throughout the world. If we cannot overcome this problem, we will pay an increasingly high price for our helplessness.
Member of the Commission. - Madam President, let me first of all, on behalf of the European Commission, say that we deeply regret the assassination of His Excellency the President of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, João Bernardo Vieira. We condemn this assassination in the strongest possible terms and also the attacks that resulted in the deaths of the Chief of Staff of the armed forces, General Batista Tagme Na Waie and other soldiers. I would like also to send condolences to their families.
The presence of drug-dealers and so much crime are more than worrying today. Under the eighth EDF and other instruments, but in addition by contributing to EUR 2 million to the UN ODC, the Commission has signed up to a very ambitious plan in the counter narcotics field. We think this is really very important, as has been shown by what has happened.
We urgently call for calm and restraint, and urge the national authorities of Guinea-Bissau to fully investigate these events and bring to justice those responsible. There should be no impunity. Unfortunately, these violent acts follow the successful legislative elections, which paved the way for enhanced EU and international support for the country's peace-building efforts. These attacks also come at a time of increased international engagement, intended to build a democratic and a stable Guinea-Bissau.
Under these extremely difficult circumstances, the Commission remains fully committed to continuing its strong support to the national authorities, aiming to bring back stability but also to sustain development. I am thinking of education, the poorest of the poor, the necessity for basic needs and basic services, and also of economic growth in the country. We are now starting to deploy the wide range of instruments at our disposal, thus aiming to help Guinea-Bissau achieve sustainable peace and, hopefully, consolidate its democratic process.
An ambitious country strategy paper for an amount of EUR 100 million, covering the period 2008-2013, was approved last year. This will focus on security sector reform - including the fight against drugs that I mentioned earlier - and the enhancement of the national sovereign institutions.
Last year the Council also decided to establish an EU mission supporting security sector reform in the framework of the European security and defence policy. The forthcoming presidential elections - now expected 60 days after the nomination of the new President - will probably take place even before the summer break. Taking into account this extremely tight schedule, the feasibility of the deployment of the electoral observation mission is being carefully considered by the Commission. Nevertheless, the provision of post-electoral assistance to support the required reforms to the electoral framework, following the recommendations formulated by the EU-UN 2008, and the support given to observation of the forthcoming elections by regional organisations remain, among other things, our key priorities.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place at the end of the debates.


Composition of committees and delegations: see Minutes


24th Annual Report from the Commission on monitoring the application of Community law (short presentation)
The next item is a brief presentation of the report by Mrs Geringer de Oedenberg, on behalf of the Committee on Legal Affairs, on the 24th Annual Report from the Commission on monitoring the application of Community law
rapporteur. - (PL) Mr President, the effectiveness of European Union policies largely depends on their implementation at national, regional and local level. Member States' compliance with Community law must therefore be strictly monitored. As rapporteur for Parliament's 24th Annual Report on this subject, I can say that there has been a slight drop in the number of cases of infringement proceedings initiated by the Commission. Nonetheless, the number of cases continues to exceed 2,500.
A 16% reduction of the number of proceedings relating to failures to comply with the obligation to inform the Commission about transposition proceedings in the enlarged Union of 25 Member States should also be mentioned. This indicates better discipline by Member States where notification is concerned. As in previous years, the vast majority of the charges concerned inappropriate operation of the single market, notably implementation of the principle of free movement of people, goods and services. Many charges also concerned violation of the rights derived from citizenship of the European Union, that guarantee the principle of equal rights and opportunities for all citizens. On 5 September 2007 the Commission proposed amending the working methods used to date. The proposal aimed to ensure more effective management of proceedings, and received the support of the majority of Members of this House. Concern has been expressed, however, that the new procedure may result in the Commission losing institutional responsibility as guardian of the Treaties, as it provides for referring charges received by the Commission back to the Member State responsible in primis for incorrect implementation of Community legislation. It is therefore essential for the Commission to submit to Parliament the initial report on the results obtained in the first six months of the pilot project that began on 15 April of this year, and involved 15 Member States. The Commission is often the highest institution to which citizens may refer cases of inappropriate implementation of the law. The Commission should therefore also keep a record of all correspondence that could be deemed to contain information on cases of infringement of Community legislation.
With regard to ongoing infringement procedure, the main problem continues to be the unduly long time taken to consider complaints. The average is 20.5 months, which is excessive. The Commission should make every effort to shorten the lengthy procedures and to find practical solutions. The latter could include recourse to systems such SOLVIT, which is still not being sufficiently promoted. The substantial increase in cases of infringement resulting from failure to comply with the rulings of the European Court of Justice recorded in 2006. The fact that cooperation between national courts and the Court of Justice is often inadequate is a contributory factor. In addition, the preliminary question mechanism based on Article 234 of the Treaty is not used. This is because there is still insufficient knowledge of Community law at the level of certain Member States.
Turning to interinstitutional cooperation, the agreements on monitoring implementation of Community legislation and close cooperation between the Council, the Commission and the European Ombudsman, together with the relevant committees of this House, should set the standard for ensuring effective intervention in all cases where the plaintiff submits a justified complaint concerning infringement of Community legislation. The high number of complaints inappropriately lodged has remained high over the years. Some complaints are wrongly lodged with the Committee on Petitions, and others fall outside the competence of the institutions. Such complaints represent as much as 75% of the total complaints received by the Ombudsman in 2006. There is therefore an urgent need to make a greater effort to improve information available to the citizens, providing better guidance to plaintiffs, so that they can approach the body best able to deal with their individual cases at either national or European level. The citizens' complaints are an invaluable indicator of their most urgent needs. The Commission should be guided by this information as it undertakes legislative initiatives.
In the context of the analysis of implementation of Community law in 2006 I would call especially on those Member States who could benefit most from structural funding within the framework of the 2007-2013 Financial Framework to adjust their national law to European law swiftly and appropriately. I have in mind in particular the area of environmental protection, so that effective use is made of available structural resources and the social and economic development of the regions accelerated.
Finally, I should like to express my regret that the Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats, Members of the Committee on Legal Affairs were instrumental in the removal of important provisions from my report. These provisions concerned equal treatment of women and men regarding access to employment, education, promotion and social insurance. Equal treatment is still not the rule in many Member States, in clear contradiction to the principle of equality that should be a priority for us all.
Member of the Commission. - Mr President, the Commission greatly welcomes the general support from Parliament for the Commission's approach set out in its 2007 Communication 'A Europe of results: Applying Community law' and thanks Mrs Geringer for her informative report.
The Commission attributes high importance to the correct application of Community law. It figures in the priorities of the Barroso Commission and the Commission is vigilant in exercising its role as guardian of the Treaty. This is why the Commission has made a major effort to improve its working methods for the benefit of citizens and businesses, as explained in the 2007 Communication.
These improvements include the introduction this year of more frequent decision-taking on infringement cases to avoid delays in the advancement of cases, and the introduction of the EU pilot project in April this year. Within 15 Member States this pilot project will test an improved method for problem solving and information provision to ensure quicker and better results for citizens and businesses. Up-to-date factual information on the functioning of this EU pilot project will be sent to the rapporteur, but a full report will only be possible, as already promised, after one year, when sufficient experience will have been obtained for first conclusions to be drawn. We are also testing the use of officials in some representation offices in Member States to follow up on questions relating to the application of Community law to see how this might improve efficiency. This reflects the reality that all questions concerning the application of Community law involve actions taken by Member States. This work, therefore, requires the Commission to work closely with Member State authorities to try to find correct and quick solutions. A common interinstitutional understanding can also play a significant role in this important part of the better regulation agenda.
It is in this context that I have offered to coordinate with the rapporteur future reviews of the application of the acquis in different areas to ensure up-to-date information. We are working to introduce the initiatives announced in the 2007 Communication on increased transparency. We are finalising this year's annual report in the form of a strategic evaluation of the current position, prioritisation of issues and a programme of actions in order to feed interinstitutional discussion.
In closing, I would like to mention that Mrs Geringer's report also supports common contact points to guide citizens. I can confirm that the Commission is already working to this end. We will come forward with our evaluation and suggestions as soon as possible.
You attach particular importance, Mrs Geringer, to monitoring of the implementation of the directives on equal treatment. I can reassure you that a full assessment has been made of Member State transposition. Over 40 infringement proceedings have been launched which are being actively pursued with a view to early results.
That concludes the item.
The vote will take place on Tuesday.


2. Russia
The next item is the debate on five motions for a resolution on the arrest of demonstrators following the presidential election in Russia.
author. - (DE) Mr President, in the run-up to drafting this resolution, some of us were accused of being enemies or opponents of Russia. We are just the opposite! We are friends of Russia, we are concerned about democracy and the rule of law in this important European country. We protest vehemently against the imprisonment of opposition activists who did no more than draw attention to a fact that has been noted by all international institutions, namely that the presidential elections in Russia were extremely unfair.
We call for the immediate release of the opposition activists and of others who have been held in prisons and work camps for a long time, like the so-called Yukos prisoners Khodorkovsky and Lebedev, and I support Chancellor Merkel's call for the two men finally to be released.
We must, however, be quite clear about one thing. The newly elected President of Russia has the unique opportunity to make a new beginning, to move towards democracy and the rule of law and towards a less nationalistic and aggressive foreign policy. That means, however, that he will have to extricate himself from the coils of Gazprom and free himself from the Putin system; sadly, there is not the least indication of that.
That is why it is our duty to voice honest criticisms. It is not those who, like former German Chancellor Schröder, sing the praises of the Putin system and allow themselves to become involved in the propaganda and in the economic and nationalistic interests of that system, who are Russia's friends; no, Russia's friends support the human and civil rights of the Russian people, who have a chance of democratic development.
If we remain silent, the small seeds of democracy and the rule of law that President Yeltsin sowed and that President Putin has endangered will finally be suffocated, and that cannot be in the interest of Europe or in the interest of the Russian people.
(Applause)
author. - Mr President, I am talking in a personal capacity on this matter.
In recent years significant changes have been occurring in Russia, from Stalinist Communism to the beginnings of liberal capitalism; from the nuclear threat of the Cold War to the initiation of friendly disarmament and military cooperation talks with the West. At the same time, more democratic reforms in the country have been instituted and the standard of living of the Russian people has been increasing steadily.
We welcome these changes and must support them. We do not always have to be critical of the bad things; we sometimes have to condone and support the good things. In this way, we will not only be objective but we will encourage changes for the better to a faster and greater extent.
With these thoughts in mind, and looking at the recent presidential elections in Russia, we have to say that these were held in a more democratic fashion than previously, although there was still the problem of unequal access of candidates to the media. But, let us be honest, is this a problem we do not have ourselves in the EU Member States? Unfortunately, we do.
Following the elections, there were protests in the streets. It was reported that some of these protests were met with disproportionate force by the Russian police. Can we honestly say that our own police forces in EU Member States or candidate member states are angels and do not sometimes - more often than we would like - use disproportionate force?
Yes, we condemn the unfair treatment of candidates by the Russian state-run media; yes, we condemn the undue use of force by the Russian police against protesters, but we do so in exactly the same way and with the same spirit as we would when dealing with similar happenings in any other country or union of countries, including our own.
Mr President, I have to disappoint you. I am not the author of this resolution and my group did not co-sign the resolution. The reason why my group did not do so is not to avoid having a discussion today. It is not because we think that we do not need to discuss these matters and not because we think there are no problems in Russia, nor is it because we think we do not need to address the implications of the Russian presidential elections, but rather it is because we strongly believe that, when we are dealing with Russia - a world player, a member of the UN Security Council and one of the major partners of the EU - we need an extensive and well-prepared plenary debate to take place.
Russia is not only a close neighbour for us, it is also a strategic partner. We want to have a broad debate on our relationship where all significant issues will be addressed, from trade to investment - which is booming - and energy, democracy, and also human rights.
There are many different opinions on Russia, but I think everybody agrees that Russia is a key partner for us in tackling regional conflicts and global challenges, and that much remains to be done to develop the full potential of our relationship. We need to be able to have an extensive exchange of views in this House, but also with the Commission and Council, on how to formulate a pragmatic approach cooperating in issues where we can, and disagreeing on issues where we cannot cooperate.
It is more than obvious that it is not possible or appropriate to deal with this significant and important issue in a time slot of 20 minutes on a Thursday afternoon, and this is the reason why my group cannot support the draft resolution and the reason why my group will abstain in the vote later on.
author. - (PL) Mr President, there has been another election in Russia, and once again many candidates were eliminated before the vote. Once again opposition activists protesting against the result of the election were forcibly dispersed. And once again the West is surprised, on three accounts. First, that in Russia civil rights are not respected. Second, why persecute the opposition since it is so weak anyway? Third, why do so if the public supports every government decision on principle?
We must realise that nobody who treats Russia and the Russians like a normal society and a normal civilised western state can understand that country. The Russian mentality is completely different, as those who have always been Russia's neighbours, like many Central and Eastern European nations, can testify. We know full well that Russian society always supports the government and the authorities - elections or no elections. That is how it always was in Russia, and that is how it is and will be.
Of course, I entirely agree with Mr Posselt that true friends of Russia must do everything possible to change that state of affairs. But in my opinion there is nothing to be surprised about.
on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - Mr President, the Russian Federation is a country with which we desperately want to conclude strategic partnerships. If not democracy, then rule of law is the key point here.
27 February: an activist of The Other Russia coalition was released from a mental hospital in the Russian city of Tver. Roman Nikolaychik was a victim of punitive psychiatry. Political pressure increased on him after he was chosen as a local candidate on the party list of The Other Russia coalition. Larisa Arap was held for 46 days after she published a critical article in the Murmansk Oblast. Artem Basyrov was hospitalised for over a month in the Mari-El Republic for supporting The Other Russia.
1 March: an open letter to the Federal Security Service of Russia. 'We, journalists and colleagues of Natalya Morar, a correspondent of The New Times magazine, demand that the leadership of the FSB ceases her anti-constitutional detention in the customs area of the Domodedovo airport, and opens the Russian border for her.'
4 March: thousands marched in Moscow and in the streets of St Petersburg. In Moscow, where authorities refused to grant a permit of assembly, dozens were arrested as police rushed the crowd with batons. Nikita Belykh, the leader of the Union of Right Forces Party, was carried off by camouflaged OMON Special Forces troops. Lev Ponomarev, the chairman of the For Human Rights movement, and Denis Bulinov, the executive director of the United Civil Front, were also among those arrested.
7 March: journalists silenced during Russian vote. In South Sakhalin, an army lieutenant attacked a reporter of the Yuzhno Sakhalinsk Tvoya Gazeta. In Novosibirsk, photographer Yevgeny Ivanov was accused of 'resisting the authorities' and 'failing to register'. In St Petersburg, a reporter of Grazhdansky Golos was detained by the militsiya for 'being in a polling station without authorisation'. Her newspaper is run by Golos, an independent electoral monitoring group. A reporter of Vpered (Forward), a local daily from Khimki in the Moscow Oblast, was attacked by militsiya officers when he tried to put in his ballot.
This is the rule of law?
on behalf of the PSE Group. - (PL) Mr President, the EU's agreements with Russia concern not only increased cooperation in the economic, security and energy spheres but also respect for the rule of law, democracy and fundamental human rights.
Despite this, in the run-up to the election, opposition groups and non-governmental organisations were subjected to much tighter rules on the right of assembly and peaceful demonstration. What is more, the main daily newspapers and radio and television stations were placed under close government control. The march organised by opposition parties on 3 May at first did not receive the approval of the Moscow authorities and then ended with the arrest of the participants, including the leaders of the opposition. Regrettably, the recent election showed that democracy and respect for the rule of law are not strong in Russia. I refer not only to the use of disproportional force by the police during the demonstration but also to the hostile attitude to the OSCE observation mission.
The international community is entitled to expect from Russia's new president more than an assurance that democracy will continue to be built in the world's largest country, namely concrete measures such as a review of the situation of political activists who have been in prison for years.
on behalf of the UEN Group. - (PL) Mr President, neither the Russian presidential election campaign nor the election itself complied with the rules of democracy. During the announcement of candidacies there was not even an attempt to keep up appearances. The media were under constant pressure not to publish information critical of the candidate backed by the president-in-office. The opposition's access to the media was blocked, and observation of the conduct of the election was impeded.
That is difficult to accept, especially in view of Russia's membership of the Council of Europe and the Russian authorities' earlier declarations on respect for human rights. I must admit that such declarations are credible only to people who do not know Russia. The infringement of democratic principles during the election was followed by protests, brutal repression of a demonstration and the arrest of demonstrators. Russia has decidedly departed from democratic standards. We call for the rapid release of all prisoners of conscience.
on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. - (CS) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I am happy to see that the issue of developments in Russia has found its way into the debates in plenary.
There is no doubt that good mutual relations with the Russian Federation are a precondition for a strong European Union in the future. I very much regret that the elections in Russia did not take place without any interference from the authorities. On the other hand what we are lacking, like so many times before, is a simple demonstration of basic respect, on our part, for the work that has been carried out and for the culture of the nation and the country we are discussing today.
Without a shadow of a doubt Russia is still a long way from reaching the level of social justice and quality of life that we would like to see all over the world. It has difficulty coping with its demographic crisis. On the other hand, for the first time in Russian history the highest country's representative is leaving the Kremlin voluntarily and his successor has been chosen by the people. There is no doubt that political technologies, tools and management methods, including voting procedures, have been tuned to perfection in Russia. These technologies, however, have been imported from the West.
I want to ask those who today cry over the plight of democracy in Russia whether they are also upset about the European Parliament's somewhat cowardly refusal to ask how Mr Solana handles international law?
on behalf of the IND/DEM Group. - (PL) Mr President, the subject of today's debate is the infringement of human rights in Russia with regard to people protesting against the lack of democracy, especially during the recent presidential election. Not only was force used against demonstrators, as well as arrests, but the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe had to call off its observation mission because of the excessive restrictions imposed by the Russian Government. The Russian authorities exerted pressure on opposition groups, tolerated electoral fraud and subjugated the media. Non-governmental organisations were prevented from acting and restrictions were placed on the organisation of meetings.
We obviously cannot accept the lack of respect for human rights and democracy, the lack of free speech, the discrimination against national minorities and the restrictions on independent organisations. We must however bear in mind that Russia does not have democratic traditions. The short period of democratisation that begin in 1864 ended in 1917 with the establishment of Soviet Russia, a typical totalitarian state, led first by Lenin and Stalin and then by their disciples, that was the very negation of democracy.
The situation in Russia should serve as a warning to other empires and totalitarian states that are afraid of the democratic process even when the opposition is a minority and threatens only to reveal the truth, which they want to conceal at all costs.
(NL) Just two points. I have no problem at all in supporting this resolution. But of course we all know that Russia is too important a supplier of energy and so the European heads of state and government will put this piece of paper quietly to one side.
We know from experience that once economic interests are at stake, whether in China, Russia or Saudi Arabia, the passion for human rights of all these authors of fundamental rights charters must yield to Realpolitik. So let us be under no illusions.
Secondly, ladies and gentlemen, replace 'Russia' in this resolution with 'Belgium' and the text remains every bit as relevant. Because it is not so long ago that in Belgium too, police were incited to beat up peaceful demonstrators on orders from the mayor of Brussels. In Belgium too, the opposition is to a large extent denied access to the media. In Belgium too, politically appointed judges banned an opposition party at the request of the government, at the request too of the party of which the Commissioner, here with us today, is a member. And the judges in question were promoted as a result. Let's see Europe clean up its own act first and deal with these sham democrats.
Mr President, Russia is a great country, a global player, a member of the UN Security Council and a strategic partner of the European Union.
Firstly, I would like to appeal for a serious, calm and objective debate in the European Parliament on the plight of Russian democracy and on human rights in that country.
The reality is that Russia made it difficult for international actors to monitor the last parliamentary election. The European Court of Human Rights has ruled against Russia in 15 cases related to Chechnya to date. Torture and illegal detention by government forces under the leadership of the Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov remain widespread and systematic. In the period leading up to the elections the Russian authorities tightened their grip on freedom of assembly and used excessive force to break up peaceful demonstrations. The Russian laws relating to non-governmental organisations are particularly restrictive.
It is not possible to hold a proper debate on all these issues this afternoon. Once again, I would like to appeal for a serious plenary debate on the plight of democracy and human rights in Russia.
(PL) Mr President, as it turns out, the democratic changes in Russia are not being accompanied by an improvement in fundamental civil rights, especially the rights of the opposition. People in Russia have learned to think proudly but live in miserable servitude. The authorities will not pay too much attention to us, whatever we say, but the Russian people should be made aware of Europe's position. This is perhaps a long and slow process of contributing to the gradual realisation that, in Russia too, things can be different, more normal, and people happier, since the country has that potential. We must support that consciousness-raising process.
(SK) I agree with the previous speakers that good neighbourly relations between the European Union and Russia are crucial for the stability, safety and prosperity of Europe as a whole.
On the one hand, the European Union must endeavour to step up cooperation with Russia, notably on political, security, economic and, above all, energy issues. On the other hand, we must not remain silent about the breaches of democracy and political freedom in Russia. We have to express our dissatisfaction in cases where we are given advanced notice of a breach of democracy, as happened in the case of disqualification of presidential candidate Mr Mikhail Kasyanov.
I trust that the newly elected Russian President, Dmitry Medvedev, will respect the rule of law and democracy and create the conditions for an early start to the negotiations on the new Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and Russia.
(PL) Mr President, I would like to add one more thing to the list of abuses in this election, which made it not really an election at all since there was nobody to choose between. I refer to the fact that a number of candidates could not afford to enter the lists because of financial difficulties affecting their parties.
Why financial difficulties? Because, in the preceding election to the Duma, political broadcasts made under an entitlement to free air time have to be paid for if the party fails to cross a certain poll threshold. As a result, some parties are in debt and cannot afford any political activity. Worse still, they risk being declared illegal on the grounds of bankruptcy. This bizarre situation must also be borne in mind.
Member of the Commission. - (FR) Mr President, I should like to begin with a brief personal comment. I heard the contribution from Mr Dillen, representing a Belgian party of the far right, who indulged in a quite disgraceful comparison between circumstances in Belgium and those in Russia. Obviously I am bound to refute his assertions. I recognise in them the familiar methods to which his party habitually resorts and which merely amount to a form of insult. Let me state very clearly that such methods reflect no credit on those who employ them.
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the Commission is closely following developments in the wake of the demonstrations in Moscow and St Petersburg on 3 March: we are doing so not only via our delegation in Moscow but also through direct contacts with Member States. In addition, we liaise regularly with Russian and international NGOs working in the field of human rights. The Commission shares your concern about the apparent deterioration of the human rights situation in Russia and the incidence of reported human rights violations, particularly with regard to freedom of assembly and freedom of expression. We were extremely disappointed when the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights was forced to conclude that it was not feasible to send an election observation mission. In its bilateral contacts with Russia, including at the highest level, the European Union regularly underscores the importance of respecting human rights.
In a month's time, we shall have one of our two annual consultations with Russia on the subject of human rights. These consultations give us an opportunity to explore general trends in human rights in greater depth and to hear the Russian point of view on individual cases. In the forthcoming consultation we will convey our concerns, particularly about the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, the problems posed by the rise of racism and xenophobia, and cooperation with Russia in international organisations such as the OSCE and the Council of Europe. The consultations also enable us to raise the cases of individuals. Before and after this consultation, we will meet a group representing Russian and international NGOs which work for human rights. Such meetings put the European Union in touch with the concerns of human rights activists and enable us to exchange views directly.
Looking somewhat further ahead, we should soon be in a position to embark on negotiations on a new agreement between the European Union and the Russian Federation. It will be a comprehensive agreement, embracing the growing number of policy areas in which we cooperate. As the European Union statement following the Russian presidential election pointed out, we have a common interest in furthering our ties and we hope that our partnership will be consolidated and developed constructively under the presidency of Dmitri Medvedev. We will take care, when negotiating the new agreement, to ensure that it reflects the values to which both sides have committed themselves: a thriving civil society and independent media are the natural and necessary allies of growth and stability in Russia. We have learned this from our own experience in the European Union and it is a message that we shall doggedly continue - as neighbours and partners - to convey to our Russian friends both on a day-to-day basis and in discussions about the shape of our future relations. I know already that the European Parliament will lend us its unstinting support in these efforts.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place at the end of the debate.
Written statements (Rule 142)
in writing. - (PL) Mr President, I am always amazed at people who make high demands on American democracy but often have very low expectations of Russia. That is humiliating for Russia and the Russians. From the great and powerful one should expect more, not less. Those who condemn the methods applied in Guantanamo and the fight against terrorism, who look for the footprints of the CIA and CIA conspiracies in Europe, ought perhaps to scrutinise Russia more thoroughly. But such people, and the politicians who share their philosophy, do not want to hear about human and civil rights in Russia. On the contrary, they find all sorts of reasons and excuses for not discussing the problems of Russian democracy.
We cannot be content with Russia's imagined achievements, such as the fact that President Putin did not breach the Russian constitution and left office of his own accord. That is no achievement, it is a minimum rule of conduct. I am reminded of a joke about Stalin's benevolence. A child comes out of Stalin's office, bleeding but smiling. 'What are you smiling about?' someone asks. 'I'm smiling because Stalin was so good to me.' 'What do you mean, good?' the questioner replies. 'He beat you didn't he?' 'Yes,' says the child, 'but he could have killed me.'
in writing. - (ET) Mr President, I would just like to say that I do not, unfortunately, support my Group's position of abstaining in the vote on the resolution on Russia.
We will indeed need a resolution when the President-elect, Mr Medvedev, is in office; it remains to be seen what his first steps will be and the role that Vladimir Putin will give himself under the new President.
I am also of the view that given the present situation, in which democratically-minded candidates were not allowed to participate in the elections or express their views on the situation in the street with people after the elections, it is important to express my own view. Otherwise, we will end up in the same situation as the Council of Europe, which has further postponed its own report on Russia until a more appropriate moment.
Although I shall be voting, and will be doing so in favour of the resolution, the text is not perhaps exactly as I would like it to be. I believe that as a democratic institution it is our duty to take a principled and courageous stand in expressing our opinions on an important issue such as this concerning free elections.


11. Specific tasks for the European Central Bank concerning the functioning of the European Systemic Risk Board (
Before the final vote:
rapporteur. - Madam President, I also suggest postponing the vote on the draft legislative resolution. Yesterday afternoon, in the debate on the legislative package, no member of the Council was present in this Parliament.


52. EU - Canada summit (